285

A Critical Analysis ofthe Interrelation between Indigenous Livelihoods

and Sustainable Forest Management -Integrating Gender Aspects

Case of the Sangha Trinational Conservation Area

Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements ofthe degree Doctor rer. nat. of the

Faculty of Forest and Environmental Sciences,Albert-Ludwigs-Universität

Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany

by

Victorine S. Che

Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany2008

286

Dekan: Prof. Dr. H. RennenbergFirst Supervisor: Prof. Dr. S. LewarkSecond Supervisor: Prof. Dr. M. Shannon

287

This thesis is dedicated to

my beloved husband Thilo Thöner

who has steadfastly supported me in my work.

To my parents Che Joseph and Ngum Susan Che,

my parents-in-law Herbert and Waltraut Thöner,

my sisters Mercy and Lilian,

my brother-in-law Marco,

my niece Abi and Nephew Ngwa Junior.

288

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I want to thank my supervisors Prof. Lewark and Prof. Shannon who always gave me the

necessary time to develop my own ideas and provided me with guidance when appropriatethrough constructive criticisms. I also want to thank them for their dedication and support in

helping me to secure the finances necessary for this study, without which I would not have

been able to complete my thesis.

The Landesgraduiertenförderung Badenwürttemberg funded this study, whose contributions

I gratefully acknowledge. Special thanks also go to the Wissenschaftliche GesellschaftFreiburg, for taking over the travel costs to the research area.

Thanks also to the conservation projects – GTZ, PROGEPP, WWF and the Dzanga-SanghaProject working in the research area, for readily incorporating my PhD project into their

working plan. I am also grateful for the efforts made to provide me with accommodation

and to make my stay in the area a successful one. My sincere thanks go to the field assistantsfrom the various projects who accompanied me to the villages, for their dedication in helping

me during our stay in the villages.

Although too numerous to provide a list of all names here, I wish to extend my appreciation

to the local population in Yenga, Nguilili, Lindjombo, Kounda Papaye, Ngatongo and Ikelemba,

who devoted their time to the research team and warmly accepted me into their communities,thus helping to make the study a success.

My profound gratitude is due to my dear husband for his love, patience and encouragementand most especially for believing in me. You are my hero. Many thanks also go to my parents

and parents-in-law, sisters, brother-in-law, niece, nephew and all the relatives and friends

who have contributed through their moral, spiritual and financial support during my study.

TO GOD BE THE GLORY !

289

CONTENTS1. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................11.1 Problem Statement ..........................................................................................11.2 Research Objective..........................................................................................71.3 Research Question ..........................................................................................81.4 Organisation of the Thesis .............................................................................10

2. LITERATURE REVIEW OF CONCEPTS AND METHODS .....................................122.1 Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) .........................................................122.1.1 What is SFM? ................................................................................................122.1.2 Criteria and Indicators of SFM .......................................................................152.2 The Sustainable Livelihoods Concept ............................................................192.3 Feminist Theory .............................................................................................252.3.1 Understanding Feminism and its Ideals ..........................................................252.3.2 Woman is not our Brother - Silencing of Women and their Work .....................262.3.3 Forms of Feminism ........................................................................................282.3.4 Feminist Methodology, Epistemology and Method..........................................302.4 Gender Theory ...............................................................................................342.4.1 Gender Analysis .............................................................................................352.4.2 Gender Mainstreaming ..................................................................................38

3. RESEARCH DESIGN, METHODOLOGY AND METHODS ....................................403.1 Research Design ...........................................................................................403.1.1 Kinds of Forest Management in the Research Area........................................403.1.2 Research Concepts .......................................................................................423.2 Research Methodology ..................................................................................453.2.1 Research Participants ...................................................................................493.2.2 Selection of Research Communities ..............................................................493.2.3 Overview Field Research ...............................................................................513.3 Research Methods .........................................................................................543.3.1 Case Study ....................................................................................................543.3.2 Data Collection ..............................................................................................553.3.2.1 Qualitative Methods .......................................................................................573.3.2.1.1 Participatory Mapping ....................................................................................583.3.2.1.2 Participant and Field Observation/Anthropological Research .........................593.3.2.1.3 Open-ended Interviews - Group Discussions, Key Informants and...................603.3.2.2 Quantitative Methods .....................................................................................663.3.2.2.1 Ranking .........................................................................................................663.3.2.2.2 Structured and Semi-structured Questionnaires - Household Survey ...............673.4 Does it matter who carries out Research? ......................................................703.5 Data Analysis .................................................................................................713.5.1 Qualitative Data .............................................................................................723.5.2 Quantitative Data ...........................................................................................72

i

290

4. RESEARCH AREA - THE SANGHA TRINATIONAL CONSERVATION AREA......744.1 Location.........................................................................................................744.2 Biophysical Aspects and Vegetation ..............................................................764.2.1 Geology and Soils..........................................................................................764.2.2 Climate ..........................................................................................................764.2.3 Relief and Hydrology ......................................................................................764.2.4 Fauna and Flora ............................................................................................774.3. Local Communities and Socio-Economic Activities ........................................774.3.1 Local Communities ........................................................................................774.3.2. Socio-Economic Life .....................................................................................794.4 Types and Severity of Threats in the Research Area .......................................804.5 Legal Framework relating to Forest Use by Local Forest People ...................834.5.1 Usage Rights .................................................................................................834.5.2 Status of Protected Areas ..............................................................................834.5.3 Hunting Regulations .......................................................................................844.6 Villages selected for Research.......................................................................864.6.1 Case Study Villages .......................................................................................864.6.1.1 Cameroon .....................................................................................................884.6.1.1.1 Yenga ............................................................................................................884.6.1.1.2 Nguilili ............................................................................................................904.6.1.2 Central African Republic .................................................................................924.6.1.2.1 Lindjombo......................................................................................................924.6.1.2.2 Kounda Papaye .............................................................................................944.6.1.3 Congo ...........................................................................................................964.6.1.3.1 Ngatongo .......................................................................................................964.6.1.3.2 Ikelemba ........................................................................................................984.6.2 Bantu versus Baaka .....................................................................................1014.6.2.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................1014.6.2.2 Social and Administrative Organisation ........................................................1024.6.2.3 Religious Life ...............................................................................................1044.6.2.4 Co-existence between Baaka and Bantu......................................................105

5. SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOOD ANALYSIS OF THE RESEARCH COMMUNITIES1075.1 Vulnerability Context .....................................................................................1075.1.1 Shocks ........................................................................................................1075.1.2 Trends .........................................................................................................1085.1.3 Seasonality ..................................................................................................1095.2 Capital Assets ............................................................................................. 1105.2.1 Human Capital ............................................................................................. 1105.2.2 Social Capital .............................................................................................. 1155.2.3 Natural Capital ............................................................................................. 1175.2.4 Physical Capital ........................................................................................... 119

ii

291

5.2.4.1 Infrastructure ................................................................................................ 1195.2.5 Financial Capital ..........................................................................................1205.3 Transforming Structures and Processes .......................................................1215.3.1 Processes/Policies and Institutions

that influence the Livelihoods of the Local Communities ..............................1215.3.1.1 Processes/Policies that affect Local People ................................................1215.3.1.2 Institutions that affect the Livelihoods of the Local People .............................1225.4 Livelihood Strategies ...................................................................................1325.5 Livelihood Outcomes ...................................................................................134

6. GENDERED FOREST USE IN THE RESEARCH AREA......................................1366.1 Hunting, Gathering and Fishing ....................................................................1366.1.1 Hunting ........................................................................................................1366.1.1.1 Cephalophus callipygus or Peter’s duiker ...................................................1406.1.1.2 Cephalophus monticola or Blue duiker........................................................1436.1.2 Gathering .....................................................................................................1466.1.2.1 Gnetum africanum and Gnetum buchholzianum or Koko............................1486.1.2.2 Irvingia gabonensis and Irvingia wombolu (exelsa) or Bush Mango.............1546.1.3 Fishing.........................................................................................................1596.1.3.1 Nematopalaemon hastatus - Crayfish .........................................................1616.1.3.2 Clarias spp - Catfish ....................................................................................1646.2 Discussion ...................................................................................................167

7. INDIGENOUS CONSERVATION METHODS AND EFFECTS OF CONSERVATION REGULATIONS ON LOCAL PEOPLE ....1707.1 Conflicts Involved in Forest Use ....................................................................1707.2 Change in Use of the Forest and its Products ...............................................1767.3 Impacts of Harvesting ...................................................................................1767.4 Product Substitution .....................................................................................1807.5 Indigenous Knowledge of Local Men and Women

on Sustainable Forest Management .............................................................1817.5.1 Hunting, Gathering, Fishing ..........................................................................1817.5.2 Traditional Value Attached to Particular Forest Parts, Plants and Animals .....1837.6 Do Conservation Measures Contribute to Stabilizing or Improving

the Living Standards and Preserving the Traditions of Local People? ...........1877.6.1 Effects of Conservation Measures on Men and Women................................1877.6.2 Constraints and Opportunities to Participate in Forest Management ............1917.6.3 Suggestions from Local Population

to Ensure Success of Conservation Projects ................................................1947.7 Discussion ...................................................................................................197

iii

292

8. INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS USING THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGY ....................................2028.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................2028.2 Interpretation of Results ................................................................................2038.2.1 Feminist Theory ...........................................................................................2048.2.2 Gender Theory .............................................................................................2068.2.3 Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) ...................................................2088.2.4 Résumé ....................................................................................................... 211

9. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR SFM AND CONSERVATION ..............................................2129.1 Restrictions on Forest Use ...........................................................................2129.2 Participatory Forest Management ................................................................2149.3 Involving Men and Women in Forest Management ........................................2199.4 Further Research .........................................................................................221

SUMMARY..................................................................................................................223ZUSAMMENFASSUNG ..............................................................................................230REFERENCES...........................................................................................................237

LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................255LIST OF MAPS ...........................................................................................................256LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................256LIST OF PICTURES....................................................................................................257LIST OF BOXES .........................................................................................................257

Annexe 1: List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................259Annexe 2: Profile of Forest Resources Used in the Research Area ..............................262Annexe 3: Product Collection, Autoconsumption and Sale ...........................................268Annexe 4: Coding in MAXQDA ...................................................................................271Annexe 5: Questions used during the Research ...........................................................274

iv

1

1. INTRODUCTION1.1 Problem Statement

The introduction of the concept of Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) can be traced

back to the Statement of Forest Principles and Chapter 11 of Agenda 21, which was adopted

by the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Riode Janeiro in 1992. Many countries have worked towards a common understanding of the

concept of SFM which, according to Principle 2b (UNCED 1992),”in a broad sense aims

at managing forest resources and forest lands sustainably in order to meet the social,economic, ecological, cultural and spiritual needs of present and future generations.”

The forests, which are to be sustainably managed, are in many cases inhabited by indigenous

and immigrant peoples who have customary rights to these forests and developed ways of

life and traditional knowledge that are in tune with their forest environments. However, forestpolicies usually imposed by the state frequently treat forests as if they were uninhabited and

therefore available for activities like logging, safari/sports hunting and conservation projects.

The question therefore arises as to how the policy and practice of SFM (with its social,

economic and environmental criteria) incorporates the welfare of the forest people.

According to Principle 12b (UNCED 1992), “appropriate indigenous capacity and localknowledge regarding the conservation and sustainable development of forests should,

through institutional and financial support and in collaboration with the people in the local

communities concerned, be recognized, respected, recorded, developed and, asappropriate, introduced in the implementation of programmes. Benefits arising from the

utilization of indigenous knowledge should therefore be equitably shared with such people.”

However, indigenous capacity and local knowledge has generally been ignored in theprocess of SFM in many areas of the world (Nguiffo 2001, Ongugo et al 2002).

The criteria and indicators of the concept of SFM, which are tools to monitor and assess

trends in forest management, are usually defined globally, such that the socio-cultural context

of the forest dwellers, which usually is not the same for every region of the world or evenwithin countries, is not acknowledged. This has been the main problem in understanding

how and why people use and manage forests the way they do, for this is more often linked

not only to income generation, but also to their cultural and spiritual beliefs. One of theaspects of SFM is striving to enhance the conservation of biodiversity. The Sangha trinational

2

(Cameroon, Central African Republic [CAR] and Congo) conservation area in Central Africa

is a high biodiversity area that is inhabited by indigenous people with a high diversity ofcultures, traditions and political systems as well as different interests and incentives for

using the forest. The rural populations who rely primarily upon natural resources in the Sangha

conservation area have, according to Joiris (1997), witnessed a changing ecological, socialand economic reality since the 1970s, through reduced access to important resources

(either because the resources have become scarce or the people have limited access to

the forest), and a degradation of their natural environment. Because of its high biodiversity,it has become a focal area for conservation in Central Africa and has attracted many

researchers, conservation organisations, safari sport hunters, illegal diamond miners,

poachers and logging concessions.The arrival of logging companies and the initiation ofprotected areas has substantially changed the socio-economic context at the local level.

The different ethnic groups in the Sangha conservation area basically have the same livingconditions, since they are all local communities with their economies tightly linked to the

forest. Similarly, they conceive the forest as a harsh environment, such that one has to toil

and in the process using considerable amounts of energy and knowledge in order to getthe resources they need from the forest. Each ethnic group as well as conservation institutions/

organisations, concessionaires and miners utilise the forest differently, which is leading toconflicts of interest between the users. This competing utilisation of the forest especially

becomes clear when one looks at the varied economic portfolio in the area: swidden

agriculture, fishing, hunting-gathering, commercial hunting, commercial fishing, timberconcessions, mining and conservation institutions.

The indigenous people in this area have lived there for generations and consider the foresttheir home. They usually are hunters/gatherers, hunting and gathering forest products

as well as fishing for subsistence or for barter. The recent allocation of a large part of the

forest area to logging concessions has brought with it much aggravation for the local people.It has attracted people from other places in search of jobs from the concessions and has had

as consequence widespread deforestation. According to Nelson (2003) this deforestation

threatens the forest, which is considered their ancestral home, their reliable grocery, theroot of their existence and their customary right, and which is dotted with their hunting and

gathering grounds, and their sacred sites. This deforestation has thereby reduced indigenous

people’s access to forest products required on a daily basis.

3

Thus, forest conservation in this area is important. However, local people in this area,

whether hunter/gatherers or sedentary farmers and fisher people, are not yet involved indecision-making concerning the management and use of the forests upon which they

depend for their livelihoods and their spiritual and cultural identity. These people have

therefore found themselves deprived of their rights to use forest resources. Instead, theforest yields profits for logging concessions and sport hunters, and provides the milieu

for integrated conservation projects. The challenge of a trinational conservation program

should not only focus on ecological issues, but should also include human concerns.

The forest in this area is like a mother with many children who has to bear the brunt of the

conflicting ideas of its children. Forest conservation projects are interested in protectingand conserving the area, logging concessions are interested in felling as many trees with

high economic value as possible, safari hunters are interested in finding and killing animals

from which they can get trophies, poachers are interested in killing as many animals aspossible, protected or not, for economic gain. But the forest dwellers, who happen to be

the oldest child of the mother, find themselves in a vulnerable position, struggling to assuage

their own needs within this state of conflicting forest use.

GTZ’s view on conservation areas include the fact that these areas must be part of overall

land-use planning, not isolated islands, and this planning should involve all levels ofstakeholders, especially local communities. However, “the local people were often not

involved in the decision-making process leading to the creation of the protected area,

and their traditional user rights were not taken into account. The restricted use of naturalresources considered necessary to preserve the biodiversity and ecological functions of

the area for the benefit of future generations, might profoundly affect local people’s livelihood,

resulting in conflicts with protected area management” (Debonnet 1997:191).

There is the need to develop an integrated approach to manage the resources in the

area, taking into consideration those needs of the local people which are compatiblewith conservation objectives into the management plan. This management system can

only be developed if enough information on the socio-economic activities of the population

is available. This information should cover the needs of men as well as those of women,whose role is often neglected. According to Mengang (1997), the women are the main

collectors of natural resources like leaves, fruits, small animals and the upholders of

traditional pharmacopoeia.

4

In the face of the problems resulting from the exclusion of forest dwellers from decision-

making in forest management, governments of the Central African region have initiated theidea of including forest dwellers in the process of SFM, a concept called Participatory

Forest Management. According to Egbe (2001:10) “participatory forest management requires

stakeholders to work together in establishing objectives and developing programmes tomeet these”.

Successful participation depends on each individual having access and control over thedecision-making process and is the key to decentralization, since it provides an opportunity

for social learning and strengthens the process. In the author’s opinion, however, this initiative

has not yet been effective so far, mainly because sufficient information is not available tobe able to understand the experience of local people as they hunt, fish, gather and cultivate

to earn their livelihoods within the forest.

According to Schmink (1999), the opportunities and constraints faced by the local people

and their subsequent actions and behaviours are not only determined by the environment

in which they live, but are also determined by their different identities as well as their interests,roles, knowledge and vulnerability and power.

A diversity analysis1 of the people in the area is therefore necessary, for it will bring out theneeds of the different subgroups within the society, leading to inclusion of the needs of a

broad section of the society in SFM. This diversity analysis, in this case disaggregating

data between the ethnic groups and between men and women within the ethnic groups,has often been ignored in many studies conducted in the area and has usually led to biased

decisions because certain parts of the population, which are also involved in forest use,

are excluded during this process.

Based on the literature reviewed on forest use in this area, many of the problems in this

area are faced by indigenous men and women, but this has often led to the subordinationof gender in favour of collective rights for the indigenous people. This is problematic because

women do not only face the problems they have in common with men, but in addition also

1 Key elements that make people different, like gender, ethnicity, age and class are taken as analytical variables throughout

the research.

5

face problems which stem from gender inequality and the differences in men’s and women’s

lives in the society.

Current feminist and gender research has exposed the androcentric bias of traditional

theory, by developing the conceptual framework of gender and producing an array ofempirical literature, demonstrating the significance of women in relation to men, and

questioning their marginalisation and seeming invisibility, which makes these contributions

very useful in the field of SFM. To avoid gender bias and promote gender equity, it isnecessary to carry out this gender specific research.

An accurate socio-economic assessment of the local population, organised along genderanalysis, will bring out the extent of involvement in forest activities of each group, as

well as the importance of the various activities to each group. Ignoring one group could

lead to unintended consequences. This statement can be supported with the exampleof the work of Sarin (1997, in McDougall 2000) in Gujarat, India, in which a group of

local men formed a forest protection group that banned extractive uses. The men made

this decision assuming that women would get sufficient quantities of fuel and fodderfrom private land. As it turned out, women had to walk longer distances to search for

wood elsewhere and sometimes stole from other community forests. This situation was

only improved after the group’s strategies were renegotiated considering gender needs.

Giving local women and men a legitimised voice in forest management would help them to:

- be able to bring in their traditional rights, responsibilities and indigenous knowledge,experience and preferences into forest management.

- have access to the benefits from forest utilisation through logging companies, safari

hunters, nature conservation (i.e. taxes).

Because gender and diversity are important variables in determining the choices local

men and women make regarding forest management and utilisation, understanding howthese variables shape constraints, opportunities, interests and needs can offer great insight

of how to involve local people in the SFM process of the research area. Drawing on the

aims of the gender and feminist theory which focus on analysing gender relations in societyin order to make clear the roles of men and women, conservation organisations working in

the area have not sufficiently tapped into the knowledge reservoir of the forest men and

women on:

6

- their management systems on uses, harvesting, processing and conservation including

product substitution and domestication- subsistence requirements

- traditional resource rights, ownership

- income generating activities from the protected area and buffer zones.The availability of such information would serve as a good base to have an accurate

representation of forest and forest resource use, by identifying which group (men, women,

ethnic groups) relies on what resources as well as the effects of conservation rules on eachgroup. This understanding of the forest activities and the knowledge and skills the groups

possess in relation to these activities, can serve as a stepping-stone to making well informed

decisions on how to integrate indigenous men and women in the quest to sustainably managethe forest.

This study is the result of an observed problem discussed in the SFM literature and alsoobserved in practice in the research area. The guiding question in this research was therefore

set in connection with the objectives of the various governments and conservation projects

to include local forest users in the sustainable management process.

7

1.2 Research Objective

The indigenous people living in the forest area do access, use and manage forest resources.

Their efforts to manage these resources have not yet been sufficiently recognised by the

conservation projects working in the area (Nguiffo 2001, Ndameu 2001).

To what degree is forest use and management gendered? The mainobjective of this research is to examine the implications of gender-diverse forest practices for Sustainable Forest Management. Thisresearch explores indigenous men and women in the use, control andmanagement of forest resources in a context in which people’slivelihoods are highly dependent on a multiplicity of forest uses, forestproducts and access to the forest.

The steps necessary to archieve the research objective involve identifying:

- the roles and responsibilities of indigenous men and women within the management of

forest resources;

- the specific forest resources that are the areas of expertise of men and women;

- the negative/positive impacts of the specific use of forest resources for conservation

and sustainable forest management;

- the implications of these impacts on men and women in the community;

- the ways in which forest resources are linked to specific indigenous myths, traditionsand cosmo visions;

- the ways in which the cultural norms and traditions help or impede the sustainable useand management of the natural resources.

These findings will be interpreted according to the theories and concepts chosen forthis research in order to reveal the implications of these findings for Sustainable Forest

Management and Conservation.

8

1.3 Research Question

In order to deal with the research problem and meet up with the objective set for this research,

the following research question has been formulated to serve as a guide in conducting the

research:

How do the differences in the way men and women use, control andmanage the forest affect Sustainable Forest Management?

The process of answering this question involves an analysis of important gender specificsocio-economic issues, which are necessary at the beginning of any intended venture in

integrated development/conservation projects with forest dependent communities. In order

to find ways which could lead to a more sustainable use of the forest and its resources,without compromising the livelihoods of the local people, the question requires an

understanding of the different needs of men and women.

To fully answer this question, the following propositions were considered:

• Gender relations intersect with other social relations like class, religion, ethnicity/race,

age and could change in response to political and socio-economic changes (GEM 2000,

ENERGIA 2005).

• Because the area is made up of people with a high diversity of cultures, traditions and

political systems as well as different interests and incentives to use the forest, there is

intergroup (stakeholder) conflict in the utilisation of forest products in the area (Joiris1997,Ongugo et al. 2002).

• Conservation policies cannot work effectively unless there is an understanding of how

people perceive their forest and its resources, and the gender power relations involvedin the institutions of forestry (Joiris1997, Nguiffo 2001, Ndameu 2001).

• Permitting the utilisation and development of natural resources compatible with

conservation objectives will improve economical potential for the local women and men(Debonnet 1997, Ongugo et al. 2002).

9

• The political situation in the area has an effect on the way men and women use forest

resources, for example within the context of SAPs (Structural Adjustment Programmes2)or HIPC (Heavily-Indebted Poor Countries initiatives3), also given the role of logging

companies and how it links to TNCs (Transnational Co-operations4).

2 "Structural Adjustment is the name given to a set of ‚free market‘ economic policy reforms imposed on developing countries by

the Bretton Woods institutions (the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF)) as a condition for receipt of loans.The measures imposed under the SAPs are as follows (they could also differ from country to country): a shift from growing diverse food crops for domestic consumption to specializing in the production of cash crops or other

commodities (like rubber, cotton, coffee, copper, tin etc.) for export, abolishing food and agricultural subsidies to reduce government expenditures, deep cuts to social programmes, usually in the areas of health, education and housing and massive layoffs in the civil service, currency devaluation measures which increase import costs while reducing the value of domestically produced goods, liberalisation of trade and investment and high interest rates to attract foreign investment, privatisation of government-held enterprises.

The World Bank and the IMF argue that SAPs are necessary to bring a developing country from crisis to economic recovery andgrowth. Economic growth driven by private sector foreign investment is seen as the key to development. These agencies arguethat the resulting national wealth will eventually ‚trickle down‘ or spread throughout the economy and eventually to the poor.Many groups ((NGOs), grassroots organizations, economists, social scientists and United Nations agencies) argue that SAPsimpose harsh economic measures, which deepen poverty, undermine food security and self-reliance, and lead to unsustainableresource exploitation, environmental destruction, and population dislocation and displacement" (Bretton Woods Institutions 2002).

3 "HIPC Initiatives was proposed by the World Bank and IMF and agreed by governments around the world in the fall of 1996. It

was the first comprehensive approach to reduce the external debt of the world's poorest, most heavily indebted countries, andrepresented an important step forward in placing debt relief within an overall framework of poverty reduction" (Wolfensohn2000:1)."The most glaring problem with the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative for debt relief is, that it will not provide lastingrelief from debt for the highly indebted countries of the south. The HIPC process is aimed not at canceling debts, but at ensuringthat they can be repaid. It has little to do with enhancing human development, reducing poverty or even increasing economicgrowth in the debtor countries. Rather, it is designed to massage debt figures down to a level where they would be deemed riteriaof the International Monetary Fund (IMF)"(Guttal 2000:35).

4 TNCs are playing an increasing role in determining the economic, ecological and political future of the third world. The brightnessof that future could be directly proportionate to the actual behaviour of these corporations and the demands the local people andtheir society place on them. „However, because of its size, power and the globally competitive profit-first system it is in, notransnational corporation can afford to be sentimental about any one locale, even its so-called 'home' " (Loong 2002:1).Thesuccess of this future will be determined by the behaviour of the cooperations and the demands of the local society on them.

10

1.4 Organisation of the Thesis

This dissertation comprises of an introductory Chapter with the problem statement, research

objectives and research question.

Chapter 2 provides a review of the literature of concepts, theories and methods relevant

for the research. The chapter continues with an overview of the concept of SFM, defining

it and bringing out the way it is practised, especially in Africa, and the effect of this practiceon the local people who depend on the forest and its resources. The Sustainable Livelihoods

Framework as a guiding framework for the analysis of local livelihoods has also been

introduced in this section. The last section in this chapter provides a review of literatureon the feminist and gender theory, defining them and the key concepts represented within

the theories and emphasising the importance of considering the key points in research

of this nature.

In Chapter 3 the research design and methods used in the research are discussed. The

section on research design provides an overview of the management system in theresearcharea, analytical models chosen for the research, selection criteria of the research

communities, mode of entry into the villages and the duration of the research in the villages.

Finally within this research design section, quantitative and qualitative research methodologywas also discussed including reasons why both research methodologies were used in

the research. The methods used for the collection of general information on forest use

(participatory methods) and for the collection of data concerning quantities collected,auto-consumed and sold for selected forest resources (quantitative methods) have been

described. There is also a section on data analysis which informs how the collected data

was analysed based on the different cases chosen for the research. Finally, in this chapter,the question whether it matters who carries out research is also explored.

Chapter 4 presents a general description of the research area and population. An overviewis given concerning the creation of the area, geographical location, the biophysical

characteristics and the local communities living in the area. The conservation projects

managing the area, the main threats to the area and the legal framework relating to forestuse have also been discussed. A detailed description of the selected research communities

and its inhabitants were also given.

11

Chapter 5, 6 and 7 present the main results of this research from the field work.

Chapter 5 dwells on the results of the sustainable livelihoods analysis of the local peoplebased on the sustainable livelihoods framework. This chapter presents the core elements

of the sustainable livelihoods framework in the context of the local people. It describes the

capital assets the local people have at their disposal, what they are vulnerable to, the livelihoodstrategies they use to create livelihood outcomes and the institutions, both within and outside

the communities that affect the livelihoods of the local men and women.

Chapter 6 addresses the gendered nature of forest use and management of the local people.

The chapter gives details on the role of men and women for each forest activity carried out

in the villages and the importance of the activities carried out for men and women. Thequantities harvested, auto-consumed and sold (for selected products) have also been shown

to illustrate the importance of these products to the local people.

Chapter 7 provides details on the conflicts between the local forest users and conservation

projects, showing the power difference between the local people and these projects. The

knowledge difference between men and women and the values both groups attach to differentforest parts, animals and plants are also addressed here. This chapter also exposes the

constraints faced by these people due to conservation regulations as well as the constraints

and opportunities of the local people to participate in forest management. It also includessuggestions put forward by the local people on how to improve on the conflict situation

between them and the conservation projects to ensure participative forest management.

Chapter 8 provides an interpretation of the results in relation to the research question and

the concepts and methodologies used in the research. It also highlights the most important

findings of this research.

Finally, Chapter 9 gives overall conclusions on the implications of the results of the research

for SFM and conservation as well as recommendations on how to improve on the wayforests are managed in the area.

12

2. LITERATURE REVIEW OF CONCEPTS AND METHODS

This literature review is an evaluative analysis of information found in the literature related

to this selected area of study. Its purpose is therefore to convey what knowledge and ideashave been established on this topic and what their strengths and weaknesses are.

2.1 Sustainable Forest Management (SFM)2.1.1 What is SFM?

The first question that comes in mind when the concept SFM is used is “what does it mean?”

SFM is a concept that is difficult to define explicitly. It has, however, been suggested inseveral recent international meetings that the following seven thematic elements are key

components (ITTO5/FAO 2005):

1 - Extent of forest resources2 - Biological diversity

3 - Forest health and vitality

4 - Productive functions of forest resources5 - Protective functions of forest resources

6 - Socio-economic functions

7 - Legal, policy and institutional framework

The Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests in Europe (MCPFE) developedthe present day understanding of the term Sustainable Forest Management. This definition

has since been adopted by the FAO. It defines SFM as:

“The stewardship and use of forests and forest lands in a way, and at a rate, that maintainstheir biodiversity, productivity, regeneration capacity, vitality and their potential to fulfil, now

and in the future, relevant ecological, economic and social functions, at local, national, and

global levels, and that does not cause damage to other ecosystems.”

“SFM aims to ensure that the goods and services derived from the forest meet present-dayneeds, while at the same time securing their continued availability and contribution to long-

5 ITTO is an intergovernmental organisation promoting the conservation and sustainable management, use and trade of tropical

forest resources. Cameroon, Congo and CAR are all ITTO member countries and have therefore ratified the ITTO Criteria andIndicators of SFM developed by ITTO. This is the reason why ITTO has been considered an important source for information onSFM in this research.

13

term development. In its broadest sense, forest management encompasses the administrative,

legal, technical, economic, social and environmental aspects of the conservation and useof forests. It implies various degrees of deliberate human intervention, ranging from actions

aimed at safeguarding and maintaining the forest ecosystem and its functions to favouring

specific socially or economically valuable species or groups of species for the improvedproduction of goods and services” (FAO 2005).

SFM becomes more important worldwide as the best method to manage forests, mostespecially as large organisations and institutions publish articles regularly to support this

view. However, this is problematic, for the meaning of the word SFM has been variably

interpreted by forest users of the world. Schanz (1998) thinks it is reasonable to assumethat the different interests of forestry actors as well as the conflicting views of how reality

works are responsible for the variety of interpretations that exist on SFM today.

SFM should be considered more of a journey than a destination. This can be supported by

the fact that there is a continuous debate about how to improve on forest practices in the

different forest types and areas of the world, as well as how best to achieve sustainability.

Achieving sustainability and curbing forest degradation in the world as a whole and Africa

in particular has often meant gazetting large forest areas for conservation/protection underthe management of conservation institutions with the objective to leave the forest as intact

as possible. The conservation institutions usually apply one of two approaches to manage

the forest. In one of the management approaches forest utilisation by local men and womenis not included into the management of the area strictly set aside for protection and this

sometimes involves forcefully evicting local people from these forest areas. The other

approach integrates village use of forest resources in the conservation area management.Management therefore usually involves demarcating the forest into protection/conservation

areas where use of forest resources by the local people is forbidden, and an area allocated

to the local people to carry out their agricultural and forest activities. This is the currentforest management method being implemented in the research area.

According to Mongabay (2005), closing off forests as untouchable parks and reserves hasneither improved the standard of living or economic opportunities for the rural poor, since it

fails to generate sufficient economic incentives for respecting and maintaining the forest.

14

This failure stems from the specific way these forest areas are managed, in which human

interactions with the environment are considered to be “disturbances of the natural ecosystem”(Dove, Sajise & Doolittle 2005:1), thereby forbidding or seriously restricting forest people

from carrying out the activities which usually form the basis of their subsistence. As a result

of these strategies, the local people are exposed to serious food shortages which oftenleads to conflicts between the local people and the institutions responsible for conservation

as well as the governments. Many examples of the use of this forest management type and

its consequences (like difficulties for the local people to get food from the forest for theirsubsistence) on the indigenous people in many different African countries have been

exposed by many researchers (e.g. Nguiffo 2001, Ndameu 2001, Owono 2001, Chennells

2001, Zaninka 2001, Olenasha, Seki & Kaisoe 2001, Sang 2001, Kapupu 2001, Kalimba2001, Ongugo, Njguguna, Obonyo & Sigu 2002). This management type usually does not

permit the local men and women to participate in the management of the forest areas in

which they live, since they have been deprived of access to these areas. This, accordingto Ongugo, Njguguna, Obonyo & Sigu (2002), has led to clandestine utilization of forest

resources in these areas, in turn causing their degradation. The states usually do not have

sufficient management resources to prevent this.

This clandestine use is widespread because the forest parts allocated to the communities

by these institutions to carry out their subsistence forest activities are usually not sufficientlyrich to cover the needs of the people. Apart from clandestine use of the forest, results of

research in this area (Ongugo, Njguguna, Obonyo & Sigu 2002, Nguiffo 2001, Ndameu

2001) also indicate that this exclusion of local people from particular forest areas is leadingto a breakdown of indigenous social structures. It also leads to new inequalities between

the different ethnic groups inhabiting the area and also between these people and the

conservation projects. Most especially it undermines traditional systems of forestmanagement. Customary ownership as well as control and management of the forests by

the local people have been largely ignored by the states and the conservation initiatives

they support. There are therefore conflicts between the objectives of the local people andthose of the conservation institutions, and this often has as a consequence that the

institutions find it difficult to achieve their objectives. This same insight makes it possible

to compare the situation in the research area with that of the areas that have alreadybeen studied.

15

According to Ghai (1992), the important part that is missing in forest conservation is the

social approach, which stresses the significant links between resource conservation andthe needs of local people as well as paying attention to institutions, motivations and incentives.

Ghai therefore emphasises on the necessity to develop strategies for forest conservation

that are informed by this social perspective.

This research focuses on issues of ownership, use, control and management of the forest

and its resources by the local people in the research area. It aims at exploring how overgenerations the local men and women have developed systems of resource use and

management that combine livelihood security with forest resource conservation. By

including these people as forest managers, the conservation institutions could perhaps bemore successful in their efforts to conserve the forest. It would also give back to the local

people the feeling of ownership and responsibility to the forest. This research will also

draw insight from many studies (CED & FPP 2005, Colchester, Monterrey & Tomedes2004, Zaalman et al. 2006) that have already been done and which portray the different

indigenous forest management methods of local people and recommend that success of

conservation efforts could be assured if the rights of the local people in forest use arerecognised, thereby making them full and effective participants in the sustainable management

process.

2.1.2 Criteria and Indicators of SFM

Criteria define and characterize the essential elements, as well as a set of conditions or

processes, by which SFM may be assessed. A criterion is an element considered importantto forest management and which can be used to measure the success of SFM (ITTO 2005).

“An indicator is defined as a quantitative, qualitative or descriptive attribute, that, when

measured or monitored periodically, indicates the direction of change in a criterion” (ITTO2005:9).

Several initiatives (Montreal process, ITTO, Helsinki process, CIFOR, etc) are engagedin developing and improving these criteria and indicators for different levels - Regional,

National and Forest Management Unit. However, taking into consideration the varied

nature of forests around the world and the different realities of management, most of

16

these criteria and indicators are modified before implementation. These modifications

could however also be interpreted as an expression of different interests by forest managersin general.

“Criteria 7” developed by the ITTO deals with the economic, social and cultural aspects of

forestry. Only this criterion has been chosen for analysis because it is the only one whichdeals with indigenous people and the research subject.

Box 1: Criteria 7 and Indicators developed by the ITTO (2005:13)

Criterion 7: Economic, social and cultural aspects

Indicator: Socioeconomic aspects7.4 Existence and implementation of mechanisms for the equitable sharing of the costs

and benefits of forest management

7.5 Existence and implementation of conflict-resolution mechanisms for resolving disputes

between forest stakeholders7.6 Number of people depending on forests for their livelihoods

7.7 Training, capacity-building and manpower development programs for forest workers

7.8 Existence and implementation of procedures to ensure the health and safety of forestworkers

7.9 Area of forests upon which people are dependent for subsistence uses and traditional

and customary lifestyles.

Indicator: Cultural aspects7.11 Number of important archaeological, cultural and spiritual sites identified and protected

Indicator: Community and indigenous peoples’ rights and participation7.12 Extent to which tenure and user rights of communities and indigenous peoples over

publicly owned forests are recognized and practised

7.13 Extent to which indigenous knowledge is used in forest management planning and

implementation7.14 Extent of involvement of indigenous peoples, local communities and other forest dwellers

in forest management capacity-building, consultation processes, decision-making

and implementation.

17

Criterion 7 of the ITTO for SFM states that indigenous people and local communities are

considered as equal partners in forest management. However, this criterion has over-simplifiedthe implementation of the issues in it, by just classifying indigenous people as a homogenous

group. Indigenous people and local communities usually have dissimilarities amongst them

that could be caused by gender, ethnic, religious, age, class differences of people living inthe same area or community. In relation to these differences and using gender as a variable,

men and women could have different needs, interests and knowledge linked to the forest.

Working with people in these communities would therefore necessitate placing the peoplefor information gathering in groups where they fit (e.g. according to gender), in order to

ensure that the views of all members in the society are taken into consideration.

Even conservation initiatives who show sympathy to local forest users do not always

recognise the relevance of gender in differentiating local forest stakeholders and its

implications for natural resource use and management in general and forest resourcemanagement in particular (Schmink 1999). Schmink (1999) who works with MERGE to

develop a conceptual framework for community participation in conservation with a relevance

to gender, has stressed the importance of carrying out research to assess the feasibility ofthe approach of conservation strategies, based on sustainable livelihoods for local

communities and under what conditions and to what extent gender differentiates goals,

values, power and resource use practices among user groups. The relevance to gender inconservation as stressed by Schmink is relevant to this research, because in this research

gendered goals and values in forest use and management as well as the power play between

men and women in society will be investigated. This will be a step to learn why things aredone the way they are and its effect on SFM.

There exist many conceptual frameworks (MERGE, SEAGA, IGNARM, FAO) on how tocarry out research that includes gender aspects in conservation and management of natural

resources. The conceptual frameworks usually propose a set of research questions and

approaches that stress on involving both men and women in the research process. Theseframeworks form a good basis on how to carry out research of this type. These frameworks

however usually have to be adopted for use, depending on the exact objective of the research.

For example, the concepts usually stress gendered roles, access to resources and howpolicy, institutions and organisations affect these roles. It is, however, important not to

underestimate the extent to which the livelihood capital assets (like the human, financial,

18

physical, natural and social capitals) these people possess or do not possess could influence

gendered roles and access to natural resources. Incorporating the aspect of how genderednatural resource related knowledge is built within these local communities and whether this

knowledge building method is different or same for different age and ethnic groups, is

another important point to be considered to have a complete view of the practices of thelocal people, which can also determine how to include them in the sustainable management

process.

Ngong and Arrey (2003) carried out research in Central Africa, on biodiversity conservation

and sustainable livelihoods. They learned from this research that the main role played by

women in forest use includes the collection and sale of NTFPS- fruits, medicinal plants,leaves, and that women generally are marginalised in decision-making on sustainable

development and conservation. Their research, however, was based on investigating the

roles of only women in forest use and biodiversity conservation. In this research, there willbe a focus on gendered resource use and management, because both women and men

use the forest. Considering any action to improve SFM should not stress on women alone

or any other individual group alone. Since the present research stresses on the importanceof forest use for women, it would be important to compare Ngong and Arrey’s findings with

those from this research.

The question of how the integration of development programs into conservation affects

local men and women is another angle in this field of research, which has not been sufficiently

studied. It is clear from the few studies available (Telesis 1991, Schmink 1999) on thissubject, that it is difficult to find a balance between development and conservation. It

therefore becomes important to make clear, whether men and women equally share the

benefits from conservation and development or if one of them (conservation or development)constraints the activities and livelihood of men and/or women in particular. In communities

in which other variables of diversity like ethnicity, age, class, etc, play an important role,

it is also helpful to know how conservation and development affect people in the differentgroups. Information on this is necessary, because many conservation initiatives now have

development aspects incorporated in management strategies in their work with forest

dwelling people.

19

What is the place of wellbeing in SFM? Who are the stakeholders to be considered in

forest management? Using the criteria and indicators for SFM developed by CIFOR, Colferet al (1999) dwelled on these questions. They argued that formal attention should be focused

on forest actors in efforts to develop or improve SFM. Colfer et al also suggested a simple

scoring technique formal managers could use to determine whose well-being must form anintegral part of sustainable forest management in a given locale. During their research,

they also had to adjust some of the criteria to suit the local situations.

2.2 The Sustainable Livelihoods Concept

Although the concept of sustainable development has been in use for a long time, its use

climaxed in the late 1980s, especially after it was mentioned in the UN WCED in 1987.

In 1983, the Secretary-General of the UN established a commission called the WorldCommission on the Environment and Development, commonly referred to as the Brundtland

Commission. This commission had the objective of looking at the world’s environmental

problems and proposing a global agenda for addressing them. Their results revealed linksamong the environment, the economy and the society, which indicated that the problems in

one area could also influence the other areas. This led to the definition of sustainable

development by the Brundtland Commission, emphasising the meeting of needs for thepresent and future generations.

The publishing of the results of this commission served as a stepping stone for the organisation

of the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. At the end of this summit, the Rio Declaration on

Environment and Development, Agenda 21, Convention on Biological Diversity, ForestPrinciples and Framework Convention on Climate Change were adopted. The adoption of

these documents all aimed at guiding future sustainable development at the global, national

and local level.

Livelihoods-thinking itself goes back to the work of Robert Chambers in the mid-1980s.Chambers and Conway further developed the concept of livelihoods in the 1990s, working

on the hypothesis that the human population could double or triple in the future. They

explored the concept of sustainable livelihoods, stressing on the concepts of capability,equity and sustainability, all which are a means toward sustainable livelihoods in the

20

21st century. “Since that time, a number of development agencies have adopted livelihood

concepts and made efforts to begin implementation. However, for DFID (Department forInternational Development), the sustainable livelihoods approach represents a new departure

in policy and practice” (DFID 2001:3). In order to clarify the aims of the sustainable livelihoods

approach as well as how it can be used in practice, guidance sheets on sustainable livelihoodshave been developed by DFID.

“The series of Guidance Sheets on sustainable livelihoods comes out of an ongoing processof consultation about how to achieve the goals and policy directions laid down in the UK

Government’s 1997 White Paper on International Development. The White Paper commits

DFID to supporting:

(i) policies and actions which promote sustainable livelihoods;

(ii) better education, health and opportunities for poor people;(iii) protection and better management of the natural and physical environment;

thereby helping to create a supportive social, physical and institutional environment for

poverty elimination” (DFID 2001:3). DFID was one of the first to develop the SustainableLivelihoods Approach, with the key components being a framework that helps to understand

the intricate nature of poverty, and the principles to guide livelihoods research in order to

address and overcome poverty.

“A livelihood comprises of the capabilities, assets (including both material and social

resources) and activities required for a means of living. A livelihood is sustainable when itcan cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities

and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base”

(DFID 1999:1).

The livelihood framework identifies five core asset categories or types of capital upon

which livelihoods are built. This approach is founded by DFID on the belief, that peoplerequire a range of assets to achieve positive livelihood outcomes and no single category

of assets on its own is sufficient to yield all the many and varied livelihood outcomes that

people seek. Below is a definition and explanation by DFID (1999:3-26) for all the assetsand the other components of the livelihood framework.

21

Box 2: Components of the livelihood framework

Capital AssetsCapital AssetsCapital AssetsCapital AssetsCapital Assets:

Human Capital represents the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health thattogether enable people to pursue different livelihood strategies and achieve their livelihood

objectives. At a household level human capital is a factor of the amount and quality of labour

available; this varies according to household size, skill levels, leadership potential, healthstatus, etc.

Natural Capital is the term used for the natural resource stocks from which resource flowsand services useful for livelihoods are derived. Examples of natural capital include land,

forests, marine/wild resources, water, air quality, etc.

Financial Capital denotes the financial resources that people use to achieve their livelihood

objectives. It therefore refers to the availability of cash or equivalent, that enables people to

adopt different livelihood strategies.

Physical Capital comprises of the basic infrastructure and producer goods needed to

support livelihoods. Infrastructure consists of changes to the physical environment that helppeople to meet their basic needs and to be more productive. Producer goods are the tools

and equipment that people use to function more productively.

Affordable transport, secure shelter and buildings, adequate water supply and sanitation,clean affordable energy and access to information (communications) are some of the

components of infrastructure usually essential for sustainable livelihoods.

Social Capital refers to the social resources upon which people draw in pursuit of their

livelihood objectives. These are developed through:

• networks and connectedness, either vertical (patron/client) or horizontal (betweenindividuals with shared interests) that increase people’s trust and ability to work

together and expand their access to wider institutions, such as political or civic

bodies.• membership of more formalised groups, which often entails adherence to mutually

agreed or commonly accepted rules, norms and sanctions.

• relationships of trust, reciprocity and exchanges that facilitate co-operation, reducetransaction costs and may provide the basis for informal safety nets amongst thepoor.

22

The Vulnerability Context frames the external environment in which people exist.

People’s livelihoods and the wider availability of assets are fundamentally affected by criticaltrends as well as by shocks and seasonality – over which they have limited or no control.

The vulnerability context involved identifying the following aspects in the research:

- the seasonal patterns of various household activities and the availability of food supplyand income;

- shocks, like economic shocks and conflicts in the use of resources;

- trends, like resource trends, population trends, governance trends, etc.

Transforming Structures and Processes within the livelihoods framework are

the institutions, organisations, policies and legislation that shape livelihoods. They operateat all levels, from the household to the international arena, and in all spheres, from the most

private to the most public. They effectively determine:

• access (to various types of capital, to livelihood strategies and to decision-makingbodies and sources of influence),

• the terms of exchange between different types of capital,

• returns (economic and otherwise) to any given livelihood strategy.

In addition, they have a direct impact upon whether people are able to achieve a feeling of

inclusion and well-being. Because culture is included in this area, they also account for

other ‘unexplained’ differences in the ‘way things are done’ in different societies.

Livelihood StrategiesLivelihood StrategiesLivelihood StrategiesLivelihood StrategiesLivelihood Strategies is a term used to denote the range and combination of activities

and choices that people make/undertake in order to achieve their livelihood goals (includingproductive activities, investment strategies, reproductive choices, etc.).

The more choice and flexibility that people have in their livelihood strategies, the greater

their ability to withstand or adapt to the shocks and stresses of the Vulnerability Context.

LiLiLiLiLivvvvvelihood Outcomeselihood Outcomeselihood Outcomeselihood Outcomeselihood Outcomes are the achievements or outputs of Livelihood Strategies.

Sustainable livelihoods approaches are centered on people and their livelihoods. They

rank people’s assets, portraying how the people use the assets available to them, to

come up with livelihood strategies that can lead to desirable livelihood outcomes; theyreveal peoples’ ability to withstand vulnerability; and they also make clear policies and

23

institutions6 both at the micro and macro level that reflect poor people’s priorities . The

sustainable livelihoods approach strives to build on the strength of people rather thandwelling only on their weaknesses.

The main aim of the sustainable livelihoods approach is thus to help understand and analysethe livelihoods of the poor in order to understand the strengths, weaknesses, goals and

relationships that characterise people’s lives. It is also useful as a tool in assessing the

efficiency of efforts to reduce poverty and facilitates the identification of practical prioritiesfor action that is based on the views and interests of the people concerned, with the aim of

alleviating poverty. The sustainable livelihoods approach is now being used by many multi-

lateral, bi-lateral and non-governmental institutions because of the conviction that usingthis approach is a sensible and practical way to inform development and project planning

at different scales.

Many case studies (Ellis 2000, IFAD 2002 & 2003, Auch 2006, Appendini, Nuijten & Rawal

1998, Bagchi et al.1998, Khanya 2000, de Haan, Brock, Carswell, Coulibaly, Seba & Toufique

2000, Ashley 2000, Turton 2000) have already been carried out around the world using thesustainable livelihoods approach. Why use the SLF? Many studies have portrayed the

importance of using the SLF in research on livelihoods. Ellis (2000) considers the livelihoods

concept important because it offers a more complete picture of the complexities of makinga living in rural areas, identifying main components (assets, activieties) of a livelihood and

links between the components. IFAD (2002, Gash Delta:1) advocates that the SL analysis

is “a holistic method that is able to capture the different aspects of rural livelihoods, rangingfrom the strategies that poor people use to overcome poverty, to their strengths and

achievements, to their aspirations, and to their capacities to help themselves to achieve

their dreams.” Khanya (2000:1) emphasises the importance of the SL analysis because itis “inclusive, building on work such as on participatory approaches, governance,

decentralisation, and sustainability.” Turton (2000:12) stresses the importance of the SL

framework as an analytical tool as it “facilitates a process of exploring the issues affectingrural livelihoods.” Ashley (2000:18) expresses the importance of the SLF by terming it a

“lens” through which data can be synthesised.

6 According to North 1994, "institutions are rules of the game, and they are not necessarily or usually created to be socially

efficient, rather they or the formal rules are created to serve the interests of those with the bargaining power to createnew rules."

24

A combination of different methods has been used to conduct livelihoods research. Ellis

(2000) has criticised large-scale income surveys as a method to study changes in rurallivelihoods, recommending methods like focus group discussions and other participatory

methods to better understand the vulnerability context of local people. IFAD (2002, 2003)

also used a combination of participatory methods like semi-structured interviews, focusgroup discussions, word pictures, resource mapping, joint walks and observation, institutional

diagrams, matrix scoring and seasonal analysis, giving as advantage that this combination

of methods made it easier to understand the situation poor households face in carrying outtheir economic activities.

With the help of the livelihoods approach, Ellis (2000), IFAD (2002, 2003), Turton (2000)and Ashley (2000) found it easier to generate insights and recommendations that could be

developed into programs to enhance the livelihoods of the poor. In the course of using the

approach, shortcomings in the SL framework were unearthed by some of the authors. Ashley(2000:7) pointed out shortcomings of the framework like:

- the absence of issues like empowerment;

- it is not very useful in quantifying changes in livelihood security or sustainability;- it is very resource intensive since it involves a combination of several methods, adapting

them to the research situation and demands good analytical skills of the researcher.

Empowerment however should be an important component of research because it

acknowledges “inequalities of power and conflicts of interests within communities and between

communities and other external actors like government agencies” Murray (2001:6). Feministtheory also stresses the importance of power as an instrument leading to inequality. Issues

of empowerment will thus be stressed on in this research in its quest to portray the groups

represented in the community as important for the sustainable management process.

In addition to its inability to quantify changes in sustainability, the framework also does not

specify for “whom livelihoods should be sustainable” Murray (2001:6). This is an importantissue for this research because it intends to determine if livelihoods are sustainable and if,

for whom livelihoods are sustainable for the different community groups. This information

is essential to understand how planned or current programmes affect different groups insociety, making it possible to target support to suit specific needs of each group.

25

Building on the case studies that have been carried out using the sustainable livelihoods

analysis, and considering the advantages of using this analytical tool, this research willinclude it as one of its analytical methodologies in order to generate useful recommendations

for intervention as a step towards enhancing livelihoods of the local people in the research

area.

2.3 Feminist Theory2.3.1 Understanding Feminism and its Ideals

“No, WOMAN is not our brother; through indolence and deceit we have made of her a

being apart, unknown having no weapon other than her sex, which not only means constantwarfare but unfair warfare- adoring or hating, but never straight friend, a being in a legion

with ‘esprit de corps’ and freemasonry, the defiant gestures of the eternal little slave.” Jules

Laforgue (1860-1887) quoted in de Beauvoir (1989:716).

“When man makes of woman the Other, he may, then expect to manifest deep-seated

tendencies towards complicity and woman may fail to lay claim to the status of subjectbecause she lacks definite resources. How did all this begin? It is easy to see that the

duality of the sexes, like any duality, gives rise to conflict. And doubtless the winner will

assume the status of absolute. But why should man have won from the start? It seemspossible that women could have won the victory; or that the outcome of the conflict might

never have been decided. How is it that this world has always belonged to the men and that

things have begun to change only recently? Will this change bring about an equal sharing ofthe world between men and women?” (de Beauvoir 1989:xxxiii).

“Feminist theory refers to all conceptual approaches that take as their starting point the belief,that gender hierarchies are socially constructed and ethically indefensible; whose purpose

is to dismantle such hierarchies and aid in women’s empowerment and whose focus is thus

primarily on women and gender, as it influences women’s status” (Carpenter 2000:1).

Brayton (1997) defines feminism as a concept, which is about challenging gender inequalities

in the social world. Furthermore, feminism gets its motivation from the lived experiences ofwomen considering their social, economic and political situation in the world. Feminism

26

therefore has as main objective the elimination of this gender inequality and hence the

promotion of women’s rights and interests.

Maguire (1987 in Brayton 1997:1) has concretely summed up feminism into: “(a) a belief

that women universally face some form of oppression or exploitation; (b) a commitment touncover and understand what causes and sustains oppression, in all its forms and (c) a

commitment to work individually and collectively in everyday life to end all forms of oppression”.

In summary, feminism shows that power, hierarchies and privileges of certain groups are

the sources of gender inequality and cultural inequality. It is therefore important to empower

women and other less privileged groups in society in order to change this situation of inequality.The lived experiences of women motivate feminism, for the experiences are fundamental

in portraying their important contributions in society. These lived experiences of women

are also fundamental to this research to be able to show that there is women’s as well asmen’s knowledge, both of which are important for the sustainable management process.

This research also tackled the issue of power inequality between ethnic groups within the

communities to get information on the power situation for women and men within and betweenethnic groups.

2.3.2 Woman is not our Brother - Silencing of Women and their Work

Women live in a world that has been intellectually and culturally centred on men, while

women have been consciously excluded. “The exclusion of women from the making of

ideology, knowledge and culture means, that womens’ experience, interests, ways ofknowing the world, have not been represented in the organisation of ruling in society nor

in the systematically developed knowledge that has entered into it” (Smith 1987:17). Women

have also been continually excluded from national accounting and overlooked in economicsin general; an appalling gap existed in this regard for a long time (Waring 1999). Ways to

value women’s housework, which has been ignored for a long time, as well as the importance

of this work to society as a whole has also been made available through the works ofUNIFEM (2003), Colman (1998), Folbre (1997), Ironmonger (2000), DeVault (1991) and

Ogle (2000).

27

Research on conservation (WWF, Ngong and Arrey 2003, Fuller 2005, Nichols, O’Brien

& Heimlich 1998, Ardayfio-Schandorf 2000, Colfer 2000, Verstad 2000, Wickramasinghe1997, Mikkelsen 2005), development (USAID 2007, GED 2007, IWDA, Reddock 2000,

Barriteau 2000, McClean 2000, Walker 2000, Boserup 1970 in Reddock 2000, Connelly,

Li, MacDonald & Parpart 2000) and indigenous people has highlighted the central rolewomen play in biodiversity conservation and in development as well as the difficulties they

face in carrying out their activities.

Ardayfio-Schandorf (2000) reporting on the African perspective insists that women are as

active in forest use and conservation as men. But the introduction of western concepts

(which do not consider the importance of gender systems, hence making forest managementa male activity) into the African forest management system has encouraged the role of

women in forest management to be neglected. The work of Nichols et al. (1998) in Costa

Rica, in which they portray how women have championed the cause of forest conservationto save their remaining forest, further illustrates the importance of women in forest management.

Barriteau (2000) on the issue of women’s role in development blames the public-privatedichotomy as being responsible for devalueing women’s work in development since it

considers only productive work as leading to economic growth. The work of women, is

however more reproductive than productive, consequently, it is easy to ignore women’scontributions to development. Walker (2000) contributes to this topic by outlining the importance

of women’s organisations (at the international, national and local levels) to development.

This insight information on the involvement of women in biodiversity conservation and in

development brings out the role women have always been playing in these fields in their

countries and in the world at large. Drawing on this evidence, it would be an error to marginalisewomen either in conservation or in development. The results of such studies, which show

the extent to which the roles of women in development have been ignored, have acted as

an incentive, drawing more organisations and researchers to actively involve women inresearch in order to get a nuanced idea of their situation and therefore serve as a major

step to integrate their needs in project development. The UNCED 1992 Forest Principles,

also recognising the roles of women in conservation and development, states in Principle5b that “the full participation of women in all aspects of the management, conservation and

sustainable development of forests should be actively promoted”.

28

As Smith (1987) puts it, women had been living in an intellectual, cultural and political world,

from whose making they had been almost entirely excluded and in which they had beenrecognised as no more than marginal voices. With the literature available, on the way the

importance of women’s work is still being ignored in the world, especially in Africa, one can

say that women still have marginal voices in the building of society. This means women’sexperiences have not yet been sufficiently represented in culture, where men’s perspective

is built on women’s silence, with the men usually wielding more power in society than the

women, especially in local communities. Recognising the importance of women in thesustainable development process would be an important step to empowering them in order

to improve on the inequalities constraining their decision-making power.

The best way to include the views of women is to take their daily experiences into account

and, on this basis, adopt feminist approaches to improve on available knowledge by

unearthing women’s knowledge, which is usually hidden when many other theoreticalframeworks are used. This research will therefore be carried out bearing in mind that most

feminist and development theories have their roots in the West, and that much feminist

research focusing on the relationship between gender and the environment remains “ethnicityblind”, according to Mikkelsen (2005). Therefore, the concepts of feminist research need

to be redefined according to the social context of the research area.

2.3.3 Forms of Feminism

Feminism, however, is not a single theory. Several subtypes of feminist ideologies have

developed over time. Early and primary feminist movements between the mid 19th centuryand early 20th century are often referred to as the First wave feminists. Feminists in this

category were involved in the fight to abolish legal inequalities against women, with the

prospect of implementing the right for women to vote (Khalidi and Gokhale 2006). Themain drawback of this era of feminism is its lack of inclusiveness, because minority women

like black women were not considered a part of this group. The end of this era led to the

birth of Second wave feminism whose beginning is usually situated around the 1960s.

Second wave feminism was concerned with equality for men and women, with their main

goal being a stop to discrimination and oppression on women and minority groups (Khalidi

29

and Gokhale 2006). This era of feminism had several groups like lesbian feminism and

black feminism, all fighting for better situations for women, especially at the work place.Second wave feminism has also been criticised for its concept of placing women into a

universal group, and using western upper class white women as models for this group. The

era of second wave feminism ended in the 1980s.

Third wave feminism made their position known in the feminist world from the 1990s. They

are more inclusive of the different groups of women, thereby considering women acrossrace/ethnic group, class, gender and women across different countries. Third wave feminism

according to Khalidi and Gokhale (2006) are more concerned with issues women face at

home than with political issues and also fights to maintain the reproductive rights that secondwave feminists attained for women. The criticisms third wave feminists have received stems

from the fact that they do not usually take sufficient political action to change things for

women, since their actions are more related to domestic issues.

Although there are many forms of feminisms (Radical feminism, Multicultural feminism, Post-

modern feminism, Socialist feminism, Liberal feminism, Ecofeminism), the most relevantto this research is ecofeminism. However, some issues which are advocated by some

forms of feminism will also be integrated into this research in order to ensure that the situation

faced by women in the research area is correctly evaluated. The issues of importance hereinclude making sure not to place women in a homogenous group as advocated by post-

modern feminists and to strive to promote women’s rights and interests in the society as

advocated by socialist feminists.

Ecofeminists are much more spiritual than political or theoretical in nature, comparing the

men’s and women’s relationships to nature. Spretnak (1990) in her discussion on the rootsof ecofeminism contents that this form of feminism emerged from radical or cultural feminism,

which stresses that to understand man’s domination over woman, the forces behind this

dominance must first be identified. Ecofeminists have gone further to identify the relationshipbetween women and nature, portraying the role played by women to protect our natural

environment. According to Diamond & Orenstein (1990:x), “in many ways women’s struggle

in the rural Third World is of necessity also an ecological struggle. Because so many women’slives are intimately involved in trying to sustain and conserve water, land and forests, they

understand in an immediate way the costs of technologies that pillage the earth’s natural

30

riches”. Women like Wangari Maathai have demonstrated the value of women in nurturing

and protecting the environment in her tree planting campaign in Ghana.

Other ecofeminists like Warren (1994), Plumwood (1994) argue that it is important to consider

the connections between the domination of women and the domination of nature in order tounderstand that making plans to revitalise nature necessarily includes extending the plans

to demolish the subordinate position of women in society. Davion (1994) insists that such

plans can only work in this way because the domination of nature stems from patriarchalviews, views which also justify the domination of women by men, meaning that stopping

one form of domination should not exclude the other.

Even though there are so many different forms of feminisms, the focus of feminist research

is on changing the status of women in modern societies, studying women and most especially

enlisting women to do feminist research. It can therefore be seen as research on women,by women, for women. This research, drawing from this way of thinking, will pay attention to

the social relationships between men and women and also the nature of the relationship

between women and nature. However, because this research focuses on gender, therelationship of men to nature will be studied as well, to be able to make comparisons and

conclusions that represent the actions of both men and women.

2.3.4 Feminist Methodology, Epistemology and Method

The importance of women’s contribution in the building of society has been overlooked,

which has pushed feminist researchers to challenge the ways social science analyseswomen and men in their social context. This has brought feminist research

approaches into conflict with traditional perspectives in several ways. Many feminist

researchers (Harding 1987, Kelly-Gadol 1987, Millman & Kanter 1987, MacKinnon 1987,Hartsock 1987, Sherif 1987, Smith 1987, Ladner 1987, Gilligan 1987, Dill 1987, Hartmann

1987, Ortbals 2005, etc) have made thought-provoking analyses of relationships

between methodological, theoretical, epistemological, political and ethical scopes ofsocial science research, weaving together perspectives to provide innovative feminist

analysis of the social world, thereby making it possible to also see the world through

women’s eyes.

31

Millman & Kanter (1987:31) argue that important issues of social reality have been ignored

because social research has relied on particular “models of social structure and action”,with most of the “models that dominate sociology focusing upon traditionally masculine

concerns and male settings”. Sheriff (1987) exposes sexist bias in psychology which is

linked to the methods and theoretical assumptions used in psychological research.Dill (1987) on her part protests against the inadequate methods, concepts and theories

found in the literature about black families that often place women into a homogeneous

group which is usually not the case. This, according to Dill has often led to wrong interpretationsof data. Kelly-Gardol (1987) in her work just like Dill and Sheriff, brings out the existing bias

in traditional research, but argues that it is the methodological assumptions of traditional

research and not the methods or techniques of gathering information which are challenged

in the strive to portray women as historical persons in their own right in research. It is based

on publications like these that show how the epistemologies, methodologies and methods

of traditional research have led to missing information about women.

Most Feminists are in agreement about the fact that feminist research is quite different

from traditional research in regard to the approach, epistemological assumptions and researchmethodology. The question, whether there exists a distinctive feminist methodology, has

been a question in debate for a long time now (DeVault 1996, Waller 2005, Ironstone-

Catterall et al 1998, Ardovini-Brooker 2002, Brayton 1997, Anderson, E. 2004).Before getting into a discussion on whether feminist methodologies are distinctive from

traditional methodologies, it is important to understand terms like method, epistemology

and methodology, because they are important features of this discussion.

“Methodology is a theory and analysis of how research does or should proceed; it includes

accounts of how the general structure of theory finds its application in particular scientificdisciplines. Feminist researchers have argued that traditional theories have been applied

in ways that make it difficult to understand women’s participation in social life, or to understand

men’s activities as gendered” (Harding 1987:2).

“An epistemology is a theory of knowledge. It answers questions about who can be a 'Knower',

what tests beliefs must pass in order to be legitimated as knowledge, what kinds of thingscan be known etc. Sociologists of knowledge characterise epistemologies as strategies

32

for justifying beliefs. Feminists have argued that traditional epistemologies, whether

intentionally or unintentionally, systematically exclude the possibility that women could be'knowers' or agents of knowledge. Feminists claim the voice of science to be a masculine

one and that history is written from only the point of view of men (of the dominant class and

race). It is also a common claim with feminists that the subject of a traditional sociologicalsentence is always assumed to be a man. Feminists have proposed alternative theories of

knowledge that legitimate women as knowers” (Harding 1987:3).

A research method is a tool and technique used to gather information or data. Method has

always been intertwined to methodology and epistemology, which has therefore made it

difficult to identify the distinctive features of feminist research. The methods used by feministsand traditional social scientists are therefore essentially the same. As Harding (1987:2)

has clearly stated, “feminist researchers use just about any and all the methods in this

concrete sense of the term which traditional andocentric researchers have used. The wayin which they carry out the methods of gathering information is what makes the difference”.

Ardovini-Brooker (2002) advocates that feminist methodology is distinct from traditionalmethodology, because it is based on epistemological assumptions that are different from

those of traditional methodology. She goes further to point out that the ways women perceive

reality is different, necessitating a different approach than the traditional one when carryingout research involving women. Waller (2005) also supports the view of a distinctive feminist

methodology by insisting that this methodology does not fall within traditional methodology

because it is grounded within feminist theoretical perspectives. DeVault (1996) also arguesin favour of a distinctive feminist methodology, stressing that feminists seek a methodology

that reveals the perspective of women, seek practices that minimise harm to women and

invest in research that can lead to social change for women.

The methods used by feminists and traditional social scientists are essentially the same.

As Harding (1987) has clearly stated, “feminist researchers use just about any and all themethods in this concrete sense of the term which traditional andocentric researchers have

used. The way in which they carry out the methods of gathering information is what makes

the difference.”

33

Smith (1987) stresses that the problem confronted with the issue of methods, is how to do

“sociology that is for women and that takes women as its subjects and its knowers, whenthe methods of thinking, which sociologists have learned as the methods of producing

recognisably sociological texts, reconstruct women as objects.” Smith therefore insists that

“research should preserve the presence of subjects as knowers and as actors and nottransform subjects into the objects of study.”

It has often been difficult to make the distinction between feminist and traditional researchbecause method has often been used to represent all three research aspects (epistemology,

methodology and method) in both traditional and feminist discourses. Although there are

important connections between the three aspects, Harding (1987) believes it would be“misleading and confusing to refer to issues of epistemology or issues of methodology as

being methods.”

It is therefore reasonable to conclude, that there is a difference between feminist and traditional

epistemology, and considering the fact that epistemology is the foundation on which feminist

methodology is built, this makes feminist methodology different from traditional methodology(Ardovini-Brooker 2002, Anderson 2004).

While traditional research for a long time has ignored the experiences of women, feministresearch celebrates these experiences. Therefore, feminist research attempts to explore

the social relations, which reject the lived realities of oppressed groups, especially women.

This part of the feminist research will be integrated in this research in view of its objectiveto have women as active participants and subjects in the research.

Feminist research also differs from traditional research in that it actively seeks to dissolvethe power imbalance between the researcher and the researched (Wasserfall 1993, Brayton

1997, Ironstone-Catterall et al. 1998, Ardovini-Brooker 2002), leading to equality among

both parties, hence information sharing. The researched is therefore not just an informantin the research. Feminist research is politically oriented and has a focus of removing social

inequality, and it begins with the standpoints and lived realities of women.

Leaning on feminist research, the author will try as far as possible to dissolve the power

imbalance between researchers and researched, in an attempt to get a complete version

34

of the life and living conditions of the men and women through information sharing. This

research is also intended to bring change, not just in the lives of women but also in the livesof the men in the research area. The research is therefore intended to be emancipatory, to

enable men and women to play an active part in the conservation activities. The research

will therefore strive towards producing data that can stimulate the institutions responsiblefor forest management in the area to make policy decisions that can serve as an incentive

for the local people to fully participate in forest management.

2.4 Gender Theory

The EU-Office of the German Ministry of Education and Science defines gender as a “socio-

economical and cultural term in which women and men in specific social contexts areattributed with different and unequal roles, responsibilities, limits, expectations, possibilities

and needs”. Recently, however, also the category of boys and girls is becoming important

and will also be considered in this research because the needs of girls might not necessarilycorrespond to those of women, just like the needs of boys in comparison to those of men.

“Gender theory recognises equal potential, while allowing for differences betweenthe genders. The gender theory includes man, woman and child and not only woman as

conceived in the feminist theory” (Handrahan 1999:7).

This theory focuses on masculine and feminine roles, their implications and impacts on

each other. It therefore deals with the social relationships between males and females

in society. According to Handrahan (1999:8), “Gender theory reaches beyond the inclusionof women and the examination of men in the light of feminism. Thus, gender theory is

the sum total of three aspects that occur when women are brought into research projects,

1) women’s lives, 2) men’s lives and 3) the interactions and the products of male/female,feminine/masculine converge. This is the link between feminist and gender research”.

Gender is not about men or women, but seeks to identify the cultural relationshipbetween men and women, boys and girls and the way this relationship is socio-

culturally constructed. In view of the fact that gender is a cultural construction, one would

be right to say, it is not static but very dynamic across cultures, times, generations

35

and between members of the same sex. Analysing this relationship could be important

to understand the way men and women use and manage forests in the research area.

2.4.1 Gender Analysis

“The concept of gender analysis arose from the need to mainstream women’s interestswhile at the same time acknowledging that women could not be treated as a homogeneous

group. It was realized that women’s needs were better understood when viewed in relation

to men’s needs and roles and to their social, cultural, political, and economic context.Gender analysis thus takes into account women’s roles in production, reproduction, and

management of community and other activities. Changes in one may produce beneficial or

detrimental effects in others” (World Bank Group 2007:201).

GEM (2000) has defined gender analysis as the “systematic gathering and examination

of information on gender differences and social relations in order to identify, understand

and redress inequities based on gender”. According to Seager & Hartmann (2005:1),the purpose of gender analysis is to “understand the relations that govern social, cultural

and economic exchanges between women and men in different areas, from the household

to the community. It addresses fundamental issues such as power and social relationsbetween men and women as well as amongst women, and how and by whom notions of

masculinity and feminity are defined.” Power in this case would mean, for example,

information flow (the information one group has, which the other does not, is already anadvantage and this can be used in disempowering the disadvantaged group. This also

holds true for decision-making, where the group that makes decisions is considered

more powerful).

The concepts of sex and gender are quite similar, but nonetheless distinct. Gender is

focused on the cultural characteristics that shape behaviour of men and women in society,while sex identifies the biological differences between women and men. Again, while

gender seeks to bring out the variations within same-sex categories and cultures, the

concept of sex unearths the similarities between same-sex categories and variationsbetween the sexes.

36

Men and women often have different productive and reproductive roles with regard to forest

resource management. In addition, many studies from virtually every region of the tropicsconfirm, that both men and women are involved in commercial NTFP activities (Terry and

Cunningham 1993, Hecht et al. 1988, Falconer 1990, Che 2004). The women are mostly

highly involved in small-scale forest product commercialisation, for example, selling of fruitsat the local level. However, in comparison with the men, they mainly sell products with very

low cash value. For the time being, these incomes often represent the only alternative source

of income for women beside backyard gardening, rearing small ruminants and poultry. Insome cases, women are the primary harvesters, processors and marketers of NTFPs,

which are the most frequently harvested forest products by the local people, especially the

poor from the forest (from my baseline survey in the South Province, Cameroon April 16thto June 30th 2005).

An examination of gender differences is critical for a complete understanding of the gendereduse and management of the forest as well as social justice, equity and welfare. A focus on

gender as a social category reveals significant and complex differences, inequalities and

divisions in the interactions between forest utilisation and society. This point can be illustratedusing the work of Agarwal (2001) in Nepal and India, in which women are very sparsely

represented in Community Forest Groups (CFG), leading to them not being actively involved

in decision making on forest resource use in their communities. Because of this, somedecisions (e.g. forest closure) are taken without consulting women (decisions are made in

their absence or even if they are present, their opinions are considered as having no weight),

and impact negatively on them. Therefore, without equity in decision-making, the welfare ofthe women is not assured leading to an increase in the time spent in searching for forest

products.

Simple gender analysis guides, useful not only to expert gender analysts but beginners as

well, have been made available by many organizations/institutions and individual

researchers (GEM, UNDP, GDRC, IFUW, IGNARM, FAO, Seager & Hartmann 2005, SWC1998, Miller & Razavi 1998, Hannan 2002, CIDA 2000) to simplify the task of gender

analysis, and thus encourage more people to engage in this process.

When carrying out a gender analysis, there are certain important points which need to be

considered to be sure the analysis captures all the important information on the lives of the

37

men and women to be investigated. According to GDRC (2007), “a gender analysis should

recognise that:- women’s and men’s lives and therefore experiences, needs, issues and priorities are

different;

- the life experiences, needs, interests, issues, and priorities vary for different groups ofwomen (dependent on age, ethnicity, disability, income levels, employment status, marital

status, sexual orientation and whether they have dependants);

- different strategies may be necessary to achieve equitable outcomes for women andmen and different groups of women;

- analyses should aim to achieve equity, rather than equality.”

Gender analysis seeks to promote equity between men and women. Treating women equally

like men does not necessarily lead to equity, because their life conditions maybe different.

The needs of men are often considered the norm in society (especially in the Africansociety - from experience of the author) and women just have to look for a way to adjust

and fit into a category of these needs. Equal opportunities for both men and women

needs to be promoted and this means taking into consideration the life style, needs andinterests of women too. A comprehensive socio-economic analysis has to take into account

gender relations, for gender is a factor in all social and economic relations. Gender analysis

is a methodology which can be used to understand gender issues in any given context.

Understanding the livelihoods situation of local men and women in this research will thus

necessitate doing a livelihoods analysis that explores gender issues. The sustainablelivelihoods framework will thus be used to guide the gender analysis of local livelihoods.

This implies analysing for example the livelihoods assets men and women have access

to or questioning how institutional policies affect men and women. Pasteur (2002) usedthe Sustainable Livelihoods Framework to guide gender analysis at the primary stakeholder/

community level and stresses that the use of this framework should be adapted to the

context of the research and research area. The categories of inquiry Pasteur proposed,based on the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, involve roles and responsibilities, assets,

power and decision-making as well as needs, priorities and perspectives of men and

women. The gender analysis will also be used in this research to analyse the livelihoodsof the local men and women in the research area, using the Sustainable Livelihoods

Framework as a guide.

38

A lot of research has already been carried out on resource management, using gender

analysis (Vernooy et al. 2006, Agarwal 2001, Brown & Lapuyade 2001, Mikkelsen 2005).Mikkelsen (2005) concludes from the results of her research that most studies available

on natural resource management and indigenous people are ‘gender blind’, since they

do not account for the part in indigenous natural resource management undertaken bymen and women respectively nor the differentiation of indigenous knowledge by gender.

In addition, Mikkelsen (2005) thinks a lot of research focuses on indigenous women,

making women the only sex termed gender. This leads to a lack of an actual genderanalysis of indigenous resource management by indigenous people, making it difficult to

develop a framework that can effectively involve them in conservation projects. This research

will therefore try to bridge this gap in its effort to produce information reflecting the needsof both, men and women in the local communities. The results from research on resource

management using gender analysis also illustrate that this analytical tool is important, for

it uncovers roles that are usually overlooked, represents the diversity in the community,and also describes the institutions that support or constrain the activities of both men

and women in the community. Therefore, gender analysis is an important element in

socio-economic analysis and according to GEM (2000), a “valuable descriptive anddiagnostic tool for development planners and crucial to gender mainstreaming efforts.”

2.4.2 Gender Mainstreaming

In the report of the Economic and Social Council for 1997 in the Gender Mainstreaming

System of the United Nations, the following definition of Gender Mainstreaming was used:

“Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the process of assessing the implications forwomen and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programmes, in

all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making women’s as well as men’s concerns

and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring andevaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so

that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal

is to achieve gender equality.”

In the United Nations report of the Fourth World Conference on women in Beijing (1995),

it is stated that “...Governments and other actors should promote an active and visible

39

policy of mainstreaming a gender perspective into all policies and programmes, so that,

before decisions are taken, an analysis is made of the effects on women and men,respectively.” The IFUW Programme for Action 2004-2007 also insists, that equality and

women’s empowerment are achievable only when all rights are taken as a whole, and

gender mainstreaming is a critical prerequisite for this. This aspect as well as other humandiversity issues (religion, class, status, age, ethnicity, etc) for sustainable forest

management have not yet been given the weight it deserves in the research area.

This research has been designed to include all these levels or units of analysis (countries,

villages, ethnic groups, men and women) in order to account for the views of all those

involved in forest use and management in the research area. It is also essential to makea comparison of the way the different communities (and the ethnic groups within them)

within and between the countries use and manage forests, how the different conservation

projects manage the forest and their relationship to the local people for the three countries.

40

3. RESEARCH DESIGN, METHODOLOGY AND METHODS3.1 Research Design

To ease understanding, this section will beginn with an explanation of the forest management

system and the user groups involved in the research area.

3.1.1 Kinds of Forest Management in the Research Area

There are two kinds of forest management in the research area:- Formal forest management (rules enforced by the state) practiced by conservation

projects, logging companies and safari hunters.

- Local/indigenous forest management, practiced by local communities.The conservation projects, safari hunters, logging companies and local communities are

the main forest actors or stakeholders recognised by the state.

Figure1: Forest User Groups in the Management System of the Research Area

41

The following section explains what the various arrows in Figure 1 represent:

The state imposes rules and regulations on forest users such as local communities

living around or within forests, logging companies/industrial users, safari hunters, and

conservation projects. The state also establishes what uses are not allowed, hence illegal.

The conservation projects work with local communities (within which are different

ethnic groups, within these ethnic groups are found different households and within

these households are women/girls and men/boys) as well as industrial users and safari

hunters with the aim of controlling their forest activities, especially in areas reserved

for conservation and buffer zones surrounding the reserved areas as well as certain

areas of value within logging concessions.

Conservation projects manage forest parts usually using international criteria

and indicators for SFM, restricting or forbidding access for local communities, forest

exploitation companies and safari hunters into certain forest parts. They use ecoguards,

employed by the governments and working directly with the conservation projects, to

enforce these rules and regulations in the forest.

Local communities, i.e. men, women, boys and girls use and manage forests.

This forest management level usually involves using indigenous knowledge to foster

productivity, regeneration and vitality of wild resources, thereby ensuring the availability

of these resources for present and future use. The local people usually use and manage

forest resources based on their cultural norms. This kind of forest management will be

termed ‘local’ or ‘indigenous forest management’ in this research.

Logging companies use forests as well as manage them. The states usually

expect a management plan from the companies before logging begins. These plans

are supposed to be updated as logging goes on. Logging companies are not engaged

in reforestation.

Safari hunters are supposed to practise controlled forest use through the killing

of a limited number of specific animals.

Poaching is an illegal activity and the state therefore does not consider poachers

to form a legitimate Forest User Group. However, this has not stopped poachers from

using the forest. Thus, their forest use activities cannot be neglected. They are only

involved in forest use.

42

The forest in the research area is used and managed by many forest actors (see Figure 1).

The national governments in the research area usually work with multilateral and bilateralorganisations (e.g. World Bank) to generate rules and regulations on forest use. They

promote industrial timber production through the allocation of large forest parts as forest

concessions. The multilateral and bilateral organisations, to whom the governments areusually heavily indebted, support this plan of action, most especially through the structural

adjustment and economic liberalisation programmes imposed on these governments as

a condition for organisations to continue lending them money. The states, in their effort toconserve some parts of the forest, also create conservation projects. They are usually

aided by international organisations.

3.1.2 Research Concepts

Into this research design were incorporated the concepts of the feminist theory (the concept

of power and the concept of gender construction) and those of the gender theory, whichgives importance to the relationship between the roles of men and women and the impacts

and implications of these roles on each other. A gender analysis of the research communities

as a methodology was therefore carried out in the frame of this theory. Hence, SLF structureddata collection on the livelihoods of the local people as well as gender analysis was used

to capture the power differences in society and the gender construction in the use and

management of forest resources.

To fully consider the idea of SFM, one must address how the management and use of theforest affects the very identity of forest dwelling people. Since these forest dwelling people

are made up of men/boys and women/girls, gender is socially constructed through the

relationships of the men and women to the forest and forest resources. The difference inthe way men and women use the forest is important to SFM practice and policy, since

sustainability necessitates understanding of the construction of gender roles as a function

of resource use and management. Thus, SFM in its practice needs to include gendermainstreaming, which works on how to include and understand gender within SFM and

how to use the differences between men and women to build SFM strategies. In order to be

able to obtain information that can help to promote gender mainstreaming in SFM, hence

43

also answering the research question, this research drew from theories (feminist and gender

theory) and analytical models (the sustainable livelihoods framework and gender analysis).Drawing from the feminist theory, the concepts of power and gender construction in relation

to forest use and management were chosen for this research.

Warren (1994:182-183) has identified five types of power which will be discussed here.

Firstly, there is power-over power, which is the type of power that involves the domination

of the less privileged by the privileged. This domination is often shown when the privilegeddisapprove or limit the rights of the less privileged. Warren (1994:180) has termed the less

privileged the “downs” and the privileged the “ups” making a clear distinction between

these two groups.

Secondly, there is power-with power, which involves power sharing with others who usually

have relatively equal power status. This coalition is usually formed more because of thedifferences than the similarities between the groups, using mutual exchange to strengthen

the bond. Warren (1994) links this form of power not only between humans but also between

humans and non-humans (natural environment), illustrating how nature has sometimes beenunwittingly or intentionally destroyed because of this domination over it.

Thirdly, there is power-within power, which is power that comes from within an individualor a group. This power can lead to empowerment relationships if used constructively or to

destructive relationships if used to destroy or oppress.

Fourthly, there is power-towards power, the type of power which people portray when they

take a stance to change their way of living. This power has a positive impact if the change

of lifestyle is from bad to good, while the impact is negative when the change is from goodto bad.

Lastly, there is power-against power, which is exercised by “downs” against “ups”, wherethey can no longer tolerate the domination of the “ups.”

Which ever forms of power exist in society, it is important to make the effort to stop thoseforms that lead to systems of domination and oppression/subordination in society. The

existence of such a relationship is a direct indication of power inequality. Drawing from the

44

Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (2005) “feminists who are interested in power are

interested in understanding and critiquing social relations of domination and subordinationand thinking about how such relations can be transformed through individual and collective

resistance”.

Such domination has been illustrated in the work of de Beauvoir (1989) in which she portrays

how in the relationship between men and women in society, women are dominated by men

and are perceived as the “other”. Smith (1987) also talks about this domination of womenby men, stressing how women have been excluded from the ruling of society. Ardayfio-

Schandorf (2000:41) also illustrates the concept of power in gender relations in local African

communities, stressing that gender systems reflect power inequalities between men andwomen.

The concept of power will be used in this research because it is important to understandhow power inequalities can affect societal norms, in relation to gender and ethnic groups

and how this affects the livelihoods or way of living of those involved. This concept of power

helps to point at differences - the differences between men and women, between the localpeople and institutions, within and out of the village. This is essential if any planned projects

or programmes strive to improve the lives of those who are disadvantaged because of this

power inequality. This research, in addition to the power inequality within the society, alsostrives to analyse the power inequality between external actors like government institutions

and the local communities and the effects of this power inequality in relation to the limitations

on access to the forest and its resources imposed on the local communities and how itaffects their livelihoods.

The second concept chosen for this research, the concept of gender construction, is importantfor understanding the differences in power. Gender as a socio-economic variable analysis

the roles, responsibilities, needs, interests, constraints and opportunities of the local men

and women involved in forest management. Gender essentially works on the fundamentalprinciple that the roles of men and women in society in general and forest use and management

in particular are different. The existence of difference is usually the root of inequality - power

inequality in this case. Therefore, to gain a nuanced understanding of what causes andnurtures power inequalities as well as its effects on local livelihoods, it is important to investigate

the roles of the men and women involved and the relationship between them.

45

3.2 Research Methodology

To obtain information based on these concepts, two analytical methodologies were chosen:1. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework

Figure 2 shows the DFID Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, illustrating the interconnectionbetween:- Policies and institutions- Livelihood capital assets- Livelihood strategies- Livelihood outcomes and- Vulnerability context

Figure 2: The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) Source: DFID (2001)

According to Figure 2, “within a particular ‘vulnerability context’, defined for example by

shifting seasonal constraints, short-term economic shocks and longer-term trends of change,

people deploy five types of ‘livelihood assets’ or capital in variable combinations, withincircumstances influenced by institutional structures and processes, in order to

pursue diverse ‘livelihood strategies’, with more or less measurable ‘livelihood outcomes’ “

(CPRC 2005:1).

46

Box 3: Characteristics of the SLF (CPRC 2005:1)

• Firstly, the approach is ‘people-centred’, in that the making of policy is based on

understanding the realities of struggle of poor people themselves, on the principle oftheir participation in determining priorities for practical intervention, and on their need

to influence the institutional structures and processes that govern their lives.

• Secondly, it is ‘holistic’, in that it is ‘non-sectoral’ and it recognises multiple influences,multiple actors, multiple strategies and multiple outcomes.

• Thirdly, it is ‘dynamic’, in that it attempts to understand change, complex cause-and

effect relationships and ‘iterative chains of events’.• Fourthly, it starts with analysis of strengths rather than of needs, and seeks to build on

everyone’s inherent potential.

• Fifthly, it attempts to ‘bridge the gap’ between macro- and micro-levels.• Sixthly, it is committed explicitly to several different dimensions of sustainability:

environmental, economic, social and institutional. Conflicts between these dimensions

are however, recognised.

The analysis of the livelihoods of the local people is guided by the sustainable livelihoodsframework. In this research, the role of power and gender construction within the sustainable

livelihoods framework was unearthed, for a better interpretation of the data obtained through

the livelihoods analysis. The concept of power can be understood, if one understands therelationship between the institutions (e.g. policies related to forest use) and the local people,

as well as between the ethnic groups and between the men and women within the community.

For example, the unequal availability of assets within the community tends to have asconsequence a reduction (for those with more assets) or increase (for those with fewer

assets) in vulnerability of certain people to poverty, where those with more assets tend to

be considered more powerful.

All the five core elements of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Livelihood assets,

Vulnerability context, Livelihood strategies, Livelihood outcomes and Institutional structuresand processes) will be considered in this research because the concepts are linked to

each other. Everything that local men and women use to make a livelihood is considered a

livelihood asset. The sustainable livelihoods framework identifies five core capital assets,which are Human capital, Social capital, Physical capital, Natural capital and Financial

capital. These assets are considered important to this research because their availability

47

or non-availability usually has a direct influence on the livelihoods of local people. Messer

and Townsley (2003:8), illustrate the importance of the assets, stating that “the diversityand amount of these different assets that households have at their disposal will affect what

sort of livelihood they are able to create for themselves”.

It will therefore be essential to capture all the assets available to the local people and the

access they have to these assets and how the assets shape their livelihoods strategies

and the livelihood outcomes of the livelihood strategies chosen. Investigating the assetsavailable to the local men and women could also lead to discerning what they are vulnerable

to and their strategies to overcome this vulnerability. An investigation of the institutions

which interact with local men and women is also necessary because they usually influenceaccess to livelihood assets hence shaping the livelihood strategies people choose to get

livelihood outcomes. The policies of these institutions could also be the cause of local

people’s vulnerability to poverty.

Since the resources in the local communities are used by both men and women, it also

calls for an inclusion of both men and women in the analysis, thereby linking the frameworkto the concept of gender construction. Based on this concept, access to assets, the influence

of institutions on this access, the way assets are combined to create livelihood strategies

that will lead to livelihood outcomes and the vulnerability context has to be analysed forboth men and women.

2. The Gender Analysis Methodology within the Gender TheoryThe analysis for men and women based on the sustainable livelihoods framework was

done using the gender analysis which involved grouping men/boys and women/girls into

separate discussion groups with the discussions based on their lived experiences. Thisinvolved looking specifically at the roles of men and women in forest use, the constraints

men and women face in the course of carrying out their forest activities, the relationship

between the men and women and other forest actors like the conservation projects, safarihunters, logging companies and poachers.

The gender analysis is therefore intended to provide information that recognises that gender(including other social diversities like ethnicity, class, age, etc) is important, to comprehend

the patterns of involvement in forest activities and the behaviours in relation to the forest

48

and its resources. A gender analysis is thus crucial to gender mainstreaming efforts as it

provides the information necessary for this normative concept to be a part of SFM.

In order to answer the research question, the gender analysis and the livelihoods analysis

were carried out at the following different levels:

- The countries involved in managing the conservation area.

- Projects responsible for the management of the conservation area within the countries.

It was important to find out if gender mainstreaming was included in the SFM processby these conservation projects, i.e. if the projects included a gender analysis of the

local communities in the course of their work with them. It was also important to bring

out the power relations (between the local people and the conservation projects), whichaffect local people’s forest use and therefore their livelihoods.

- Selected communities within these countries.

The communities were studied to bring out the internal and external institutions which

influence people in these communities. Since the communities contain different ethnicgroups, the ethnic groups were considered separately to be able to compare their

forest activities as well as the effect of the institutions on them and to bring out the

power difference between the two groups. From the ethnic groups, a few householdswere sampled. The household is deemed to be an important unit of research because

even though people may be involved in different activities as individuals, it is at the

level of the household that the real impact of these activities are felt. Both the men/boysand women/girls within the households and communities were the subjects of the

research, to be able to bring out a complete socio-economic analysis of their activities

and way of life, in order to bring out the gendered nature of their activities, the powerdifferences which exist between them as well as the institutions which affect their livelihood

activities, using the gender analysis and SLF.

49

3.2.1 Research Participants

The research participants in this research comprise of:

- the local communities situated around and within the research area; and

- the conservation initiatives working with these local communities

In each of the three countries (Cameroon, Central African Republic and Congo) responsible

for the management of the trinational conservation area, there are people who live in anduse the resources of this area. The conservation initiatives/projects working in this area

have therefore established working relationships with these villages. The conservation

initiatives are usually managed by international organisations (GTZ-German TechnicalCooperation, WWF-World Wide Fund for Nature, WCS-Wildlife Conservation Society) in

collaboration with the government service responsible for forestry. The organisation generally

supplies most of the funds and technical know-how in the management of the project. In allthree countries, these villages therefore fall under the administration of the organisations

responsible for managing the area.

3.2.2 Selection of Research Communities

A database containing information on location, population size, types of ethnic groups andeconomic activities is kept by the organisations for all the villages found in this area. The

author went through this database to check which ones matched the (following) criteria for

selecting the villages. More information was obtained from discussions with other fieldexperts working in other local and national organisations (e.g. CEFAID) who work regularly

in these villages as well as with people who have been in most of the villages for one

reason or the other, for example mobile vendors or people who have travelled to the villagesto visit relatives and friends.

The following criteria (in order of importance) were then proposed by the author anddiscussed with the managing organisations for the selection of the villages to be included

in the research:

1. The villages had to have a high level of dependence on the forest and its products sincethis research is essentially on forest use by the local people.

50

2. It was important for the villages to be socio-economically differentiated in relation to

education level, land holdings, wealth and ethnic groups, to permit the analysis of variationsand similarities within this heterogeneous community. It was deemed important to learn

how the different people link to the forest in view of their socio-economic differences.

3. The villages had to be rural, to reduce the influence of urbanisation on local knowledge in

forest activities and social norms. This was important in order to get to know the traditional

way the local people still use and manage their forests.

4. There had to be socio-political institutions that influence the social organisation of the

community, to determine the influence of these various institutions on the livelihoods orway of living of different community groups.

5. There had to be some measure of joint collaborative forest management activities. Thiswas important to show that the people are at least organised to a certain level concerning

the management of their resources.

6. The villages had to be accessible and secure during the research, in order to make the

research process possible.

Based on the above criteria, the author then decided together with each conservation

organisation in each country, which villages were suitable for the research. The following six

villages (two from each country) were chosen for the research:

Cameroon• Yenga

• Nguilili

Central African Republic• Lindjombo

• Kounda Papaye

Congo• Ngatongo

• Ikelemba

51

3.2.3 Overview Field ResearchAfter selecting the villages, a field assistant working within the conservation project foreach country was assigned to travel with the author to the villages. The use of project personnel

instead of neutral persons did not seem to cause bias, since their role was only limited to

introducing the researcher in the villages and to translate. They had no control over how theresearch was to unfold. Since the project personnel were already well-acquainted with the

villagers through their work in the villages, having them around was advantageous, because

it became easier to develop a quick rapport with the people.

Letters or messages were sent to two of the village chiefs through travellers or by high

frequency radio announcing the author’s arrival and intended research. The message onlyincluded the information that a researcher would be coming to the village and on what date.

The research team visited the other four villages without previous warning, either because

there was no high frequency radio or no traveller could be found going to the village at thattime. The researcher team was welcomed in all cases. Even though some of the villages

were informed of our imminent arrival while others were not, it did not change the consistency

of data collection for any of the villages since the villagers who were informed had no ideaof the exact nature of the research just like those who were not informed. The surprise

arrival of researchers in the villages is actually considered a normal occurrence in the villages

and a decision whether to go ahead with the research or not is taken by the village chiefand his notables after conferring with them. Consistency across the data and across data

analysis for all the villages was controlled as far as possible. Immediately after the author

and the field assistant arrived at a village, they went directly to the village chief’s compound,where the objective and importance of the research were discussed. After conferring with

his notables, the chief sent out a village crier to invite the whole village to attend an information

meeting at the chief’s compound.

52

Both Baaka and Bantu men and women were usually invited to attend this information

meeting. The field assistant, who usually had worked on several occasions in the village,always introduced the author after which the author was given the chance to give a detailed

explanation of the research project (which included the main objective being to find out

how the local people use and manage forest) and its significance (how the results of theresearch could be useful in influencing the international organisations/government to include

local people officially in forest management). The author usually explained in French, then

the information was translated by the field assistant into the local language. At the end ofthis explanation, the author asked the people for permission to carry out the research in

their village as well as permission to reside in the village during the research period. The

author then explained the work plan (discussion groups, participatory mapping, and householdsurvey), the duration of the work (how long the research team was to stay in the village) and

the role of the people in the research (their participation in meetings). The population was

also entreated by the author to collaborate with the research team to ensure success ofthe project. An opportunity was also given to those people (maximum number of four) in

the village, who could speak French, to join the research team.

The author emphasised her status as a PhD student carrying out research to complete her

thesis and that the project being carried out was conceived independently of any influence

by government or the conservation initiative responsible for forest management in the area.Stressing this point was important because the author did not want to raise undue expectations

in the community that material benefits might result from their participation, and also hoped

to make the community aware that the author was there to learn from them and not the otherway round, and therefore increase trust. The author noticed that this made the people speak

more freely as they could assume the position of teachers during conversations.

The local people were given the opportunity to ask for clarifications whenever they did

not understand something. They gave the dates and time when they would be available

for meetings as well as the venue of the meetings. The villagers usually came out in theirnumbers to attend this meetings. The author, however, noticed that very few or no Baaka

attended the general meetings and even when they did, they actually said nothing during

the meeting. The author decided therefore, to move after the general information meetingalso to the Baaka settlement/camp, to make a similar meeting with the Baaka, which

was likewise well attended. The Baaka usually welcomed this gesture, as they explained

53

that many who come to the village for work of this nature usually do not make the time to

come to their camp and explain the purpose of the research to them. They informed theauthor that they usually do not like attending meetings with the Bantu, because they have

no nice clothes to wear and the Bantu consider them only to be second-class citizens, so

they usually do not feel comfortable attending meetings with them. Visiting them at theirsettlement was a good move, because this made them more willing to share information,

which they would normally not reveal to other people.

The research team was accepted by both ethnic groups in all the villages that were selected

for study. This field research took place from July 2006 to December 2006. The idea

behind choosing this period was to include the period when the most important forestproducts are harvested, so first hand observations could also be made. This period included

a part (July to October) of the rainy season as well as part (November to December) of

the dry season.

The problem linked with the choice of this time frame was the fact that the local people

were usually very mobile during this period, as they go about their forest activities. It wastherefore difficult for them to come to a consensus as to what time they could be available

for meetings. It also proved difficult to have meetings with the people on rainy days, since

everyone preferred to stay at home, away from the wetness and cold. Meeting placessometimes had to be changed, especially for the Baaka, in favour of places where a fire

could be lit, around which they would sit to keep themselves warm. In addition, during the

rainy season, it was sometimes an ordeal to even get to some of the villages (especiallythe Central African Republic villages) when it rained.

The team spent at least seven days in each village and the chief always lodged the teamthroughout the duration of the stay in the village. When there was no room in the main

house, the team used tents on the chief’s compound. The author spent one and a half

months each in Congo and Central African Republic and three months in Cameroon. Thelong stay in Cameroon involved waiting one month for a research permit to be established

before the actual fieldwork could begin. Contacts were being made with the two other countries

during this waiting period.

54

3.3 Research Methods3.3.1 Case Study

Tellis (1997), views a case study as one designed to bring out the details from the viewpointof the participants by using multiple sources of data. Tellis also stresses that a case study

research is not a sampling research. However, the selection of cases has to be done to

maximize what can be learned in the time frame available for the study. Tellis also emphasiseson the importance of a case study, for it is multi-perspective with an analysis of the perspective

of the actors chosen for the study and of other parties who interact with the actors. This one

aspect is a significant attribute of case studies, thereby making the powerless and voicelesssubjects of the research.

There is also a possibility for triangulation in case studies in order to confirm validity. Theneed for triangulation, according to Yin (1984) arises from the ethical need to confirm the

validity of the processes. In case studies, this could be done by using multiple sources of

data. The purpose of the study should therefore establish the parameters, which shouldbe applicable to research. In this way, even a single case (for example individuals or groups

within a community) could be considered acceptable, provided it met the established

purpose of the research.

In this research, the case study method was therefore chosen, rather than using large samples

and following a rigid protocol to examine a limited number of variables, which would havebeen inflexible, because necessary qualitative data about the group to be studied could

have been lost or overlooked in the process. The case study method helped to understand

as much as possible about the research participants and their activities. It was also possiblethrough this method to organise the issues to be discussed from a broader view at the

beginning of the research to a more specific view towards the end, so as to capture as

much information as possible. During the research, the views of people within and out ofthe community (like the different conservation organisations), who interact with the indigenous

people were also considered, corresponding to Tellis’ (1997) view of a case study being a

multi-perspective analysis.

Case studies have been criticised as being too subjective to personal interpretation of the

researcher, that it is microscopic because it lacks a sufficient number of cases and thereforeresults may not be generalisable to other cases. In order to discount such bias in this research,

55

the case study in this research has a multiple case design (different countries, many villages,

different ethnic groups, men and women) to allow for comparison of results with the aim toconfirm the validity of the results to be able to make generalisations of these results to

theory and to populations.

3.3.2 Data Collection

A personal interview approach was chosen for this research, with the intention of increasing

cooperation with the participants. This method made immediate clarifications possiblebetween interviewers and respondents, on issues not understood by either side. Both

qualitative and quantitative methods were used to collect data.

Qualitative versus Quantitative Research

“The social sciences are methodologically diverse using both qualitative and quantitativemethods. Quantitative and qualitative research methodologies are constructed as distinct

research methods and the difference between the two is structured in terms of methodology

and epistemology” (Brayton 1997).

Qualitative and quantitative research are usually carried out for different reasons, which

could be the possibility to generalise to a wider population, to make predictions or makeexplanations for causes of certain events (for quantitative research) or as a means to make

interpretations based on a particular situation and to understand events according to the

informants viewpoint (for qualitative research). This would therefore imply different researchmethods for both types of research to come up with expected results. This is the

methodological difference between qualitative and quantitative research, since they have

different theories as to how and why research should be carried out.

From the standpoint of epistemology, Brayton (1987) believes that “qualitative research

values subjective, personal meaning and definition, commonalities and gives voices to theoppressed. In contrast, quantitative research is constructed in terms of testing theories

and making predictions in an objective, value free way, where the researcher is detached

from both the participants and the research process.” The researcher in a quantitative research

56

is therefore independent of what is being studied, while the researcher in qualitative research

usually tries to emerge herself/himself with the research subjects, building a rapport withthe subjects of the research. In quantitative research therefore, what is being studied is

considered the object of research and the results are considered objective and independent

of the researcher, while in qualitative research, the results are considered to be sociallyrelated to the context or situation being studied, making the results of the study subjective.

Whether to use qualitative or quantitative approaches has been a topic in debate for longby feminist methodologists. Feminists have challenged both approaches as used by traditional

social science because feminists see its claims to objectivity as flawed since “it does not

recognise how its own biases impact on the research process from the choice of a topic tothe final presentation of data” (Brayton 1997). Many feminists prefer to use qualitative

approaches claiming that the approaches are more helpful in evaluating the issues at stake.

Many researchers, however, advocate the use of both approaches to improve on the qualityof research. Reinharz (1993) terms the quantitative approach “feminist survey research

and other statistical formats” and points out that this is clearly one of the categories of

feminist research, even though theoretical writing about feminist research methods containsalmost no reference to the existence of this type of research, and for this reason she has

termed this approach a “neglected voice in feminist research”. Qualitative research, which

usually involves building a rapport with the people to be interviewed, has been termed“excessive demand” by Reinharz. She concludes by saying that both methods are important

in relation to the context of the research. The common approach to feminist quantitative

and qualitative research now involves correcting bias in the research by considering socialdiversity like gender, ethnicity, class, etc.

Rather than dwelling only on the drawbacks or differences of both types of research, theauthor looked at the type of information both could yield and concentrated efforts on looking

for ways to effectively incorporate them into the research. Both qualitative and quantitative

research methods have thus been chosen because they are complementary, with theinformation essential to answer the research question requiring a combination of both

approaches. A combination of both methods would be quite effective in this gender research,

since it will enable the author to draw a more complete, holistic and contextual picture ofgendered experiences in the research area in particular and sub-region as a whole. A

central precept of triangulation or the multiple-method approach is that the weaknesses

57

of one method can be counterbalanced by the other. Combining both methods aims to

attain the widest and most accurate representation of reality.

The qualitative research method was deemed important because it gave the opportunity

for the informants to emphasis their personal experiences and view points without necessarilybeing limited through structured questions. This method also made it possible for the author

to make interpretations of quantified data and also focus on links among a large number of

attributes across relatively few cases. Even though the quantitative method had a subordinaterole in this research, it helped to answer the question ‘how many’ to complete the ‘how and

why’ from the qualitative research. The qualitative and quantitative approaches can

complement but not replace each other.

There exist many methods of qualitative research like case study, participant observation,

focus group discussions, participatory mapping, oral histories, etc. Quantitative methodson the other hand typically include questionnaires, surveys, variables and relationships between

social factors, etc.

3.3.2.1 Qualitative Methods

There is strength in having more than one method in any study. Some methods are clearly

better suited to certain kinds of data and social situation, and reliance on a single methodinevitably reduces the richness of the data and the possibility of cross-checking information.

Participatory research methods like participatory mapping and modelling, focus group

discussions, open-ended interviews with key informants and participant/field observationwere chosen to learn more about the forest use of the various stakeholders and the constraints

and opportunities they encounter.

The above methods, which were used to collect this information, followed the concept of

gender analysis, so as to include the gendered roles and relations in the community. Paying

attention to the elements within the SLF, the methods were also used to make clear theconnections between these elements and how they affect the livelihoods of both men and

women.

58

3.3.2.1.1 Participatory Mapping

A participatory resource mapping was carried out with the local people to see how well

informed they are about the resources in their community. This research method involved

villagers mapping, drawing and colouring on sheets of paper, to make social and resourcemaps of their village. This method was therefore intended to provide a map locating individual

houses and the households within them, key social features (access roads and footpaths,

schools, shops and meeting places etc), as well as other geographical features (includingrivers, village boundaries etc).

This exercise also provided the sampling frame for the quantitative sample survey. Therefore,for each household in the village, a census form indentifying the ethnic group, religion,

household size, marital status/age/gender of household head completed along with a short

description of the house. This information allowed the classification of a household into awealth group. Each household was numbered and these numbers were then used during

the selection process of the households to be interviewed.

The group, which went out to carry out this task, was made up of village youths living in the

village, since they were best informed about the people and resources found in their village.

In some of the villages, the village chief accompanied the team to carry out this task. It wasusually difficult to involve women in this activity, for they were usually busy with household

work and other activities. Only in one of the villages was a young woman present in the

team. Whenever the team arrived at the Baaka camp, one or two of the Baaka was alsoincluded in the team.

This mapping combined with a transect walk, which involved walking with community membersthrough the village, observing and asking questions, was particularly useful in many ways:

- This mapping and transect session was important to the research team as well as the

local people for it was a good opportunity to get to know each other as the team passedthrough each household. This created a platform for discussion with each household,

in order to learn more about them and vice versa.

- This was also a good opportunity for the local people to take on the role of teachers, for

they became the experts explaining to the team what is found in their community and

how things work. It was therefore easy for the research team to expand on its under-

59

standing of the resources and livelihood activities in the community by asking questions

about people involved in particular activities, how they are involved, when they areinvolved, and why they are involved in the specific activities.

- It was also easier through this exercise to identify the households involved in particulareconomic activities, the location of their households, and hence how they can be

contacted when the need arises. Discussions on the different ethnic groups present in

the village and their situation (organisation of the living areas of the different ethnicgroups) within the community also came up during this exercise.

- The maps were used as a visual focus for later discussions making it possible to relayissues raised by the research team and the local people to particular locations on the

map.

The livelihood capital assets, what the people are vulnerable to and what the people do for

economic gain, as described in the livelihood model, could easily be discerned through

this exercise. The people usually described their livelihood activities by specifying whichgroup (men and women) was involved in which particular activity and the locations favoured

by each group to perform the activities.

It was observed during this mapping exercise that mapping can be a good tool for development

and planning, because the local people who were involved in this exercise could actually

locate the historical, physical, socio-cultural, spiritual and economic features of theircommunities. They could easily address their interests and concerns in relation to the features

they located.

3.3.2.1.2 Participant and Field Observation/Anthropological Research

This method drew largely from the insight that could be derived by observing the actions of

the villagers, rather than taken from their sometimes normative statements of what “is”.This therefore involved immersion, to the extent permitted, in local life in order to understand

and document how things work. Therefore, while the author was in the villages, she joined

the villagers in harvesting and collection activities in the field, took part in cultural events

60

(traditional dances, funeral services, etc) and visited households just to socialise with them.

The information so obtained helped to compare that from group discussions and householdinterviews.

3.3.2.1.3 Open-ended Interviews - Group Discussions, Key Informants and Village Chiefs

Open-ended interviews with focus groups and key informants were the key participatorymethod used in this research. These interviews were used to deepen understanding from

the general information obtained from the mapping exerci se, on how the community is

structured, how groups within the community differ from each other, and how the availableresources are used by the different groups.

The group discussions were held separately for the Bantu and Baaka. However, a problem

was encountered while separating both groups. The Bantu were afraid that the Baaka speaktoo freely and would therefore give information on some Bantu forest activities, which are

considered illegal by the conservation projects. After the author insisted that the Baaka would

only feel comfortable to express themselves when met on their own, the Bantu allowed themeetings to be held separately. This was advantageous, in that each group could freely express

their grievances against the other group.

The ethnic groups were then further dividedinto women and men groups. There were fourgroup discussion meetings in each village:

• Meeting with Bantu men/boys• Meeting with Bantu women/girls• Meeting with Baaka men/boys• Meeting with Baaka women/girls

The men and women always set the venue and time for the meetings depending on when

they were free during the day. For the Baakas in all the villages, meetings were usually held

at 6:am because they go very early into the forest and only come out in the evening. At thistime of the day, it is almost dark and the women get busy preparing food for their families.

Meetings with the Bantu usually took place in the afternoon on returning from the farm/forest.

Picture1:Meeting with Baaka Women in Ngatongo

61

The women appreciated the separation from the men as they pointed out that they usually

are only observers in a meeting with men and are loosing confidence of ever beingdirectly involved in consultation meetings, because meetings are hardly ever organised

for women alone. Having separate meetings enabled the women to express themselves

better. It was, however, difficult to work with the women because they did not appear fordiscussion meetings in many cases, even though they themselves set the date and

time for these meetings. Therefore, the research team had to resort to visiting the women

at their kitchens and discussing with them while they were cooking. The women foundthis quite relieving because they did not need to abandon their housework to attend the

meeting. However, much more time was needed when this method was used, because

the womens’ attention was usually diverted from the topic of discussion either by hertask or by crying children needing attention.

Participation in the meetings was opened to everyone in the village. An attendance list was

taken for each meeting with the men and women and on this list, space was provided for

the main economic activities of each participant in addition to their names. This was helpfulbecause one could easily guide the discussion relating to the economic activities of the

participants. One person was always chosen to fill the attendance list since not everyone

could write their names and also not to cause disorder during the meeting since somecame late. These meetings usually lasted between 45 minutes to one hour.

Table 1: Number of Participants in the Discussion Meetings

Villages and Number of people who attended the MeetingsDiscussion Yenga Nguilili Lindjombo Kounda Ngatongo IkelembaGroups Papaye

Bantu men 21 08 22 18 18 12

Bantu women 24 05 11 11 21 21Baaka men 09 09 30 18 16 07

Baaka women 17 05 12 14 17 10

The local language of the people was usually used during these meetings because a majority

of the people were not literate and even the few who were, still felt more at ease speaking

in their own language. The field assistant from the conservation project and people in thevillage who could speak French in addition to the local language acted as translators during

meetings. The author tried to add women translators into the team, but this was only possible

62

in two of the villages, because there were no women workers in the conservation initiatives

and it was difficult to find women in the villages who could also speak French in addition tothe local language. Where male translators had to work with the women because of the

lack of female translators, they were also well received by the local women because they

were already familiar with the men who were doing the translation and because they wereeager to provide as much information as possible which could help to improve their current

situation. The author therefore could not notice any difference in the way women

communicated in the presence of male or female translators. The possibility of bias in theresults because of the use of either men or women as translators can therefore be

discounted in the research.

A tape recorder was used during the meetings to record the discussions. Permission to

record was always asked before the meeting began. The author asked questions, which

were translated for the people and then the answers from the participants translated for theauthor’s benefit. Some of the participants at times answered questions directly in French.

Pictures were also taken during meetings just to have an idea of who attended the meeting

and this usually made the participants very happy and drew them closer to the researchteam.

To ensure consistency of results, the author always went through the prepared questionswith the person doing the translation, to be sure he understood the questions and so that he

could have enough time to think of words to use to replace the technical terms found in the

question, so the question could be easily understood by all participants. The same questionswere designed for all the discussion groups, and the interviewers and the author moderated

the interviews in all cases.

The author recognised some disadvantages, due to the fact that she had to depend on

translators during the research period, like:

- The translators sometimes choose to translate only some of the answers given by thepeople during the interviews. However, this problem was countered by having other

people translate the entire interview on the tapes to fill in missing gaps.

- It was time consuming when questions and answers needed to be translated fromFrench to the local language and vice versa.

63

- Theoretically, the field assistants could have translated information in a biased way to

suit the objectives of the project where they work. But this was not possible because ineach village, there were always people who could understand French and would therefore

always have intervened in case something was not correctly translated.

The group discussions were meant to obtain detailed information on forest access, use

and management for the different groups as well as the constraints they encounter in the

course of carrying out these activities in relation to the creation of the conservation area orpark. In addition, the external factors (which form the vulnerability context of the SLF) over

which the people have very little or no control, but which affect their life, were also explored

within this group, for example:- Policy, institutions and processes;

- Demographic change: if the population of the community has increased, decreased orremained the same over the past decade (dating back to when most logging companies

became functional), the reasons for the increase or decrease;

- Changes in availability of natural resources like changes in the availability of land forfarming, forest resources, water, fish stocks;

- National/international economic trends such as changes in the world prices of cashcrops or currency devaluation;

- Political changes such as changes in government or military;

- Shocks like floods, droughts, fires, human diseases, crop or livestock pests and diseases;

- Seasonality, including factors such as the onset of rains, the length of the dry and rainyseasons, which could affect

- the production of crops, selective logging, NTFPs;

- the prices of foods and other goods;

- employment opportunities;- the availability of labour;

- the flow of household income.

Discussions with key informants were conducted to obtain more information or to get

clarifications on specific topics discussed within the group meetings. The key informants

64

were also helpful in answering questions that stemmed from the observations made by the

author in the village. These key informants were usually chosen during the focus groupmeetings because of their active participation in the discussions.

The author also always organised a discussion meeting with the village chief alone or withhis notables to obtain information on the history and social life of the village. These meetings

usually lasted an hour. In four of the villages, the discussions were done in French. In the

other two villages, translation was done just like in the focus group discussions. Thesediscussions were also recorded.

The strength of the discussions was the possibility to obtain a high amount of useful information.The weakness of the method was the diversion of discussions to other topics during the

meetings. The moderator however solved this problem by keeping the discussion on course

when the people diverted from the topic. Issues discussed during these meetings wereverified later through interviews with key informants and local experts working with the local

people. This information was also compared with that gathered by the author from participant

and field observations. Informant discussions were also made with some of the personnelof the conservation initiatives to obtain information on how these initiatives work with the

local communities.

Information linked to all the concepts or categories of the livelihood model was obtained by

using this method. A relationship between categories could be constructed and a gender

analysis was then used to aggregate the data on the various issues under the differentcategories. In addition, marginalised groups like women and the Baaka in general had the

chance to express themselves too, as envisaged in the feminist theory. These concepts

were therefore all correlated in this method, so as to obtain data representative of all thegroups in the communities.

It is a tradition in the research area that drinks are bought at the end of a meeting by theorganiser of the meeting. At the end of each meeting therefore, the author gave money to

the chief or eldest member, so drinks could be bought for the group in recognition of their

time spent to attend the meeting. The Baaka, however, appreciated it more when theywere given cigarettes (men) and salt (women). The author, therefore, only gave money to

the Baaka when there was no possibility to buy these goods before arriving in the village.

65

In the past, this used to be done only as a symbol of appreciation to the participants. This

tradition is now changing for the worst, with participants seeing meetings as anotheropportunity to get as much money from the organiser as possible, so as to increase the

number of drinks one can have. These people have been led along this road by European

conservationists, forest exploiters and politicians, who used to give large sums of moneyto local communities to lure them to participate in meetings and ask them for favours. The

local people have become used to this and some of the people attend meetings only to

have a share of the money or material things to be distributed, but not to discuss the issueat stake.

The author had difficulties with this situation, as the people at the end of meetings alwaysdemanded money and even after the author explained her position as a student with no

financial aid from the conservation project, the situation could not be altered. Not giving

money to the men meant they would tell their women not to attend the women’s discussiongroup meeting or vice versa. Giving money was therefore unavoidable in order to be able

to carry out the research. It should be clear, however, that the money was not given to these

people to influence what they had to say on the topic of discussion, but to motivate them toattend meetings.

66

3.3.2.2 Quantitative MethodsThese methods are necessary so that one can generalise to the overall population of the

case study area, and to base decisions on reliable and representative information for all

the villages in the area. The following quantitative methods were used:

3.3.2.2.1 RankingDuring the focus group and informant discussions a ranking exercise was carried out.

The local people ranked their different forest activities and the involvement of the different

ethnic groups in each activity. They also ranked the relative importance of the differentforest products they collect. Using the example of forest products, this method involved first

of all building a list of the products of gathering, hunting and fishing. From this list, the

people were asked to separate the most frequently gathered, hunted and fished productsfrom the others. The participants were then asked to give the criteria they used in separating

these products from the others. These criteria are the judgements the people made when

evaluating and analysing the qualities or merits of the products being discussed.Ranking was used to express:

- the importance of the different livelihood activities carried out in the communities;

- the relative benefits;- the relative costs of different activities;

- the levels of dependence on the various activities by the different ethnic groups;

- as well as the institutions that influence the different activities.

Ranking was used because of its flexibility, hence it was easy to analyse, prioritise and

present the information to the local people during the discussions. This method was usedto collect data within the frame of some elements of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework

like livelihood strategies, policies and institutions and livelihood outcomes.

Development priorities were also expressed through this method, in which the local womenand men ranked the constraints as well as the opportunities considered most important to

improve on livelihood standards.

67

3.3.2.2.2 Structured and Semi-structured Questionnaires - Household Survey

The household survey was used to obtain more quantitative, comparative and descriptive

data, to complement the qualitative data from the group discussions. In each village, 10%

of the households were surveyed. This amounted to 61 households for all villages including30 Bantu and 31 Baaka households that were surveyed. The total number of interviews

including both men and women was 100.

Household heads of the community, with the help of the household census form filled out

during the participatory mapping process, were first grouped into relatively homogeneous

groups. The main group was the ethnic group, which was further divided according togender, marital status and age of household heads.Initially, a simple random sampling

was done, but the author noticed that some of the people within the sample were either

shy, unwilling to participate or unable to remember how much of what they harvested,which was the main goal of the survey. The author therefore decided to replace these

people, but was careful to replace the people with those having similar characteristics

(e.g. age group of household heads, sex of household head, and marital status) so as toavoid the possibility of bias in the sampling.

The difficulties encountered in finding some of the people included in the original sample

with the Baaka were that they were very mobile, and it was thus difficult to find some of

those selected at home. Therefore, the author had to choose on arrival at the Baaka camp,after discussing with those present on the content of the questionnaire.

For the Bantu, many randomly chosen people outside the survey sample were asked the

quantities of the products they themselves harvested, and these quantities did not vary

from the quantities obtained from the purposively selected household heads. The Baakasaid the quantities of products they harvest usually does not vary much from that of other

Baaka households and this could be confirmed by the fact that they carry out their forest

activities usually in groups and often come home almost with the same quantities of theparticular product they went to harvest. The author is therefore relatively confident that the

chosen sample was not biased and still represents a cross section of the population, so

that results can be generalised to the population.

68

Interviews were conducted with the household head, or if the household head was not present,

with another adult who has primary responsibilities in the household. Other householdmembers present at the time of the interview were invited to attend the interview because

the information provided by the main respondent could be added to or amended by other

household members. In each household, women and men were interviewed separately inorder to get distinctive data. The language used was the local language, but those people

who could speak French were interviewed in French.

Based on the livelihoods framework, information was obtained on the activity profile - what

men and women do, where and when these activities take place, and on access to resources.Also, an evaluation of available production factors like Human capital, Natural capital,

Physical capital, Financial capital and Social capital, was done.

The quantities for six selected forest products, two each from gathering, hunting and fishingwere also obtained through this household survey. The following criteria were used to select

these products:

The importance of these products to the communities: - the species should be multipurpose in nature, providing a range of products or services

to the local people

- the species and/or their products should be locally and/or nationally commercialisedto generate some income for the local people

- the species should be collected in the wild and/or agroforestry areas

- the species should have some measure of gender differences in use, managementand commercialisation strategies

The potential of the products to contribute to conservation and sustainable development

(livelihoods) by generating alternative income sources, providing communities withimproved livelihoods.

The reason for inclusion of specific products in this household survey was to bring out ageneral overview on:

- whether competition or cooperation between various groups in utilising forest resources

is taking place and whether there are discrepancies in the formal management situationand the actual forms of forest utilisation by different groups of the population.

- how information could be used for evaluating the dynamic nature of various forest

utilisation and management systems, for instance, quantities of the various products

69

harvested each year by the various groups and how local people adapt their indigenous

forest land-use strategies in response to changing socio-economic and institutionalconditions.

The six forest products (see Chapter 6 for detailed information) that were chosen based onthe above criteria include

From Gathering:- Gnetum africanum and Gnetum buchholzianum (common name: Koko)- Irvingia gabonensis and Irvingia wombolu (exelsa) (common name: Bush mango or

Payo and Peke)

From Hunting:- Cephalophus callipygus (common name: Peter’s duiker)

- Cephalophus monticola (common name: Blue duiker)

From Fishing:- Nematopalaemon hastatus (common name: Crayfish)- Clarias spp (common name: Catfish)

The concept of gender analysis was applied here by separating men and woman during the

process of collecting data on selected forest products to acquire detailed information onhow the men and women within each ethnic group combine the natural resources available to

them to formulate livelihood strategies and how constraints and opportunities encountered

impact on each group. The household survey therefore gave detailed information on thelivelihood capital assets, livelihood strategies and vulnerability context of the men and women

from individual households in the communities.

70

3.4 Does it matter who carries out Research?

It is important to discuss this question because of certain incidences, which occurred during

this research. The author noticed in the course of carrying out the research that some of the

villagers weighed the sex of the researcher as important. In one of the villages, the villagechief openly told the author: “We are only collaborating with you in this research because

you are a woman and no woman has yet done such a research in the village”.

What did the fact that the author is a woman really mean to these people?

The Bantu men explained that many men have come to the village to carry out research, but

they have never got any feedback on the results of the research. The author being a woman

was a change from the usual for them. It also symbolised, according to them, a new hopethat their situation would finally be acknowledged by the conservation projects, because

they believe the author could be more influential in drawing the attention of the projects to

their needs, based on the research results. This view of the people made them more willingto work with the author, and therefore seemed to have positively influenced the quality of

the information given to her. In another situation, a Baaka woman could not believe her

eyes when she saw the author writing. It has never occurred to her that a woman could beeducated to the point of being able to write. This was like a revelation to her and after she

told the other women about this, it became even more easy to work with the women, who

were at first shy and hesitant. Bantu women also found the author’s presence in their villageand the work the author was engaged in very encouraging in helping them build self-confidence.

Some others said that the fact that the author, being a woman, could think of such a projectalone and brave all the odds to come to a remote area like theirs meant a lot to them.

Many of them later said it was this very fact that made them willing to work with the author.

The author therefore had a good basis to work with the women, and with the men as well,who admired the author’s courage.

It is also worth noting that the author would have had some difficulties if this research wouldhave been done without a male figure in the research team. This deduction stems from

certain episodes during the research. For example, the Baaka men did not want to go into

details about their forest spirits in the presence of a woman, and Bantu men in one of thevillages said it is not common for a woman to assemble men, whatever the reason is. This

suggests the importance of having both men and women in the research team.

71

The possible influence on the collaboration of the research participants because of the

nationality of the author is another point that warrants mention. In Cameroon, which is theauthor’s country of origin, she was considered both an insider and an outsider to the

environment. The author was considered an outsider, simply because she comes from the

grassland region of the country, while they live in the forest region and the problems facedthere are thought to be different. However, after sharing some experiences with them, they

felt more comfortable to share their own experiences with the author.

In Congo and CAR, the author was seen as an outsider to the environment, which was an

opportunity for the people to compare the situation in their country with that of Cameroon.

This facilitated the sharing of information with the local people, as they were also verycurious to know the situation in Cameroon.

Could age also be an influencing factor? The author would like to say her age made itpossible to find favour with the elderly, who considered her one of their children and with the

youths who saw the author as a fellow youth. Access to both groups was therefore easy and

this was deemed important because information could be obtained not only from the young,but also from the elderly, thereby having more than one viewpoint about the issues at stake.

3.5 Data Analysis

Just as the data collection was gender-disaggregated, analysis was also done separately

for men and women, to bring out more clearly the relations between them and to enable a

comparison and interpretation of their activities and their values to improve on sustainableforest management and local livelihoods. The data was analysed according to:

- the different countries,

- the villages in each country,- the ethnic groups within the villages,

- the men and women,

forming the levels of analysis.

72

Based on these different levels, comparisons were therefore made on the responses from

the discussion groups and household surveys, using different methods to analyse the qualitativeand quantitative data.

3.5.1 Qualitative Data

The recorded group discussions were transcribed and were imported into the program

MaxQDA together with the author’s written observation protocols. The material was reviewed

and after this process, a set of features were developed that formed a checklist. The textwas coded into manageable categories, derived directly from the text data based on themes.

Interpretations (noting patterns or themes, seeing plausibility, making contrasts/comparisons,

noting relationships between variables, finding intervening variables, making conceptualand theoretical coherence) and generalisations were then carried out.

The qualitative analysis therefore portrayed information on forest use and management inrelation to the different countries, villages, ethnic groups, men and women. The data on the

community profile, household profile and institutions within and out of community was analysed

based on the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, while the data on forest use, includingthe constraints and opportunities in forest use were analysed with the help of the concepts

of the feminist theory and gender theory.

The community maps were drawn to illustrate the locations of the natural resources significant

to the local people and the socio-cultural resources which contribute to their well-being.

The maps were also used to illustrate the unique way two ethnic groups are located inrelation to each other.

3.5..2 Quantitative DataThese data include the quantities collected, autoconsumed and sold, as obtained from thehousehold surveys. The total income from the sale of these products was also analysed.

For the activities of hunting, only quantities captured by men in both ethnic groups were

considered, because men are much more involved in this activity than women. For the

73

products of gathering, only the quantities gathered by the women of both ethnic groups

were considered, because it was noticed during the research that gathering is almost entirelywomen’s activity. The quantities of fish were considered for both men and women.

It is important to note that this research was not about comparing the quantities collected bymen to the quantities collected by women, but to compare the quantities between both

ethnic groups, to analyse the gendered aspect of the types of products harvested and to

have a general idea of the total quantities collected. It is also worth noting that quantitiesexpressed in this research are only estimations and not exact measures, because the research

subjects usually do not keep exact records of quantities they collect, autoconsume or sell.

The quantitative data was analysed using relevant descriptive methods like graphs and

tables . The quantities of the products used in the graphs include the total for each ethnic

group in the village. The gender theory was used to organise the information from the dataanalysis separately for men and women to ease understanding.

74

4. RESEARCH AREA - THE SANGHA TRINATIONAL CONSERVATION AREA

4.1 Location

The borders of Cameroon, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Congo meet at the

Sangha River, forming a trinational region containing three contiguous protected areas:

- Lobéké National Park in Cameroon- Dzanga-Sangha National Park in CAR

- Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park in Congo

Map 1: The National Parks and the Buffer Zones within the Sangha Trinational Conservation Area(TNS -Trinational de Sangha)

Source: Usongo, 2002

The Sangha Tri-national, the Congo Basin’s first transboundary protected area complex,

was created in December 2000 when a collaborative management agreement between

the governments of Cameroon, Central African Republic and Congo was signed. This complexis part of the commitments taken by Central African governments at the 1999 Yaoundé

75

Forest Summit, with the goal of protecting vast forest areas in the Congo Basin. The Sangha

Trinational area is approximately 2.8 million ha in surface area.

The Lobéké National Park (2100 km2) was gazetted in 1999. This park is located in the

South Eastern part of Cameroon. The Ministry of Fauna and Flora, the World Wildlife Fund(WWF) and the German Technical agent for Development (GTZ) administer the national

park and the buffer zone surrounding the park. The conservation project in this area is

called the Jengi Project.

The Dzanga-Sangha or Dzanga-Ndoki National Park consisting of the Dzanga sector

in the north (495 km2) and the Ndoki sector in the south (725 km2) was designated in 1988.In addition to this, the Dzanga-Sangha Special Dense Forest Reserve (3359 km2) was

also designated to serve as a buffer zone between the two sectors. This park is situated in

the south-western part of the Central African Republic. The Central African Ministry ofEnvironment, Water, Forests, Hunting and Fishing, the WWF and GTZ administer the national

park and reserve collaboratively. The project working in this area is called the Dzanga-

Sangha Project.

The Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park was created in 1993. The park covers an area of

about 4200 km2 and is situated in the north of the Republic of Congo. The CongoleseMinistry of Forestry Economy and Environment and the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS)

currently administer this park. The conservation project is called the Nouabalé- Ndoki Project.

The peripheral or buffer zone made up of five management units is attributed to the loggingcompany CIB, currently active to the south and west of the park, but WCS has been given

the responsibility for wildlife management in collaboration with CIB. The project PROGEPP

was therefore created to administer the peripheral zone to the park.

The Sangha Tri-National Foundation was created in 2007 to ensure long-term financing of

major activities for the management of the trans-boundary forest complex, with the executiveheadquarters being in Central Africa. It is managed by a board of directors consisting of

representatives of the Government of Cameroon, the Government of the Republic of Congo,

the Government of the Central African Republic, the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS),the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), WWF-Germany/Regenwald Stiftung, KfW, AFD

and civil society (CARPE 2007).

76

The projects in each of the countries are responsible for forest conservation as well as

initiating development projects in the villages within and surrounding the forest area. Theprojects also have the task of involving the local population in the management of the forest,

upon which they depend for their livelihood. The various governments are striving to move

towards participatory forest management with local communities.

The projects work independently in each of the countries, even though there are always

joined workshops that involve the projects in all countries, with the aim of harmonising theconservation regulations and other laws in all three countries.

4.2 Biophysical Aspects and Vegetation4.2.1 Geology and Soils

The majority of the area overlies Precambrian bedrock, with pre-Cretaceous sediments in

the northern sector (Juo and Wilding 1994). In most places, a thick layer of heavily leached

red oxisols overlies the bedrock. Alluvial deposits sometimes overlay and mix with theseoxisols on the surface layer (WWF 2001).

4.2.2 Climate

Mean annual rainfall ranges from 1,400 to 2,000 mm in the central portion of the ecoregion,

with the heaviest rainfall occuring within two distinct wet seasons. Temperatures aretropical, with an annual mean maximum of 27o to 30o C and an annual mean minimum

of 18o to 21o C. Humidity is high throughout the year (WWF 2001).

4.2.3 Relief and Hydrology

The elevation in the area ranges from 300 to 600 m above sea level, the highest elevationsbeing towards the north (WWF 2001). The main rivers in the area are the Sangha and the

Oubangui Rivers.

77

4.2.4 Fauna and Flora

The vegetation in this area occurs within the north-western Congolian lowland forest

ecoregion and forms part of the Guineo-Congolian lowland rain forest. Two main forest

types occur here: a mixed moist semi-evergreen Guineo-Congolian type and a single-dominant moist evergreen and semi-evergreen Guineo-Congolian type (White 1983).

The less common forest types include riparian forest and various types of wetland: “bai,”

“yanga,” sedge-dominated (Cyperaceae) marsh, Raphia palm swamp, and mixed speciesswamp forest” (WHRC 2005). “The area is bordered to the north and south by forest-

savannah mosaics and to the east by swamp forest, while the western limit grades gradually

into the lowland rain forests of the Atlantic Equatorial Coastal Forests ecoregion” (WWF2001). This ecoregion is known for its richness in species, especially mammals, such as

forest elephant, lowland gorilla, chimpanzee and many other IUCN Red Lists of threatened

species (WHRC 2005).

4.3. Local Communities and Socio-Economic Activities4.3.1 Local Communities

“As in most of the Central African forests, humans have inhabited the region of the Sangha

Tri-National Park for thousands of years. Based on rare archaeological findings, someeven speculated the occupation of a large human population and extensive agricultural

activities in parts of the forest. Traditionally, land use in the region consisted of subsistence

activities, including hunting/gathering, shifting cultivation and fishing. During the colonialperiod, exploitative activities such as slave trading, rubber tapping, ivory hunting, diamond

mining and logging became prevalent. However, since the Sangha River region is among

the last colonised regions of Africa (during the late 1890s), the scale and the locations ofthese exploitations were limited. Today, wildlife conservation and large-scale industrial logging

dominate land use in the Sangha Trinational Park region” (WHRC 2005).

Except for the large concentrations of people around Moloundou (the main town in the area

with approximately 5000 inhabitants), the Lobéké region is sparsely populated, with less

than one person/km2 in most areas (BCNet 1994). The Sangha-Dzanga and Nouabalé-Ndoki conservation areas are also sparsely populated with less than five persons/km2 in

some areas and less than one person/km2 in most of the places (WWF 2001).

78

Large concentrations of people live along roads and rivers in the remote areas, while theinterior forest parts are sparsely populated. This sparsely populated interior is usually the

home of a traditional group of forest people (BaAka, BaKa, BaKola) commonly called pygmies7

(Luling and Kenrick 1998). Presently, most hunter/gatherers are semi-sedentarised andlive in villages with agriculturalists (Bantu) with whom they carry out exchanges. Some of

the hunter/gatherers have been introduced to agriculture and are engaged in farming small

plots. They still live in the forest seasonally for varying periods.

“Each horticultural clan claims ancestral rights to areas of the forest, where shifting cultivation,hunting, fishing and gathering of forest products are allowed. The Baka associated with a

particular horticultural group also enjoy this access to the forest for the pursuit of their traditional

subsistence activities. Although these land tenure rights apparently are not rigidly prescribedand often overlap between clans, the indigenous peoples claim much of the forestland, a

system that has come under inordinate stress in recent years” (BCNet 1994). The gazetting

of large forest areas into the conservation area is a source of conflict between governmentsand the local people, who insist that adequate forest areas should be kept aside for their

subsistence forest activities.

7The term pygmy is now considered derogatory by these people and they would like to be called by their ethnic group, which is

either Baka or BaAka or Baaka. These people are well aware of the fact that being called Baka or Baaka does not change the factthat they are all forest people or semi-nomads. They will be called Baaka or semi-nomads in this research.

Picture 2:Baaka

Picture 3:Bantu

79

4.3.2 Socio-Economic Life

The research area presents a great linguistic and cultural variety. Groups of sedentary and

semi-mobile swidden agriculturalists and fishermen include four Bantu and six Oubangian

communities. Hunter/gatherers, so-called “pygmy” communities, are represented by oneBaAka group (the Aka-Mbenzélé) and one Oubangian group (the Baka). Most of the rural

community’s economies depend primarily on the forest.

Table 2: Main Ethnic Groups Living in the Trinational Conservation Area (Joiris 1997, modified by author)

Ethnic Group Language Language group LocationBantu Baaka

Aka BaAka, Bantu Dzanga-Sangha,

Mbenzélé Sangho, Nouabalé-NdokiLingala

Baka Baka, Oubangian Lobéké

BagandoBangando Bagando Oubangian Lobéké

Bomassa Bomassa, Oubangian Dzanga-Sangha

Lingala Nouabalé-NdokiSangho

Kaka Kaka, Bantu Lobéké, Dzanga-

Sangho SanghaKwélé Kwélé, Bantu Lobéké,

Lingala Nouabalé-Ndoki

Mbomam Mbomam Bantu LobékéMpiemo Mpiemo, Sangho Bantu Dzanga-Sangha

Ngundi Ngundi, Lingala Oubangian Nouabalé-Ndoki

Pomo Pomo, Bantu Dzanga-SanghaSangho, Nouabalé-Ndoki

Lingala

Yangéré Yangéré, Oubangian Dzanga-SanghaSangho

Based on the above table, language refers to the main local language and the other locallanguages the people use in the village. For Congo, Lingala (which is one of the official

80

languages) is the main language used in the villages, in addition to the local language of

each ethnic group. For example, the Pomo in the Nouabalé-Ndoki region speak both Lingalaand Pomo. The people in the CAR villages have Sangho, which is an official language, in

addition to French as the main language of communication and in addition to the local

language of each ethnic group. Still using the example of the Pomo, this group found in theDzanga-Sangha region use both the Pomo and Sangho languages for communication.

The Bantu and Oubangian languages are among a group of several languages belonging

to the Niger-Congo language family8.

The local people thus practice several types of traditional economies (hunting, gathering,

agriculture and fishing) with swidden agriculture being the most basic practice. Swiddenagriculturalists also carry out other forest activities in addition to their agricultural activities

(Joiris, 1997).

4.4 Types and Severity of Threats in the Research Area

“With the exception of its western border, the area is now surrounded by active timber

concessions. The majorities of these logging concessions are ‘primary’ forest without anyroad access, have never been logged before, and have only been allocated since the 1990s.

All of the logging concessions are run by foreign timber companies, often subsidiaries of

large international corporations that also operate in other neighbouring countries in CentralAfrica. Employment opportunities with logging companies attract migrant workers to the

region from across Central Africa, and, as the population grows, pressure on the environment

also grows” (WHRC 2005).

The legislation on taxation varies from one country to the other, but these laws all specify

that a percentage of the tax collected from logging companies has to be allocated to thelocal communities which border the logging concessions. The local government authorities

in the area usually coordinate this process. This money is meant to be used for the development

of the local communities, and managed by village development committees.

8 „A language family is a group of languages which are thought to have diverged from a common ancestor. This supposed

ancestor is called a Proto-language“ (Western Washington University 2007).

81

Logging concessions are usually allocated through agreements between logging operators

and the government. The highest bidder for a particular logging concession receives theright to logg the area. The local communities living around or within the forest therefore

never have a say in the allocation process; they are only informed about the allocated area

after a concession contract has been signed.

In Cameroon, a concession contract is renewed every three years and covers a specified

volume of timber. In the Central African Republic, logging concessions are not granted for aspecific number of years, but for unlimited duration. In Congo, whereas the maximum period

of production concession is for 10 years, permits for the processing industry can last up to

15 years and can be renewed (Forests Monitor LTD 2001).

The governments of these countries usually lack the capacity to provide for social

infrastructures. As a result, social development projects are often integrated in the contractbetween government and logging companies. The provision of social infrastructures includes

the construction of roads, schools, potable water sources and health centres. In some instances,

these projects are undertaken in place of paying taxes or by the logging company undercontract to the government.

The forest area under conservation can be visualised as an island of conservation in asea of concessions. This is because the conservation areas are surrounded by logging

concessions. According to Laporte et al (2007) up to 30% of the forests in Central

Africa are under logging concessions,while only 12% is under conservation. This

is a similar situation in the research area.

“The construction of logging roads, andconsequently the increase of human

access into the previously remote forest, also

exacerbates the situation. The mostthreatening activities are the poaching of

protected species (like elephants for ivory)

and the commercial hunting of bushmeat(for export to major population centres in Central Africa). Others include the increased

extraction of forest resources (NTFPs). Although some of these activities are part of the

Picture 4: Timber Truck plying a Logging Road

82

traditional land use, the pressure on the forest has been amplified by both the increase in

human population and the increase in the presence of people in the forest. Without propermanagement, the sustainability of these non-timber forest products could be in jeopardy”

(WHRC, 2005).

“More forests are being cleared for agriculture around settlements, more forest animals

are being hunted and more fish in the rivers caught to provide an increasing demand

for dietary protein” (WHRC 2005). This can be directly linked primarily to an increasein population, mostly due to civil wars that forced people to move to the countryside for

security, like the case of Congo and Central African Republic. Population increase has

also been the result of people who come to the local areas in search of jobs from loggingcompanies. These companies, however, come and go, such that when unemployed,

people increase their rate of clearing forest areas for agriculture, hunting, gathering

and fishing for survival. This has usually led to conflicts between these immigrants andthe local population, who believe the immigrants use the forest without consideration of

the impacts on the forest and the local population. The economic crisis in the 1980s in

Cameroon, which led to a cut back of workers salaries by 50% and to many people losingtheir jobs, also led to increased use of the forest and its resources, with usually severe

impacts on the forest.

Diamond mining is also one of the lucrative activities in the area which destroys the forest

habitat. It is mostly carried out, illegally, by small-scale miners, who often use simple artisan

mining techniques in alluvial deposits, often working in the informal sector.Artisan alluvial diamond mining involves digging and sifting through mud, sand and gravel

using shovels, sieves or bare hands.

83

4.5 Legal Framework relating to Forest Use by Local Forest People

In all three countries involved in this research, forest codes have been enacted which define

the regulations on forests, wildlife and fisheries (Law n°16-2000 for Congo, Law n°94/01 of

20th January 1994 for Cameroon and Law n° 90.003 of 9th June 1990 for CAR). Theselaws, in addition to other components of forest use and management, all deal with the

importance of the role and rights of local people in sustainable forest management conservation

activities, hence setting standards for criteria for participatory forest management.Three elements of this forest policy, which will ease understanding of the relationship between

the organisations managing the conservation projects and the local people in the forest

areas, will be explained. These elements include the regulations governing usage rights,the status of protected areas and the hunting regulations.

4.5.1 Usage Rights

The forest law in all three countries specifies the following points on the usage rights of the

resident population:

• The local population in the forest zone is entitled to usage rights. This usually relates toactivities like hunting, gathering and fishing. The Ministries responsible for forestry,

however have the right to limit the rate at which these activities are carried out through

restrictions of times and places where activities can be conducted, quantities or methodsused in the various activities;

• Protected species are excluded from the appliance of usage rights;

• The usage rights are reserved for the satisfaction of the subsistence needs of the localpopulation. Commercialisation of all products originating from the application of usage

rights is therefore prohibited.

4.5.2 Status of Protected Areas

Activities like hunting, gathering and fishing are usually forbidden or restricted because

these areas are set aside for conservation of both the fauna and flora.

84

4.5.3 Hunting Regulations

Wild animals have been placed under three categories:

- Class A: Integrally protected animals (elephant, gorilla, chimpanzee, bongo, leopard,etc.)

- Class B: Partially protected animals (buffalo, sitatunga, Yellow bellied duiker, etc.)

- Class C: Non protected animals (Long tailed pangolin, civette, Peter duiker, Blue duiker, etc.)

Traditional hunting for subsistence usually does not require a licence. Local people who

hunt with firearms, however, have to pay taxes and the hunting quotas are usually related tothese taxes. Non-protected animals can therefore be hunted in communal hunting zones,

most especially with the use of traditional hunting methods (assegai, spear, net, crossbow,

club, bird-traps, all fabricated from local materials). Hunting from cars, night hunting, huntingwith locally fabricated firearms, war arms and snares fabricated with materials like steel

cables is forbidden. There is a period officially closed for hunting (November 1st to April

30th). Subsistence hunting with the use of traditional methods is nevertheless permittedand can therefore be carried out throughout the year.

85Research Villages

Nearest Towns to Research Villages

National Boundaries

Trinational Parks

Map 2: Research Area showing the selected Case Study Villages (Source: Google-map modified by author)

86

4.6 Villages selected for Research4.6.1 Case Study Villages

The information in this section was obtained from discussions with the village chiefs andparticipatory mapping with the villagers. According to the village chiefs, the villages came

into existence when the villagers settled in the area. The villagers then choose for themselves

a village chief to rule the village. Becoming a village chief is usually hereditary after the firstchief has been selected. Therefore, only people from a particular family have the traditional

right to become a village chief. The village is then recognised formally when the administrative

authorities grant its application as an autonomous village.

The participatory maps were drawn either by the villagers themselves or with the help of the

field assistant accompanying the author. The maps show that all the villages are streetvillages with all of them aligned along main roads. The maps also indicate the location and

number of each household9 and show:

- the total number of households in the village;- the social amenities/infrastructure like health centres, schools, roads, potable water

sources and administrative offices;

- major resource areas like agroforestry land, forest and rivers;- a general overview of how the village is aligned in relation to the principal road;

- the location of Baaka settlements in relation to the Bantu.

The maps were used to identify the areas from which the important products were obtained,

and also to identify the positions of the households within the survey sample. The drawnmaps are true in regard to the arrangement and features of the villages but not completely

true in scale. After a short presentation to the village chiefs at the end of the study, they were

happy with the results, most especially because they could get the information on the numberof households in their villages as well as how their villages look like on paper as shown by

the participatory maps.

The process of mapping brought together people with diverse viewpoints to exchange ideas

leading to a better understanding of their community, using the maps as organising tools to

9 A household in this study is considered a domestic unit made up of people who eat from the same "pot". This means even

though the people may live in different houses close by, their meals, usually prepared in a common kitchen, are eaten together.A household could therefore include just a single house or many houses, usually close to each other.

87

present information about their communities. The maps yielded good results as the youths

and adults involved in the exercise could get specific about what exists or does not exist inthe community. They could interpret their community features and value of these features to

their community, expressing this information on the maps thereby linking information to

place.

88

4.6.1.1 Cameroon4.6.1.1.1 Yenga

The village Yenga is situated about 180km south of Yokadouma along the road leading toMoloundou. The ancestors of the village Yenga lived first on the other side of the Boumba

River. Because of tribal wars with the Lomié population, they crossed the river. After they

formed the village Lekibouti, the population moved to Nola, then to Yenga Gadi and finallyto the current location which they called Yenga.

Yenga was founded during the German colonial period about 1890. The name Yenga meansSunday. This village was named after this day of the week because of the fact that each day

after the villagers were done with their daily activities, they gathered beautifully dressed,

and according to narrative there was a lot of animation just as normally done on Sundays.Therefore, everyday to them was like a Sunday.

There are three quarters in the village: Doucement, Centre and Port-gentil-Tengue. Baakasettlements are found within Centre and Port-gentil-Tengue. The village is 16km long and

made up of 225 households, 114 of which are Baaka and 111 Bantu. Yenga has a total

population of about 1500 inhabitants. The ethnic groups present in the village include theBantu (Bangando, Kako, Bulu, Mvon Mvon and Hausa) and Baaka. The Hausa usually are

immigrants from other areas and usually are Moslems. They are commonly called Moslems,

not only in Yenga but also in all of Central Africa. The social amenities in Yenga includethree potable water sources10 (there are 8 other unconstructed drinking water sources), a

Catholic mission health centre which is non-functional functional at moment, there are two

elementary Baaka schools, a primary school, a non-functional technical agricultural trainingcentre, and six churches. The road network linking this village to other villages and towns is

in relatively good condition.

The main economic activities in the village are hunting, agriculture, gathering, fishing, distilling

of local alcohol and commerce. Moslems own provision stores in the village and also specialise

in buying cocoa from the villagers and reselling it in surrounding towns. The Moslems takepart in no other activity in the village apart from commerce of manufactured goods and

10 Potable water sources are either wells that have been dug and constructed to produce pipeborne water by hydraulic pumps, or

springs that have been enclosed with concrete, using pipes to direct the water. There are usually springs in the forest, whichare not enclosed but are also used by the villagers for drinking. Only the constructed water sources are considered potable in thisstudy. This is the case in the other villages in all the countries too.

89

agricultural products. The lack of a village market does not deter the people from selling

their products. The products for sale are exposed in front of the house for other villagers orpassers by to buy. Mobile vendors also come to the village to sell manufactured goods,

most especially clothing.

Box 4: Work schedule for Yenga

90

4.6.1.1.2 Nguilili

This village is also situated along the road leading from Yokadouma to Moloundou, about

200km south of Yokadouma. The larger part of the village branches off from the main road

at the Nguilili junction into the road leading to Kika for about 26km.

The village was first located towards an area called Njembé deep in the forest and then

transferred forcefully to the road, by the administrative authorities, because lack of accessmade administration of the village difficult. In the 1960s, the area was also occupied by the

Maquissars11. Arrests and threats on the population by the military, who did not distinguish

between villagers and rebels, forced the Bakwélé to move en masse to Congo, crossingthe Ngoko River. A minority of the Bakwélé moved to the present location.

The village Nguilili, just like Yenga, was also founded during the German colonial periodabout 1900. The name Nguilili means earthquake. Nguilili is separated from the village

Mbangoy by the main road, both villages are sometimes jointly called Mbangoy-Nguilili.

There are 176 households in the village, 113 of which are Baaka and 54 are Bantu. Thevillage is not divided into quarters. It is 27km long and has a population of about 1100

inhabitants. The main ethnic groups found in this village are the Bantu (Bagando, Bakwélé,

Mbomam, Ewondo, Mvon Mvon, Lomié and Hausa) and Baaka.

The social infrastructures found in this village include a potable water source12 (and two

unconstructed water sources), a mosque, a primary school, an elementary Baaka schooland a market. People of Nguilili and Mbangoy share many social infrastructures and amenities.

For example, the children of Mbangoy attend primary school in Nguilili, while the people of

Nguilili obtain potable water from Mbangoy. A relatively good road network links the villageto other villages and towns.

The main economic activities in the village are hunting, agriculture, fishing, gathering andcommerce. The Nguilili junction, which is a crossing point for many public transport vehicles,

serves as a market for both the people of Mbangoy and Nguilili. The Hausa in the village

11 The spirit of nationalism that gripped Cameroon between the 1950s and 1960s (Ngea 2004) led to the creation of a guerrilla group

whose members were called Maquissars. The forest was usually their hideout.

12 Only the Bantu use this water source because each family has to pay monthly contributions for the maintenance of the water

source. The Baaka and the few Bantu families who cannot afford this contribution get water from a spring in the forest.

91

are specialists in the buying and selling of cocoa and operate provision stores at the Nguilili

junction. The villagers take the wares they have for sale to this market. Mobile vendors arealso very frequent in this market.

Box 5: Work schedule for Nguilili

92

4.6.1.2 Central African Republic4.6.1.2.1 Lindjombo

The village Lindjombo is situated 32 km south of Bayanga. The people in this village originatedfrom Congo. The people lived mostly in the forest and the village was called Kenga. About

1914, they left for Mompagana until the end of the First World War. After the war, a French

man, Santini, came and created a coffee farm in their village and also named the villageLindjombo-Santini. Because the villagers did not like working on the coffee farm, they decided

to leave this place to another location and the village was finally named Lindjombo when it

arrived at its final destination. Lindjombo was founded after the First World War in 1919.The village got its name from a fish, Jombo, which was abundant in the river at that time.

Because the villagers were essentially fishermen, they decided to name their village after

this fish. The first village chief also took the name Lindjombo as his family name.

There are 123 households in the village, 65 of which are Baaka households and 59 Bantuhouseholds. The size of the village is about 7.6 km2. Lindjombo has a population of about

630 inhabitants. There are two quarters in the village, Lindjombo I and Lindjombo II. The

Baaka have given a name to their own settlement within Lindjombo II, but this is not officiallyrecognised as a quarter. The ethnic groups found in the village are the Bantu (Sangha

Sangha, Mpiemo, Mbaya, Kaké, Manja, Gbaka, Banda and Bossa-Goma) and Baaka.

Lindjombo has a primary school, three churches, two potable water sources, a police post,a national Gendarme Brigade office, and a health centre. The condition of the road linking

the village to other villages or to Bayanga keeps deteriorating, since there is no maintenance

being done. Only rural council and project vehicles ply this road.

The main economic activities in the village are hunting, gathering, agriculture, commerceand the distilling of local alcohol. There are a few provision stores in Lindjombo, operated

by the villagers themselves. Either products are sold in the village, exposed in front of houses

or they are sold in Bayanga or across the Sangha River in Libongo on the Cameroonianside.

93

Box 6: Work schedule for Lindjombo

94

4.6.1.2.2 Kounda Papaye

The village is situated 25km north of Bayanga on a stretch of 13km. It was founded in 1991,

making it a relatively new village compared to the other villages. The people left from

neighbouring villages like Yobe, Bayanga, etc and decided to settle in this area, mainly tobe able to have land of their own. Kounda Papaye means “Planter le Papaye” or “plant a

papaya tree”. This name is illustrated with the presence of many papaya trees in the village.

The village is not divided into quarters, has a population of about 270 inhabitants and is

made up of 57 households, 30 of which are Baaka and 27 Bantu. The ethnic groups found

in the village include the Bantu (Mbiemou, Bogongo, Gbaya, Goudi and Banjourn) andBaaka. Kounda Papaye has a potable water source, a primary school, an elementary Baaka

school, and a church. There are no provision stores in this village. The road network linking

it to Bayanga or Nola (the closest town) is in a very bad state and depending on seasons,it could take up to a day to travel even short distances.

The main economic activities in the village are hunting, agriculture, gathering, fishing anddiamond mining. Marketing of products is done by exposing them in front of the house.

Children are also sent to sell the product from door to door or they are sold in Bayanga or

Nola.

95

Box 7: Work schedule for Kounda Papaye

96

4.6.1.3 Congo4.6.1.3.1 Ngatongo

Ngatongo is located on the shore of the Sangha River, 99 km south of Kabo. It is a frontiervillage to Cameroon and the main point through which timber is transported between Cameroon

and Congo. Ngatongo was founded sometime between 1850 and 1900. The village was

named after the river Ngatongo, where the village was first situated. The people movedfrom this area in search of a more fertile, secure area, and finally settled in the present

location.

The village is divided into two quarters, the main village and the administrative quarter.

There are 39 households, 6 Baaka and 33 Bantu (including workers of the administrative

offices), with a total population of 150 inhabitants. The village occupies an area of about0.012 km2. The ethnic groups found in the village include the Bantu (Pomo, Ngondi, Yassoua

and Hausa) and the Baaka. Ngatongo has a primary school, a motel, several administrative

offices (CIB – Congolaise Industrie de Bois, Hygiene Service Checkpoint, National PoliceForce Frontier Office and a General Monitoring Service Frontier Checkpoint) and a ferry

service operated by the CIB for transportation of timber trucks from Congo to Cameroon

and vice versa. Private cars also benefit from this service. There is a good road net workconnecting Ngatongo to neighbouring towns like Pokola and Kabo. Transport by canoe is

also possible to Ouesso and Kabo. Drinking water is obtained from an open spring in the

forest.

The main economic activities in the village are fishing, hunting, agriculture, gathering and

the tapping of palm and raffia wine. There are also provision stores operated by the villagers.Products destined for sale are sold either in the village or in Socambo and Pokola.

97

Box 8: Work schedule for Ngatongo

98

4.6.1.3.2 Ikelemba

Ikelemba is situated at the Sangha River, at the mouth of the Ndoki River. It lies 129 km

south of Kabo and 30km by road and 45km by canoe from Pokola. This village was founded

in 1800, after a period of wars with the Bakwélé and the Djems. Their ancestors were fromGabon, so they had to fight against other tribes before having a place to settle. When the

ancestors of Ikelemba left Gabon, two warriors led them - Cocojamba (the name means

“where everyone comes to rest”) and Minjidambou (the name means “the way of combat”).These two warriors died on the way. The man who took the people to the present location

and who is therefore the founder of the village, was Ikoka. Before moving to its present

location the village was first situated at Ngoukou near Fouloungou, which is close to Ndoki 1.The original name of this village is Kembol, which means “Come, we have found a place

where we can stay.” Ikelemba is the modern version of the name.

There are three quarters in the village: Lino (occupied by the Sangha Sangha who were the

first settlers), Bonguili and Doussouma (means “doucement” or “slowly”). The Baaka camp

is situated within the Bonguili quarter. The village is 0.0075km2 big with a total of 30 householdsdivided into 18 Bantu and 12 Baaka households with a total population of about 130 inhabitants.

Pokola and Kabo are the closest towns to this village. The main ethnic groups found in the

village are the Bantu (Sangha Sangha and Bonguili) and the Baaka. Ikelemba has a primaryschool and a health centre. A relatively good road connects the village to the closed town

Pokola. Transport by canoe is also possible. There is no potable water source. The people

drink the water from the Ndoki and Sangha rivers, which is not pollution free because CIBferries frequently ply the rivers.

The main economic activities in the village are hunting, agriculture, fishing, gathering andlocal alcohol distilling.

99

Box 9: Work schedule for Ikelemba

100

Yenga Nguilili Lindjombo Kounda Papaye Ngatongo Ikelemba

Date founded 1890 1900 1919 1991 btw 1850-1900 1800

Village size 16 km long 27 km long 7.6 km2 13 km long 0.012 km2 0.0075 km2

Ethnic Groups Bantu & Baaka Bantu & Baaka Bantu & Baaka Bantu & Baaka Bantu & Baaka Bantu & Baaka

Number of 111 Bantu 54 Bantu 59 Bantu 27 Bantu 33 Bantu 18 BantuHouseholds 114 Baaka 113 Baaka 65 Baaka 30 Baaka 6 Baaka 12 Baaka

Population 1500 1100 630 270 150 130

SocialAmenities 1, 3,4,6 1,2,3,4,5,6,7 1,2,3,6,8 1,3,4,6 3,8,9 2,3

EconomicActivities 1,2,3,4,5,6 1,2,3,4,6 1,2,3,4,5,6 1,2,3,4,6,8 1,2,3,4,6,7 1,2,3,4,5,6

Social Amenities: Economic Activities:1 - Potable Water 1 - Agriculture2 - Health Centre 2 - Hunting3 - Public Primary School 3 - Gathering4 - Elementary Baaka School 4 - Fishing5 - Market 5 - Disitilling of Local Alcohol6 - Churches 6 - Commerce7 - Mosque 7 - Tapping of Palm and Raffia Wine8 - Administrative Offices 8 - Diamond Mining9 - Motel

Table 3: Statistical Overview of the Research Villages

101

4.6.2 Bantu versus Baaka4.6.2.1 Introduction

The Bantu are the majority ethnic group in all three countries, while the Baaka constitute anethnic minority, which is different from the Bantu in a structural and sociological sense.

The Baaka, who are forest people, only came out of the forest during the late 1960s to the

early 1970s to settle with the Bantu in villages usually along the road. This was because ofgovernment reforms, which encouraged customary village chiefs to attract these people to

their villages to ease administration. This was a slow process for the Baaka who immediately

noticed how different their culture was from that of the Bantu. However, with time, they learnedto live with each other in a symbiotic relationship. The Bantu, however, still respect the

Baaka because of the strength of their witchcraft.

The Baaka usually live together as a group in huts called mongulus, built with leaves and

branches, though more Baaka are constructing durable houses from mud and raffia bamboos

or wooden houses like most of the Bantu13, usually encouraged by the village chiefs. TheBaaka camp or settlement is always located at the edges of the Bantu village. They therefore

generally live apart from the Bantu.

Picture 5: Bantu House Picture 6: Baaka Hut (Mongulu)

13 Very few Bantu have houses constructed with durable material like cement blocks or baked bricks.

102

4.6.2.2 Social and Administrative Organisation

In the Baaka society, the position of the woman is highly rated. Most especially elderly

women and widows are well respected in this society and the woman usually has the last

word in family discussions. Sometimes, the man makes decisions for himself and the malechildren in the family and the woman for herself and the female children in the family. One

Baaka man emphasised the position of the woman by saying, “In our society, the man

leaves his family and goes and meetsthe woman he wants to marry in her

family, where they make their home”.

Sometimes, however, the man stayswith the woman’s family only until he

has finished paying the bride price

by helping her parents in day-to-dayactivities. The man then takes his wife

back to his family or they go

somewhere else and make their ownhome.

Men and women in this society have the same rights to inherit, there is no preference forthe masculine sex. However, the fetish powers of the father are handed over usually to the

oldest son or the son closest to the father. The girl child in this case benefits from the care

of her brother who now takes the place of their late father.

The situation is different with the Bantu society in all countries, in which the man is considered

the overall boss in the family. The woman has limited rights in decision-making and usuallycannot make any decisions herself. One Bantu village chief said, “A woman can never be

the village chief. A woman cannot command a man, she can, however, take part in decision-

making. God said, the woman should accompany the man and not lead him.” One Bantuwoman also said there is an idiom in the village, which says,” A woman can never surpass

a man, even if women are sometimes considered in decision-making.” The woman, therefore,

leaves her parents and goes to the man’s family. They either live in the same house with therest of the family or build their own house, often not far from the parent’s home of the man.

The male child always has a privileged position when it comes to inheritance issues. In

some Bantu groups, a girl child may inherit some land from the parents if she is judged to

Picture 7: Young Baaka Couple in Front their new Home

103

be well behaved by the men in the family. It is, however, common that land is divided between

all the males in the family and then to each male, a sister is attached to whom the brothergives a little piece of the land he has inherited.

The Baaka ancestral line begins with a clan. They consider themselves to be descendantsof a common, mythical or historic ancestor, however without the possibility of determining

all the chains of this ancestral line. The members of each clan usually respect certain rituals

and restrictions, like marriage between people of the same clan and alimentary restrictionswhere each clan has particular animals they do not eat.

The Bantu on their part have a lineage system in which they can demonstrate their common

descent from a known ancestor considered to be founder of the line.

The Bantu are much more into polygamy than the Baaka. Just a handful of the Baaka men

are polygamists. Monogamy is much more common with the Baaka. The Baaka society isan acephalous one, with decisions taken following the principle of group consensus. The

most respected people and consequently the most influential in this society include the

elderly, both men and women, for their wisdom; the skilful and courageous in hunting(especially the elephant), who have a good knowledge of the forest, like knowing the niches

of the different animals; and a divine or traditional healer, who could be a man or a woman.

Sometimes an overall chief is chosen, so he can be the interface between the communityand the Bantu and/or the state. This chief is, however, under the administration of the

Bantu chief.

The Bantu on the other hand have a well-defined administrative system with a customary

chief at the head. The process of becoming a chief is hereditary in most Bantu societies.

The customary chief is assisted in decision making by his notables, usually made up of theelderly and well-respected men in the village and a youth representative. Women are rarely

part of this group of notables. It is usually expected that the women form their own association

where they can solve their own problems and only come to the chief when they are unableto resolve the problem amongst themselves.

104

4.6.2.3 Religious Life

Religious life is fundamental to the Baaka. Even though they say they are Christians (Catholics

or Baptists), they still cling to their traditional religion. The Baaka believe in the one and

only god Komba, who is the head of the forest and of all those who live and depend on theforest. Komba is their protector and is used by the Baaka to explain certain concepts like

creation, death, and life after death. To Komba are associated several forest spirits, which

are very important in the lives of the Baaka. Komba does not have the same influence onthe lives of the Baaka as their forest spirits have. For men, the most important of these

forest spirits is the Jengi (or Djengi). A boy’s passage into adulthood is celebrated with a

long and secret initiation rite. The initiated men are under the full protection of the forestspirit, who can be called upon in the face of danger and he is also supposed to bring luck to

those initiated. The women have the Yeli (or Yemo or Molimo) as their forest spirits upon

which they usually call for protection.

The Baaka are also very renowned for their fetish practices. For example, the Baaka in

Ngatongo claimed, that when the company prospectors came to place harvesting transectsin a particular forest area, they made the economically important trees disappear. The

prospectors therefore did not mark this area for production.

The Bantu generally used to be very attached to their traditional religions, but most of them

were converted to Christianity with the coming of missionaries to the villages. In some

Bantu villages, traditional beliefs have been put aside in favour of Christianity while in others,the villagers continue to practice their traditional religion in addition to Christianity. These

traditional practices usually consist of rituals, like the Dio (initiation ritual) or Soh (organised

when an elderly person dies and intended to send him to a peaceful and eternal rest). TheSam is the god of protection, whose presence is solicited when the village is plagued with

an epidemic or other problems. Mokomo or the Beka is a public circumcision ritual attended

only by publicly circumcised men. The rituals are usually accompanied by traditional musicand dances for both the Baaka and Bantu.

105

4.6.2.4 Co-existence between Baaka and Bantu

The relationship between the Baaka and Bantu includes a range of political, social, religious

and economic ties. The Bantu hold the political power. The village chief, however, consults

the Baaka chief before making decisions in certain situations. For example, consultationsbefore making decisions on when certain ceremonies in the village could take place, because

it necessitates that Baaka go hunting and gathering to provide the meat and other forest

products for the occasion. The Baaka, however, cannot make any decisions without theauthorisation of the Bantu village chief. The Baaka are the masters of the forest. They

provide the Bantu with forest products like bushmeat, honey, fruits, leaves, nuts, and medicinal

plants. These products are usually exchanged for money or bartered for cultivated foods(e.g. cassava), salt, soap, oil, metal, fishing hooks, trap lines or as payment for the use of

rented canoes or fishing nets, hemp, clothing, alcohol, cigarettes, etc.

The Baaka also often work as agri-

cultural labourers for the Bantu. They

do jobs like clearing, sowing, harves-ting cassava (in-cluding peeling and

preparing it for drying), traditional

construction and porterage. TheBaaka are paid in kind or cash after

a job, with payment ranging from 250

– 500 CFA Franc14 or payment in kind,like old clothing, locally made alcohol,

salt or hemp, for a three-hour job

(mostly from 9-12am), irrespective of the nature of the job. When asked why they have notbeen able to change the situation, they said when they do protest, the Bantu tell them that

they have no right to protest and that they should be happy with what they get because

they do not know the use and value of money. The Baaka said they have no choice butto continue doing these jobs because they need the money for survival. The Bantu tried to

justify themselves by saying that the Baaka are very lazy people and that one has to be at

the job site to supervise them, else the job is never done well.

14 1 CFA Franc = 0.001524 Euro

1 Euro = 655.957 CFA Franc

Picture 8: Baaka delivering peeled Cassava to the Bantu

106

Bantu people in all the countries often complained that Baaka steal food from their farms.

The Baaka said they do not steal, but just take what is due to them without asking theBantu owner. They only want to compensate themselves for the low pay after a hard days

work. They resort to stealing because they have no food and claim this is because the

Bantu do not give them enough money so they can buy enough food for their family. Thiscan however also be linked to the fact that many of the Baaka do not own farms and the

few who do, usually do not cultivate enough food to last till the next harvest.

There exists a slave-master relationship in the Baaka/Bantu society, in which the Bantu are

the masters and the Baaka the slaves. The Baaka are considered second class citizens or

sub-humans. In Ngatongo for example, each Bantu family has a Baaka family attached to it.The Baaka when referring to a particular Bantu, often said, “Je suis son pygmé” meaning “I

am his pygmy.” The so-attached Baaka is the main labourer for the Bantu, be it on the farm,

or for hunting or fishing. The Bantu is responsible for the Baaka by taking care of medicalbills, helping to pay the bride price, paying penalty in case the Baaka wrongs someone and

is fined. The Baaka repays this by working for the Bantu.

There are few cases of intermarriages between the Bantu and the Baaka. The only cases

seen were those of Bantu men married to Baaka women. For Bantu women, marrying

Baaka men is out of the question considering their status in the Bantu/Baaka society. TheBaaka think that Baaka women who get married to Bantu men only do so for the sake of

money/status and not love. Even though these women are seen to be opportunists, they are

still considered more privileged than the other women in the Baaka society because of thehigher standing of Bantu men compared to Baaka men.

107

5. SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOOD ANALYSIS OF THE RESEARCH COMMUNITIES

The information in this chapter was obtained from group discussions, informant discussions(with the local people as well as with conservation project workers), and the author’s

observations. Additional information was also obtained from the household census in order

to draw the graphs under education in section 5.2.1. The elements in the SustainableLivelihoods Framework will be used in this chapter to illustrate the situation of the villages,

thereby bringing out the most important problems faced by local men and women in these

villages.

5.1 Vulnerability Context

Access of the local people to livelihood assets can be affected by certain factors.Thesefactors could be responsible for the local people being more or less vulnerable to poverty.

They may also influence local people’s decison how to use the livelihood assets at their

disposal, in order to secure their livelihood.

5.1.1 Shocks

The most important shocks have been faced by the villages in Congo and CAR followingthe long periods of civil war in both countries. These civil wars caused many people to flee

from the towns to the villages. Those families in the villages who depended on relatives

living in towns lost the support from these relatives. In certain occasions the local peoplehad to shelter their relatives from town, until they could find other strategies to support

themselves. These civil wars had significant influence on the livelihood strategies and outcomes

of the local people.

108

5.1.2 Trends

PopulationThe people in all the villages stated that the population has increased substantially comparedto about 10 years ago. This increase is partly natural (increase by birth) and also because

of migration of people from other villages or towns in search of jobs from logging companies

and people fleeing from wars in urban areas.

Resources and EnvironmentThe local people have noticed that there has been constant reduction in the quantity of

forest resources available to them. They hold logging companies, poachers and safari

hunters responsible for this change in the availability in forest resources. In addition to this,the local people also admit that population increase has had an effect on their natural resource

base, especially when the people working for logging companies loose their jobs when the

companies stop logging. These people then turn to the forest and its resources for subsistence,increasing the number of people who depend on the forest and its resources. This decrease

in the quantity of products available has a considerable effect on the livelihoods of the local

people.

According to the local people, agricultural yield has also decreased because the agricultural

products are eaten by wild animals. This has led to conflicting situations because most ofthe animals which destroy farms, like elephants and gorillas, are protected animals and the

people are forbidden to kill these animals. Therefore the local people have to put in more

effort to shoo away the animals, if they hope to have a good harvest. Again, with a reductionof agricultural yield, people turn to the forest as a safety net.

Economic TrendsThe local economy has been affected by the scarcity of forest resources on which the people

depend for income generation. The local people are also witnessing economic changesdue to globalisation in relation to cash crop prices like coffee and cocoa. Many people

have actually abandoned their coffee plantations because the prices are so low that it is

not worth selling, considering the amount of work involved in producing the coffee. Loggingcompanies, safari hunters and the conservation projects have also affected the economic

trend of the local communities in that some of them have been employed by the companies

109

and projects, thereby providing families with another source of income. These changes

have affected, both positively and negatively, the different aspects of people’s livelihoods.

Governance trendsThe changing patterns of government, which involve instituting laws and regulations, exclude

or limit access of local people into forest areas. These rules and regulations are usually

implemented by the conservation projects, working together with the government. Thesubsistence activities of the people are carried out in these forest areas and this limited

access has significantly influenced access of the households to adequate livelihood assets.

The Baaka are usually more affected by this process, because their lifestyles are moreaffected by the rules and regulations than the lifestyles of the Bantu.

5.1.3 Seasonality

Seasonality also plays an important role in the livelihoods of the men and women in the

different communities.

Seasonal changes reduce as well as increase the availability of certain products throughoutthe year. During the seasons where the products are available in large quantities, the price

at which these products are sold goes down and the opposite happens when the products

are scarce. Therefore here are certain periods of the year when the families have to spendmore to be able to sustain their livelihoods.

Seasonal changes also determine the most labour intensive activities for a particular season.

For example, at the beginning of the rainy season, the Bantu are more involved in farmingthan in any other activity. During this period the Bantu depend more on the forest activities

of the Baaka to supply them with forest products.

110

5.2 Capital AssetsThe capital assets comprise of the Human capital, Social capital, Natural capital, Physicalcapital and Financial capital. These assets are all interconnected, since the local peoplemostly combine them in order to pursue their livelihood strategies or activities.

5.2.1 Human Capital

HealthThe health care in most of the villages is still poor. In villages without health post the villagershave to travel to neighbouring towns when they are ill. Those who cannot afford travel costs

to towns and the consultation fees turn to traditional medicine, in which the Baaka have

advanced knowledge, using natural remedies like tree bark, roots, herbs, and parts of totemicanimals. The Baaka are usually more often faced with the problem of lack of financial means

to pay for medical treatment, but also the Bantu turn sometimes to traditional medicine.

The Baaka are also faced with the problem of the resistance of certain illnesses (like Malaria,

Asthma, AIDS, etc.) to their traditional medicine. This makes life difficult for the Baaka,

considering their financial situation. When Baaka pay for a medical consultation, they aregenerally treated equally like Bantu. However, the Bantu still may be treated first.

Most Baaka women have no modern antenatal care when pregnant. These women aretaken care of during the pregnancy by a traditional midwife who is a local specialist in birth

issues, using medicinal plants. The women usually give birth behind their huts with the

help of this midwife. More often than not, such children do not obtain postnatal health carefrom a hospital. Bantu women, however, usually do have the opportunity for antenatal and

postnatal care of their babies.

The occurrence of AIDS in the local areas can be linked with the arrival of forest exploitation

companies and their workers. Both Bantu and Baaka women saw it as an opportunity toimprove on their financial power through prostitution in the forest logging camps and/or

with the drivers who usually transport timber over long distances. Just as the Baaka are

always considered inferior to the Bantu, it is the same in this situation. The Baaka women areusually paid less for this service compared to the Bantu women, and the timber transporters

and other logging company workers prefer the services of the Baaka women, since they

are cheaper. However, AIDS is not a topic people talk freely about and the people insistedthat it was not yet a problem in their society.

111

EducationThe majority of Baaka are not educated. The Baaka have named many reasons for this

and the most important include:

• Public schools are usually built in the farmer villages, hence outside the Baaka settlement.The distance from the settlement to these schools sometimes acts as an obstacle,

considering that Baaka children normally do not like to travel just to attend school.

• Baaka children sense a psychological distance from the school as well as from theBantu children, because the Bantu children usually ridicule them, hence this mockery

and contempt usually does not encourage them to attend.

• The Baaka usually do not think that formal education is important to them, alwaysconsidering their informal education as more important. They are also convinced that

even when educated, the Bantu children will always be considered first in case of

employment and this is another good reason, according to the Baaka, not to go throughformal education.

• The Baaka also maintain a nomadic life into the forest (Molongo – see Traditional Way

of Life as an institution section 5.3.1.2) during certain periods of the year, especiallyduring the dry season. Children are usually expected to accompany their parents and

are therefore taken out of school during this period, while the Bantu children continue

with classes.• In the public schools, only the Bantu language and French are used and not the Baaka

language. This makes learning more difficult for them because they have to start by

learning two new languages.• There is also the financial problem, which deters the education of Baaka children.

Parents are usually unable to pay school fees at public schools or buy books.

In an attempt to overcome this barrier, projects, usually managed by missionaries, have

begun, most especially in Cameroon and Central African Republic, where elementary schools

are opened and adapted only for the education of Baaka children. The O.R.A (Observe,Reflect and Act) method is used in both countries. This method intends to help the children

to be more active, noticing and being able to reflect on things from their culture and environment.

They are usually taught in the Baaka language in the first year and in French during thesecond. After the second year, they are ready to start public school with the Bantu children

at the second grade. Many of these Baaka children still do not venture into the public primary

112

school, linked to some of the reasons already mentioned above. However, many of the

Baaka youths, who had passed through the elementary school, found that they had moreconfidence in themselves to be able to sit with the Bantu children and learn.

Few (see Figure 3 next page) of these children complete primary school and even fewer ofthem move into secondary school. Children who are interested in studying till secondary

school usually pay for their needs alone through hunting during weekends, provided the

school is not very far from the village. Some of these Baaka children find it difficult to continuesecondary education because their parents prefer them at home, helping with hunting parties.

Parents are also afraid they will not be able to pass on their traditional education to these

children.

It is worth noting, that in certain parts of North Congo, there are also schools set up only for

Baaka children. These schools cover all three levels of primary school. However, the Congolesevillages in which this research was conducted do not have such a school.

Bantu children usually have fewer problems which could prevent them from going to school,for most parents are able to pay the fees and books and they do not lead nomadic lifestyles.

The children begin school with their mother tongue and only gradually move into French.

Bantu primary schools usually are found within each village. The difficulties Bantu usuallyface come with the distance of most secondary schools from the villages.

It is easier for villagers who have relatives in the towns where the school is found, but for

those who do not have, more money is needed to pay house rents in addition to schoolfees. This is usually an obstacle for some Bantu children when they want to continue with

their education.

In general, for both Bantu and Baaka, the level of education in the villages is low, yet even

worse for the Baaka than the Bantu. The figures 3a, 3b, 3c below briefly compare the level

of education between the Baaka and the Bantu within and between the villages. The educationlevels (primary, secondary and university) also include people who have been able to get

into the level even if they did not complete their studies. All the figures illustrate that the

Bantu are usually more educated than the Baaka in each of the villages.

113

Figure 3b: Level of Education Lindjombo and Kounda Papaye

Figure 3a: Level of Education Yenga and Nguilili

Figure 3c: Level of Education Ngatongo and Ikelemba

Ngatongo Ikelemba

Lindjombo Kounda Papaye

Yenga Nguilili

114

Civil and Political RightsA national identity card is generally a very important document, not only because it grants

legal status to the citizen who possess it, but also because it determines one’s belonging

to a particular nationality. It is not advisable to travel long distances by public transportwithout this document, for one risks being taken out of the bus by police or gendarme

officers at checkpoints.

Most Baaka children are not registered at birth, leading to the fact, that the children have no

birth certificates. Without a birth certificate, a national identity card cannot be issued, which

makes it also impossible for the Baaka to vote during political elections. Therefore, consideringthat only the possession of this document can grant legal status or legal belonging to a

particular country, the state governments in the countries in which they live do not recognise

thousands of Baaka as citizens. This also enforces the inferiority complex the Baaka feelin the presence of Bantu.

It is however important to note that the Baaka in Cameroon do have identification cards,which is usually not the case in the Central African Republic and Congo. The Cameroonian

government has made substantial efforts to encourage the Baaka to make birth certificates

for their children, which can be done by the customary village chief, thereby easing theprocess of being issued an identification card. This government has also made many efforts

to improve on the standards of living of the Baaka. There are certain job opportunities in

which some places are reserved only for Baaka with a certain level of education. Suchefforts by the Congolese and Central African Republic governments are still very feeble or

non-existent. In the Central African Republic however, missionaries are at work, trying to

improve on the standard of living of these people.

There are two reasons why the Baaka do usually not register at birth and therfore have no

identity cards. Firstly, they do not have the money to pay for it and secondly, the govermentsdo not make enough efforts to ease the process of obtaining these documents.

The Bantu have the situation much more under control, for they have the means to registertheir newborn babies, to get a birth certificate. It also means they have the right to vote.

Nonetheless, neither the Baaka nor the Bantu receive any kind of state benefits. Both Baaka

and Bantu possess customary usage rights of the natural resources in their environment.

115

5.2.2 Social CapitalGroup work15 within the family and in the community is an important way of life for the

Baaka. It is of key importance to their livelihoods. The family in the research area can be a

nuclear family made up of the man, his wife or wives and children or an extended family orAfrican family made up of the nuclear family and in addition other family members like

cousins, uncles, aunts, parents-in-law and even just friends who have no direct relation to

the family, but who are treated as family members. The family members are engaged indifferent or the same types of activities, all geared towards building the family livelihood.

Reciprocal exchange usually occurs between the families, when the families share the different

assets they possess to be able to sustain their livelihoods. Some of the families are alsolinked to each other by social obligations, for example, marriage between families can

strengthen their bond, increasing the support they get from each other.

Group work between the different members of the community is very important as they go

about their livelihood activities (activities carried out for subsistence and to earn a living).

For example, hunting with nets is usually a group activity and the products of this joint workare shared among those involved. This way, people who do not own nets still have the

opportunity to provide for their families by joining other people who have nets. This group

work is especially valuable to them when they carry out their forest activities, for they canprotect be each other in case of encounters with wild animals or other emergencies.

The members of the community also maintain social obligations, for example, making surethat those who are in need are provided for. This is most especially the case with old and

childless widows or widowers and the sick, who are usually taken care of by the other

members of the community.

The Bantu also value group work, even though the groups are more often made up of members

of the same family. Similar to the Baaka, the Bantu families are also usually extendedfamilies. Family members contribute to the wellbeing of the family by working together.

Social ties by marriage are also very important bonds between Bantu families. Friendship

relations also exist between some of the families through which they can mutually supporteach other.

15 The concept of group work entails that people work together to achieve a common goal. It involves the sharing of values,

resources, and the ways of doing things.

116

Community work within the Bantu is not a frequent occurrence, with preference given to ties

within families and between families which have a social obligation to each other. However,in some of the villages, the youths as well as women have formed associations, so they can

pool resources together in order to improve on their standards of living. However, according

to the local people, these associations are not functioning properly, usually because themembers have not had any training of leading and maintaining such an undertaking.

Even though the Baaka and Bantu live apart from each other, they periodically meet forhunting in hunting camps, and fishing at fishing camps close to large rivers or at small

rivers. The Baaka and Bantu women sometimes jointly do dam fishing so they can share

this heavy labour demanding activity together. In addition, they join together for thegathering of forest products, especially when it concerns camping in the forest for long

periods because they are more secure against animals and joint efforts can maximise

quantity gathered.

For both, the Baaka and Bantu, the relation to family members who are outside the household

(because of marriage or work and usually living in towns or other villages) is valuable, forthese members are usually called upon for help in times of need. The business relations

between the Baaka and Bantu also form an important part of social capital in the villages.

For example, a Bantu who frequently buys from a Baaka has the opportunity to take productsat times on credit, while the Baaka who frequently sells to a particular Bantu has the opportunity

to get money or other basic household needs, repaying the Bantu at a later time, usually by

providing him with the forest products he needs.

The advantage the Bantu and Baaka have of belonging to institutions like religious bodies

(traditional or Christian) or the Molongo (for the Baaka) cannot be neglected. It involvespeople coming together, usually getting mutual support from each other as members of the

institutions. This helps them to overcome many difficult situations like health problems or

death of a family member. Also the social links between the groups within the village areimportant, as these links could play a critical role in times of need for one group or the

other.

117

5.2.3 Natural Capital

LandThe land which the local people call their home includes the forest and the areas wherethey construct their houses and where they farm. This land is very important to the local

people, as it is the source of almost all their food and income.

The forest is the most important natural capital for the local people as most of their livelihood

activities like hunting, gathering and fishing are linked to the forest. In the forests found

within the Sangha Trinational Conservation Complex, the forest access for the local people,who live within this complex, is governed by conservation rules. Carrying out any of the

above-mentioned activities in the areas set apart for conservation is strictly forbidden. Some

other parts of the forest have therefore been allocated to the local people to carry out theirforest activities. These parts are open to all members of the communities. However, they

complain, that the areas given to them are not able to provide for their needs because they

are not as rich in forest resources as the parts placed under conservation.

According to the local people, the quantity of forest resources has declined substantiallycompared to the past. They attribute this to population increase, logging companies, poachers

and safari hunters. In spite of the problems, the forest still remains the most important

livelihood asset.

WaterIn all the villages, there is a big river as well as small rivers where the local people usually

fish. Access to these rivers in parts which do not flow through the conservation areas is

open to all. There are thus equal access rights for the Baaka and Bantu men and women.

There are springs and wells from which the community gets drinking water. If a village hasa well and a spring, only water from the spring is used as drinking water, since the people

consider it to be more potable than well water. Water from the wells is used for activities

like laundry, bathing, etc. Access to the springs is open for all in the village, while access tothe wells depends on who owns it. When the well is privately owned, access is limited to

the Bantu owner and outsiders can only use it with the owner’s permission. Wells within a

Baaka camp belong always to the entire Baaka community. When the well is owned by theentire community (wells could have been part of a development project by outside NGOs to

118

the village and the well was dug with the assistance of all the Bantu and Baaka community

members), there is equal access for all members of the community.

Potable water is only available in some of the villages and access to this source of water

is usually limited. In Nguilili, for example, every family in the village pays a fixed monthlycontribution for the maintenance of its potable water supply. However, not every household

can afford to pay this contribution and those that cannot pay are thus excluded from the

use of this source of water. Few Bantu families are affected, but the Baaka are the mostaffected, with not a single family able to pay the contributions. They therefore resort to

using spring water. In Yenga, Lindjombo and Kounda Papaye, access to potable water is

free for all members of the village. However, because the Baaka camps are sometimeslocated far away from these water sources, which are usually built in the Bantu settlement,

they turn to using spring water. The Baaka say they have no problem with spring water,

since according to them, it is good quality water because the source is usually located inthe forest.

The Congolese villages Ngatongo and Ikelemba have no potable water sources. In Ngatongo,they get their water from a brook close to the village, while in Ikelemba they drink the water

from the Sangha and Ndoki river. These people are well aware that this water is polluted by

oil from ferries belonging to the logging companies, they but have no other choice.

LivestockFew people in the villages rear animals like sheep, goats, pigs and chicken. Only the Bantu

engage in this activity, for the Baaka cannot afford to buy these animals. In addition, their

semi-nomadic lifestyle makes it difficult for them to engage in such an activity.

119

5.2.4 Physical Capital5.2.4.1 Infrastructure

TransportThe roads (not tarred) connecting the villages to neighbouring villages and towns are relatively

good, especially during the dry season. During the rainy season, some roads becomealmost inaccessible, except for cars with four wheel drives. But the situation is getting better

for the Cameroonian and Congolese villages, since the roads are constantly maintained

either by the government or by logging companies. The roads are in a very bad state in theCAR villages, because of total lack of maintenance. Even four wheel drive cars have difficulties

plying these roads. The CAR roads used to be maintained by a logging company which is

no longer active in the area where the villages are located. By the end of this research(September 2006), however, the Sangha Project was making plans to start maintaining

the roads.

For the Cameroonian and Congolese villages, travel is possible with transport buses which

ply the roads as well as timber transporting vehicles (this is forbidden by the logging companiesfor security reasons, but the drivers still take passengers) on a daily basis. Conservation

project cars, government cars and a few private cars also ply the roads. For one of the CAR

villages, Lindjombo, transport to the neighbouring town Bayanga is only possible through theconservation project cars and local council cars. But these cars do not ply this road frequently,

so that many of the villagers resort to trekking or travelling by bicycle (about 32 km) to this

town. In the other village, Kounda Papaye, a transport vehicle passes through two times aweek. In addition to this, also conservation project cars and local council cars use the road,

but the villagers usually have to take the transport vehicles.

Good roads are important because the local people are able to sell their products to passers-by and are also able to transport their products to other towns or villages for sale. Good

roads make it also easier in medical emergencies.

Rivers (Sangha river and Ndoki river) are also an important means of transport. The Ndoki

river connects Congolese settlements. The Sangha river connects Cameroon with Congo

and Central African Republic. The people cross the river by canoe or ferry (the loggingcompany CIB operates a ferry service between Ngatongo and Cameroon), to buy and sell

goods.

120

Health CentresNot every village has a health post for elementary health care. Only Lindjombo, Nguili and

Ikelemba have health centres. However, they have very limited equipment, medical supplies

and staff. Nurses are employed usually by the state to work in these health centres.

MarketsNguilili is the only villages amongst the six villages studied which has a market. In the other

villages, people sell their products by placing them in front of their houses.

SchoolsThere are primary schools for Bantu and Baaka in all the villages and elementary schools

for the Baaka in some of the villages.

5.2.5 Financial Capital

The financial capital available to the villagers is mainly derived from the selling of the products

of agriculture, hunting, gathering, fishing, rearing and traditional brewing. Some few earntheir money buy working for logging companies, safari hunters and the conservation projects.

Families, that have relatives working out of the village also often get money from these

relatives to supplement their financial resources.

121

5.3 Transforming Structures and Processes

(Institutions and their organisations, policies and processes)

5.3.1 Processes/Policies and Institutions that influence the Livelihoods of the Local Communities

The term, institution, is often applied to customs and behaviour patterns important to a

society. They are the rules of the game and in this context, the rules determine the allocation

of resources through a regulatory framework, which usually has an effect on the lives of thelocal men and women. The institutions which affect the lives of the local people are not only

the formal, organised or visible ones, but also those in society which are more difficult to

identify, but are equally important for large numbers of people in the communities because

they have value for these people, since they affect their lives.

5.3.1.1 Processes/Policies that affect Local People

Processes in this context refer to actions taken and changes made by government bodies

to enact laws concerning land use.

Process of allocating concessions to logging companies and giving huntinglicences to safari/sports hunters:The local communities are not represented when such decisions are made, even though

the activities of logging companies and safari/sports hunters in the forest have a direct

effect on the livelihoods of the local communities.

Process of gazetting conservation area:This was another decision of all three governments (with support from international

organisations), which was made without involving the local people. The areas which were

set aside for conservation include the forest areas were local people have been carryingout their forest activities. The consequence of setting this area aside is that the local people

have been alienated from these areas and this has had an effect on the natural capital

available to them, hence impacting on their livelihoods.

122

Process of granting community forests to some of the communities:This process, which only occurs in Cameroon, involves a continuous collaboration between

the local communities and the government. This process has a positive effect on the local

community in general, as they are empowered by the government as managers of theseforests and can use the income from it to improve on their villages, like carrying out

development projects helpful to the entire community. Applying for a community forest is

a tedious process for the communities because of the difficulties in fulfilling all therequirements and only few communities are allowed to manage their own community

forest.

5.3.1.2 Institutions that affect the Livelihoods of the Local People

The rural council as an institution:This is a public institution which has defined duties, responsibilities and authority. These

councils operate from the urban district and have all the villages within its district under itsadministration. The percentage of tax (collected from logging companies) allocated to the

local communities is paid to the councils. This money is meant for community development,

but in most cases never reaches the communities, where it could be helpful in planning

development projects like health centres and potable water that could improve livelihoods.

Rules and Regulations governing access to forest resources as an institutions:The creation of the conservation areas, under the management of the conservation projects,

with its rules and regulations has had a strong influence on people’s access to natural

capital (forest and its resources) in this area. So, hunting, gathering and fishing in the forest,which used to be done in all parts of the forest, has now been limited only to a small part.

This has had the effect of reducing some of the assets and resources that the men and

women of both ethnic groups use, thereby changing the context in which they live and influencingtheir vulnerability.

The local people feel more vulnerable when they see the power the conservation projectsexert over them. Their vulnerability is affected not only because they have limited access to

the forest, but also because wild animals (which might also be protected) come out of the

123

forest and destroy the crops on their farms. So, the forest and the farm, as the most important

sources of food, are affected. This has an effect most especially on the women, who areresponsible for providing the family with food and have now to work even harder.

In addition, the rules and regulations of conservation conflict with many of the cultural normsof the local people (e.g. they no longer have control of their traditional religious sites or

burial grounds deep within the forest; village’s traditional governments are challenged, as

they now control access only into limited parts of the forest; the Baaka are no longer able tocarry out the Molongo16 which happened to be an important institution for the local people,

for it plays an important part in their social capital).

The logging companies have rules and regulations which govern the forest areas under

their control, and local people have to abide by these rules. The safari/sport hunters also

have their own rules in the forest area they control. For example, they usually do not like thelocal people to come into their hunting areas for, according to them, the noise these people

make scares the animals away. The local people find themselves powerless in the

presence of the logging companies and the safari/sport hunters, since their activities areauthorised by the government,thereby reducing access to even more forest parts. The

only advantage of the conservation projects, logging companies and safari hunters for

the local people is, that some are employed by them, providing those employed withanother source of income, thereby having a small positive effect on their livelihoods.

Another benefit is the improvement of the local infrastructure in form of maintaining roads

and providing ferry transport through the logging companies.

Traditional Way of Life as an institutionThe Baaka

The Baaka date the beginning of changes in their culture and traditional way of life to the

time they came out of the forest (late 1970s), to live with the Bantu. They were forced toabandon their forest settlements usually when the forest areas in which they lived were

allocated for logging. In Cameroon, the government forced them out of the forest to settle

with the Bantu, in order to ease administration of the villages. Since then their life has

16 The Molongo is a long stay deep in the forest, which could last from one to several months and can involve several

families or an entire Baaka settlement.

124

changed for the worst, above all with the arrival of forest exploitation, safari hunters,

conservation projects, poachers, etc. For example, when the Baaka were still living in theforest, they used to prepare several types of drinks, made from honey, which were very

healthy. This practise got lost, when they got in contact with the Bantu and other forest

actors and were introduced to alcohol as well as modern cigarettes and hemp, which hashad a negative effect on their lifestyle.

There is both an advantage and a disadvantage that the Baaka are employed by otherpeople. For the Baaka, the advantage of employment is that it increases their purchasing

power, so they can help their families to buy basic household needs. The disadvantage is

related to the fact that the men sometimes opt for payment in the form of cigarettes, hemp,or alcohol. This is usually not helpful to the Baaka’s family, since the money cannot be used

to buy food and other household needs. Even when the men do get money as payment,

most of them still use this money to buy cigarettes and alcohol. It is a common occurrencethat most of the few Baaka men who are employed squander their salaries on drinks and

cigarettes, which are mostly sold by Bantu women.

The result of the addiction of Baaka men to cigarettes and alcohol is, that some men spend

a lot of their time in the village rather than at their settlement because they can buy these

items only in the village. Consequently, they neglect their traditional chores like hunting toprovide the family with meat. They also pay less attention to the education of their children.

The Baaka woman is thus forced to work even harder to ensure subsistence of the family.

Usually, the Bantu women who sell the alcohol and cigarettes to the Baaka men use thesame money to employ the Baaka women, who are paid only very meagre amounts no

matter the nature of the work. This way, the Baaka women earn back in an indirect way the

money their husbands spent on alcohol.

Another example of a setback to tradition is that the Molongo is no longer practised by

many of the Baaka. The Molongo is a long stay in the forest, which could last from one toseveral months and takes place deep in the forest. This involves an entire Baaka settlement

or families moving long distances from the village into the forest. The Molongo can be

practiced during the dry season and the rainy season. During the rainy season, the Molongo

is mainly organised for the harvest of Irvingia spp (bush mango) and also other forest products.

The duration depends on the amount of rainfall, because the Baaka do not like working in

125

the forest when it is cold and wet. The dry season is the favoured season for the Molongo

because this is the period when animals migrate in search of food, and are easily encounteredin the forest. During this season, the water levels drop and this facilitates fishing with the

use of traditional fishing equipment (like spears, lances, conical fishing basket, machetes)

because the fish are now concentrated in the riverbed and therefore easier to catch. Anotherreason to organise the Molongo during dry season is that it is very hot in the village because

of the sun, so they move into the forest to get away from the heat. In addition, the Baaka use

this opportunity to also get away from the Bantu for a while and be by themselves.

The Molongo is not only important because of the opportunity to hunt and gather, but also

as an occasion to pass on traditional knowledge to the younger generation. This is veryimportant, as the Baaka culture is passed on from generation to generation by way of

chants and stories of the past. The elderly are important because they are a great source

of knowledge. Knowledge of the past is passed on to both men and women through thismethod. The elderly men teach the young men, while the elderly women teach the young

women.

The young men are taught how to hunt and fish using traditional equipment, they are initiated

into rituals that are supposed to place them under the protection of their spirits, shown

medicinal plants and their uses and most especially, they are taught how to make meaningout of the signs they encounter in the forest (e.g. using smell or the temperature of animal

faeces to detect how far the animal could be). The Baaka are known to be the best animal

trackers in the region, due to the diligence with which they learn about signs and theirmeaning. Meaning is also read from the flowering of certain trees, like the Baobab tree

mentioned by the Baaka in Ikelemba, whose flowering signals a period when a lot of food

can be found in the forest. Honeybees also come out to suck the nectar of these flowers, sothey know that it is also time for honey harvesting.

Young women are taught the traditional duties of a woman, like building huts with branches

and Maranthacea leaves, how to fish, gather and hunt (with nets), taught signs like thoseused to recognise the presence of honey in a tree cavity, initiated into rituals and introduced

to medicinal plants and their uses.

126

During the Molongo, the Baaka meet in the forest with other Baaka from different villages.

Many young people have met their marriage partners during such encounters. After a whilein the forest, some family members are sent into neighbouring Bantu villages to sell bushmeat

and other products, so they can buy cassava, salt, soap, etc, needed in the forest.

Because of several reasons some Baaka are unable to participate in the Molongo, like:

• Children in school, although, some parents still withdraw their children from schooland take them along to the forest.

• Employment with forest exploitation companies, safari hunting companies or the

conservation projects, which prevents some Baaka men from participating in theMolongo for they usually are not given leave during this period.

• Work on the farm (their personal farms or Bantu farms), which usually coincides with

the Molongo.• Some do not go because they are afraid of the organisations responsible for the

conservation of the trinational area (see below).

• Ill health prevents some people from taking part in the Molongo.

Therefore, women whose husbands do not go for the Molongo depend on other family

members to bring them a share of bushmeat and other products. This is usually not enoughbecause of the long distances from the forest to the village, which do not permit transportation

of heavy loads.

It is, however, important to note that this Molongo is no longer practised in any of the six

villages as well as in the surrounding villages where this research took place.

The Baaka gave the following reasons why they no longer practice the Molongo:• They repeatedly mentioned that they were afraid of ecoguards17 who treat them

brutally when they meet in the forest. With all the restrictions on accessing and

using the forest, which never existed before, they no longer feel safe in the forest.Hence, they prefer to stay in the village and only go hunting in the forest area close

to the village.

• Another reason is that many Baaka no longer have the tools and necessary skills to usethem. Only traditional tools like hunting nets, lances, spears, and crossbows are used

as a principle, since according to them, foreign tools bring bad luck during the Molongo.

17 Ecoguards, also called forest police, are responsible for the protection of the forest, are employed by the Ministry responsible

for Forestry and Environment in all three countries and work directly with the conservation projects.

127

However, these traditional tools are worn out after long years of use, and they are unable

to make new ones, because the skill to make them has been lost. Also the skill to usethem has been lost in some Baaka communities, because the youths were more interested

in learning how to use the firearm, which they say needs less effort than the traditional

methods.• The young girls and boys no longer want to spend time in the forest, saying there are

too many hazards to overcome, like wild animals or injuries during work.

• According to the elderly, the youths (especially men) also prefer to stay in the villagebecause of their addiction to alcohol and cigarettes. The youths on their part accused

the elderly of being responsible for the breakdown of this tradition. They said the

elderly drink too much and no longer find the time nor do they have the interest toorganise the Molongo, considering the fact that they are responsible for organising

this activity.

Nevertheless, the Baaka lamented the ending of this practice, because it has changedtheir tradition and with it their traditional knowledge. For example, the young men no longer

have the skills to use the lance to kill animals. This used to be very important in their culture,

because the lance was used to kill large animals like elephants. They also do not have theopportunity anymore to learn some of the rituals performed in the forest before hunting trips

or how to make meaning out of the different signs in the forest.

The elderly women said their young girls are unable to build huts without help and many of

the young girls have become self-willed and no longer want to sleep with their mothers in

the same hut. The young girls also no longer want to do things like sharpening their teeth ormaking cosmetic scarifications on their bodies for they think it is ugly and not worth the

pain. They also do not want to be taught how to climb trees like their ancestors, because

they say it is dangerous.

In order to prevent their traditional knowledge and practises from becoming completely

lost, the Baaka still practice the Mouaka (also called Mombato), which is a stay in the forestlasting only a few days to a few weeks. During the Mouaka, they use the opportunity to

transmit bits of their traditional knowledge to the young ones. The Mouaka is usually undertaken

by small groups and they do not go as deep into the forest. Usually it is organised for theharvest of forest products like the bush mango and honey as well as for fishing and hunting.

This is done with the goal of accumulating as much of these products as possible for

128

autoconsumption and for sale. Women usually go to the forest accompanied by their husbands.

When young men go on these trips alone, they usually come back when their stock of cassavais finished because they are usually not fond of digging yams.

The period when the Mouaka is practiced is usually well calculated to correspond withtimes when the Bantu need to buy these products, e.g. during the Christmas or Easter

period, during funeral and other celebrations, because the Baaka noticed that there was a

higher demand of their products during those periods. The Baaka in the village Ngatongousually come from the forest when the logging company is paying its workers, also on

Monday evenings because Bantu women buy these products and travel to Pokola or Ouesso

(the closest towns to the village) on Tuesdays to sell the products.

From the above trend, one can also see that the more the Baaka got used to earning more

and being assimilated into the Bantu culture, the less the time they spend in the forest. Therestricting rules of conservation organisations are therefore not the only cause that led to a

stop of this practice, even though they are contributing to a large extent.

The Bantu

The Bantu have also perceived a change in their traditional way of life, which they directly

link to the coming of forest exploitation companies, safari hunters, poachers and conservationorganisations. Some of these changes were expressed by first relating to what used to

happen in the past compared to current practice. According to the Bantu, their ancestors

went hunting generally for subsistence. When the meat was sold, it was usually to raisemoney for medical treatment or to send children to school. Nowaday, with the presence of

forest exploiters and their workers as well as poachers in the area, the Bantu hunt most

especially for sale because of the high demand for bushmeat.

They also used only traditional hunting methods until the white man came and introduced

firearms and steel cables to hunt, in order to increase the quantity of animals that could becaught during a hunting trip. With the opening of roads by exploitation companies, they

also have now the opportunity to transport a bigger amount of bushmeat, which they could

not do before.

129

The Bantu, just like the Baaka also had the liberty to move to any part of the forest when

they wanted to, but this started changing with the institution of ecoguards who treat also theBantu badly and keep them from carrying out their normal activities. This led to the fact that

they had to adjust their traditional eating habits, because hunting has been restricted. The

Bantu also spend a few days to weeks in the forest, especially to harvest bush mango, tofish and hunt. But like the Baaka, they also have to face restrictions of forest access and use.

While the Baaka pass on their knowledge through chants and stories, the Bantu sometimeshave chronicles of what happened in the past, which the children can read. Stories are also

told to the children, but this is usually done at home in the village and not in the forest like

the Baaka do.

Land ownership and access to forest resources as an institutionThe Baaka consider land in general to belong to god Komba, who created everything thatexists. Komba, according to them, is the sole owner of the forest and land. Therefore, the

notion of land or forest ownership does not exist among the Baaka. They believe Komba

created land and the forest so they can survive on the resources found there. Hence, thereexists no individual ownership among the Baaka. Everything is shared within the community.

The land on which the Baaka live and farm originally belongs to the Bantu under the traditional

land appropriation system. The Bantu agree to donate part of their village land (usuallyundeveloped forest land at the edges of the village) to the Baaka as a group (not to

individuals), often in exchange for favours or services rendered.

The Bantu are the customary landowners in mixed Bantu/Baaka villages. Here, the acquisitionof land takes place, when one develops a piece of land for agriculture or construction. This

ownership is recognised by the other community members. The land is then transferred

from generation to generation to members (usually the men) of the family. The Bantu chiefalso gives land to Baaka and to immigrants for farming or the construction of houses.

They usually receive an undeveloped part of the forest, which they are expected to clear

and farm. It is however important to note, that these Bantu are only virtual land owners byvirtue of the fact that they use the land, for their rights as landowners are not yet recognised

and guaranteed under modern or state law, which considers all land to belong to the state,

130

unless a formal agreement is made between an individual and the state to change this

situation. The Bantu chiefs do not sell land to people who come to the village. When thechief approves of the newcomer’s decision to stay in the village, the newcomer is given a

piece of undeveloped land on which he can construct and farm. Lineage heads could also

give part of their land to newcomers, in situations where the newcomer came to the villageto work with or for the lineage head.

The institution of land ownership illustrates the power inequality that exists between menand women in the Bantu society and between the Bantu and Baaka. Women in the Bantu

society rarely inherit land and this has an effect on their position in society. They usually get

access to land through male family members. This is difficult, for the women always have todepend on whoever owns the land to give her permission to cultivate the land. This means

she has to stay in good terms with the members who give her the land, or else she might

loose it. This institution therefore plays an important role as to how women can haveaccess to land, which affects the number of capital assets available for her to improve on

her livelihood.

Through this institution, the Bantu have control over the Baaka, who must come to them

and beg for land. This increases the dependence of the Baaka on the Bantu, since they

always have to stay in good terms with the Bantu, if they intend to keep their land. Theinstitution of common ownership practiced by the Baaka is therefore challenged by the

Bantu institution of landownership. This power difference makes the Baaka vulnerable

and also affects their well-being, since they do not have the security of land ownership.

However, the local rules and regulations which govern access to forest resources allow

for equal access for all (men, women in both ethnic groups). The people in each villagehave control of the forest part which belongs to their village and members of neighbouring

villages who want to use this forest must ask for permission to gain access. Strangers

who want to use the forest go the Bantu chief and his counsellors for permission. Again,the Baaka have no right to grant this permission to anyone.

The power of this institution has been limited by the government (which gave parts of thevillage forest area to conservation projects, logging companies and safari hunters), by limiting

access to resources the people need.

131

Sharing in the family and community as an institution

The importance of this institution has already been described under social capital. This

institution occupies an important position in the society, for both, the Baaka and Bantu,

because of the support it provides in times of need.

Gender, ethnicity, age and class as an institution

This institution also brings to light the power relations between different groups of people inthe society, which is often determined by culture and religion. ‘Rules of the game’ or ’The

way things should be done’ has become a form of accepted habit for the people.

Gender as institution: The people have established rules concerning the behaviour that isaccepted for men and women.

- Ethnicity as institution: The Bantu have established power over the Baaka and they doeverything to show the Baaka that they, the Bantu, are better humans than the Baaka and

the Baaka should therefore respect them. The Bantu express their superiority in many ways,

like being the landowners, being their chief administrators of the village, making their languagethe official language in the village and in schools, which are also attended by Baaka children,

making it difficult for the children to adapt, etc.

- Age as institution: The age difference of the different members in the community has an

important influence on the lives of the local people. It is a norm that the old are highly regarded

in society and the young therefore always have to show respect for the old. This aspect ofage is especially important in the Baaka society, where the oldest man is usually made

spokesman for the community. Elderly women are also well respected within the Baaka

society and are usually the main decision-makers within their families and also in the communityas a whole.

- Class as institution: Class is also responsible for power inequalities within the localcommunities. This is related to the socio-cultural and economic status of people in society.

Thus, wealthier families have a higher status and are usually well respected and have influential

positions in the administration of the village. A socio-cultural power distinction based oncircumcision was noticed especially among the Bantu in Yenga. Men who are publicly

circumcised have a higher standing than those circumcised privately in hospitals. The privately

132

circumcised cannot eat from the same plate as the publicly circumcised. Likewise, the

wives of the publicly circumcised men are higher in status than those of the privatelycircumcised.

This difference in power relations affects the livelihoods of the households in the localcommunities. The more influential usually have advantages which the less influential do not

have and these advantages could be used to improve on the livelihoods of the influential,

while at the same time the advantages could also represent a constraint for the livelihoods

of the less influential.

5.4 Livelihood Strategies

Household activity profileThe Baaka are essentially nomadic, even though they are going through a process of

sedentarisation. Most Baaka in these villages are now semi-sedentarised, living most of

the year in the village and moving into the forest only for a few months. They are fundamentallyhunter/gatherers and fishermen (see chapter four for detailed description of the products

of hunting, gathering and fishing for both Baaka and Bantu), but with the process of

sedentarisation, some of them have started investing in agriculture.

However, food cultivation is still largely for subsistence because they usually cultivate only

small areas. Some Baaka still do not want to invest in agriculture, saying that it is not part oftheir culture. They do not see the advantage of working a piece of land now and only being

able to harvest in the future. They prefer activities like fishing, hunting, gathering, the products

of which can provide for their immediate needs. Based on their culture, they are not motivatedto amass goods or plan for the future.

The Baaka in Cameroon, who are the most engaged in agriculture compared to the Baakain the other countries, plant food crops like plantains, cocoa, cassava, maize and sweet

potatoes. Only few of the Baaka own cocoa farms, since the seedlings are expensive.

Baaka women help their husbands to work on the cocoa farms, but selling the cocoa iscompletely left to the man, who also decides what to do with the money.

133

The Baaka in CAR have as main agricultural products maize, plantains, cassava and okra.

From the two villages studied in Congo, only the Baaka in Ikelemba practice agricultureand the most important crops are plantains and cassava.

Baaka women are more involved in agricultural work than men. The only work done by menis helping the women at times at the beginning of the planting season to clear the grass

from the farm, so the crops can be planted. Plantains are usually the only agricultural product

sold by the Baaka. The rest of the crops are only for subsistence, since they often cultivateonly small areas. Any income from the sale of the agricultural products (except for cocoa in

Cameroon) is shared between the man and the woman, even if the man did not participate

in cultivation.

In addition to hunting, gathering, fishing and in some cases agriculture, the Baaka are employed

to work on Bantu farms and frequently work as traditional healers. Some of them are alsoemployed by safari hunters and logging companies as trackers as well as for tree species

identification and also by the conservation projects as trackers and recently as ecoguards.

The Bantu have agriculture as their main economic activity. The main agricultural products

common to the Bantu in Cameroon, Congo and CAR are plantains, sweet potatoes, macabo,

maize, cassava, yams, sugar cane and pineapples. In addition, Bantu in Cameroon plantcocoa, while those in Congo and CAR plant groundnuts.

Just like with the Baaka, Bantu women are more engaged in agriculture than men. TheBantu however cultivate on more extensive areas than the Baaka, consequently, they usually

have surplus for sale, especially when yields are good. Income from these products is used

for the upkeep of the family. However, some women mentioned that sometimes, their mentake most of the money they earn from the sale of these products and use it for their personal

needs (buying alcohol, cigarettes, etc).

Hunting and gathering are also important economic activities, as well as fishing, depending

on how close the village is to a fishing river. The distilling of local alcohol is another important

source of income for many women in the villages. Some Bantu are also engaged in therearing of animals like sheep, goats, chicken and pigs; others are employed by logging

companies and the conservation projects as animators and ecoguards.

134

The Bantu and Baaka have diverse economic activities, which means they use different

livelihood strategies to obtain a livelihood outcome. It is also obvious that women are more

involved in certain activities than men and vice versa.

5.5 Livelihood Outcomes

Income and Sustainability of Resource BaseThe men and women try to increase their income from the different livelihood activities they

carryout. Even combining all the income sources, the income of these local men and women,

is usually just sufficient to provide for subsistence. In their strive to earn as much income aspossible, some of the local people turn to overexploiting the resource base. The effects of

this destructive actions impact on them in the long run because a scarcity of the resources

would lead to a reduced income. More income in these local communities usually leads toan adverse effect on the resource base. Some of the people think more of satisfying their

immediate needs than preserving for the future.

WellbeingIn addition to the material things like money and things one can buy with it, the people also

value immaterial things like health, access to services (health care, education, etc), the

possibility to participate in decision-making concerning the resources they need for survival,security of household and community members and the feeling of belonging.

The Baaka believe their welfare is not assured because they are considered second-classcitizens by the Bantu. This situation is promoted by the state, especially in Congo and

CAR, were they do not yet have identification cards which would identify them as members

of the country. The men and women from both ethnic groups also feel insecure about theirfuture concerning the resources at their disposal, since they are not involved in decision-

making concerning these resources. Furthermore, access to services like education and

health care is still limited by the low income the people earn, which does not permit them topay the fees required to have access to these services.

135

VulnerabilityThe local people try to combine many livelihood activities as a buffer against vulnerability.

The only problem is, that even with this diversity of livelihood activities, the income is still

low and does not permit saving for the future. During periods when they have no income,they have therefore no reserves to turn to. The overexploitation of the forest and its resources

by logging companies and poachers as well as the limitations on forest access and use

increase the vulnerability of most of the households. Only the few families with memberswho are employed by logging companies, safari hunters and conservation projects are

able to withstand the vulnerabilities. Even these families at times still face problems because

some of them are only employed on part time bases and therefore do not receive salaries

throughout the year.

Food SecurityThere is certainly no famine in any of the villages. Enough food is available to the local

communities. Crops like cassava and beans are dried and stored and can last to the next

harvesting season. However, this is only possible if the agricultural yields are good, suchthat they can harvest enough for immediate use and still have surplus. Seasonal changes

and destruction of crops by animals could lead to bad yields. These people are then completely

dependent on forest resources for food. With forest destruction coupled with reduced accessto forest resources, the situation becomes even more difficult. Most of the Baaka, who

usually do not have farms, depend completely on forest resources for food. Women, who

are usually responsible for the provision of food for their families are more affected byscarcity and limited access, for they have to spend more time looking for food, which also

means walking longer distances.

Résumé: Drawing from the above discussions, one can not say the local population in the

villages have achieved sustainable livelihoods.

136

6. GENDERED FOREST USE IN THE RESEARCH AREA

The following information was obtained through group and informant discussions, observations

and through the household survey with questionnaires.

6.1 Hunting, Gathering and Fishing

Hunting, gathering and fishing are important to the local population in virtue of the subsistence,

economic and social value of the products of these activities. These activities are usuallycarried out on a subsistence level, but informal commercialisation of the products of these

activities also constitutes a non-negligible source of income to these people. The products

of hunting, gathering and fishing are frequently used by the local people as food, medicine,construction materials, sleeping mats, packaging and chemicals for fishing. The products

are the main source of food, especially for the Baaka during their stay in the forest, and

also serve as a safety net for the Bantu as well as for the Baaka during periods of shortageof cultivated food.

For the Baaka, hunting, fishing and gathering also play a role in their spiritual life. Thetradition of the Baaka, which is transmitted by oral tales, song, dance and other social

practices, is based on the passing on of knowledge concerning these activities.

Table 4: Overview of the Forest Activities for Men and Women for the different Ethnic Groups

6.1.1 Hunting

Hunting is an activity that has been practised from time immemorial by both Bantu andBaaka. Its products provide the essential animal protein intake of the forest dwellers.

In the Bantu society hunting is an activity carried out almost entirely by men . The role of

Bantu women in hunting is limited to companionship and porterage. Baaka women onthe other hand are very engaged in hunting. The day before organised hunting trips, the

women habitually perform a ritual, which is supposed to assure a successful and safe

hunting trip. While in the forest, the women follow the hunters in the background, singing,

Hunting Gathering FishingBantu Women * *** ***Bantu Men *** * ***Baaka Women ** *** ***Baaka Men *** ** ***

* Passive Role** Active Role

*** Very Active Role

137

with the objective of attracting animals. The women also join the men in emitting loud

screams once an animal is cited, so that the animal is confused and can therefore beeasily captured.

The main hunting methods include the use of firearms, wire snares or trap lines, nets, crossbows(with poisoned tips using the grain of Strophanthus gratus and other plant extracts), lances

and hunting dogs. The most widely used of these methods are firearms, followed by wire

snares and nets. However, the use of wire snares as a hunting method is illegal in all threecountries, even though the local population persists on using it. Firearms are also only permitted

if the holder has the necessary permit and is up to date with the taxes associated with the use

of a gun. The use of snares is a more common hunting method in Cameroon, while the firearmsare equally important as snares in Congo and CAR. The use of the above mentioned methods

is limited only to men. The only exception are hunting nets which are also used by the Baaka

women in Cameroon and CAR.

Both ethnic groups equally use

firearms and wire snares, buthunting nets are a speciality of

the Baaka. It should however be

noted that some Baaka, especiallyin Congo, have lost the skill of

hunting with nets in favour of

firearms. The Bantu also used netsto hunt a long time ago, but this

method lost its value with the

introduction of firearms and traplines. Crossbows are used to a larger extent by the Baaka. The use of hunting dogs to

hunt for rat moles is also almost entirely practised only by them. Baaka men are also

skilled lance users and this instrument was once very important for the killing of largeanimals, most especially the elephant. With the integration of conservation and its rules,

which protect elephants and many other large animals, the use of the lance has been

limited to killing small animals. The men habitually visit their snares every two days.With nets however, it is necessary that the hunter goes to the forest every day.

Picture 9: Crossbow

138

Hunting is an activity that can be carried out individually or in groups. The Baaka however

are more organised than the Bantu and usually go hunting in groups, especially when itinvolves going deep into the forest or spending nights in the forest. Visiting of nets is more

often a family affaire with the Baaka. The man, his wife and their children therefore go to the

forest everyday. The Baaka go to the forest as a group and then separate to visit their nets.Each family owns a single net.

Hunting used to be also a group affaire for the Bantu, especially while hunting with nets,because they needed the help of many people to attach the nets. However, with increased

use of the firearm and trap lines, hunting has become more individual. If a group is formed,

it is usually only with people of the same family.

For Baaka men in Cameroon and CAR, bushmeat still has the highest economic value

amongst all forest products. The Baaka in Congo do not consider bushmeat to be theirmain source of income any longer, due to their inability to hunt, in view of the fact that they

have lost the skill of using traditional hunting methods (especially the net) and have instead

become more verse with the use of firearms. Firearms however are extremely costly inrelation to the Baaka’s purchasing power. Since they are unable to buy these firearms, they

use arms lent to them by the Bantu. However, the product of this hunt is handed over to the

Bantu owner of the firearm. The Baaka usually obtains as payment for his efforts only thebowels and head of the animal as well as a little payment in cash, which is usually a pittance,

compared to the value of the animal and the effort put in to kill it. They therefore do not get any

part of the animal they can sell. However, one of the Baaka said if they succeed in killingmany more animals than they usually do, they hide some of the animals, which they later sell.

The Baaka in Cameroon and CAR are sometimes commissioned by Bantu people to gohunting for them, in which case they receive firearms from the Bantu and sometimes more

nets as well. The form of payment for this activity is not different from that in Congo. The

Baaka here however have the advantage that they do not solely rely on firearms and cantherefore use their nets any time they want, to capture animals for subsistence as well as

for sale.

Hunting is not only important for the subsistence and economic value of its products to the

Bantu and Baaka, but for the Baaka it also forms an important part of their culture. Hunting

139

is frequently mentioned in the folklore of the Baaka as well as in their folkloric songs. For

example, a lot of respect and prestige could be gained when one kills an elephant, becausethe elephant hunter is considered very courageous and each Baaka man therefore hopes

to kill at least one elephant before he grows old. The forest spirit Jengi is also linked to the

forest, because it reminds them of the importance of the forest in providing their needs andalso protects them in the face of dangerous situations. For example, when attacked by a

wild animal, the person just has to call the name “Jengi” and he disappears and appears

somewhere else far from the danger zone. The singing of ritual songs by women to appeasethe spirits so they can have successful hunting trips is also considered important in the

Baaka society.

The distances men and women trek from the village to go hunting could range from 2km to

25km. There are two seasons for hunting in all countries and these are the season open for

hunting (May 1st to September 30th) and the season closed for hunting (November 1st toApril 30th). However, with traditional hunting methods, the local population is allowed to

hunt for subsistence even during the period closed for hunting.

The most important animals hunted in the research area include duikers (Cephalophus

callipygus, Cephalophus nigrifrons, Cephalophus leucogaster, Cephalophus sylvicultor,

Cephalophus monticola), pangolins (Manis tricuspis, Manis tetradactyla), porcupines (Hystrix

cristata) and small monkeys (Cercopithecus nictitans, Cercopithecus neglectus, Lophocebus

albigena).

The duikers are the most commonly captured animals, most especially Cephalophus

callipygus and Cephalophus monticola. This is because usually less effort is necessary

to capture these animals, which are usually lured out of their hiding places by simulateddistress calls made by the hunters. They are also easily caught in trap lines, compared to

other animals. Moreover, it is easier to preserve the smoked meat for longer periods, compared

to most other animals. The subsistence as well as economic value of these products makethese people very engaged in this activity.

Women are usually responsible for selling these animals in local markets. If there is nomarket, the animals are sometimes exposed in front of the houses or children are sent to

sell from door to door.

140

6.1.1.1 Cephalophus callipygus or Peter’s duikerFigure 4 illustrates that the Baaka kill many more animals than the Bantu. The Baaka andBantu do sell more of the quantity killed than they autoconsume.

Figure 4: Number of Peter’s duiker killed, autoconsumed and sold a month by Baaka and Bantu for all the villages

0 50 100 150

Quantity Collected

QuantityAutoconsumed

Quantity Sold

Number of Peter's duiker/Month

Baaka

Bantu

141

Figure 5 shows that the Baaka in each village do kill more Peter duikers than the Bantu,

with the exception of the Bantu in Ngatongo, who kill a higher number than the Baaka in thesame village. The Baaka in almost all the villages also generally sell more of the animals

killed than they autoconsume compared to the Bantu.

The figure also illustrates that the Baaka in Ngatongo and Ikelemba sell all the animals they

kill, while the Bantu in Ikelemba autoconsume all the animals they kill.

Figure 5: Number of Peter’s duiker killed, autoconsumed and sold a month by Baaka and Bantu for each village (n= Number of people interviewed)

0 20 40 60 80

Baaka Yenga (n=8)

Bantu Yenga (n=7)

Baaka Nguilili (n=7)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Baaka Ikelemba n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Number of Peter's duiker/Month

Quantity SoldQuantity AutoconsumedQuantity Collected

142

According to Figure 6, the Baaka in each village (except Ngatongo) have more income

from the sale of this product than the Bantu. The price at which the animals are soldvaries with the size. Prices also vary in some villages, depending which ethnic group is

selling, with the Baaka more often selling same-sized animals at a lower price than the

Bantu. The prices generally range from 2000 - 50000 CFA Francs in most of the villageswith the exception of Ngatongo, where the price could range from 7000 -10000 CFA

Francs.

Figure 6: Total income from the sale of Peter’s duiker a month by the Baaka and Bantu for each village

68000

63000

75000

15000

4000

66000

137000

80000

16000

15000

60000

0

Baaka Yenga (n=8)

Bantu Yenga (n=7)

Baaka Nguilili (n=7)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Income in CFA Francs

143

6.1.1.2 Cephalophus monticola or Blue duikerFigure 7 gives an indication of the number of Blue duikers that are killed, autoconsumedand sold per month. The Baaka kill a higher number of Blue duikers than the Bantu and

both ethnic groups sell a higher number of this product killed compared to the number

autoconsumed.

Figure 7: Number of Blue duikers killed, autoconsumed and sold per month for the six villages

0 50 100 150 200 250 300

QuantityCollected

QuantityAutoconsumed

Quantity Sold

Number of Blue duikers/Month

BaakaBantu

144

Figure 8 gives an illustration of quantities of Blue duiker collected, autoconsumed and

sold for each village. In each of the villages with the exception of Ngatongo, the Baakacapture a higher number of Blue duikers than the Bantu. The number of Blue duikers

sold or autoconsumed varies between and within ethnic groups. The Bantu in Ikelemba

autoconsume all the Blue duiker they kill, while the Baaka in Ngatongo on the otherhand sell all the animals they kill.

Figure 8: Number of Blue duikers killed, autoconsumed and sold per month by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages

0 20 40 60 80

Baaka Yenga (n=8)

Bantu Yenga (n=8)

Baaka Nguilili (n=6)Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Number of Blue duikers/Month

Quantity SoldQuantity AutoconsumedQuantity Collected

145

Figure 9 indicates that except for the Bantu in Ngatongo, the Baaka earn more than the

Bantu from sale of this product.The price range for Blue duiker varies according to the size of the animal and even for

the same-sized animal from one village to the next and according to ethnic group with

the Baaka still selling at a lower price than the Bantu. The price usually ranges between500 - 3000 CFA Francs, with the highest prices noticed in Ngatongo (2500 - 3000 CFA

Francs).

Figure 9: Total income from the sale of Blue duiker per month by the Baaka and Bantu for each village

30500

25600

37000

9000

1000

53000

35000

33000

44000

32000

24000

0

Baaka Yenga (n=8)

Bantu Yenga (n=8)

Baaka Nguilili (n=6)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Income in CFA Francs00

146

6.1.2 Gathering

Women and children are the most important actors involved in this activity. Baaka women

are however more active than Bantu women. Baaka men are becoming more and more

involved in this activity. Bantu men can also be considered occasional gatherers, who gatheron their way back from farms or hunting/fishing trips.

Gathering is an activity that can be done in groups or individually. Baaka women usually go

to the forest in groups. Once in the forest, they choose separate spots to do individual

gathering, but always at a hearing distance of each other. When they are through with harvesting,they all come home again as a group. Harvesting close to the village is done mostly individually.

Gathering by Bantu women is usually an individual activity.

Amongst the products gathered, there are those of animal origin, like:

- insect larvae (Imbrasia oyemensis, Cirina forda, Imbrasia trunctata, Imbrasia epinethea,

Cirina forda, Imbrasia obscurta, Elaphrodes lacteal, Pseudantheraea discrepans, etc.),

- snails (Helix aspersa or Helix pomatia),

- mushrooms (Monodora angolensis, Gilbertiodendron dewevrei, Gilbertiodendron spp),- honey.

Products of plant origin include:- fruits (Gambeya sp., Chrythrantus macrobotrys, Strombiopsis tetrandra, Chrysophyllum

lacourtiana, Aframomum spp),

- grains (Rhecinodendron heudoletti, Irvingia gabonensis, Irvingia wombolu, Anonidium

manii),

- leaves (Gnetum africanum, Gnetum buchholzianum, Staudtia gabonensis, Megaphrynium

macrostachyum),- stems (Megaphrynium macrostachyum),

- sap (Milletia barteri),

- tubers (Dioscorea odoratissima, Dioscorea minutiflora, Anchomanes difformis), etc.

Both women and men do gather products like Gnetum spp, Irvingia spp, mushrooms,caterpillar, medicinal plants, honey and forest fruits. Yam digging is an activity practised

almost entirely by the women of both ethnic groups. Bantu and Baaka men rarely dig yams,

as they consider this a woman’s activity. The Baaka have a higher number of species theyharvest than the Bantu.

147

Baaka women are experts in detecting the presence of honey in a tree trunk. The men are

responsible for felling the tree, if this is necessary, so the honey can be harvested. Sometimes,the man also climbs the tree to collect the honey. Bantu men also have the same task of

tree felling or climbing to collect the honey. Honey is a product, which is rarely sold by the

Baaka. The subsistence value is more important to them. Honey is usually only sold whenharvested on special command from a Bantu.

The products of gathering also form an important source of income to forest people. Baakawomen sell the products of their harvest to Bantu women, who buy large quantities and

resell in neighbouring towns or in the village. Baaka women therefore usually do not go to

markets to sell their products, they go to the houses of Bantu women to sell or the Bantuwomen go to their settlement to buy. Money is usually not the only means of exchange, the

Baaka sometimes prefer agricultural products like cassava, plantains or manufactured

products like clothing, salt, washing soap, etc in return.

Women in all three countries have Gnetum spp as the product with highest economic value.

Irvingia spp, Maranthacea leaves, caterpillars, mushrooms, snails and forest fruits are alsovaluable income sources.

Some of the forest products are however more important in some countries than the others.

For example, the Megaphrynium macrostachyum (Maranthacea) leaves have a highereconomic value in Congo and CAR than in Cameroon because it is more widely used in

these countries. Baaka women therefore are more engaged in the harvest and sale of this

product than in Cameroon, where the product is most often harvested for personal use only.Ricinodendron heudelotii is a product whose use is almost limited to Cameroon, where

the product is highly appreciated.

Picture 11: Baaka Woman returning from the Harvestof Megaphrynium macrostachyum Leaves

Picture 10: Baaka Woman making Sleeping Mats outof Fibre from Megaphrynium macrostachyum Stem

148

Gnetum spp, Irvingia spp, Megaphrynium macrostachyum are among the most

commercialised in the research area, because of their daily use in food preparation (Gnetum

spp and Irvingia spp) or in packaging (Megaphrynium macrostachyum leaves).

6.1.2.1 Gnetum africanum and Gnetum buchholzianum or Koko

Gnetum spp are evergreen, leafy vines that grow in forest openings, secondary forests

and fallow farmlands. In addition to creeping on the forest floor, the vines usually climb onforest trees up to the forest canopy.

Women, men and children collect these leaves, but women are the most important actorsin the collection of this product. Baaka women are also more engaged in the collection of

these leaves than Bantu women. The leaves are collected during visits to the forest to

specifically harvest only this product or opportunistically in the course of performing otheractivities like fishing, hunting or agriculture. Bantu men are more opportunist harvesters

than Baaka men, who are increasingly making trips to the forest just to harvest this product,

especially in Congo. The leaves are harvested by plucking them from the vine.

There is also a difference in the way men and women harvest this product. The women are

more careful during harvesting, pulling the liana from the canopy or, when necessary breakingbranches on which the liana climbs and then plucking both large and small leaves. The men

on the other hand are always in a hurrym, harvesting only the larger leaves.

Picture 12: Gnetum spp Picture 13: Irvingia spp Kernels

149

There is a substantial increase in the quantity harvested during certain periods of the year.

For example, during Christmas, Easter, when school fees are due or when celebrationsare taking place in the village. The quantity harvested during the rainy season is also less

because of competition with other activities like the bush mango harvest or agriculture and

because the Baaka do not like wetness, so they do not go deep into the forest during theperiod of heavy rains.

The harvest of Gnetum spp usually takes place in agroforestry areas, which are normallynot further than 5km from the village. Harvesting done deep in the forest is usually carried

out in conjunction with other activities like fishing, hunting and the gathering of Irvingia spp

or when the Baaka have been commissioned by the Bantu to harvest large quantities. TheBaaka generally go to the forest to harvest every day of the week, while the Bantu go averagely

three times a week.

Bantu and Baaka alike consume Gnetum spp as a vegetable almost on a daily basis. It

serves as the main accompaniment in a sauce to the daily starch intake (cassava, plantains)

available all year round to the forest people. The young tender leaves can also be eatenraw, after being chopped, then mixed with water and salt. The stem or vine can be used as

ropes to tie the leaves when harvested as well as used in place of steel cables to set

snares for catching game.

Gnetum spp is also culturally important, especially for the Baaka. Before a Jengi ceremony,

Gnetum spp is harvested in large quantities and the whole settlement feeds on this supplyuntil the ceremony, which could last days, is over. The Baaka say the Jengi spirit feeds a lot

on Gnetum spp, making the product culturally even more important to them.

This product is also of medicinal value to the forest people. For example, the leaves could

be used as dressing on wounds because of its antiseptic properties, a poultice of the

leaves can be placed on boils to hasten maturation and pregnant women eat the leaves toease childbirth.

Gnetum spp apart from bushmeat, is one of the most important sources of income forBaaka as well as many Bantu women. There are no formal markets in almost all of the

villages. The Baaka sell the products to the Bantu in the village as well as passers by. The

150

Bantu usually resell in neighbouring towns. Bantu women in Ngatongo for example sell in

Pokola, Ouesso or across the Sangha River in the Cameroonian forest town Socambo,while women in Lindjombo sell in Bayanga or across the Sangha River in Libongo on the

Cameroonian side. In Nguilili, there is a junction with roads leading to Moloundou, Kika

and Yokadouma, making it an important relay point. There is therefore a functional marketat this junction and the villagers can easily sell their products. The people here have easier

access to customers than those in Yenga 20km away.

It was noticed, especially in Congo, that when a Baaka couple goes to the forest, they

come out with separate packets of Gnetum spp. The man sells his own packet and uses

the money frequently for locally distilled alcohol and cigarettes. Sometimes both, the manand woman, harvest only a single packet of Gnetum spp and if the man sells the product,

the woman sometimes gets half of the money or nothing at all. Women therefore insist on

harvesting their own share and selling themselves as well. Baaka women usually exchangethe Gnetum spp they harvest for food products like cassava and for manufactured items

like washing soap, Maggie, salt, cooking oil, etc.

There is a good potential in the marketing of this product because it is present in the forest

all year round and there is always a high demand for it, both at the local and urban level. The

leaves which are not immediately sold or eaten, can be stored for long periods by sundrying the product. Gnetum spp leaves are sold either whole or finely chopped. The value

added by chopping the leaves is very high. For example, the same packet (of about 50g) of

unprocessed Gnetum spp sold at 100 CFA Francs, is sold for 3 to 4 times this price whenchopped.

Women therefore play an important role in the marketing chain of this product, as they arethe major harvesters, transporters and sellers of these products. This product is therefore

very important to women as their primary income source. As a result of the increasing

importance of Gnetum spp, also more men are getting involved in the trade of this product.This tendency is being encouraged with the implementation of conservation rules, which

has substantially limited hunting. The high unemployment rate in the region is also a reason

for men’s increasing participation in this trade.

151

As illustrated in Figure 10, the Baaka women harvest much more than Bantu women.

The Bantu autoconsume a higher quantity of the product compared to the Baaka, whosell a more substantial quantity than they do autoconsume.

Figure 10: Quantities of Gnetum spp harvested, autoconsumed and sold by the Baaka and Bantu for all the villages

0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200

QuantityCollected

QuantityAutoconsumed

Quantity Sold

Number of Packets/Week

BantuBaaka

152

Figure 11 shows in more detail that the Baaka women, with the exception of those in

Nguilili, sell a higher quantity of the product compared to that which they autoconsume.Bantu women on the other hand autoconsume a larger quantity of the product than they

sell. The exception are Bantu women in Ikelemba, who sell more than they do autoconsume.

Bantu women in Ngatongo do not sell the Gnetum spp they harvest.

Figure 11: Quantity of Gnetum spp harvested, autoconsumed and sold per week by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages

0 100 200 300 400 500

Baaka Yenga (n=11)

Bantu Yenga (n=11)

Baaka Nguilili (n=6)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=5)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=5)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Number of Packets/Week

Quantity SoldQuantity AutoconsumedQuantity Collected

153

Figure 12 illustrates that Baaka women in Yenga have the largest total income from this

product. Bantu women in Ngatongo have no income from the product they harvestthemselves.

The price per 50g packet varies from one village to another and between the ethnic

groups. The price ranges between 50 - 100 CFA Francs. Baaka women, again, generallysell at a lower price than Bantu women.

Figure 12: Total income for Baaka and Bantu women from the sale of Gnetum per week for the villages

22500

6600

5450

2500

8500

0

1650

1300

5500

750

3500

3600

Baaka Yenga (n=11)

Bantu Yenga (n=11)

Baaka Nguilili (n=6)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=5)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=5)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Income in CFA Francs

154

6.1.2.2 Irvingia gabonensis and Irvingia wombolu (exelsa) or Bush Mango

Irvingia spp can be found growing both in the wild and on agroforestry areas. The larger

quantity of the product harvested is however from the forest. Women, men and children

gather this product, with women being the major actors. Baaka women spend more timeon this activity than Bantu women. Bantu and Baaka men usually follow their women to the

forest when it involves spending nights in the forest.

During the harvesting season of this product (July-October for I. gabonensis and December-

March for I. wombolu) the forest dwellers, especially women, usually abandon most of their

other economic activities to have more time for this activity. It usually involves long stays inthe forest, which could last from one week to two months. The Baaka do stay longer in the

forest during this period than their Bantu neighbours. During this period therefore, huts are

built in the forest by both the Baaka and Bantu, which then becomes the family home untilthey return to the village. The distance between the forest and the harvesting sites range

from 10 - 30 km.

However, when the trees are located on agroforestry land or in the forest not too far from

the village (1 - 9 km), the people gather and return home the same day. The closer the

harvesting area to the village, the more people are likely to stay in the village and trek fromthere to the harvesting site for as many days of the week as possible to gather. Many of the

women who stay in the village go to gather every day of the week. During the first and last

weeks of the harvesting season, harvesting is usually done closer to the village becausethe product is not abundant enough to warrant trekking long distances to harvest.

The people usually go on foot to the harvesting areas, except for those in Ikelemba, whohave to use a canoe to be able to access the part of the forest where the trees grow. The

main role of men is to look out for dangerous animals like gorillas, chimpanzees, elephants,

snakes, buffalos, etc.

The fruits are usually gathered from the forest floor, where they drop when ripe. The fruits so

gathered are piled up in a heap and allowed to ferment, so the fleshy part can rot and theseed within exposed. Some people however skip the fermentation phase and cut open the

seed while fresh, with the use of a machete just as it is done with the fermented seeds. The

kernel within the seed is then removed using a knife. The brown coat on the kernel is scratched

155

off before it is sun dried or dried over a fire. This process usually takes place in the forest or

at the place of harvest and this reduces the inconvenience of carrying home the parts whichare not useful, which means more of the actual product (kernel) can be transported.

The juicy fruits of Irvingia gabonensis are highly consumed by the forest people. Forestanimals like the gorilla, chimpanzee, elephants, forest pigs and rodents also eat these

fruits. The fruit pulp of Irvingia wombolu however tastes bitter and is generally not eaten.

The kernels, which are found within the seeds of both species, are cherished more than thefruit pulp. Other parts of the plant like the roots, leaves and bark also have medicinal value.

The bark for example is mixed with palm wine to kill bacteria or other harmful substances

that could be present in the palm wine. This mixture can also be used to treat diarrhoea ordysentery. This bark also gives the palm wine a bitter taste, if left long enough in the palm

wine container during tapping. This bitter tasting palm wine is especially appreciated. The

wood of this plant is also used as fuel wood and construction poles. However, the kernelsare the most appreciated part of this tree.

The dried kernels are ground with a pestle and mortar or on a flat hard surface, which couldbe wood or stone, to produce a paste. This grinding adds to the value of the product compared

to the value of the unground kernels. The paste is used as a soup or sauce additive for

thickening as well as flavouring. In most cases however, the unground kernels are directlysold. If well preserved under dry conditions, these kernels could last up to a year. Storage of

the paste after drying can also last up to a year, thereby making the product available all

year round.

Women are mainly responsible for the processing, transport and marketing of the kernels

and paste. The process from extraction to grinding of the kernels is tedious, perilous andtime consuming. This aspect usually has an influence on the quantity of the product produced.

Bantu women usually sell the kernels or paste in the village or in neighbouring towns. Thisproduct has a high demand as it is frequently consumed in both the forest and urban areas.

156

As shown on Figure 13, the Baaka generally gather a higher quantity of Irvingia spp

compared to the Bantu. While the Baaka sell a higher quantity of the product harvestedthan they autoconsume, the Bantu autoconsume a higher quantity than they sell. The unit

of measurement used in the villages is a called a Cuvette, which is a 20l basin.

Figure 13: Quantity of Irvingia spp gathered, autoconsumed and sold per year by Baaka and Bantu for all the villages

0 20 40 60 80 100 120

QuantityCollected

QuantityAutoconsumed

Quantity Sold

Quantity in Cuvettes/Year

BantuBaaka

157

Figure 14 gives a more detailed picture of the quantities of Irvingia spp gathered, the

quantity kept for autoconsumption and that sold, for each of the six villages. In all thevillages with the exception of Nguilili, the Baaka gather more than the Bantu. The Baaka

and Bantu in Yenga consume a higher quantity than that sold, compared to the pattern in

the other villages. The Bantu in Ikelemba, Kounda Papaye, Lindjombo and Ngatongo donot sell this product.

Figure 14: Quantity of Irvingia spp gathered, autoconsumed and sold per year by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the six villages

0 10 20 30 40 50

Baaka Yenga (n=11)

Bantu Yenga (n=11)

Baaka Nguilili (n=7)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=1)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=5)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=1)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Quantity of Cuvettes/Year

Quantity SoldQuantity AutoconsumedQuantity Collected

158

Figure 15 gives an insight to the amount that can be earned by both Baaka and Bantu

through the sale of the Irvingia spp per year. For the Cameroonian villages Yenga andNguilili it can be seen that the Bantu earn more than the Baaka from the sale. For the

other villages, only the Baaka have an income from this product in view of the fact that

the Bantu do not sell the Irvingia spp they gather.

Figure 15: Total income from the marketing of Irvingia spp per year by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages

Even though the Baaka especially in Yenga and Nguilili sell more or the same quantity of

the product (see Figure 14) as the Bantu in the same village, they still obtain a lower income

from the sale of this product, since they usually sell at a lower price than the Bantu.

The price per Cuvette for this product in the Cameroonian villages ranges from 10000 -

25000 CFA Francs for the Bantu and from 5000 - 20000 CFA Francs for the Baaka. Theselling price of 20000 CFA Francs is however rare among the Baaka with the majority

selling at 5000 CFA Francs.

For the same measurement unit, the price in the Congolese villages ranges from 2500 -3000 CFA Francs. There is little or no price difference in the sale of this product in these

villages between the Baaka and the Bantu.

The price for the same measurement is 2000 CFA Francs in the CAR villages.

202000

260000

117000

127000

3000

0

18000

0

8000

0

10000

0

Baaka Yenga (n=11)

Bantu Yenga (n=11)

Baaka Nguilili (n=7)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=1)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=5)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=1)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Income in CFA Francs

159

6.1.3 Fishing

Fishing, which is very artisan in nature in all three countries, is practised all year round. The

two principal fishing seasons are the rainy season during the months when the rivers (especially

the Sangha and Ndoki) are flooded and the dry season (especially between December-March). Fish is more abundant during the flooded period in Congo and CAR, while in

Cameroon, fish is more abundant during the dry season. Fishing on the flooded rivers is

almost entirely done by men, with the use of canoes for transport. Fishing with nets andhooks are the main fishing methods used.

During the dry season, in Congo and CAR the women are more involved in fishing thanmen. The women here fish in ponds, created when the main river is flooded. The men and

women in these countries also fish together in small rivers during the dry season. The women

usually use conical fishing baskets and machetes for fishing. The baskets are fixed usuallyto plants growing in the river. The machetes are used to strike and kill fish in the open river.

In Cameroon, women and men are equallyactive in fishing during the dry season.

The men use hooks and lances to fish,

while women usually use the bow-net orconical fishing basket and machetes.

In all three countries, fishing during thedry season habitually involves the building

of dams across the river to ease fishing.

This involves blocking the water flow atcertain sections with the use of branches and earth. Water is then drained from the blocked

sector and the fish, shrimps and crabs are exposed and easily caught. The local women

sometimes use the sap of Milletia barteri (Lomba) on the blocked water sector, whichparalysis the fish for many hours.

Fishing by building barriers is a much appreciated traditional activity for women and children,most especially for the Baaka, who are more instrumental in this fishing method than Bantu

women. This barrier building is however a tedious job and necessitates group work. Baaka

women therefore form women groups for this activity. When the Bantu organise groups,

Picture 14: Bow-net for fishing Crayfish

160

they are usually only members of the same family, which involves the women, men and

children of working age.

In the Cameroonian villages, fishing is considered a marginal activity, but is practised regularly

in rivers like the Djombi, Mbandjani, Kalongo, Malapa, etc. The native ethnic groups of thispart of Cameroon have not yet developed the tradition of fishing in the large rivers (Sangha

and Ngoko), even though these rivers have fish in abundance.

The Baaka in Congo, who no longer have bushmeat as main income or protein source,

depend more on fishing for animal protein and a source of income. This is therefore a very

important activity to them and they usually get hooks, nets and canoes from the Bantu inexchange for services rendered. The dependence of the Bantu on fish is not much different

from the Baaka. Young Bantu children between the ages of seven and ten form small groups

of two or three and go fishing on their own. They have never been taught how to hunt by theirparents, but they started accompanying their parents on fishing trips at very early ages.

The principal products of fishing include Clarias spp, Distichodus spp, Cyprinus carpio,

Tilapia spp, Distichodus spp, Protopterus dolloi, Hydrocynus spp, Chrysichthys spp, Cherax

sp, Neocaridina denticulata.

The production (fish, shrimps, moulds, oysters, crabs, tortoises etc.) is for autoconsumption

as well as for sale. It represents a considerable food complement. Certain species are

also used in traditional medicine.

161

6.1.3.1 Nematopalaemon hastatus - Crayfish

Fishing of crayfish is almost entirely done by women and is more popular in Cameroon

and CAR than in Congo. Baaka women are also more involved than Bantu women. In

Congo (Ngatongo), only the Baaka women fish this product. Fishing is done all yearround, with more intensity during the dry season. The only fishing method here is the

use of the conical fishing basket in small rivers and could also involve the use of the

Lomba plant. Crayfish is eaten both fresh and when sun dried. It is an important condimentin food preparation. The dried form is however more popular and is usually sold in this

form.

Crayfish is much more appreciated in Cameroon and CAR and has an important market

especially in Cameroon (since the product is also well known and valued in the urban areas).

Most of this product is however destined for autoconsumption.

Figure 16 shows that the Baaka collect more of this product compared to the Bantu. The

Bantu sell a higher quantity than they autoconsume, while the Baaka autoconsume a higherquantity than they sell.

Figure 16: Quantity of Crayfish collected, autoconsumed and sold per year by the Baaka and Bantu for all the villages

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

QuantityCollected

QuantityAutoconsumed

Quantity Sold

Quantity of Cuvettes/Year

BantuBaaka

162

In summary, Figure 17 shows that the Baaka and Bantu of Yenga, Nguilili, Kounda Papaye,

and Lindjombo are more engaged in the collection of crayfish than those in Ngatongoand Ikelemba. The Baaka in Ngatongo and Lindjombo collect this product only for

autoconsumption. The Baaka and Bantu in Ikelemba do not collect this product at all.

The Baaka generally fish a higher quantity of this product than the Bantu, in all thevillages where this activity is done.

Figure 17: Quantity of Crayfish collected, autoconsumed and sold per year by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages

0 5 10 15

Baaka Yenga (n=10)

Bantu Yenga (n=9)

Baaka Nguilili (n=5)

Bantu Nguilili (n=4)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=0)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Quantity in Cuvettes/Year

Quantity SoldQuantity AutoconsumedQuantity Collected

163

Figure 18 illustrates how much income the local people can earn from the sale of Crayfish.

The income varies in the villages depending on the quantity of the product sold and theprice at which it is sold. Using the example of the Baaka and Bantu in Yenga, the Baaka

get a higher income from this trade because they sell a higher quantity compared to the

Bantu. The price of sale is the same for the Baaka and Bantu.

Figure 18: Total income earned from the sale of crayfish by Baaka and Bantu per year for each of the villages

50800

41600

38000

28000

0

0

0

2000

12000

21000

0

0

Baaka Yenga (n=10)

Bantu Yenga (n=9)

Baaka Nguilili (n=5)

Bantu Nguilili (n=4)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=0)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Income in CFA Francs

164

6.1.3.2 Clarias spp - Catfish

The catfish is common and equally important in all three countries. Women and men are

both involved in this activity, with the men however more involved with the use of hooks

for the bigger sized fish, while women catch mostly small sized fish with the use of theconical fishing basket and machetes. The fish is eaten fresh or dried. The fish is either sun

dried and/or smoked for storage. It is sold both in the fresh and dry form. A large market

exists for this product in all three countries, both, at the local and urban areas.

Figure 19 indicates a higher catch for the Bantu than the Baaka for all the six villages. Both

Bantu and Baaka sell a higher quantity of the product compared to that which theyautoconsume.

Figure 19: Quantity of catfish collected per year by Baaka and Bantu for the six villages

0 20 40 60 80

QuantityCollected

QuantityAutoconsumed

Quantity Sold

Quantity in Cuvettes/Year

BantuBaaka

165

As seen in Figure 20, the Baaka collect a higher quantity than the Bantu in Yenga,

Nguilili and Kounda Papaye. However, the quantity collected by the Bantu in Ngatongo,Lindjombo and Ikelemba is higher compared to that collected by the Baaka.

Figure 20: Quantity of catfish collected, autoconsumed and sold per year by Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages

The variation in the quantity collected, with a higher quantity for the Bantu than the Baaka,

can be explained by the fact that the Bantu in these villages concentrate more on fishing

than other activities. The Baaka on the other hand do fishing in addition to their gatheringand hunting activities. The Baaka also lag behind because they usually do not have the

necessary fishing equipment. These villages are also close to large rivers like the Sangha

and Ndoki, reported to have an abundant fish population. Where the Baaka fish more thanthe Bantu, for example in Yenga and Nguilili, the Bantu are more engaged in agriculture

than fishing.

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Baaka Yenga (n=11)

Bantu Yenga (n=9)

Baaka Nguilili (n=8)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=6)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Quantity in Cuvettes/Year

Quantity SoldQuantity AutoconsumedQuantity Collected

166

Figure 21 illustrates how much each ethnic group in each village earns from the sale of this

product.The income varies depending on quantity sold, but most especially on the price at which

the product is sold. For example, the Bantu in Lindjombo earn the highest income from

this product. Even though according to Figure 20, the Bantu in Ngatongo collect a largerquantity, they sell at a lower price. The Baaka also generally sell at prices lower than the

Bantu.

Figure 21: Total income from the marketing of catfish per year by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages

10000

4300

41250

17500

5000

129000

77000

200000

16000

15000

35000

84000

Baaka Yenga (n=11)

Bantu Yenga (n=9)

Baaka Nguilili (n=8)

Bantu Nguilili (n=5)

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1)

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2)

Baaka Lindjombo (n=5)

Bantu Lindjombo (n=5)

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3)

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2)

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1)

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1)

Income in CFA Francs

167

6.2 Discussion

Amongst the forest activities (hunting, gathering and fishing), Baaka and Bantu men in

Cameroon usually ranked the products of hunting as their most important income source,

followed by products of fishing and gathering.

In the Central African Republic, Baaka men rank products of hunting also as the most important

source of income followed by those of fishing and gathering. Bantu men on the other handranked the products of hunting and fishing as equally important sources of income followed

by products of gathering.

Baaka and Bantu men in Congo ranked the products of fishing as most important income

source. Baaka men ranked the products of gathering as the second important income

source, followed by hunting (See section 6.1.1 for explanation on why hunting occupies athird position). Bantu men rank the products of hunting as second important source of income

and those of gathering occupy the third position.

Baaka and Bantu women ranked the products of gathering as the most important source of

income followed by those of fishing and finally hunting (for Baaka women in the Central

African Republic and Cameroon). The products of hunting are only an indirect source ofincome for Bantu women, as they do not hunt. Any income from this source is given to them

by their men when the products are sold.

The results from the selected products of hunting, gathering and fishing show the importance

of these products to the local communities in regard to subsistence and income generation.

Gender analysis provided results which exposed the differences between the activities ofmen and women within the ethnic groups in the different villages.

The analysed products are usually multipurpose in nature, providing a range of derivedproducts. These people also plant some of the products on their agroforestry areas, usually

for many reasons. For example, to shorten the distance one has otherwise to trek to the

forest, to have an opportunity to manage these products by themselves, to limit access totheir farms by outsiders and to conserve the products, especially those destroyed in the

forest by animals. Planting of these plants on farms is an activity usually undertaken by

women.

168

As already mentioned before, the Baaka, who are considered second-class citizens, are

also expected to sell their products at a price lower than the Bantu do. This, for example,explains, why for the same sized animal, the price is lower when sold by the Baaka, compared

to the price at which the Bantu sell. The Baaka keep complaining about this inequality, but

they seem not to want or to be able to take any action against the Bantu to solve thisproblem. The complete dependence of the Baaka on the Bantu makes it difficult for them to

take a stand and sell at the same prices as the Bantu. The Baaka therefore do not believe

that everyone in their society will be able to join forces to insist on selling at the same priceas the Bantu, since they need the money from the Bantu and do not want to risk that the

Bantu do not buy from them at all. They have however never considered the possibility that

the Bantu could give in to their demands, simply because the Baaka are the main providersof these products. The Baaka in these villages are however aware that some Baaka in

other villages do sell at prices equal to the Bantu, because they have been supported in

this action usually by missionaries, who relentlessly educate the Baaka not to give in toBantu suppression. The Baaka in the research villages therefore think they will need outside

help in order to succeed in this course.

The prices at which the products are sold also differ from one country to the next, usuallydue to the level of appreciation, location to markets and product saturation in the village

(when many people are involved in collecting, or hunting particular products, the price usually

tends to fall, as the producers compete for customers).

Based on the different types of products harvested, the hunting methods, the management

techniques, the time spent in the forest and the type of commercialisation methods used by

the different groups, the complementarity of men and women can be portrayed, as well asthe ethnic differences in forest use and management. It is important to note that the people

also consider other advantages in carrying out these activities. For example, Baaka or

Bantu women/men have the opportunity to be among themselves when they carry out activitiesinvolving only men or only women. Also, the activities in themselves usually have cultural

importance to the people, especially to the Baaka.

Using gender analysis as a valuable diagnostic tool, it became clear that girls performsimilar activities like women and boys perform similar activities like men. The only difference

is the amount of time spent on these activities. It was noticed that the men and women

spend more time on these activities than the girls and boys.

169

However, children (boys and girls) up to the age of about 7-10 years usually go with their

mothers to the forest. Up to this age, gender is of no importance in the children’s lives. Afterthis age, the boys start going with their fathers or the male members of their families, thereby

learning to carry out men’s activities. Girls stay with their mothers and learn from them.

These children are unwittingly introduced to gender at this age by the parents and the parentsare usually influenced to do this because of their prevailing culture which detects what men

and women are allowed to do. The girls therefore are more involved in gathering and fishing

(using the techniques commonly used by women) and the boys learn how to hunt and fish(using the techniques commonly used by men).

The importance of the forest products to these people is a motivating factor, always drawingthem to the forest and acting as an incentive to conserve the source of the resources that

are important to them. However, this importance could also mean that the people are tempted

to over-harvest these products to satisfy their needs.

The forest is a reservoir of goods and services to the local men and women, upon which

they depend for their livelihoods. This dependence on the forest and its resources revealsa complex link between the livelihoods of the people and the forest, and also exposes

how the forest contributes to the diversification of the livelihoods of the local men and

women. The livelihoods of the local people can thus be compromised, if rules on forestmanagement ignore the importance of the forest to both, men and women in the research

area.

170

7. INDIGENOUS CONSERVATION METHODS AND EFFECTS OF CONSERVATION REGULATIONS ON LOCAL PEOPLE

Group discussions, informant discussions with local people and project personnel as well

as personal observations account for the information in this section.

7.1 Conflicts Involved in Forest Use

The national forest estate in all three countries is divided into permanent and non-permanent

forest estates. The permanent forest estate consists of the state forest estate (le domaine

forestier de l’état), which is forest belonging to the state, local communities and publicbodies. The non-permanent forest estate consists of the public forest estate (le domaine

public de l’état), which is forest that has not yet been classified.

The collective occupation of the land based on customary law or usage rights is the mode

of tenure that dominates in the villages of all three countries. Thus, each village exploits its

land, which is more or less delimited, practices its activities on it and exerts a certainauthority over it. The village area includes the main village where the population lives,

agroforestry areas and forest zones.

The demarcation of hunting/gathering and agroforestry areas for the local population is

different for all three countries, so the problems these people face in carrying out their daily

activities will also be explained in this context:The Lobéké National Park in Cameroon forms part of the permanent forest area as defined

in the current zoning plan. The permanent forest area also comprises different production

forests. The multiple use production forest is subdivided into Forest Management Units(FMU) and Communal Forests (CF) for wood production, in which are found the Zones

d’Intérêt Cynégétique (ZIC - Synergetic Interest Zones) for the sustainable exploitation of

fauna through sport hunting.

The agroforestry zone and a part of the FMU is subdivided into Zones d’Intérêt Cynégétique

à Gestion Communautaire (ZICGC - Synergetic Zones of Interest for CommunityManagement). This area is therefore meant to be managed by the local communities through

a Comité de Valorisation des Ressources Fauniques (COVAREF – Valorisation Committee

of the Faunal Resources). These ZICGC are intended to be used for hunting for subsistenceneeds as well as for commercial and sport hunting; the later however is based on a simple

171

management plan. Some of the money made from sport and commercial hunting is transferred

to the local communities, where the ZICGC is found. The re-evaluation of the bylaws hasinstituted the division of the proceeds from sports hunting, of which a part (40 % of the

leasing tax of the ZIC and 10 % of the tax to kill animals) is allocated to the communities for

the realisation of micro-projects. The government instituted all these provisions in order tomotivate the local population to participate in the processes of natural resource management

and to promote sustainable forest development.

Each village controls the forest that is closest to it and is therefore included within the

agroforestry zone demarcated by the Jengi Project. This forest area usually begins at the

village and has its limit 12km from the village into the forest. In each village therefore, bothBaaka and Bantu carry out harvesting/hunting/fishing only in their own forest area. The

forest thus belongs to everybody in the village, but forest trees on agroforestry farms belong

to the owner of the farm and strangers cannot harvest there without permission.People who want to harvest in the forest of another village have to ask for permission from

the customary village chief of that particular village. However, the local population is in

conflict with the project because ecoguards arrest them and confiscate their bushmeat,even though the animals were killed in the community agroforestry zone. The people therefore

asked the question why they are called the owners of the agroforestry zone if they are not

allowed to hunt even in this area.

The project has also demarcated a small community zone within the Lobéké Park, even

though the local population does not go as far as this point because of the distance (forBantu), which is about 20km from the village and because they fear the ecoguards.

Bantu and Baaka women are not happy with the fact that these ecoguards have forbiddenthem to harvest particular yam species and bush mango in certain parts of the forest, although

they depend on these products for subsistence and income generation. These products

are supposedly allowed only for animals. During a conversation with a WWF personnel onthis topic, he denied that they have stopped the people from harvesting any yam specie.

Concerning the harvesting of bush mango, the personnel said the project only wants that

the animals are given the opportunity to eat the fleshy part of the fruit first, so the people canlater collect the seeds, which is after all what they are interested in. The local people however

denied having ever been explained why they are not allowed to gather the bush mangoes.

172

Even if these people have to wait for the animals to eat the fleshy part of the fruit, the

question is how long are they supposed to wait? The project also has to consider that theseeds do germinate after sometime and will no longer be useful to the people.

In Congo, the Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park is surrounded by concessions, most of which

belong to the logging company Congolaise Industrielle des Bois (CIB). The concessionsare managed in partnership with the government, WCS and CIB. This has given birth to the

project PROGEPP (Projet de Gestion des Ecosystèmes Périphériques au Parc National

de Nouabalé-Ndoki). The concession area has been divided into Conservation series,Protection series, Community development series, Participative series (also called Synergetic

zone, jointly managed by the government, concessionaire and local communities), Research

series and Production series. The Production series are divided into Forest ManagementUnits which are subdivided into management series depending on the particular importance

of the area. Each series therefore has a different management form.

The local population is supposed to use only the Community development series and notthe park managed by the Nauabalé-Ndoki Project, so, PROGEPP works more with the

local population than the Nauabalé-Ndoki Project does. Both Baaka and Bantu people are

therefore permitted to hunt and gather in the community development series, which alsocontain the agroforestry zones. But activities in this zone are controlled by ecoguards who

are also responsible for preventing the entry of outsiders into the forest.

In addition, the Synergetic zone too is opened to the Baaka, who usually have no problemstrekking long distances from the village. These Synergetic zones are vast forest areas,

located farther from the village than the community-hunting zone. The Baaka can hunt and

gather in this area, however, hunting has to be done only with traditional hunting methods.No firearms are permitted in these areas.

The Bantu still complained that even when they went into the community-hunting zone, they

are sent out by ecoguards. These ecoguards, according to them, come right into the villageand cease any meat they find, no matter whether it is the meat of protected or unprotected

animals. The Bantu therefore believe hunting in any part of the forest is forbidden. There is

also the problem of poachers still secretly entering their community-hunting zone despitethe vigilance of ecoguards, a situation the local people do not like. The poachers hunt

indiscriminately, but the local people are the ones who suffer the consequences, like reduction

of animal population.

173

Bantu women in Ikelemba also complained that the ecoguards stop them from harvesting

Koko, giving as reason, that these leaves should be allowed for primates to eat. They haveno choice but to stubbornly carry out this activity at their own risk.

The Baaka, especially those of Ikelemba have the same dilemma. They are so afraid ofecoguards that they do not dare to venture far into the forest. The Baaka women in Ikelemba

have not yet had any encounter with ecoguards, but just the fact that they know these people

are in the forest and do supposedly evil things, is enough to frighten them and keeps themfrom advancing deep into the forest. Their men gave the example of one Baaka in a

neighbouring village who was beaten by ecoguards when he was found in the forest, even

though he had no meat with him. There is the general belief that they are forbidden to useany part of the forest and are therefore putting more effort on fishing because so far they

are not yet bothered in this activity by the ecoguards.

It is important to note, that the use of traditional hunting methods is almost non-existent

anymore in the Baaka society in the villages studied in Congo and this makes it difficult for

them because they cannot use the advantage of the safari-hunting zone since all they areverse with is the firearm.

They also have constraints with hunting in the community-hunting zone during the seasonopened for hunting because they have to depend on the Bantu to lend them firearms. The

Baaka men and women in Ngatongo however said they have no problems with ecoguards,

because in this area they are more concerned with poachers. This indicates that the Baakaand Bantu in Ngatongo are more informed about their rights to use the forest than those in

Ikelemba.

Transport of bushmeat from one village to another is completely forbidden. The local population

finds this very distressing because they say they cannot send meat to their children or

relatives who are studying or working in towns. This rule was instituted as a means toreduce the amount of animals people kill, by preventing the sale of these animals in towns,

where demand is higher than in the villages.

In the Central African Republic, the forest zone is divided into two zones of action: thezones of hunting and natural history interest, and the buffer zones. The hunting and natural

174

history interest zone is reserved for hunting/gathering/fishing as well as for nature

conservation activities. This zone therefore includes protected areas, hunting/gathering/fishing areas for local communities and hunting areas conceded to safari hunters. The

buffer zone is divided into an agroforestry zone and a zone for industrial activities.

The agroforestry zone is found on road edges near villages, the areas between villagesare left uncultivated. The management plan of the Dzanga-Sangha project stipulates the

limitation of agricultural land to within 100 metres of the road.

According to state law, the local population, both, Bantu and Baaka are permitted to exercise

customary activities like hunting/gathering and fishing in the special reserve, but the huntingquota as well as the quota one can transport for sale is limited for unprotected species,

and hunting of protected animals is completely forbidden.

The local population is not happy with this demarcation because they are also threatened

in the reserve by ecoguards, even though they are supposedly allowed customary rights.This point can be further explained using this statement made by a Bantu in Kounda

Papaye: “Pots are broken, forest huts burnt, bed sheets burnt, cassava flour poured away

in water, machetes ceased and in worst cases people are also beaten. We believe noaction will be taken against the ecoguards because the project intervenes on their behalf”.

There is therefore conflict between the ecoguards and local population. The local men and

women are demanding that a community-hunting zone for each village be demarcated, so

they can finally be able to hunt and gather freely in the forest. The Bantu men are alsoconcerned because the state has forbidden the use of steel traps and the ecoguards also

destroy steel traps that are found behind their houses. But most of the village people do not

have enough money to buy firearms. These men also want the state to know that they doguard their forest jealously from strangers too and would very much like to be involved in

the management of the forest part close to their village.

175

Table 5: Summary of Activities authorised or forbidden in the Dzanga-Sangha, Nouabalé-Ndoki and Lobéké National Parks

Authorised ForbiddenForest and animal protection Fishing (except in authorised fishing camps)

Scientific research GatheringRural development Kill, wound, hunt or capture animals

Education programme Unaccompanied circulation (only with a guide)

Tourism Camping out of zones developed for campingMining

Enter without authorisation and payment of

entrance feesIn troduction of animal or plant species

Night circulation armed with a firearm

Flying over with a planeAgricultural activities

Logging

Table 6: Summary of Activities authorised or forbidden in the Special Reserve of the Dzanga-Sanghadense Forest and the Village agroforestry Lands (agricultural land, fallows and forest reservedfor local communities)

Authorised ForbiddenTraditional hunting (use of nets, Hunting with steel cables or synthetic fibre

crossbows, lances, etc)

Legal hunting Hunting with illegal firearms and without hunting permit

Safari hunting Export of bushmeat

Fishing Creation of new villagesGathering Night circulation

Farming in the agricultural zone Farming out of the agricultural zone

Rural development Bush firesControlled wood exploitation Mining

Tourism

Scientific research

176

7.2 Change in Use of the Forest and its Products

Baaka men and women confirmed that there has been a considerable change in the use

and influence of forest products compared to approximately 15 years ago. They said that in

the past one could enter the forest and gather ivory on the forest floor, whose value thenwas not what it is now. It is now impossible to find ivory lying around in the forest. The

Baaka also said, that at first they were the only ones who lived deep in the forest, now there

are many more actors like the Bantu, safari hunters, logging companies, conservation NGOsand poachers. The Bantu confirmed that forest use changed substantially with the appearance

of these safari hunters, poachers, logging companies and their workers.

It is also clear to both ethnic groups that the way forest products are now being used is

different because of increase in population and people’s different needs. The Baaka pointedout that if enough forest products are available to them, they do make a lot of money from it

(for their standard). Some years ago, however, they never equated the availability of forest

products to income generation because money had no value in their society. The men inboth ethnic groups used to be interested only in hunting, but are now getting more involvedin the gathering of certain forest products because of the increasing economic value ofthese products. The Baaka and Bantu were also emphatic about the fact that the libertythey had before to use the forest has been limited in favour of forest conservation.

7.3 Impacts of Harvesting

During the discussion on the impact of harvesting forest products as well as its implicationon the local population, both men and women from the two ethnic groups were very forthcomingwith information on this point. Baaka men and women raised the problem of the use ofpoison of Bantu origin for fishing. They have noticed that this destroys the fish populationbecause both mature and immature fish are killed in this process. The fish population insome areas therefore has reduced considerably. This fishing method is not only dangerousfor the fish population, but also for the human population as well, especially for the peoplewho use the river downstream and who do not know what is happening upstream.

Concerning this attitude of fishing with poisons, the Bantu of Cameroon said it is usuallythe outsiders working for forest exploitation companies who bring poisonous chemicalsfor fishing, which are normally used to maintain machines. Baaka women however admitted,

177

that they formerly used the poisonous grains of Strychnos aculeate (Pombe), which killthe fish instantly, until they discovered that immature fish were also killed in the process,so they stopped using this fishing method.

On the subject of animals, both the Baakaand Bantu insisted that too many traps wereset in the forest. The Baaka believe, theBantu set many more traps in the forest thanthey are able to control. This is negativebecause animals caught in the traps rot inthe forest. The Bantu on the other handbelieve the Baaka hunt too many animals,since they go more frequently into the forest,leading to a considerable reduction in thenumber of animals. They also accused them of accepting money from poachers, taking on

the task of trackers for these people, who kill without consideration. Furthermore, someBaaka accept commissions from some poachers and some immigrant Moslem merchants

to kill elephants.

Bantu men explained, that in the past traditional hunting methods like the nets, crossbowsand traps with natural fibres (Kossa - Manniophyton fulvrum) were used. Later on, steel

cables, introduced by the white man replaced the natural fibres used to set trap lines. With

increased demand for bushmeat by foreigners and the villagers themselves because ofpopulation increase, people set many trap lines and do not even visit them regularly. Some

animals have the misfortune to watch other animals struggle and die in the traps, and this

sends them running deeper into the forest, thereby increasing the distance people have totrek to hunt.

When forest exploiters and their employees started working in the villages, the use of

firearms to hunt was introduced. With time, the people discovered that one needs lesseffort to hunt with firearms than with nets and crossbows. This also contributed to the fact

that the young local people never made any efforts to learn how to make hunting nets or

crossbows. The presence of the newcomers in the area led to increased demand forbushmeat and this was a driving force for them to use firearms in order to kill many more

animals, geared more towards selling than just for its subsistence value. This was also

encouraged with the opening of roads, as these animals could now be easily transported

Picture 15: Trapped Animal rotting in the Forest

178

by car. Some of the Bantu however recognised some of the disadvantages of using firearms,

as they stated that the gunshots frighten the animals in the surrounding and make themmore alert, so they move even deeper into the forest. The crossbow on the other hand

releases only a low hissing noise when used.

The Baaka and Bantu in Cameroon stressed the fact that poachers come into their forest

area through the Mambelé-Kika road. These people set many traps lines and in addition,

do night hunting with firearms. According to the local people, they also have charms whichattract animals. In this way, immature animals are killed as well as protected animals. This

has led to a considerable reduction in the quantity of animals in the forest and therefore, the

income generated from hunting by the local population has been reduced. The poacherseven intimidate the local people when they intend to report their illegal activities to the

village chief and project personnel.

There is also the case of safari hunters, especially in Cameroon, who kill a large number

of animals and do not collaborate with the villagers. The villagers do not know how many

animals are allocated to each hunting company on a hunting trip, so they cannot tell if thecompanies kill more than permitted or not. Many villagers explained that after removing

the trophies, the safari hunters destroy the remains of the animal by burning or using

acids, rather than giving it to the villagers as stated by law. The villagers believe their rateof hunting could be reduced if these hunters could hand over the body of the animal to

them.

Some Bantu men also feared that scarcity of these animals is making them to loose their

heritage because of the cultural importance of some of these animals to them. Infact, they

think at the rate at which things are going, their children will not be able anymore to seecertain animals, except on pictures, even though they grew up in a forest zone.

Baaka and Bantu women also gave examples of some practices which could bedisadvantageous to them in the future, like some people who gather for example Irvingia

spp seeds and other fruits without leaving some behind on the forest floor. This according

to them has a negative impact on the plants because they are not given the chance toreproduce. Hence, the quantity of this product that will be available to them in the future is

also reduced.

179

Bantu women also cited the case of Baaka women who dig wild yams and do not replant

the tuber heads. This does not help the propagation of the yams and they would thereforenot have enough in future for the entire population, if this way of harvesting continues. The

women of both ethnic groups also pointed out that wild animals also eat these yams and in

most cases they leave nothing behind to be replanted.

Both Baaka and Bantu men and women were also unsettled by the fact that the quantity of

their cherished caterpillar (Imbrasia oyemensis), which forms an important component oftheir diet, has substantially reduced in the forest. The Sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum)

tree is the host tree to this caterpillar. This tree also happens to be an economically valuable

tree and so the logging companies that have worked or are still working in the area cutdown most of the trees found in their logging concession. Just a few of these trees are left

standing after forest exploitation, which has as consequence a reduction in the caterpillar

population. Logging companies also destroy Irvingia trees to open forest paths. This alsomakes these fruits rare and reduces the quantity needed for subsistence and

commercialisation.

Speaking for their fellow villagers, Bantu women in Ngatongo also said that it is not only the

logging companies that are responsible for the scarcity of certain products. They explained

that in the past, harvesting was done only for autoconsumption, but things have changedwith monetarisation. Everyone is now involved in harvesting e.g. Gnetum spp, Irvingia

spp, to sell in order to raise money for their families. With increase in population, everyone

wants to get as much as possible without considering the negative impact of harvestingtoo much at a time.

Picture 16: Caterpillar Picture 17: Roasted and unroasted Caterpillars

180

Still concerning the harvest of Gnetum spp, an informant said they are usually careful not to

destroy the vine, but when the vine is found too high up a tree and especially one whichcontains many leaves, some people do not climb to harvest as it is usually done, but simply

cut the vine with a machete and drag it down to ease harvesting. This, according to the

informant, is a process which is becoming more widely used, since the Baaka are desperateto harvest as much Gnetum spp as possible, in order to buy food for the family from the

Bantu. However, large animals (e.g. elephants, gorilla, chimpanzee, etc) are also known to

destroy forest products like the Gnetum spp, which they also eat.

On the topic of felling trees, the Baaka, in the course of honey harvesting, usually fell tall

trees no matter what tree specie it is, in order to get to the beehive. Sometimes trees arefelled only to discover that there is no honey in the trunk. Such a case was noticed in Ngatongo,

where the men went to the forest to get honey, after being informed by their women about

the presence of honey in a tree. Immediately they found the tree, they felled it without evenverifying if it truly had a hive or not. After all their efforts they found that the tree contained no

beehive at all.

7.4 Product Substitution

The question of the possibility of substituting forest products was raised, in view of the fact

that some of the forest products are already becoming scarce. The Baaka think it will bedifficult for them to replace their forest products. They elucidated this by saying that they

were born forest people and have been eating forest products all their lives, so they do not

think it would be easy to replace. One Baaka used the following statement to express hisopinion about the subject: “All forest products were created by Komba and he created

them so the Baaka can eat and only Komba can take away these products”.

The same reaction came from a majority of the Bantu in the discussion groups who could

not see the possibility of replacing the products they have been eating all their lives. Some

however toyed with the possibility of replacing certain products like Irvingia spp withgroundnuts, but were not so sure of success because groundnuts are very expensive for

local standards and animals eat the groundnuts when cultivated. Bantu women also consider

forest vegetables vital to them because they are not used to cultivating other types of

181

vegetables. The Baaka are aware that forest products are seasonal and they eat whatever

they can find in the forest during that season. There is no way they would substitute forestproducts for something else, except replacing it with other forest products. E.g., Staudtia

gabonensis can replace Gnetum spp.

Despite the substantial decline in forest products, which has been noticed by the men and

women of both ethnic groups, the forest, in their view, retains the vital ability to nourish

them.

7.5 Indigenous Knowledge of Local Men and Women on Sustainable Forest Management7.5.1 Hunting, Gathering, Fishing

The forest dwellers do have many traditional systems, which they use to assure conservation

of the products that are important to them. Some examples cited by the Baaka include the

use of nets and crossbows for hunting, such that baby animals caught in the nets are released.This method is also good because only small-sized animals are caught. The state has also

recognised the advantages of using these hunting methods and has declared them the

traditional hunting methods people are permitted to use in all the forest areas outside theprotected area.

The Baaka insisted that when trap lines are set, it is only a small number. They kill thequantity of meat they need for subsistence and to sell for necessities like salt, oil, etc and

therefore consider their way of hunting to be rational. The Baaka also pointed out that the

issue of stopping the use of steel cables has to begin with the Bantu, for these people arethe ones who buy these cables and give it to the Baaka.

The Bantu men said, that when they noticed the devastation caused by hunting so manyanimals without control, they reduced their rate of hunting. These men suggested ways to

effectively conserve their forest area and its animals, such as not setting too many trap

lines, removing trap lines from the forest when there is no time to visit them, reduce thenumber of traps in the forest during the season officially closed to hunting and to periodically

182

change the forest parts in which they hunt, so that the animal population has time to multiply

again during the rest periods. The forest dwellers have also made it a point to keep poachersfrom entering their forest areas.

Bantu and Baaka women insisted that they know what to do to ensure a continuous availabilityof the products they need. For example, the harvesting of Gnetum spp should be done by

plucking off the leaves and not destroying the liana. The women are also aware that this

plant grows better if its leaves are harvested from time to time. The women are also increasinglyplanting this product and many others like wild yam tubers on their farms as a means to

ensure continuous propagation.

Baaka women actually have a harvesting method in which they have divided the forest

into sections and do harvesting alternately in the different forest sections. This therefore

gives the plants time to reproduce. The Baaka women also explained that Baaka peoplein general do not like wetness, which is the cause of rheumatism, so they do not go deep

into the forest when it rains. If they need to harvest when it rains, this is usually done close

to the settlement, which means, that the plants in the forest have again time to recuperate.

The women also mentioned, that generally, when they gather forest fruits, they do leave

some of the seeds behind so these could germinate. According to Baaka men and women,some honey is left behind in the hive, so the bees can still have honey to feed on and be

able to produce more honey for them.

Concerning fishing, the Baaka think they have good fishing methods because what they

use is the Milletia barteri sap, which is only supposed to paralyse the fish and not kill

them. Only the mature fish floating on the river surface are collected. They also take justthe quantity they are able to carry back home since they usually have very long distances

to trek.

Bantu women also pointed out that they have very little free time during the farming season,

such that they hardly go fishing. During this period therefore, the fish population has time to

recuperate from the last fishing period. Both ethnic groups are aware that the use of poisonlike the grains of Strychnos aculeate for fishing means the likely reduction of the quantity

and quality of fish that will be available to them in the future.

183

The forest dwellers recognised the most important threats to their forests and forest products

to be:• Poaching;

• Excessive felling of trees by forest exploitation companies;

• Company vehicles, which frighten animals and destroy forest products like Gnetum spp;• Opening of forest paths by these companies, which usually includes the felling of fruit

trees like bush mango trees and encourages the activities of poachers;

• Safari hunting companies that hunt many more animals than allowed in their permit,because they are not controlled in the forest in the course of this activity;

• The immigrants in the area who went there in search of jobs from forest exploitation

companies or in search of fertile soils and do not attach any importance to conservationlike the indigenous people do.

7.5.2 Traditional Value Attached to Particular Forest Parts, Plants and Animals

The Baaka men in all the villages do have forest parts, which they protect. These are usually

areas where rituals for their forest spirit Jengi are performed. Women as well as uninitiated

men are not allowed to enter this part of the forest. Harvesting or any destructive activity isforbidden in this forest area. Women also have their own secret places, where men are not

allowed, with their own forest spirits and traditional dances (e.g. Molimo, Janga, Yemoh,

Ngoukou). Rituals are also performed in the forest, followed by a dance in the village. Thewomen also jealously protect this forest part. The Baaka also have other forest parts, which

they protect because these areas were the burial grounds of their ancestors.

The Bantu have certain forest parts as well, strictly protected as sacred areas in which

rituals and other traditional ceremonies take place. When men perform these ceremonies,

women are forbidden to enter this forest part, even after the ceremony is over. Hunting isalso forbidden in these sacred areas and only men who have been initiated are permitted

to enter this area. In some Bantu villages however, women can enter the protected area

after the ceremony, but any activities that could be destructive to the forest resources in thearea are forbidden.

184

Bantu women in some of the villages do have their own sacred places too, into which men

as well as uninitiated women are not allowed. The rituals of a ceremony usually take placein this protected area, followed by a dance performed in the village.

According to the Bantu and Baaka, these sacred areas used to be deep in the forest in thetime of their ancestors, but things changed with the coming of conservation projects such

that they were driven from the forest and these areas are now situated only a few kilometres

from the village. In some villages however (e.g. Lindjombo) this tradition of having sacredareas has lost its value because most of the villagers have become Christians and therefore

no longer take part in traditional religions.

The Baaka have the following animals, which they protect and therefore are not eaten by

either men or women: leopard, panther, chimpanzee, gorilla, hippopotamus, De Brazza’s

monkey and buffalo.

The Bantu protect the following animals: elephant, bongo, panther, gorilla, chimpanzee,

leopard, otter, eagle, genet, tabby cat, red river hog, two-headed snakes, chameleon, somemonkey species and buffalo.

These animals are protected because they were the totems of their ancestors and they stillhave the urge to protect these animals. The animals used as totems also differ according

to clans. Therefore, each clan has its own animal, which it has chosen to protect. An animal,

which is not a totem to a particular clan or lineage, can be eaten even though it might be atotem to another clan or lineage. In Yenga for example, the following lineages exist: Bogo,

Bongouéa, Bombiko and Bodowa. The following animals are associated to the lineages

as totems: Bogo - the panther, Bongouéa - the red river hog, Bombiko – the gorilla andBodowa - the monkey.

Both Baaka and Bantu women are forbidden to eat certain animals in addition to the totemicanimals. For example, Baaka women are forbidden to eat the tortoise, wild pig, giant forest

hog, etc. Bantu women are forbidden to eat tortoise, fox, otter civet, etc. Women do not eat

these animals because serious incidents of illnesses have occurred after consumption ofthe animals. The Baaka women gave examples of effects like transmission of diseases

like cough from breastfeeding mothers to their children, miscarriage for pregnant women

185

and one could also become infected with scabies or rashes all over the body. One Bantu

woman said she got sours all over her body immediately after eating a piece of gorillameat. However, Baaka women in Lindjombo said that it is not every woman who respects

this rule of not eating certain animals. It all depends on the clan from which you come, that

might forbid eating these animals or not. Some of the women therefore do not eat theanimals, either because it is part of their culture or because they do not know which one

could make them ill.

Bantu women in Ngatongo said they now eat whatever their men eat. They no longer respect

the rule of not eating certain animals as their ancestors did in the past. This change, according

to the women, is due to the onset of conservation policies, which limit forest use rights. It istherefore difficult to get bushmeat, so whatever their men get, they also eat. This however

only occurs in certain families, while others still strictly adhere to the tradition of women not

eating certain animals.

The forest people specified many plants as culturally important to them. These plants are

mostly used as medicinal plants for health care and/or in rituals. A few examples are statedbelow:

- Rothmannia whitfieldii is a plant whose fruits and leaves produce a colorant used

especially by Baaka women and girls to paint their foreheads and jaws. The leaves ofthis tree are also dried, ground and the powder is spread under the eyes of men or

women, which has the effect of making someone more courageous in the face of a

difficult task like climbing a tall tree. As mentioned by the Baaka women in Ngatongo,the fresh leaves of this tree (weaved into a dancing costume and tied around the waist)

are also used in the Janga dance, which is performed by women with the intention of

keeping their men attracted and faithful to them.

- Anonidium mannii is used to heal wounds. This tree is also culturally important to the

Baaka in that rituals are usually performed under this tree when hunting/gathering/fishingtrips are organised for the entire camp. These rituals are performed to call upon their

forest spirits to guide them during the trip.

- Erythrophleum ivorense, which is also used to heal, has cultural value for both Bantuand Baaka because planting this tree around the house has the effect of sending away

witches.

186

- Morinda morindoides whose leaves are used to make a tisane against typhoid, itchy

skin, stomach problems, rheumatism, cold.- Triplochiton scleroxylon is used against yellow fever and impotence.

- Entandrophragma cylindricum is used as a pain killer and to heal wounds.

- Milletia barteri heals wounds, ringworm infections and the sap is also used as a poison,

just like the grains of Strychnos aculeata in fishing.

- Fagara macrophylla (Mbahaloh) is a tree feared by the Baaka because it is very

poisonous. They believe coming in direct contact with this tree could lead to instant death.

- Autranella congolensis is used against haemorrhoids, malaria and backache.

- Piptadeniastrum africanum is used to kill dental bacteria.

- Chrysobalanaceae parinari is used to cure impotence.

- Gilbertiodendron dewevrei is used against cough, etc.

It was noticed during the interviews that both Bantu and Baaka women were more verse

with the medicinal plants than the men, based on the number of plants the women enumerated

as well as the uses of these plants. This is an example of the variation in knowledge betweenmen and women on this forest use.

In addition, the Baaka were usually more knowledgeable in the type and uses of the medicinalplants than the Bantu. This can be explained by the fact that the Baaka depend more on

these medicinal plants than the Bantu. Infact, the knowledge of the Baaka on medicinal

plants makes the Bantu consulting them as traditional healers.

187

7.6 Do Conservation Measures Contribute to Stabilizing or Improving the Living Standards and Preserving the Traditions of Local People?7.6.1 Effects of Conservation Measures on Men and Women

Several constraints, according to the Bantu and Baaka, have been imposed on them with

the creation of the conservation initiatives in the trinational area. These constraints arelinked with the many limitations on the use of and access to forest resources in the area.

The concept of a protected area is new to the Baaka society. The entire forest and itsproducts belong to Komba and he has given these products so the Baaka can live on.

Based on this belief, these people therefore find it difficult to understand the limitations by

the conservation projects to access the forest and use its products. The only restrictionsthey have always respected are those related to taboos, concerning animals they do not

eat or particular forest areas into which entrance is restricted for cultural reasons.

The Baaka understand the meaning of the word liberty by relating it to the way they used toroam the forest before the restrictions were imposed. They usually went to the forest not

only to gather or hunt, but also to relax from the constraints involved with living in the village.

The forest is therefore loosing some of its meaning to these people, some of whom arenow concentrating more of their efforts on agriculture and fishing. This, according to the

elderly Baaka people, is a serious handicap to them because their culture is changing

beyond their control.

In Cameroon, both the Baaka and the Bantu are allowed unlimited use within the community

forest area, which extends no further than 12km from the village. This however is no help at

all because both groups have already overexploited this area through intensive use.

The Molongo is now almost completely abandoned, a fact which the Baaka attributed mostly

to the restrictions on access into certain parts of the forest. These people are afraid theirchildren will not be able to learn their tradition, which is passed on from generation to generation

during the Molongo (see section 5.3.1.2).

Rituals that used to be performed deep in the forest by the Bantu and Baaka are now done

just some few kilometres from the village. Both groups find this to be a violation of their

culture, especially considering that they have always protected these spiritual areas from

188

destruction through restricted use. There is therefore a flagrant contradiction between

conservation project regulations and the culture of the indigenous people.

Another loss in tradition is elephant hunting, which is very important to the Baaka society.

The elephant through the wildlife decree, has however been placed within Class A of animalprotection and killing them is now considered a crime against the state.

The problem of bushmeat confiscation byecoguards is a very common one to both

ethnic groups in all three countries, which

the people find very dishearteningbecause the ecoguards seize even meat

meant for personal consumption. This

means, to compensate for the loss, evenmore animals will be killed, which is

exactly the opposite effect of what the

ecoguards are trying to achieve. TheBantu and Baaka on the Cameroonian side mentioned incidences where the ecoguards

also confiscated game displayed on the roadside for sale. In Congo, the local people

have been forbidden to transport meat from one zone to another. In the Central AfricanRepublic, each person has a limited amount of bushmeat one can transport for sale to

another town. Incidents were however reported where the ecoguards do confiscate

bushmeat even if it is the normal quantity or even less than the quantity one is permittedto carry. The policy of seizing meat and other forest products from the local people, which

is the current means of enforcing regulations, leads to deep mistrust between the local

communities and conservation projects. It also leads to developing more sophisticatedmeans to evade the ecoguards.

In all three countries, the method of hunting by setting trap lines using steel cables, which isalso the most common hunting method, has been made an illegal activity by the conservation/

state initiatives. This, according to the people, poses a huge problem because many people

do not know anymore how to hunt with nets, lances or crossbow and cannot afford firearms.Most of the people therefore continue to use these trap lines at their own risk, which means

the traps are usually destroyed in the forest by the ecoguards. People complained that

Picture 18: Bushmeat confiscated by Ecoguards

189

even trap lines found behind houses are destroyed. This is a serious threat to the Baaka

in the Congolese villages because they now have to depend on the Bantu to lend themfirearms and ammunition so they can go hunting.

Women from both ethnic groups complained that they are unable to carry out their normalforest activities at will. They consider gathering deep in the forest a dangerous activity

because they risk being threatened and driven out by the ecoguards. It is beyond their

understanding, why they are supposed to leave the forest products for the animals to eat,while they as human beings are not allowed to harvest the same product for their own use.

They are told, the forest and its products are being conserved for the future generation. The

people wonder how there will be any future generation, if those who are to procreate arenot given the chance to survive.

A Baaka woman in Kounda Papaye expressed her feelings on this topic by saying, “Webelieve conservation is not good because we have been forbidden by the project to use the

forest on which we have depended all our lives. This is negatively affecting the subsistence

level as well as the economic strength of our people”.

In addition, limitations on forest use has led to women taking on more family responsibilities,

since their husbands do not make as much income from hunting as they did before. Thewomen, especially Bantu women, therefore have to spend more time on agriculture, in

order to help sustain the family. Baaka women are pushed to work as labourers on Bantu

farms, even though they are paid just a pittance no matter the nature of the work. The Baakawomen sometimes even steal food crops from the farms of the Bantu and this is increasing

the stress on the relationship between both ethnic groups.

The Baaka in Cameroon and CAR are becoming more and more sedentarised as they

turn more to agriculture for the production of food crops due to the restrictions on forest

access and use. The Baaka of Congo have only recently started cultivating crops and someare still resisting the idea to engage in agriculture, for it means planning for the future,

which is something that does not exist in their culture. The Baaka who are already engaged

in agriculture always said they preferred their forest activities because it demands lesseffort and time compared to working on the farm.

190

This problem of restriction has been exacerbated by the fact that most of the local

people are not well informed about the objectives of these conservation projects.Knowledge about the nature of restrictions therefore varied from one person to the

next. Some of the people said hunting has been banned everywhere since bushmeat is

confiscated no matter where you hunt. This was most especially the case in Ikelemba.In Lindjombo and Kounda Papaye, the people also find it difficult to understand, that

while they are normally permitted to carry out traditional hunting and gathering in the

reserve, they are always disturbed by ecoguards in this part of the forest. A Baaka manin Lindjombo made the following statement to this effect, “What does not please us in

the whole conservation initiative is, that the project has not done a clear limitation to

differentiate community hunting areas from the reserve area so that we can go freelyinto the forest to gather and hunt”.

The Baaka, who are usually not part of consultation meetings organised by the projectpersonnel in the villages, go ahead and spread whatever they have heard from the Bantu

among other Baaka, which is obviously not the best way of keeping the Baaka properly

informed. For example, the Baaka of Cameroon, have nicknamed WWF as “Dobi-Dobi”,inspired by its short form. The Baaka believe that the “Dobi-Dobi” consist of white English

speakers, who have bought the forest from the state, so they can protect the animals as

well as the leaves and plants within it, while excluding the local people from the use of theforest and its resources. The white landcruisers used by the WWF are a terror factor for the

Baaka, who always dash into the bush when they see these cars, for fear of being arrested.

The cars are also commonly called “Corbillard“(hearse), because they are also used totransport the carcasses of animals confiscated from the people.

However, many of the Bantu do know to some extent where and what they are permitted tohunt. For example, the Bantu in Ngatongo know that hunting is permitted in the community

hunting zones and this they tell the Baaka they commission to hunt for them. The Bantu in

Cameroon also know the limits of their hunting area, their problem being that the part allocatedto them is not productive and bushmeat caught in this area is sometimes still confiscated.

Generally, both ethnic groups made it clear that the basic idea of conservation is in principlea welcome idea to them, because the activities of poachers and exploitation companies

can be curbed and the forest, which they love, can continue to exist. This view can be

191

substantiated through this statement made by a Bantu woman in Yenga, “God created the

forest for us, so we have to help God by maintaining this forest”. A Bantu in Ikelemba alsohad this to say, “We are in favour of conservation, but there are certain things in the concept

of conservation, which we do not understand. Conservation is a concept instituted by the

state, which we cannot oppose, but we do not understand the actions of conservationistswho usually come here to sensitize us that there are animals which are protected and animals

which are not. Today, when you kill protected species, you are arrested. What we do not

understand is that people are arrested even if they kill unprotected species. We thereforedo not know what we should or should not do. We are now forced to turn our back on the

forest and put more efforts on fishing. Hunting is therefore considered a forbidden activity

because ecoguards also come to the village and cease the meat they find, even if it is notthe meat of a protected animal”.

7.6.2 Constraints and Opportunities to Participate in Forest Management

As they explained during the discussions, the strength of both the Baaka and the Bantu in

forest management is, that they are already forest people with a mastery of the art of

conservation and are therefore ready to work with the conservation projects to conservethe forest if only their needs will be considered in the process of forest management. They

are therefore ready to take care of the forest for the common good of the village.

From the discussions with these people it is clear, that they do know what they are supposedto do to conserve the plants and animals they have at their disposal, even though certain

circumstances may prevent them from applying this knowledge at times. For example, some

of the forest dwellers also admitted that they are a little bit careless now with the way theyconserve the forest, compared to the days of their fathers, because they no longer feel

secure about their customary rights to use the forest.

The local men and women from both ethnic groups know the different types of forest products.They also know edible and non-edible plants and they have versed themselves with the

different parts in the forest where particular forest products can be obtained. They know

which forest parts or trees should be conserved, since the logging companies working inthe area have almost destroyed these. They insist that trees like the ones they use as

192

medicinal plants should at least be partially protected, so that some of the trees can be left

standing for them to be used after logging.

One of the Bantu made the following statement to illustrate, that, left on their own without

outside influence, they are well prepared to conserve their forests: „We are forest peopleand we have the blood of conservation in us“. Both, the Bantu and the Baaka believe it

was the white men who initiated the destruction of the forest and now the local population

is paying for the errors of these people. They therefore feel left out of the process offorest management, inspite of the fact that they have been responsible for the protection

of the forest ever since, but suddenly, according to the conservation politics, this same

forest no longer belongs to them and most of their normal activities are now consideredwrong.

The Baaka feel even more left out of the management process than the Bantu. As alreadymentioned, they do not feel comfortable in the midst of the Bantu during meetings because

they do not have good cloths, are not educated and are considered Bushmen. Therefore,

they end up mostly only as observers and not as participants in the meetings.

The views of the Baaka are therefore marginalised in most of the plans, which are meant to

involve local people in forest management. The Baaka in Cameroon gave as example thatthey were basically ignored during the consultations leading to the creation of the Lobéké

Park and during the demarcation process of the agroforestry and community-hunting zone,

while the Bantu were involved at all stages. They therefore feel that their customary rights touse the forest and its resources are being eliminated. The Baaka have the impression that

the state/conservation projects consider the Bantu to be more important and therefore any

development project planned for the village will be beneficial only to the Bantu. This furtherincreases the rift that already exists between the Baaka and the Bantu.

Culture has already been used by the men to justify the subordinate position of women inthe household in particular and society as a whole. This aspect of the community has also

been encouraged by the project workers and local administrators who organise meetings,

inviting only the men and instead of directly involving also the women, only assigning themto cook for them.

193

Another problem for both Bantu and Baaka women is, that their workload makes it difficult

for them to always attend consultation meetings. Usually, time schedules for consultationmeetings are set by the men, which mostly do not correspond to the time women would be

free. They are therefore unable to attend such meetings and even if they have the time, they

do not attend because they have the feeling that only men are important, since the womenare not consulted before the scheduling of the meeting. Also, the women, most especially

Bantu women in general, do not feel comfortable in joint meetings with men because the

men do not like to be contradicted by women. When they do attend meetings with the men,they are more like observers, except for a few strong-willed women who do sometimes

make comments or suggestions.

The Bantu women insisted, that if consultants really wanted them to be involved in any

project, then separate meetings should be scheduled for men and women. Bantu women in

Cameroon gave the example that their men sometimes quarrel after meetings over giftsleft behind by consultants. This behaviour is unappealing to them, and they would not like to

be present when this happens.

Although women are just as engaged in forest use as men, they usually have very little

access to information and training. They normally have to ask for permission from their

husbands to undergo training of any kind. Women also generally have a low level of education,making it difficult for them to absorb new information which could help them enhance

their capacity in society. Bantu women, especially those in Lindjombo, think they could

also be able to offer more to conservation if they could have some level of education.They therefore think it would be helpful if they could be offered adult literacy classes.

Baaka women said, their opinions have very often been ignored when consultants organisemeetings only with men and only add women as an afterthought, which is strange, considering

that generally their men do not make decisions without consulting them. This implies that

the promises made by Baaka men during consultation meetings could be changed later,after they have consulted with their women. Usually the men explain to the women what they

thought they understood during the meetings and this is what is spread through the whole

settlement. If time were taken to explain everything to the women first hand as well, thiscould avoid the situation of promises being made and not fulfilled. The influence Baaka

women have on their men can therefore not be neglected and these women therefore need

194

to be consulted just like the men, in any project. However, the women were unanimous

about the fact that they would feel more comfortable among themselves during a meeting.

The local people’s indigenous knowledge of forest use and management should be

considered a strength, which can be used to integrate them into the process of sustainable

forest management. The men and women of both ethnic groups are sure, that if they aregiven the chance to participate in forest management and decision-making, they could

make useful amendments, which could help improve on their standard of living, help to

preserve their traditional way of life and also take the interest of conservation projects intoaccount.

7.6.3 Suggestions from Local Population to Ensure Success of Conservation Projects

The most frequently stated suggestion, in all villages by both Baaka and Bantu men andwomen, was the need for the conservation projects/logging companies to create economic

activities in the villages. Suggestions as to how to create economic activities included

managing the forest in such a way as to protect the forest as well as attract tourists to thearea, thereby creating job opportunities for the youths in the village. For example, hotels for

tourists, where youths can be recruited. The local population could also sell items like woven

baskets, carved artefacts, etc as well as medicinal remedies to the tourists. The elderlymen and women all pointed out that since forest use has been restricted, they at least

would like their children to be recruited in the conservation projects. The Baaka who are

expert trackers therefore expressed their wish to work in this capacity for the project.

Baaka in Cameroon and CAR said that so far they are mostly employed by forest exploitation

companies and safari hunting companies, but they would prefer to be employed by theconservation projects. However, the local people in all the villages are disappointed because

whenever there is a job vacancy, the project often goes out of the forest zone to look for

employees, even though they are the forest people and know more about the value ofconservation. Even if the project does decide to employ local people, they always have

low rate positions in which they cannot support the population in any way to stand up for

195

their rights. In addition to this, the youths are mostly employed only on temporary basis.

The people in CAR insisted, that only people from the village in which the project has itsoffice are employed, forgetting the other villages which are also affected by the creation of

the reserve. They think, the filling of vacancies should be democratic, with calls for application

sent to all the villages and a fair selection made. They also said, the promise to employtheir youths was made to them when the conservation projects made sensitisation tours to

the different villages. This, according to the projects, was to be one of the advantages of

the conservation project. This promise according to many of the villagers has not yet beenfulfilled by these projects.

The local people in Cameroon suggested that they would like their agroforestry zone to beextended because this zone is not as rich anymore in forest products because forest exploiters

had passed through it before it was given to them. The Baaka said that the best yams as

well as honey are found in the Lobéké Park, but they are not permitted to enter this park. Ifthey were given a little portion of the park, this would be helpful to the local population.

The CAR villages were also insistent that a community-hunting zone should be demarcated

and given to them and that they should be allowed to take care of this zone themselves andonly call on the project if need arises. This way, they would be able to move freely in their

forest without ecoguards molesting them.

The Cameroonians said they were being suppressed by some government officials like mayorswho support the leasing of forest parts to forest exploitation companies because of the profit

accruing from the presence of these companies. These mayors have never informed them

that 10% of the leasing tax has to be given to the villagers, until recently, when GTZ carriedout its sensitisation campaign in the villages. The local population in all three countries

insisted that they must be given the opportunity to participate in the management of the forest.

The forest dwellers also made mention of alternatives (like supply of cow meat at cost

price and encouraging fishing by supply of fishing nets), which the various projects suggested

to the population, so as to reduce pressure on hunting forest animals. Hunting is a lucrativeactivity for the Baaka and Bantu people. They would only give up or reduce hunting if the

quantity of fish and the effort and working time spent on fishing could compete with that of

hunting. Nevertheless, these people say they have been waiting for these alternatives,but nothing has been realised so far. Mainly, because the projects have not been able to

finance the scheme of supplying cow meat to the local people at cost price. Therefore the

196

local people cannot understand why they should reduce hunting if they are not supported

with alternatives.

The local people gave a list of social amenities that could be provided to them by the

conservation projects/logging companies. Most of these villages have no health centres,good school buildings, markets or drinking water sources and the roads connecting

some of them to the nearest town are deplorable, especially in CAR. Because of these

bad roads, very few cars pass through the village and this is disadvantageous becauseit means they are unable to sell their products to passers by, who used to be their main

customers. They also have difficulties transporting critically ill people to the nearest

town.

The Congolese villagers are not in good working terms with the logging company CIB

because this company is not doing much to improve their standard of living, even thoughtheir villages, especially Ngatongo, is the passage point of all their products to Cameroon.

The people complained that they are victims of noise and environmental pollution because

of CIB trucks constantly plying their roads. These people are demanding that the CIBshould develop Ngatongo just like Socambo, the village on the Cameroonian side across

the Sangha River, which was constructed and developed by the logging company working

there. The villagers in Ngatongo find it aggravating that Socambo, while only recentlycreated compared to their village, is already far more developed with many social amenities,

which they do not have.

The Baaka on their part always wanted the project to give them clothing, cooking utensils,

construction materials like corrugated iron sheets, so they can be able to measure up to

the Bantu. The Baaka in Congo also said, they would be willing to turn back to their traditionalway of hunting with nets, lances and crossbows, if only the project would provide them with

these equipments and organise exchange visits with Baaka from other areas who still use

these traditional methods, so they could get used to them again.

These local people are demanding that the conservation projects/logging companies

should provide them with social amenities because they were promised these things bythe projects. They are therefore waiting and hoping that the projects would soon fulfil their

promises.

197

The Baaka insisted that they should also be involved in all consultation meetings organised

by the conservation projects and not only the Bantu. The women from both ethnic groupspointed out the importance of them being involved as full participants in consultation meetings,

considering that they utilise the forest and its resources just like the men and some Baaka

women spend even more time in the forest than the men. These women believe involvingonly the men in meetings is creating a power difference between them because through

the meetings the men usually have information they themselves do not have, but which they

may need even more than the men.

7.7 Discussion

In all three countries, the local population and the conservation projects harbour manygrievances against each other, for the projects believe that the indigenous populations

take an exaggerated quantity of NTFPs, especially game from the protected area, not only

for subsistence needs but for commercialisation as well. Indigenous peoples on their partfeel they are not being treated fairly, through exclusion from making decisions concerning

the forests (in which they have lived and depended on all their lives) in the name of conserving

plants and animals for present and future generations. The forest is therefore conceiveddifferently by the conservation projects, whose main concern is to conserve species, and

by the local people, who consider the forest as their safety net and therefore depend on it

for their livelihood and spiritual and cultural identity.

Usage rights give forest dwellers in the research area the right to carry out certain forest

activities in certain parts of the forest. Within these usage rights, usually only traditionalforms of forest use are permitted and the products from this activity are strictly meant only

for subsistence. Even though the products of hunting, gathering and fishing form an important

part of the local economy by generating a substantial income for the local population,commercialisation of products from any activity based on usage rights is illegal. A special

licence is therefore necessary, to make marketing of forest products legal. This law is however

clearly unrealistic, since the term „subsistence“ is not clearly defined in it. For example,does selling bushmeat or other NTFPs to buy medicine or other necessities for the household

qualify as personal use? The local people certainly think so, for the products sold are mainly

198

used for the upkeep of the household. This law therefore has no meaning for the location

population, who go about normally with the sale of their forest products, either in the villageor in neighbouring towns (with the exception of bushmeat).

The power inequality which exists between the projects and local people affects thevulnerability of the local people, as they sense that their lands no longer belong to them -

the same land upon which their primary economies depend. They have already realised

that the community-hunting/exploitation zones given to them do not necessarily correspondto their needs. They therefore fight back by resorting to illegal (at their own risk) use to be

able to sustain their lives. Therefore, the often repressive rules and regulations, instituted

by the state and implemented by the projects without first of all consulting the local forestusers, have not yet had the intended effect - Sustainable Forest Management.

The conflicts in forest use are not only between the conservation projects and the localcommunities, but also between the ethnic groups within the communities as well as between

the local communities and logging companies/safari hunters/poachers.

Bantu people think the Baaka kill too many animals because they are heavy meat eaters.

The Baaka however think it is the other way round, judging from the number of commands

they receive from the Bantu to go hunting for them. The local people only point accusingfingers at each other in an attempt to look for ways to better conserve their forest resources

at their level.

A combination of tree felling by logging companies, hunting by safari hunters and poachers

has resulted in depleted resources for the local communities. The diets of these local people

have been disrupted because of rapid decline of some plant and animal species. Becauseof this scarcity, these people have to cover long distances (necessitating prolonged stays)

in the forest in order to get the products they need. The people try to substitute products

which are very scarce with other forest products. The problem is, with this rate of loggingand hunting, even the forest products used as substitutes will also soon become scarce.

The conservation projects, in their attempt to ease this situation of scarcity by protectinglarge forest parts, have only made the situation more difficult for the local people because

this reduces their chances even more of getting the products they need. The loss of their

199

forest resources, either caused by the conservation projects or by logging companies/safari

hunters as well as by some of their own members in the community has increased thevulnerability of these people.

A gender analysis of forest use of the local people showed, that the local people do havetraditional systems (that they use to be able to conserve their resources) and how gender

is constructed within these traditional systems. For example, the traditional values they

attach to particular forest parts, plants or animals as a method to conserve the forest andits resources act as an important indigenous management system for them. Knowledge

tends to be different for men and women and is most especially related to the various

activities they carry out. This analysis thus brought out the different forms of knowledge thatexist between men and women on forest use, suggesting that the local men and women

hold diverse perspectives on the natural and cultural values of the forest and its resources.

The results demonstrate that the knowledge held by the men and women is not static, butchanges according to their changing natural environment and needs. The men and women

in this area are able to combine their indigenous knowledge to develop the management

systems necessary to obtain the resources they need. This knowledge is not only importantat the local level, but also for conservation projects to use as an alternative method to

conserve the forest. It is also necessary to integrate their gendered knowledge and needs

into sustainable forest management strategies in order to improve on Sustainable ForestManagement.

However, the local people have observed, that even though they possess knowledge on howto manage the forest, they are still not considered as forest managers. Distrust now prevails

in the liaison between the Baaka/Bantu and the conservation project agents due to the local

people’s uncertainty regarding their current and future activities in the forest. According tothe local communities, they see the conservation projects as those who have placed a

large portion of available and valuable resources out of their reach by excluding them from

decision-making processes regarding these areas and forbidding or restricting access tocertain forest areas.

The presence of ecoguards, who guard the forest, is a serious issue in all three countries.It is important to note that these ecoguards have been instrumental in reducing the rate of

poaching in the forests, considering the number of ceased ivories and poachers arrested

200

in all three countries. However, one cannot ignore the complaints of the forest people on

how they are treated by the ecoguards.

The managing institutions of the conservation projects are quite aware of this, but the strive

to reduce poaching limits the efforts to bring the situation under control. In Congo however,an investigation was made in early 2007 by the project on this issue and the ecoguards

found guilty were dismissed. This is a first step towards reducing the strains on the relationship

between the local people and the project management.

One would however not be doing justice to the conservation projects by ignoring their fears.

Take for example the elephant, which used to be and still is (inspite increased attempts tocurb it) hunted for its ivory and meat. The Baaka, in accordance to their culture, have hunted

this animal for generations and with the onset of widespread illegal ivory trade it drew in

even many more players, who even kill without compunction. This has led to a scarcity ofthis animal, a fact also confirmed by the Baaka and Bantu.

It is therefore a difficult situation because the conservation projects see the need to protectthese animals, while the local population insist on hunting the animals, either because it is

linked to their cosmology and/or because it is a source of income. The local people also

justify that they are not responsible for the depletion of forest products by again putting theblame on forest exploitation companies and safari hunters, to whom permission to do logging

and hunting is given by the states, but whose activities these states rarely control. These

people have been relegated to the position of on-lookers by the government policies onforest management. They can only helplessly watch, while these companies deplete the

forest on which they depend for survival.

While analysing the local communities from a gender perspective on the issue of constraints

and opportunities to participate in forest management activities organised by the conservation

projects, it was discovered, that the difficulties faced by the different ethnic groups as wellas by the men and women within these ethnic groups are different and directly related to

unequal power relationships within the local communities and also between the local

communities and the conservation projects (e.g. Baaka not being able to actively participatein meetings with the Bantu because of their second-class status). The conservation projects

do not consider these power inequalities in the local communities when dealing with them

201

and have often used their own power to take actions without consulting the local people and

without explaining what effects these actions will have on them.

In its attempt to use incentives to induce their acceptance by the local people, the conservation

projects in the various countries did promise employment to the villagers. The local populationunderstood this to mean every youth in the village could be employed by these projects.

The projects, however, do not have enough funds to afford employing many villagers and

many of those who are employed with the project do so only on temporary basis. The projectsalso have the problem that just a handful of the youths can occupy important positions

because of their usually low levels of education.

Social amenities were also promised to the local people as an incentive. It is both,

advantageous and disadvantageous to the local people if they are provided with social

amenities by the conservation project or the logging companies. Advantageous, becausethe provision of these amenities will improve on the standard of living of the people.

Disadvantageous, because it makes the people too dependent on the project and companies.

Even simple village projects, which the local people could carry out on their own, usuallyare not attempted because the people always think it is the projects responsibility. For

example in Lindjombo, the people have kept on postponing the building of their market

which normally needs only local materials and local labour, because they hope that theproject would pay them to do the job.

This attitude has been encouraged firstly by logging companies, who often provided mostof the social infrastructures in the villages where they worked. When these companies finish

their work and leave the villages, the people usually do not maintain the structures, leading

to the fact, that most of the structures left behind are now crumbling, as it is usually the casewith school buildings. Secondly, since they blame conservation projects for their present

misery, they also insist that the projects should take over the development and maintenance

of their villages.

It is certainly a difficult situation for both groups, as one keeps expecting things from the

other, which they are not willing to provide or adhere. It is thus obvious, that participatorymanagement of the forest and its resources between the local forest managers and the

conservation project/governments has not yet been achieved.

202

8. INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS USING THEORIES, CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGY

8.1 Introduction

The results of this research are focusing on the differences between men and women and

the importance of these differences to sustainable forest management and the improvement

of local livelihoods. These differences are:

• The differences in the roles and responsibilities of men and women in forest use and

management (e.g. women are responsible for gathering and men for hunting). To know the differences in the roles and responsibilities of men and women in forest

use and management is important, to be able to initially identify the different target

groups which are to be involved in the sustainable management process.

• The differences in the bodies of knowledge about the forest and its resources (e.g.

women’s knowledge about medicinal plants and men’s knowledge about tracking animals). To sustainably manage the forest, it is important to know the differences in the bodies

of knowledge about the forest and its resources because the different knowledge

usually reflects the different activities in which men and women are involved. Thisbrings out the need to include both groups, to successfully incorporate their

complementary knowledge into the sustainable forest management process.

• The differences in social power between men and women as well as between the local

communities and other forest actors (e.g. women’s subordinate role in society or the

unequal relation between conservation projects and the local communities). By recognising the differences in social power, one is better able to include also the

neglected parts of the forest actors into the management process.

203

8.2 Interpretation of Results

Concerning the community and indigenous peoples’ rights and participation, the criteria

and indicators of sustainable forest management of ITTO (2005:33) states that “Community

participation is vital at all levels of forestry operations to ensure transparency and accountabilityin forest management, conservation and development and that all interests and concerns

are taken into account”. This statement brings out a number of important issues like

recognising tenure and user rights of the local people, assuring participation of indigenouspeople and other forest-dependent people in forest-based economic activities and

considering and recognising the customary rights of indigenous people in forest planning

and management practices and processes.

Because the local communities depending on forest resources are made of men/boys and

women/girls, the socio-economic variable, gender, which analyses roles, responsibilities,the opportunities and constraints of the men and women as local forest resource users and

managers need to be considered. Gender is related to indigenous people in the sense that

the construction of identity is very strongly linked to resource use and management andone cannot incorporate gender without understanding the indigenous social processes

within communities.

The local communities usually have gender structures that expose a division of labour and

power inequalities between the men and women. However, the concepts of conservation

and sustainable forest management come in without taking into consideration such a powerplay in the society. The research question has a focus on how to include indigenous men

and women in the sustainable forest management process. This is where gender

mainstreaming comes in, stressing the importance of including gender in the effort to improveon sustainable forest management.

The feminist theory is about this problem. In order to understand this problem and seekways to tackle it, the concept of power and the concept of construction of gender (related to

the valuation of resources and resource use and management, in different ways by men

and women), were incorporated in this research.

The methodologies chosen to be able to study these concepts include gender analysis

(how men and women are different, how men and women use and manage resources and

204

how they develop knowledge and a sense of identity) and the sustainable livelihoods analysis

(what to look at and what to pay particular attention to).

The conservation projects in the three countries which represent the states have the task to

manage the forests in the trinational area sustainably. The conservation projects are

responsible for overseeing that the rules and regulations to forest access and use imposedon the local men and women are followed. These rules usually are made without any

consideration of the gender differences in society because no gender analysis on forest

use and on how forest use affects livelihoods is done before making these rules. This hashad as effect the intensification of some power inequalities already existing in the society

between men and women and between the ethnic groups in the villages.

8.2.1 Feminist Theory

Feminism works under the supposition that men and women are different and therefore

have different ideals, behaviours and ways of thinking and that women are marginalisedand their values and contributions are not yet sufficiently acknowledged in social and economic

spheres. Therefore, every effort was made to make women equally a part of the research in

order to be able to bring out these differences, so that their contribution to forest use andmanagement can be recognised.

Being able to discern the nature of the power relations between and within the different

groups in society meant considering the often neglected voices of women and givingimportance to their lived experiences as recommended in feminist research. It was possible

to uncover the social relations which deny the lived realities of women, which is valuable

information that can be used to correct the invisibility and misrepresentation of women’sexperience in the strive to end women’s unequal social position. In the context of the concept

of power, this research unearthed social inequalities in power which are intimately linked to

the culture of the local people.

Drawing from the concept of gender construction in relation to forest use and management,

this research illustrated, that while both, men and women use and manage forests, they

tend to concentrate on different forest activities. This information is important because one

205

can better understand how each group impacts on the forest and how they are affected by

conservation rules and regulations. In addition, it becomes easier to identify the groupsthat depend most on the different forest resources and target men and women as forest

managers, based on their different forest activities. It also implies that the women in the

local communities must not be seen as objects of knowledge but as subjects of knowledge.

Considering the preoccupation of Smith (1987) regarding the exclusion of women from the

making of ideology, knowledge and culture, this research, by making women importantsubjects and giving them the opportunity to express themselves, has exposed women’s

experiences and needs and the way they think or obtain knowledge about the forest and its

resources and how this knowledge is used to utilise the resources needed to take care oftheir families.

This insight into the lives of women emphasises the importance of including women in theshaping of ideology, knowledge and culture in society. This research also contributed in

answering the question posed by Harding (1997) on the possibility of women also being

considered as “Knowers”, since traditional epistemologies have systematically excludedthe possibility that women could be “Knowers” or agents of knowledge.

Important gender differences in knowledge systems, like men and women having differentknowledge about similar things as well as about different things, became apparent. Through

the valuable contributions of feminist epistemology, it was possible to differentiate what

women’s knowledge is, how it differs from principal knowledge (which usually is men’s),how this knowledge is gained and how it is used to obtain livelihood outcomes. However, it

was also clear at the end of this research, that women are holders of knowledge, but that

they do not necessarily know better than men - the essential thing being that they knowdifferently than men. This shows how men and women need to complement each other in

order to effectively utilise the forest.

Even though the feminist theory and its concepts form an important guide to obtain information,

a shortcoming was noticed. These concepts usually place women into a homogenous group

which however is not the case in reality. During the research, therefore, the differencesamongst the women (ethnic, class, etc) had to be considered for the data to be able to

show a comprehensive representation of the different levels of society.

206

8.2.2 Gender Theory

The illustration that there is men’s knowledge and women’s knowledge leads to a significant

product of the feminist theory, which is the gender theory. The gender theory which focuses

on the relation between men/boys and women/girls and the impact of this relation on eachother, was used as a guide to collect information on the gendered nature of forest use and

management. With the concept of the dynamic nature of gender relations, it was possible

to capture the changes in this relation which occur in reaction to varying circumstances.Therefore, the way gender is influenced and how it influences other social characteristics

like ethnicity, age and marital status could be explored, to bring out a more complete picture

on how communities and households are organised and how they relate to the naturalresources around them.

This theory, which goes beyond including women in research provided a frame to understand

and acknowledge, how bringing women into research could illustrate, shape and define theperceptions both, men and women, have of the forest and how the rules and regulations of

conservation affect the forest activities of both groups. The availability of such information

is a good basis to focus initiatives for dialogue with the local communities that could leadto a better understanding of why people see conservation rules and regulations as a threat

to their livelihoods, how to adapt local use and management methods of both men and

women into conservation plans, thereby giving the local population a clearer picture of therole of conservation projects in forest management and how they can be involved in the

sustainable management process. Through this theory, all actors involved in the use and

management of forest resources were represented in the data collection and such aninformation is paramount in achieving conservation and sustainable development.

The gathering of information to show the broad reality of gendered roles and relationships

in the research area in the context of the research question was realised with the input ofthe gender analysis methodology. Using this methodology implied engaging both men and

women in discussions about their forest use and management and the institutions that

affect their forest activities. Most importantly, men and women had separate discussiongroups. This was necessary in order to completely analyse the issues at stake from a gender

perspective. This analysis methodology was helpful in the quest to obtain results with an

appreciation of the key differences between the opportunities and the constraints underwhich men and women work. The nature of the social relationships between women and

men in the community could be obtained.

207

This research thus emphasises on gender analysis, providing information which raised the

point that gender, and how it is related to ethnicity, culture, age and class, is important forunderstanding the different activities in which men and women are involved in society. It

also tells why men and women are involved in these activities, the benefits they obtain from

the activities, who has access to and control over resources, as well as their behaviours inthe use and management of resources at their disposal.

Gender analysis therefore was considered an important tool to be able to make a completesocio-economic analysis of the local population, for gender is an important variable in both

the social and economic life of the people. In addition, using this analysis made it possible

to increase the understanding of the challenges women and men face in this area as wellas the variety of solutions available to deal with these challenges.

There was a limitation noticed in this gender analysis. While the activities or roles of menand women are basically separated it was very easy to loose the delicate system of

interconnectedness between the roles and responsibilities they have and the activities they

carry out. So, even though activities of men and women are different, there is still cooperationand exchange between them, which needs to be captured to be able to completely understand

their way of life.

In addition, it was noticed that responsibilities in the household are not constant but tend to

shift between men and women. It is often the case that responsibilities are gender specific,

but it was observed that there is no specialisation in specific activities. For example, thewomen took on the household responsibilities of their husbands by intensifying their farming

activities in order to supplement household income when hunting became an illegal activity

in a large part of the conservation area, reducing the income their husbands normally obtainedfrom this activity.

By not paying enough attention to the relations between men and women, it is difficult toformulate an answer as to how and why all the changes in the roles and responsibilities of

these men and women occur. The importance of this issue cannot be overlooked if plans

for any development intervention or plans to modify conservation rules are meant to have apositive impact on both men and women in the community.

208

8.2.3 Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF)

The investigations in this research were structured to emphasise the communities, the

ethnic groups within these communities, the households within these ethnic groups and

the men/boys and women/girls within these households and how institutions affect thelivelihoods of the local people in the research area. The livelihoods analysis facilitated

the development of a frame for the systematic gathering and examination of information

necessary to understand the multiple interactions that affect people’s livelihoods. Followingthe SLF, a detailed understanding of how men and women formulate their livelihood

strategies was acquired. This led to the development of livelihood profiles, which drew

attention to the connections between livelihood profiles and institutions (institutions whichplay a role in the strategies had to be identified) within and out of the community. The

framework therefore facilitated the process of thinking about people’s livelihood strategies,

particularly how they combine the assets available to them in the vulnerability context inwhich they work and with the influence of institutions, processes and policies, to develop

a complete livelihood strategy.

Drawing on the different concepts of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, the following

information was obtained:

- The things that the local women and men might be vulnerable to (through the vulnerability

context)

- The assets and resources that help women and men prosper and endure (based onthe asset pentagon)

- The policies and institutions that impact on women’s and men’s livelihoods (from the

Institutions and their organisations, policies and processes)

- How women and men respond to threats and opportunities (from the livelihood strategies

concept)

- What sort of outcomes women and men seek (based on the outcome concept)

It is noteworthy that, using the policies and institutions concept, it became clear during the

research that institutions that affect local livelihoods are not only the formal and visible ones

209

(like the conservation projects), but that there are also local but invisible socio-cultural

institutions like gender, ethnic origin, rules of land ownership and the institution of religion.It was therefore possible to unearth information on the interactions between the visible/

formal institutions and the invisible/informal institutions and how they affect each other, as

well as the complex impacts on people’s livelihoods.

The comprehension of these linkages between livelihoods and institutions obtained through

this framework will be useful in developing a practical model, which can help conservationprojects or other development agencies to decide on activities or issues that need to be

tackled at the local level and can guide them on how the planned issues will fit with existing

institutions and livelihood strategies. It will also guide them on how to implement the issueswith the most effective involvement of the institutions and the various groups in the community,

and how to evaluate the progress of the activities and assess the impact of these activities

on the local men and women. Furthermore, the understanding of these linkages and thewhole investigation process of obtaining the information itself, can also be relevant at different

levels, within (household and community) and out of the community (local area governance

- rural council/conservation projects).

At the level of the household and community, the inquiry process involved getting the men

and women to analyse their own livelihoods, a process which was also helpful for themselvesto be able to identify their constraints as well as ways in which they could improve on their

livelihoods. This also helped the local people as well the research team to shed light on the

different needs and priorities of the different groups (men/women and Baaka/Bantu) in thesociety. The community could also take advantage of this investigation process as an incentive

to reflect on the roles and impacts of various community institutions on the different groups

in the community and also use it as a platform to develop a means of information exchangebetween them and the research team and other outsiders in future. These could all be

measures to improve on the livelihood of the members of the community.

At the local governance level, the results could be useful for the actors to adjust the way they

interact with local communities by influencing the decisions made at this level. The output

from this investigation is an important basis for poverty assessments in the research areawhich could improve the focus of the local governance level on the constraints of the local

population.

210

But some shortcomings within the SLF or concerning some of the concepts within the

framework were noticed:- The community seems to be considered as a homogenous body in the framework. The

inequalities of power which occur within the community and also between the community

and state agencies or even elites from the community or with NGOs are not adequatelyacknowledged in the framework. A lot of attention has been placed on persistence of

poverty (likely caused by institutions and policies), not recognising the possibility that

inequalities of power could also derail efforts put into alleviate poverty.

- The aspect of intra-household differentiation is not considered in the framework, rather

more attention is placed on inter-household relationships. This aspect however provedto be important during the research. For example, members of a household do not

necessarily deploy the same assets to pursue livelihood strategies that can improve on

their standards of living. The members are also affected differently by institutions andpolicies, depending on the assets they have at their disposal. The members within the

same household are also not necessarily vulnerable to the same factor, which means

different strategies are used to overcome vulnerability.

- Gender and other diversity aspects like ethnicity, class, etc have not been given the

weight it merits in the framework. It so happens that almost all the activities in thecommunities are gendered and attempts to gain understanding into the way of life

of the local people without including gender at every level of the investigation will

certainly yield biased results.

- In the SLF, the linkage between the livelihood assets and the institutions is relatively

abstract. In reality, it is a complex link. For example, even without affecting directly theassets that people use or need, an institution could also influence the way people live,

such that it affects their vulnerability. This effect could be negative or positive. This link

between the vulnerability context, the assets pentagon and institutions therefore needsto be redefined.

Because of these shortcomings, other concepts (gender and other diversity analysis, feministconcepts) had to be incorporated into the research design.

211

In summary, the information obtained, with the help of the SLF, made it possible to relate

the vulnerability context and the institutional framework at the micro and macro level toissues of power, leading back to the preoccupation of the feminist theory. This information

is essential, if any efforts towards improving the sustainable management process are to

be successful, since the livelihoods of the local people and the strategies that these peopleuse to create these livelihoods are intimately linked to the forest, which needs to be sustainably

managed.

8.2.4 Résumé

The conclusion drawn is, that in order to provide theoretical and methodological concepts

for the realisation of gender mainstreaming, working procedures in conservation anddevelopment planning should be based on the critical feminist concepts and the gender

analysis methodology. These theoretical and methodological concepts are thus valuable in

the collection, analysis and interpretation of data based on the elements within the SLF,which could lead to a better recognition of the strengths/potentials and constraints faced by

local men and women in order to develop sound policy strategies, that could lead to the

improvement of forest management as well as livelihoods.

212

9. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: IMPLICATIONS FOR SFM AND CONSERVATION9.1 Restrictions on Forest Use

This research has illustrated the importance of the forest to the Baaka and Bantu as well asthe informal or indigenous knowledge these people possess on how to sustainably manage

the forests upon which they depend.

Forest degradation, which led to the institution of conservation regulations, is a recent eventcompared to the length of time the local people have already been living in the forest area.

It is therefore plausible to say that the biological diversity in the forests has not been

compromised by the presence of the local people. The protection of forests is therefore notnecessarily incompatible with the continued use of forest resources by the local communities

and therefore does not require severe restrictions on their rights to use forest resources.

The management strategy of the conservation projects should therefore be flexible enoughto allow for the indigenous management styles of the local communities.

The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (DFID 1999) illustrates that people are more able

to withstand or adapt to situations like shocks or stresses when they have more choice and

flexibility in their livelihood strategies. Therefore, with the limitations on the activities ofmen and women in the forest, these people are more vulnerable to shocks or stresses,

which have a destabilising effect on their livelihoods.

The activities, which used to be considered normal in the forest, are now seen as illegaland this places the local people in a difficult situation, as they need to carry out these

activities now at the risk of being punished when caught. “A law which makes the most

common form of conduct illegal is itself an instrument of indiscipline and serves neitherthe interests of the state nor…the communities” (Egbe 2000 in Brown 2003:14).

The local people are well aware that the quantity of most of the products in the forest hasreduced, they also accept that the basic idea of conservation is good, but they cannot

understand why they have to be the victims of this concept when they are not the ones

responsible for the situation which led to the scarcity of the products. On the contrary, accordingto them, particular forest parts, animals and trees are already protected through restricted

use based on their cultural beliefs.

213

Ngong and Arrey (2003) in their work on “Biodiversity Conservation and SustainableLivelihoods in Central Africa” emphasised that the restriction of local people in resource

use, which was introduced by colonial administrators, had the effect of intensifying rural

poverty - pitting conservation and development against each other. This conflicting situationonly makes things more difficult, because according to Ngong and Arrey the contribution of

resource-based livelihoods to poverty reduction efforts is a main area where conservation

and development clearly converge. The same situation can be found in the research areawith some of the local people actually complaining that conservation is a stumbling block to

development. It is therefore essential that connections between livelihood needs of the

local people and conservation be reinforced, such that conservation policies include therelationship between conservation and sustainable livelihoods.

The conservation projects find it difficult to convince forest people that their traditional forestactivities in some parts of the forest are illegal, because at the same time there are other

actors in the forest, like poachers, safari hunters and logging companies, whose activities

in the forest impact far more negatively on the forest and its resources and, except for thepoachers, are not even considered illegal. The conservation projects should also understand

that the aim of the local communities might not be primarily to maximise local income from

the protected area, but to increase their quality of life and economic opportunities.

Another important point is the enforcement of these restricted policies by ecoguards, who

patrol the forests to make sure that the rules and regulations of the conservation projectsare respected by the local people and poachers. These ecoguards sometimes violate the

basic rights of the local people when they:

- abuse the power at their disposal - they assault people, rummage through their huts

and go as far as examining the meat in the cooking pot;

- destroy the local people’s property;

- intimidate the local people.

214

Based on the reports on these brutal activities, the following questions come to mind:

- Are ecoguards above the law or why do the local people believe that they will always goscot-free when their brutal acts are reported to the projects?

The projects should encourage the local people by taking action against ecoguards

when cases of brutality are reported. Identification badges for ecoguards should be

introduced.

- Do they know the hunting periods, the hunting zones and the protection status of the

different animals?Ecoguards should be sensitised on the laws linked to hunting/gathering and fishing.

- Did the ecoguards receive ethical training for this particular type of job?

It is important that the ecoguards be taught the ethics of working with people such that

the rights of the local population are respected.

9.2 Participatory Forest Management

Participatory forest management, between the state and the local people who depend on

the forest and its resources, is well defined in the forestry codes of all three countries. Thisprocess is still at an embryonic stage, considering the little or non-involvement of local

communities in decision-making on forest management.

Cameroon, Congo and Central African Republic are all ITTO members and have therefore

ratified the criteria and indicators of SFM developed by ITTO. Criteria 7 which is dedicated

to the economic, social and cultural aspects of forestry, takes into consideration the situationof the indigenous people in the forest zones. Criteria 7.12, 7.13 and 7.14 most especially

question if the tenure and usage rights of indigenous peoples are respected, the extent to

which indigenous knowledge is used in forest management planning and implementation,and the extent of involvement of indigenous peoples and local communities in forest

management capacity building and decision-making.

However, the full potential of the indigenous knowledge about forest management of thelocal people and local communities has not yet been explored by the conservation projects

because these people have not yet been considered partners in the sustainable development

projects. This can be perceived by the different versions the people have of the objectivesof the conservation projects.

215

The knowledge of the local men and women on the forest and its surroundings shouldtherefore be used to improve on the management of the forest. For example, monitoring

the activities of outsiders within the forest is usually costly and the conservation projects/

governments have difficulties funding enough personnel to monitor the usually large forestareas. The local communities are quite aware of this and see this as an opportunity to

work in collaboration with the projects to reinforce them in carrying out this task, since

they have a profound knowledge of the animals and plants as well as every corner of theforest. They would therefore be in an ideal position to identify and report poachers in

their forest area as well as combining this job with their forest-based activities. Instead,

their indigenous knowledge, like tree identification skills, guiding and tracking skills, whichcould be used constructively by the conservation projects, but which is not sufficiently

employed, is now used by commercial hunters and logging companies to extract products

from the forest.

When conservation projects come to evaluate certain forest areas, they often use the

knowledge of the local people to gather information about the forest and its resources (e.g.rich biodiversity). However, this information is then usually used against these very people,

when the conservation projects create protected areas and restrict or forbid access to

them, rather than seeing the knowledge of the local people as an opportunity to make themactive partners in forest management.

The conservation projects and the states could therefore ease the process of joined

collaboration by motivating the local people with incentives like:- giving them a small percentage of money from protected areas (e.g. entrance fees) and

from the hunting fees paid by safari hunters, which the villagers could use to employ their

youths to patrol the forest and carry out village development projects.

- legalising sale of bushmeat from the areas on which customary user rights are permitted,instead of making it a criminal activity. Access of this legitimately hunted bushmeat to the

local markets should be increased. An association of local hunters can be formed, which

should have the main responsibility of keeping out outside hunters and controlling the rateof hunting amongst themselves. This way, control of extensive commercial hunting can

be stepped up without necessarily compromising subsistence hunting of the local com-

munities. This could also lead to a more sustainable use of the resources, once the peopleare assured of some control of the wildlife resources in their area.

216

Development programmes, initiated by the projects in accordance with the needs of the

local people and having these people as the local partners in these development programmes,could encourage the people to respect conservation rules.

The state also needs to fulfil its mission to distribute tax revenue from logging companiesbetween and within forest communities. The local people would however need to form

local interest groups, which would be responsible for managing the funds received. They

would also need some technical training to gain or improve on management and otherskills. The conservation projects are well placed to assist the local communities with

capacity building to assure effective participation of these people in forest management

initiatives promoted by the state. They could as well involve other organisations to carryout the training.

The projects can also assist the local people to develop culturally appropriate methods ofsharing information and experiences that would help them to deal with outside rules and

regulations that impact on their rights and livelihoods. However, in order to ensure success

of such a scheme, it is very important to always have in mind the social and power relationshipsbetween the ethnic groups and between men and women such that the implementation will

lead to equity within the groups and not reinforce the already existing unequal power and

social relationships within the communities.

The COVAREF in Cameroon is a good example of how the local people themselves could

control their own funds. These COVAREFS however faced the problem that the Baakawere not sufficiently represented in the group, but this situation is improving, as a larger

number of Baaka are now active in the COVAREFS.

Truth is, the efforts of the projects to involve the people cannot be ignored, but it is also true

that the efforts made so far are not enough to break the barriers between these projects

and the local communities. The projects therefore have to increase their efforts in educatingthe local people on the objectives of the projects and this education should not only involve

men, but women and children should be part of it as well. Efforts in this direction have

already been made in Congo, with emphasis on educating children about their environmentand what should be done to protect this environment. This is something that has not yet

been done in Cameroon and CAR, but this concept is important because children grow up

217

already having an idea of their environment and how to help protecting it. The question that

comes to mind is: Will these children hold to the wise words of these teachings in view oftheir current livelihood situations?

The efforts of the conservation projects to improve on local participation through dialoguewith local people still has limited success because these projects have the tendency to

involve only a small portion of the population: Bantu men. The other part of the community,

the Bantu women and Baaka men and women find this disquieting, considering the factthat they are as involved in forest use and management as the Bantu men. Most especially

the Baaka cannot understand this, as they consider themselves the masters of the forest

and are therefore more verse with the forest and its products. The projects are thereforenot helping the situation by considering only Bantu men, because it only helps to confirm

the Bantu’s prejudice that the Baaka are second-class citizens, hence increasing the unease

that already exist between them.

The Baaka pointed out, that at consultation meetings organised by the conservation projects

and local authorities aiming at dialogue with the local communities, usually only the grievancesof the Bantu are presented, while the specific needs of the Baaka are ignored. Baaka

representatives usually are unable to represent the Baaka because of social norms (low

social status), which makes it difficult for them to express themselves in the presence of theBantu. In addition, the fact that very few Baaka own ID cards means, that they cannot represent

themselves to authorities or travel freely.

There has never been an equal relationship between the Bantu and Baaka where it concerns

the two groups joining forces to express their judgment about anything. Ndameu (2001)

also confirmed this in his work on protected areas and indigenous peoples in Cameroonas well as OCDH (2004) in its work on the “Situation of the Pygmies in the Republic of

Congo”. It is therefore important that the Baaka be considered a separate community with

the right to express their own insecurities to the consultation groups sent from managementprojects/government authorities. Encouraging the Baaka to take active part in conservation

would mean using initiatives that should raise their social status in relation to the Bantu, like

assuring their equal rights as full citizens of the state and equal access to services offeredto the Bantu (e.g. schools, health centres, etc).

218

The Baaka peoples’ representation and participation in decision-making has to be fair

and equal, to reduce the power margin between these people and the Bantu. Steps thereforehave to ensure a high participation rate of both Bantu and Baaka men and women in policy

dialogue. However, before such a dialogue is initiated, it is important that the projects should

have up-to-date information on the level of dependence of the local people on the forest,their indigenous management systems and their feelings towards current conservation rules.

It is therefore important that the projects:

- organise fact finding missions to the local communities in order to find out the needs of

the local people. Frequent dialogue is therefore encouraged between the local communitiesand the conservation projects.

- identify the cultural values of forest parts, plants or animals which the local communities

deem to be important and which can strengthen and complement sustainable resource

use in the area. Indigenous knowledge on forest use and management should thereforebe incorporated into the management and monitoring of the area.

- identify any intra community conflicts between the ethnic groups and conservation

objectives or between men/women and conservation objectives.

- educate the local men and women on the benefits and functions of the conservation

area. Their roles and responsibilities in the management of the area should be madeclear.

- implement opportunities for developing and sustaining economic activities (e.g. ecotourism).

Care should also be taken to ensure that all the groups in the society benefit from

these opportunities and not just a few people.

- organise joint activities between the projects and local communities to boost the relationshipbetween them. This could be in the form of cultural events in the villages.

- involve local and regional NGOs as well as community-based organisations, whichwork with local communities and have earned their trust, in the negotiations with localpeople.

219

9.3 Involving Men and Women in Forest Management

The information gained from gender analysis and the sustainable livelihoods analysis is

important to tailor plans on how gender equality can be promoted within efforts to improve

on the livelihoods of the forest dwellers. This information is also a key to the efforts ofgender mainstreaming, because the implications of any planned action can then easily

be assessed for men and women. Their different constraints and experiences (knowledge)

can also be taken into account in the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluationof the conservation policies in the research area.

The results from this research have shown, that it is not advisable to place women andmen of both ethnic groups into a homogenous group. Men and women usually have

similar as well as different interests and needs in the process of forest use, management

and commercialisation of forest products. It is also a fact that resources in women’shands are more likely to be used for the family’s well-being, while men most often use

these resources to satisfy personal needs, rather than the needs of the entire family.

This has been illustrated using the example of Baaka men, who use the money they getfrom selling their forest products on alcohol and cigarettes, while the Baaka women

use the money to buy necessities for the entire family.

Again, without womens’ participation, rules instituted for conserving forest areas might not

work because these women are also primary users of the forest just like men. Therefore,

rules made without considering the needs of women could have the disadvantage of leavingthese women worse off than before (e.g. reduced income from forest products), making it

difficult for the woman to provide for the subsistence needs of her family.

Involving women in forest management is also important because of the elaborate knowledge

they possess in the nutritional and medicinal properties of plants and animals, which could

lead to the enhanced use and development of knowledge about these plants and animals.Ignoring these women could therefore stall a complete understanding of forest products

and their rational management.

Women could therefore become important agents of change, if they would be given the

chance to express themselves more. Since women find it easier to talk when among

themselves, it would also be necessary to encourage women to form women’s groups.

220

It would be easier for the women to have access to important information through groups

like these, rather than depending on individual action. The women in the villages, however,have no women’s groups, mainly because they have not yet been shown the advantages of

having such groups and how to manage them. The role of women in forest use and

management is therefore not acknowledged as long as they are not involved in meetingsor training on forest management.

Agarwal (1995:i) also supports the importance of including women in conservation byemphasising that the “active participation of women in forest and biodiversity conservation

schemes not only improves family welfare, but also helps ensure scheme success, promotes

greater equity, enlarge local knowledge systems, increases women’s decision making bodies,enhances women’s bargaining power within and outside the household and contribute to

their overall empowerment”.

The activities and knowledge systems of one group are therefore complementary to those

of the other, meaning one group cannot be replaced by the other. This therefore indicates

how important men and women are to the management process and that they should beconsidered equal partners in this management process. The incorporation of a gender

approach in conservation will help both the local communities and the managing organisations

to progress in a more efficient and equitable way. However, it was evident that most of theworkers in the conservation projects are not conversant with the term gender, as they always

linked it to meaning women’s issues. The first step would therefore be to acquaint themselves

with the term gender and what it entails.

Working with the local people would therefore involve:- participation in consultation meetings by both men and women,

- women in decision-making,

- capacity building programmes on forest management or product improvement,- sensitisation of women as well as men on project objectives and how they are meant to

achieve sustainable livelihoods.

Furthermore, it is important to understand the different types of institutions which exist both

outside and within communities and their influence on the livelihoods of men and women

within the ethnic groups and also between the ethnic groups, in order to develop programmesthat can improve on the livelihoods of the local men and women.

221

Since gender exposes local forest use and management systems for both, men and women,

it should therefore be used to improve on SFM practice and policy. Identifying these localmanagement systems is important because they can offer key pointers towards SFM, ensuring

that the interests and needs of men and women as target groups in relation to their roles in

forest use and management are given full weight in plans for SFM. This way, it is easier toreduce conflicts and shortages caused by changes in forest management and also easier

to identify opportunities for improvement of forest use and management which are likely to

succeed locally.

It is therefore important that the conservation projects should not try to conquer the local

communities with ideas and weapons, but that they coexist with the local men and womenso they can learn from each other.

9.4 Further Research

Increased efforts should be made to carry out socioeconomic and ethnobotancial research

aimed at a deeper understanding of local peoples’ traditional skills for sustainable forest

management and conservation. The beliefs of hunter/gatherers are usually linked with forestresource management types, but this has not yet been sufficiently studied. This could bring

out ways to maximise indigenous knowledge of both men and women, in order to engage

local actors, to address the wide range of different scopes within forest management.

It is also necessary to carry out research to analyse the impact of local participation in

forest management on family wellbeing, income generation and the sustainable use of theforest and its products. This could be further evidence to push governments to institute

policies that support traditional management systems.

There is still a need for empirical quantitative data on more of the products that are important

to the local people. This should bring out the quantities of the wide variety of products

harvested or collected/autoconsumed/sold, the techniques/methods of harvesting/preservation, the uses of the various products and their status of commercialisation. This

data is important, to compare quantities collected with yields of the resource base from

yield studies, to see if there is the risk of overexploitation. Gaining information on the methods

222

of harvesting and preservation would also aid to correct adverse practices and to developmeans to improve on preservation and transformation to increase value of the products. In

addition, the status of commercialisation of the various products on the regional, national

and international level could help to evaluate opportunities and constraints in thecommercialisation of these products at these different levels.

Another field to be covered includes creating a database for all the research that has beencarried out so far in the area, such that this information is available to a wide range of

people, which could help provide basic information to develop research projects as well as

avoid repeating research.

223

SUMMARY

Many countries have worked towards a common understanding of the concept of SFM,

which, according to Principle 2b (UNCED 1992), “in a broad sense aims at managing

forest resources and forest lands sustainably in order to meet the social, economic, ecological,cultural and spiritual needs of present and future generations”. The forests, which are to be

sustainably managed, are in many cases inhabited by indigenous and immigrant peoples

who have customary rights to these forests and developed ways of life and traditionalknowledge that are in tune with their forest environments. However, forest policies usually

imposed by the state frequently treat forests as if they were uninhabited and therefore

available for activities like logging, safari/sports hunting and conservation projects.

The question therefore arises as to how the policy and practice of SFM (with its social,

economic and environmental criteria) incorporates the welfare of the forest people. Accordingto Principle 12b (UNCED 1992), “appropriate indigenous capacity and local knowledge

regarding the conservation and sustainable development of forests should, through institutional

and financial support and in collaboration with the people in the local communities concerned,be recognized, respected, recorded, developed and, as appropriate, introduced in the

implementation of programmes. Benefits arising from the utilization of indigenous knowledge

should therefore be equitably shared with such people”. However, indigenous capacityand local knowledge has generally been ignored in the process of SFM in many areas of

the world (Nguiffo 2001, Ongugo et al 2002).

The criteria and indicators of the concept of SFM, which are tools to monitor and assess

trends in forest management, are usually defined too globally, such that the socio-cultural

context of the forest dwellers, which usually is not the same for every region of the world oreven within countries, is not acknowledged. This has been the main problem in understanding

how and why people use and manage forests the way they do, for this is more often linked

not only to income generation, but also to their cultural and spiritual beliefs.

One of the aspects, which Sustainable Forest Management (SFM) is striving to enhance,

is the conservation of biodiversity. The Sangha Trinational Conservation Area (the researcharea), which is also inhabited by indigenous people, is a high biodiversity area. It has

therefore become a focal area for conservation in Central Africa and has attracted many

224

researchers and conservation organisations, safari sport hunters, illegal diamond miners,

poachers and logging concessions. The area comprises of:- the Lobéké National Park in Cameroon,

- the Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park in the Republic of Congo,

- the Dzanga-Ndoki National Park (also called Dzanga-Sangha National Park) in theCentral African Republic,

- the Buffer Zones, and

- the Agroforestry Zones.

The creation of this trinational area was an attempt to conserve parts of the forests of the regionfrom destruction by logging companies, diamond miners, poachers and safari hunters. However,

the local people who live in this area and depend on the forest resources for survival are not

being involved in decision-making concerning the management of this area.

Many of the problems in this area are faced by both, indigenous men and women, but thishas often led to the subordination of gender in favour of collective rights for the indigenous

people. This is problematic because women do not only face the problems they have in

common with men, but in addition also face problems which stem from gender inequality inthe society. Therefore, for these people to be involved in forest management, a socio-

economic study organised along gender lines (and other diversity analysis i.e. ethnic groups)

is necessary to be able to assess the needs and roles of each group of the society in forestuse and management.

The main objective of this research is to examine the implications of gender-diverse forestpractices for Sustainable Forest Management. This research explores indigenous men

and women in the use, control and management of forest resources in a context in which

people’s livelihoods are highly dependent on a multiplicity of forest uses, forest productsand access to the forest.

This study draws from two concepts of the feminist theory. These are the concepts of powerand gender construction in relation to forest use and management. It uses the gender analysis

and the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework to analyse the activities of the forest dependent

people in the research area.

225

The research focused on the inhabitants of six selected villages within the research area

(Yenga and Nguilili for Cameroon, Lindjombo and Kounda Papaye for Central African Republicand Ngatongo and Ikelemba for Congo). Issues related to types of forest use, types of

forest resources and their uses, indigenous forest management, impact of conservation

rules and regulations on indigenous people as well as quantities collected, autoconsumedand sold for selected forest products (Hunting: Cephalophus callipygus and Cephalophus

monticola; Gathering: Gnetum africanum/Gnetum buchholzianum and Irvingia gabonensis/

Irvingia wombolu; Fishing: Nematopalaemon hastatus and Clarias spp) by local men andwomen, were investigated.

The methods used to obtain this information included group discussions (ethnic groupsseparate and these groups further separated into men/boys and women/girls groups),

individual interviews, field observations, informant interviews and household surveys.

The two ethnic groups in the villages are the Bantu and Baaka. The Baaka are semi-nomads,

who migrate between the forest and the village and form the minority group. A master-slave

relation typically occurs in the villages between the Bantu and Baaka, as the Bantu considerthe Baaka to be second-class citizens because of their generally simpler way of life compared

to the Bantu and because the Baaka have not yet been officially recognised as citizens in

some of the countries. A Bantu village chief therefore administers both the Bantu and Baakain the village.

The main economic activities in the area include agriculture, hunting/gathering, fishing anddistilling of local alcohol. The Bantu are however more engaged in agriculture than the

Baaka, who were only recently introduced to agriculture with the objective of sedentarising

them. The Baaka on their part are more involved in hunting/gathering. Only Bantu peopleare involved in the distilling of local alcohol. Both, Baaka and Bantu are equally engaged in

fishing.

Both ethnic groups have depended for a long time on forest products. These products are

also the main assets for barter. The Baaka exchange their forest products for agricultural

products from the Bantu, who either resell these forest products or use it for home consumption.The forest products are also useful to the local people for health care and as materials for

construction, carving, etc.

226

The results of this research show that forest use is gendered. Hunting, which encompasses

several methods (mainly hunting with snares, nets, firearms, assegai, crossbow, lance,etc) is an activity which is almost only carried out by men. Women in the Baaka society are

however also involved in this activity. They normally hunt with nets and also perform rituals

to call on their god for protection of their men before they go on hunting trips. Bantu womenon the other hand have only the role of companionship and porterage in hunting. Hunting is

not only important to provide food, it is also spiritually important for the Baaka. Most of their

rituals and folklore are linked to hunting.

Both, Baaka and Bantu women are more involved in gathering than their men. Baaka women

are however more engaged in this activity than Bantu women. It was also noticed that Baakamen are now getting more involved in this activity, usually for economic gain.

Fishing is an activity in which both men and women are equally involved. However, themethods of fishing are usually different for men and women. While men mainly fish with the

use of nets and hooks in large rivers, women usually fish in smaller rivers and mainly by

building dams or barriers as well as using toxic sap from plants to paralyse the fish andthen using conical fishing baskets and machets to collect the fish.

The products of hunting/gathering and fishing are sold either in the villages or in neighbouringtowns. This is usually an important source of income for the local people.

Conservation regulations, which limit the activities of the local people in certain parts of theforest has led to conflicts between the local people and the conservation projects. The local

people complain that they have been allocated only resource poor areas while resource

rich areas are out of their reach. The forest products at their disposal have been reduced,thereby reducing the amount of assets and resources available to them to obtain livelihood

outcomes like income, food security and wellbeing. The Baaka complain of having lost

their liberty to roam the forest and teach their children the way of life in the forest, which isessential for survival, since almost all of their livelihood activities are forest based. This,

according to them, is also affecting their culture because there are many important values

in their culture, of which the young generation is ignorant.

227

Another problem is, that people who go deep into the forest risk meeting ecoguards.

Ecoguards are responsible for the protection of the forest, are employed by the ministryresponsible for forestry and environment in all three countries and work directly with the

conservation projects. They usually threaten the local people and send them out of the

forest, preventing them from hunting and gathering in certain parts of the forest, therebyaffecting their livelihood outcomes.

The local people insist that they should be involved in decision-making concerning theforests on which they depend and they believe they are best placed to manage the forest

and guard it against intruders in view of the fact that they have indigenous management

methods, like protecting certain forest parts in which rituals are performed. These protectedforest parts are forbidden for most members of the community and hunting and gathering

are not allowed. They also know every corner of the forest and therefore hope to be given

the chance to work with the conservation projects to conserve the forest.

The rules and regulations of the conservation projects are not the only institutions (institutions

here refer to customs and behaviour patterns important to a society) which influence thelivelihoods of the local people. Other institutions outside the communities (e.g. rules and

regulations of logging companies and safari hunters) and within the communities (e.g.

landownership, gender/ethnicity/age/class, etc,) also influence these livelihoods. Thisinfluence could be positive as well as negative. For example, the Conservation projects,

logging companies and safari hunters have a positive influence by employing the people

and at the same time having a negative influence because they restrict entrance to certainforest areas and also contribute to scarcity of forest products by overexploitation.

Landownership as an institution favours easy access to land of certain people in the

communities while others have more difficulties gaining access, thereby also impactingboth, positively and negatively on the lives of the local people. These institutions and how

they affect local people therefore have to be considered before planning programmes to

improve on the livelihoods of the people.

The most important result of this research concerns the differences between men and women

and the importance of these differences to SFM and the improvement of local livelihoods.The different activities and knowledge systems of one group are complementary to those

of the other, meaning one group usually depends on the other to be able to

228

develop strategies to efficiently use and manage the forest, in order to produce the

livelihood outcomes they long for. This therefore indicates how important men and womenare to the management process and that they should therefore be considered equal

partners in this management process. The intimate knowledge, both, men and women

have acquired of their local environment over generations of experience and observation,plays an important role in the shaping of the livelihood strategies the people engage

and succeed in.

Drawing from the feminist theory’s concept of power and concept of gender construction

regarding forest use, this research illustrated the social inequalities in power between men

and women within and between the ethnic groups. It was also revealed, that while both,men and women use and manage forests, they tend to concentrate on different forest activities,

with the consequence that the men and women possess different knowledge, related to the

activities they are involved in.

This research thus emphasises on gender analysis, providing information which raised the

point that gender, and how it is related to ethnicity, culture, age and class, is important forunderstanding the different activities in which men and women are involved in society as

well as to increase the understanding of the challenges women and men face in this area

and the variety of solutions available to deal with these challenges.

The gender analysis, using the elements of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, facilitated

the development of a frame for the systematic gathering and examination of informationnecessary to understand the multiple interactions that affect men and women’s livelihoods.

This led to the development of livelihood profiles, which drew attention to the connections

between livelihood profiles and institutions within and out of the community. The comprehensionof these linkages between livelihoods and institutions obtained through this framework will

be useful in developing a practical model, which can help conservation projects or other

development agencies to decide on activities or issues that need to be tackled at the locallevel and can guide them on how the planned issues will fit with existing institutions and

livelihood strategies. It will also guide them on how to implement the issues with the most

effective involvement of the institutions and the various groups in the community, and howto evaluate the progress of the activities and assess the impact of these activities on the

local men and women.

229

Since gender exposes local forest use and management systems for both, men and women,

it should therefore be used to improve on SFM practice and policy. Identifying these localmanagement systems is important because they can offer key pointers towards SFM, ensuring

that the interests and needs of men and women as target groups in relation to their roles in

forest use are given full weight in plans for SFM. This way, it is easier to reduce conflictsand shortages caused by changes in forest management and also easier to identify

opportunities for improvement of forest use and management which are likely to succeed

locally.

It is therefore important that the conservation projects should not try to conquer the local

communities with ideas and weapons, but that they coexist with the local men and womenso they can learn from each other.

230

Kritische Analysevon Nutzung und Management des Waldes durch indigene Völker

in Bezug auf nachhaltiges Waltmanagement -unter Einbeziehung von Genderaspekten

Untersucht am Fall des Sangha-Trinational-Naturschutzgebietes

ZUSAMMENFASSUNGNachhaltiges Waldmanagement im weitesten Sinne bedeutet das nachhaltige Managen

von Wald und Waldressourcen, um den sozialen, ökonomischen, ökologischen, kulturellen

und spirituellen Bedürfnissen jetziger und zukünftiger Generationen gerecht zu werden (lautUNCED 1992). Nachhaltig zu managende Wälder werden in den meisten Fällen von

Naturvölkern bewohnt, welche dort seit jeher Gewohnheitsrechte in Anspruch nehmen und

sich unter Nutzung ihres traditionellen Wissens eine Lebensweise angeeignet haben, dieim Einklang steht mit der natürlichen Waldumgebung, in der sie leben. Die aktuelle Waldpolitik

vieler Länder behandelt allerdings die Wälder, als wären sie unbewohnt, indem sie die

Wälder freigibt zur Abholzung, zum Jagen und für Naturschutzprojekte.

Daher erhebt sich die Frage, inwieweit Politik und Praxis des nachhaltigem Waldmanagements

(mit seinen sozialen, ökonomischen und umweltbezogenen Kriterien) das Wohlergehender lokalen Bevölkerung mit einbeziehen. Ihre Leistungsfähigkeit und das Wissen in Bezug

auf Naturschutz und nachhaltige Erschließung der Wälder sollte in Zusammenarbeit mit

den lokalen Gemeinden durch finanzielle und institutionelle Unterstützung anerkannt,respektiert, festgehalten, entwickelt sowie zum Implementieren von Programmen genutzt

werden. Jedweder Nutzen oder Gewinn, der aus solcher Zusammenarbeit entsteht, sollte

mit der lokalen Bevölkerung gerecht geteilt werden (laut Artikel 12b, UNCED 1992). Bisjetzt sind ihre Leistungsfähigkeit und ihr Wissen im Prozess der nachhaltigen

Waldbewirtschaftung allerdings meistens ignoriert worden. Die Kriterien und Indikatoren

des Konzeptes von „Nachhaltigem Waldmanagement“ (Sustainable Forest Management)dienen dazu, Trends der Entwicklung des Waldmanagements zu beobachten und zu beurteilen.

Sie sind jedoch zu global definiert, so dass der jeweilige soziokulturelle Kontext der

Waldbewohner nicht zur Kenntnis genommen wird. Das trifft insbesondere für das in dieserDissertation zu untersuchende Forschungsgebiet zu, das Sangha-Trinational-

Naturschutzgebiet in Zentralafrika. Dieses Gebiet umfasst:

231

- den Lobéké-Nationalpark in Kamerun,

- den Nouabalé-Ndoki-Nationalpark in der Republik Kongo,

- den Dzanga-Ndoki-Nationalpark in der Zentralafrikanischen Republik,- die Pufferzonen und

- die Agroforstwirtschaftlichen Zonen.

Einer der wichtigsten Aspekte nachhaltiger Waldbewirtschaftung ist die Erhaltung der

Artenvielfalt. Das Sangha-Trinational-Naturschutzgebiet, welches von Naturvölkern bewohnt

wird, weist eine sehr hohe Artenvielfalt auf. Es ist deshalb eines der wichtigstenNaturschutzgebiete in Zentralafrika und zieht viele Naturschutzorganisationen, Forscher,

Holzeinschlags-Konzessionen, Safari-Jäger, aber auch Wilderer und illegale Diamantgräber

an.

Die Schaffung des trinationalen Naturschutzgebietes unter Einschluss von Naturschutzparks

war ein Versuch, Teile des Regenwaldes in dieser Region vor der Zerstörung durchHolzeinschlags-Konzessionen, Wilderer, Safari-Jäger und illegale Diamantgräber zu schützen.

Leider werden die Naturvölker, die zum Überleben auf die Waldressourcen angewiesen

sind, gar nicht oder nur sehr wenig durch die Regierung und die ihr unterstellten internationalenInstitutionen in die Entscheidungsprozesse des Waldmanagements einbezogen.

Viele der Probleme in diesem Gebiet betreffen sowohl die Männer als auch die Frauen.Allerdings hat die Behandlung von Männern und Frauen als kollektives Ganzes eine

Unterordnung von Gendergesichtspunkten zur Folge, was besonders für die Frauen

problematisch ist, da sie zusätzlich zu ihren allgemeinen täglichen Problemen auch nochmit Problemen konfrontiert sind, die von einer Geschlechterungleichheit in der Gesellschaft

herrühren. Um diese Menschen in das Waldmanagement involvieren zu können, ist es

notwendig, eine sozio-ökonomische Untersuchung durchzuführen, um die Bedürfnisse undRollenverteilungen aller Gruppen der Gesellschaft in Bezug auf Waldnutzung und

Waldmanagement zu beurteilen.

Das Ziel dieser Untersuchung ist es zu zeigen, dass es notwendig ist, sowohl die Männer

als auch die Frauen in den Managementprozess mit einzubeziehen, da Nachhaltigkeit das

Verstehen der Konstruktion der Geschlechterrollen als Funktion von Ressourcennutzungund -management erfordert.

232

Diese Untersuchung baut auf zwei Konzepten der feministischen Theorie auf. Dies sind

die Konzepte von Macht (power) und Geschlechterkonstruktion (gender construction) in

Relation zu Waldnutzung und -management. Die Studie nutzt die Geschlechteranalyse (genderanalysis) und das Konzept des Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, um die Aktivitäten der

waldabhängigen Menschen im zu untersuchenden Gebiet zu analysieren.

Die Untersuchung bezog die Einwohner von sechs Dörfern innerhalb des Forschungsgebietes

ein (Yenga und Nguilili für Cameroon, Lindjombo und Kounda Papaye für die

Zentralafrikanische Republik, Ngatongo und Ikelemba für die Republik Kongo). FolgendeThemen wurden untersucht:

- Typen der Waldnutzung (Jagen, Sammeln, Fischen),

- Typen der Waldressourcen (Tiere, Pflanzen, Fische) und deren Nutzung,- Natürliches Waldmanagement der ansässigen Bevölkerung,

- Auswirkungen der Naturschutzgesetze auf die lokale Bevölkerung,

- Mengen (von der lokalen Bevölkerung gesammelt/gejagt, verbraucht, verkauft) fürausgewählte Waldprodukte (Jagd: Cephalophus callipygus und Cephalophus monticola;

Sammeln: Gnetum africanum/Gnetum buchholzianum und Irvingia gabonensis/Irvingia

wombolu; Fischfang: Nematopalaemon hastatus und Clarias spp).

Es wurden folgende Methoden benutzt, um an die Informationen zu kommen:

Gruppendiskussionen (ethnische Gruppen separat und diese Gruppen weiter aufgeteilt inMänner/Jungen und Frauen/Mädchen), individuelle Gespräche, Feldobservationen,

Informantengespräche, Expertengespräche und Haushaltsumfragen.

Die beiden ethnischen Gruppen in den Dörfern sind die Bantu und die Baaka. Die Baaka

stellen die ethnische Minderheit dar. Sie sind Halbnomaden, die zwischen Dorf und Wald

migrieren. Die Bantu und die Baaka leben in einer Art Herr-Sklave-Beziehung, in der dieBaaka von den Bantu als Menschen zweiter Klasse angesehen werden, da sie im Vergleich

zu den Bantu ein einfacheres Leben führen und viele von ihnen von ihren eigenen Staaten

nicht offiziell als Bürger anerkannt werden. Ein Bantu-Häuptling verwaltet deshalb sowohldie Bantu als auch die Baaka in seinem Dorf. Die Baaka mit nur sehr wenigen Rechten

ausgestattet.

233

Die wichtigsten ökonomischen Aktivitäten umfassen Landwirtschaft, Jagen, Sammeln und

Fischen sowie das Brennen von Alkohol. Die Bantu beschäftigen sich mehr mit Landwirtschaftals die Baaka, die erst in jüngster Zeit von den Regierungen zum Betreiben von Landwirtschaft

ermuntert wurden, um sie sesshaft zu machen. Die Baaka wiederum beschäftigen sich

mehr mit Jagen und Sammeln. Fischen ist eine Beschäftigung, die von beiden Gruppengleichermaßen ausgeführt wird. Nur die Bantu stellen selbstgebrannten Alkohol her.

Beide ethnische Gruppen waren schon immer von den Produkten des Waldes abhängig,welche auch das Hauptkapital für den Tauschhandel darstellen. Die Baaka tauschen ihre

Waldprodukte gegen Landwirtschaftsprodukte der Bantu. Diese verkaufen die Waldprodukte

wieder oder verbrauchen sie selber. Die Waldprodukte sind für die lokale Bevölkerungauch wichtig zur medizinischen Verwendung sowie als Baumaterial.

Das Ergebnis dieser Untersuchung zeigt, dass die Waldnutzung geschlechterabhängig(gendered) ist. Jagen umfasst mehrere Methoden (von allem das Jagen mit Fallen, Netzen,

Bogen, Lanzen und Schusswaffen) und wird überwiegend von Männern ausgeführt. Nur die

Baaka-Frauen sind ebenso mit Jagen beschäftigt, insbesondere mit dem Jagen mit Netzen.Vor einer Jagd vollführen sie außerdem Rituale, um ihren Schutzgott anzurufen, damit er

ihre Männer beschützt. Bantu-Frauen haben meistens nur die Aufgabe, ihren Männern auf

der Jagd Gesellschaft zu leisten. Jagen ist nicht nur wichtig zur Nahrungsversorgung, sondernbesitzt auch einen hohen spirituellen Stellenwert für die Baaka. Die meisten ihrer Rituale

und ihre Folklore sind mit dem Jagen verbunden.

Sowohl die Baaka-Frauen als auch die Bantu-Frauen sind mehr mit dem Sammeln beschäftigt

als ihre Männern. Allerdings konnte festgestellt werden, dass mittlerweile auch Baaka-Männer

sich mehr und mehr mit Sammeln beschäftigen, meist aus ökonomischen Gründen.

Fischen ist eine Aktivität, an der Männer und Frauen gleichermaßen beteiligt sind. Allerdings

unterscheiden sich die Methoden des Fischens von Männern und Frauen. Während dieMänner hauptsächlich mit Netzen und Angeln in großen Flüssen fischen, fischen die Frauen

meist in kleineren Flüssen, indem sie Dämme bauen, die Fische mit giftigem Pflanzensaft

paralysieren und mit konischen Fischkörben einsammeln.

234

Die Produkte des Jagens, Sammelns und Fischens werden entweder im Dorf oder in der

nächstgelegenen Stadt verkauft und stellen eine wichtige Einnahmequelle für dieDorfbewohner dar.

Naturschutzreglements führen zu Einschränkungen der Aktivitäten der lokalen Bevölkerungin bestimmten Teilen des Waldes und damit zu Konflikten zwischen ihnen und den

Naturschutzprojekten. Die Dorfbewohner monieren, dass ihnen nur ressourcenarme Gebiete

zugeteilt wurden. Das bedeutet einen Rückgang der von ihnen nutzbaren Waldprodukteund damit einen Rückgang der Ressourcen, welche zur Sicherung ihres Lebensstandards

notwendig wären. Die Baaka kritisieren außerdem den Verlust ihrer Freiheit, jederzeit im

Wald umherwandern zu können. Dies ist besonders wichtig für die Baaka, da sie währenddieser Aufenthalte im Wald ihren Kindern ihr kulturelles Erbe sowie alle Fähigkeiten und

Fertigkeiten vermitteln, die zum Überleben notwendig sind.

Ein weiteres Problem für die lokale Bevölkerung sind Ecoguards. Ecoguards (Waldpolizei)

sind verantwortlich für den Schutz bestimmter Waldgebiete, arbeiten in allen drei Ländern

für die jeweiligen Umweltministerien und sind direkt den Naturschutzprojekten unterstellt.Diese Ecoguards hindern die lokale Bevölkerung am Jagen und Sammeln, indem sie sie

bedrohen und aus dem Wald treiben und damit die Sicherung ihres Lebensunterhaltes

gefährden.

Die lokale Bevölkerung verlangt, in Entscheidungsprozesse über den Wald (von dem ihr

Lebensunterhalt abhängt) mit einbezogen zu werden, da sie glauben, dass sie am bestenfähig sind, den Wald zu managen und ihn vor Wilderern zu schützen. Sie kennen sich

hervorragend im Wald aus und besitzen traditionelle Managementmethoden, wozu der Schutz

bestimmter Waldgebiete gehört, in denen sie ihre Rituale abhalten. Solche Waldgebietedürfen nicht von allen Mitgliedern der Gemeinschaft betreten werden und Jagen und Sammeln

sind dort ganz und gar verboten. Die Bevölkerung hofft deshalb darauf, mit den

Naturschutzprojekten zusammenarbeiten zu können.

Die Naturschutzprojekte sind nicht die einzigen Institutionen, die einen Einfluss auf die

Existenzgrundlage der Eingeborenen haben. Der Begriff Institutionen bezieht sich oftmalsauch auf Gewohnheiten und Verhaltensmuster, die eine wichtige Rolle in der Gesellschaft

spielen. Der Begriff kann sich außerdem auch auf Regierungsorganisationen und private

235

Organisationen beziehen. Institutionen, welche das Leben der Naturvölker beeinflussen,

sind nicht nur die formalen und sichtbaren Institutionen, sondern auch die Institutionen inder Gesellschaft, welche schwieriger zu identifizieren, aber ebenso wichtig für einen Großteil

der Bevölkerung sind, da sie einen großen Einfluß auf das Leben der Menschen haben.

Andere Institutionen außerhalb der Gemeinschaften (z.B. Holzeinschlagsfirmen, Safari-Jäger)und innerhalb der Gemeinschaften (z.B. Landbesitz, Geschlecht/Ethnizität/Alter/Klasse) haben

ebenso einen Einfluss. Die Einfluss kann positiver oder negativer Natur sein. Es ist zum

Beispiel positiv, wenn die lokale Bevölkerung die Möglichkeit hat, für Naturschutzprojekte,Holzeinschlagsfirmen und Safari-Jäger zu arbeiten, aber gleichzeitig auch negativ, da

dieselben Institutionen ihnen die Nutzung bestimmter Waldgebiete verwehren

beziehungsweise zur Knappheit der Waldressourcen durch deren Ausbeutung beitragen.Die Institutionen und die Art und Weise, wie sie sich auf die lokale Bevölkerung auswirken,

müssen in Betracht gezogen werden, bevor Programme zur Verbesserung des

Lebensverhältnisse der Naturvölker geplant werden können.

Zu den wichtigsten Ergebnissen dieser Forschungsarbeit gehört die Herausstellung der

Bedeutung, die die unterschiedlichen Rollen von Männer und Frauen beim nachhaltigenWaldmanagement sowie beim Bestreiten des Lebensunterhaltes haben. Die

unterschiedlichen Aktivitäten und das unterschiedliche Wissen von Männern und Frauen

ergänzen sich. Das bedeutet, dass sie voneinander abhängig sind, wenn es darum geht,Strategien zu entwickeln, die zu effizienter Nutzung und nachhaltigem Management des

Waldes führen und damit zu ihren Überlebensstrategien beitragen. Deshalb ist es wichtig,

dass Männer und Frauen als gleichwertige Partner in den Managementprozess einbezogenwerden.

Unter Nutzung zweier Konzepte (concept of power, concept of gender construction) derfeministischen Theorie legte diese Untersuchung die ungleichmäßige Machtverteilung

zwischen den ethnischen Gruppen sowie zwischen Männern und Frauen innerhalb der Ethnien

offen. Es wurde außerdem gezeigt, daß Männer und Frauen, obwohl sie den Wald gemeinsamnutzen und managen, sich dennoch auf verschiedene Aktivitäten konzentrieren. Das bedeutet,

daß Männer und Frauen sich abhängig davon auch unterschiedliches Wissen angeeignet

haben.

236

Diese Untersuchung setzt den Schwerpunkt auf Genderanalyse und macht darauf

aufmerksam, daß Genderaspekte und die Art und Weise, wie sie mit Volkszugehörigkeit,Kultur, Alter und Klasse zusammenhängen, wichtig sind für das Verstehen der unterschiedlichen

Aktivitäten von Männern und Frauen in der Gesellschaft. Genderanalyse ist außerdem wichtig,

um zu verstehen, welchen Herausforderungen sich diese Frauen und Männer stellen müssenund welche Lösungsmöglichkeiten ihnen hierbei zur Verfügung stehen.

Indem die Genderanalyse Elemente des Sustainable Livelihoods Framework nutzte,ermöglichte sie die Entwicklung eines Rahmens für das systematische Sammeln und

Analysieren von Informationen, die notwendig sind, um die vielfachen Interaktionen, die die

Existenzgrundlage der Männern und Frauen beeinflussen, zu verstehen. Diese Informationführte zur Entwicklung von Profilen (Livelihoods profiles), welche die Aufmerksamkeit auf

die Zusammenhänge zwischen den Existenzgrundlagen und den Institutionen, innerhalb

und außerhalb der Gemeinden, lenkte. Das Verständnis dieser Zusammenhänge zwischenExistenzgrundlagen und Institutionen ist notwendig bei der Entwicklung eines geeigneten

Modells, welches Naturschutzprojekten und anderen Entwicklungsorganisationen bei der

Entscheidung helfen kann, welche Aktivitäten und Probleme auf lokaler Ebene behandeltwerden sollen und wie diese mit der effektivsten Beteiligung aller Akteure mit bereits

existierenden Institutionen und Strategien zum Bestreiten des Lebensunterhalts in

Übereinstimmung gebracht werden können, und welche Auswirkungen diese Aktivitätenauf die Männer und Frauen in den unterschiedlichen Ethnien haben.

Genderanalyse ist ein wichtiges Konzept, weil es die einheimischen Waldnutzungs- undWaldmanagementsysteme von Männern und Frauen identifizieren kann. Das ist wichtig,

damit die Interessen und Bedürfnisse von Männern und Frauen bei ihren Rollen in der

Waldnutzung bei der Planung von nachhaltigem Waldmanagement berücksichtigt werdenkönnen. Auf diese Art und Weise ist es einfacher, Konflikte und Mangelzustände zu vermeiden,

die durch Veränderungen im Waldmanagement verursacht wurden, sowie neue Möglichkeiten

zu identifizieren, die zur Verbesserung in Waldnutzung und Waldmanagement führen können.

Es ist daher unbedingt notwendig, dass die Naturschutzprojekte mit den Lokalbevölkerungen

auf der Basis von Koexistenz zusammenarbeiten, um gegenseitig voneinander zu lernen.

237

REFERENCES

Agarwal B. 1995: Gender, Environment and Poverty Interlinks in Rural India Regional

Variations and Temporal Shifts, 1971-1991. United Nations Research Institute for SocialDevelopment, Discussion Paper No. 62, Geneva, Switzerland, 60p.

Agarwal B. 2001: Participatory Exclusions, Community Forestry, and Gender: An Analysisfor South Asia and a Conceptual Framework. World Development Vol. 29, No. 10, UK, p

1623-1648.

Agarwal B. 2001: The hidden Side of Group Behaviour: A Gender Analysis of Community

Forestry Groups. QEH Working Paper Series No. 76, UK, 28p.

Appendini K., Nuijten M. & Rawal 1998: Rural Household Income Strategies for Poverty

Alleviation and Interactions with the Local Institutional Environment. Programme for Issue

Group 5, 1998/1999. Rural Development Division, FAO, Rome.

Ardayfio-Schandorf E. 2000: Gender research and forestry from an African perspective.

Proceedings from Women and forestry: How can gender research contribute to a moresustainable forest management IUFRO Congress 7-12 August 2000 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia,

p 38-47.

Ardovini-Brooker J. 2002: Feminist Epistemology: The Foundation of Feminist Research

and its Distinction from Traditional Research. Advancing women in leadership.

http://www.advancingwomen.com/awl/spring2002/ARDOV~CG.HTMVisited 05-02-08

Ashley C. 2000: Applying Livelihood Approaches to Natural Resource ManagementInitiatives: Experiences in Namibia and Kenya. Overseas Development Institute, SW1E

5DP, 30p.

Auch E. 2006: Überlebensstrategien waldnutzender Familienwirtschaften im Apuseni-

Gebirge, Rumänien. Schriften aus dem Institut für Forstökonomie der Universität Freiburg.

Band 27, 256p.

238

Bagchi D. K., Blaikie P., Cameron J., Chattopadhyay M., Gyawali N. & Seddon D. 1998:Conceptual and Methodological Challenges in the Study of Livelihood Trajectories: Case-

Studies in Eastern India And Western Nepal. Journal of International Development. J. Int.

Dev. 10, 453±468 (1998).http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-bin/fulltext/5134/PDFSTART Visited 31-01-08

Biodiversity Conservation Network (BCNet) 1994: Strategic Planning for ConservationManagement Options in the Lobéké Region, Southeastern Cameroon.

http://www.worldwildlife.org/bsp/bcn/learning/african/curran.htm Visited 05-02-08

Barriteau V. E. 2000: Feminist Theory and Development: Implications for Policy, Research,

and Action. In: Parpart J. L., Connelly M. P. & Barriteau V. E. (Eds.) 2000: Theoretical

Perspectives on Gender and Development. IDRC , Canada, p 161-178

BMZ 2001: The concept of Gender Equality.

http://www.wiram.de/gendersourcebook/background/background_BMZ.htmlVisited 09-01-08

Boserup E. 1970: Women’s Role in Economic Development. In: Reddock R. 2000: WhyGender? Why Development? In: Parpart J. L., Connelly M. P. & Barriteau V. E. (Eds.)

2000: Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development. IDRC , Canada, p 23-50.

Brayton J. 1997: What makes Feminist Research Feminist? The Structure of Feminist

Research within the Social Sciences.

http://www.unb.ca/PAR-L/win/feminmethod.htm Visited 08-02-08

Bretton Woods Institutions 2002: What are Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)?

http://www.chebucto.ns.ca/Current/P7/bwi/cccsap.html Visited 05-02-08

Brown D. 2003: “Is the best the enemy of the good? Livelihoods perspectives on bushmeat

harvesting and trade ? some issues and challenges”. Paper submitted to the CIFORBonnConference on “Rural Livelihoods, Forests and Biodiversity” May 2003, 18p.

Brown K. & Lapuyade S. 2001: Changing gender relations and forest utilisation. A case

239

study from southern Cameroon. In: People Managing Forests: The Link between Human

Wellbeing and Sustainability by Colfer C. J. P. and Byron Y. (Eds.)

http://www.cifor.cgiar.org/acm/pub/toc-pmf.html Visited 27-01-08

CARPE 2007: Sangha Trinational Foundation: Creation of a Foundation for Sustainable

Financing of the Sangha Tri-National Trans-boundary Forest Complexhttp://carpe.umd.edu/tnsfoundation Visited 25-01-08

Carpenter R. C. 2000: Gender Theory in World Politics: Contributions of a Non-FeministStandpoint.

http://www.isanet.org/archive/carpenter.html Visited 22-01-08

CED & FPP 2005: Protecting and Encouraging Traditional Sustainable Use in Cameroon:

Customary Use of Biological Resources by Local and Indigenous Peoples in Western Dja

Reserve, Cameroon. Case study on Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas, 7p.

Chambers R. & Conway G. R. 1991: Sustainable Local Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for

the 21st Century. IDS discussion paper 296, 33p.

Che V.S. 2004: Improving Commercialisation of NTFPs from the Diombosse and Sambandé

Community forests in Senegal. Unpublished master thesis Freiburg, Germany.

Chennells R. 2001: The Khomani San of South Africa. In: Indigenous Peoples and Protected

areas in Africa: From Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme. CaseStudy 9, p 269-286.

CIB 2006 : Plan d’Amenagement de L’Unité Forestière d’Aménagement de Kabo (2005– 2034): Congo, 316p.

CIDA 2000: Accelerating Change: Resources for Gender Mainstreaming. Ed. by InnesM. Quebec, Canada, 54p.

CIFOR 2004: Forests for People and the Environment. CIFOR Annual Report 2004,Bogor, Indonesia, 68p.

240

CIFOR 1993-2003: Forests and People - Research That Makes a Difference, Bogor,

Indonesia, 90p.

Colchester M., Monterrey N. S. & Tomedes R. 2004: Protecting and encouraging customary

use of biological resources: The Upper Caura, Venezuela. Forest People’s Programme,40p.

Colfer C.J.P., Prabhu R., Günter M., McDougall C., Porro N. M. & Porro R. 1999: WhoCounts Most? Assessing Human Well-Being in Sustainable Forest Management. Criteria

and Indicators ToolBox Series Toolbox #8. CIFOR, Indonesia, 62p.

Colfer C.J.P. 2000: Are women important in sustainable forest management? Proceedings

from Women and forestry: How can gender research contribute to a more sustainable forest

management IUFRO Congress 7-12 August 2000 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, p 48-56.

Colman R. 1998: The Economic Value of Unpaid Housework and Child Care in Nova Scotia.

http://www.gpiatlantic.org/pdf/housework/housework.pdf Visited 10-01-08

Connelly P. C., Li T. M., MacDonald M., & Parpart J. L. 2000: Feminism and Development:

Theoretical Perspectives. In: Parpart J. L., Connelly M. P. & Barriteau V. E. (Eds.) 2000:Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development. IDRC , Canada, p 51-160.

CPRC 2005: Methods Toolbox.http://www.chronicpoverty.org/CPToolbox/toolboxcontents.htm Visited 27-01-08

Davion V. 1994: Is Ecofeminism Feminist? In: Warren K. J. (Ed.) 1994: Ecological Feminism.Routledge London and New York, p 8-28.

De Beauvoir S. 1989: The Second Sex. Translated and edited by Parshley H. M. Introductionto Vintage Books Edition, by Deirdre Bair. New York: Vintage Books, 1989. - XLII, 746p.

Debonnet G. 1997: Gesellschaft für technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) OrganisationalOverview: Trinational Sangha River Region. The Sangha River Region Bulletin, Yale

F&ES Bulleting, No. 102, p 189-195.

241

De Haan A., Brock K., Carswell G., Coulibaly N., Seba H. & Toufique K. A. 2000: Migration

and Livelihoods: Case Studies in Bangladesh, Ethiopia and Mali.IDS Research Report 46.

DeVault M. L. 1996: Talking Back to Sociology: Distinctive Contributions of FeministMethodology. Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 22 (August 1996), p 29-50.

DeVault M. L. 1993: Different Voices: Feminists’ Methods of Social ResearchQualitative Sociology, Vol. 16 (1993), No. 1, p 77-83.

DeVault, M. L. 1991: Feeding the Family: The Social Organization of Caring as Gendered

Work. Chicago. The University of Chicago Press, 284p.

DFID 1999: Breaking the barriers: women and the elimination of world poverty. Socialdevelopment division publication, London, UK.

DFID 2001: Introduction to Sustainable Livelihoods (SL) & its Relationship to Project Work.http://www.livelihoods.org/info/Tools/SL-Proj1b.ppt Visited 02-02-08

DFID 1999/2000: Sustainable Livelihoods Guidance Sheetshttp://www.livelihoods.org/info/guidance_sheets_pdfs/section1.pdf Visited 02-02-08

http://www.livelihoods.org/info/guidance_sheets_pdfs/section1.pdf Visited 02-02-08

Diamond I. & Orenstein G. F. 1990: Introduction. In: Diamond I. & Orenstein G. F. (Eds.)

1990: Reweaving the World: The Emergence of Ecofeminism. Serra club books, San

Francisco, USA, p ix-xv.

Dill B. T. 1987: The Dialectics of Black Womanhood. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism

and Methodology. Social Science issues. USA, p 97-108.

Dove M. R., Sajise P. E. & Doolittle A. A. (Eds.) 2005: Conserving Nature in Culture. Case

Studies from Southeast Asia. Monograph 54/Yale Southeast Asia Studies, USA, Connecticut,348p.

242

Egbe S. 2001: The Law, Communities and Wildlife Management in Cameroon. In, Rural

Development Forestry Network, network paper 25e July 2001, p 1-13.

Egbe S. 2000: Communities and Wildlife Management in Cameroon. Consultancy report

presented to the DFID-Cameroon Community Forestry Development Project, Yaoundé,pp.20. In: Brown D. 2003: Is the best the enemy of the good? Livelihoods perspectives on

bushmeat harvesting and trade? Some issues and challenges. Paper submitted to the

CIFOR Bonn Conference on “Rural Livelihoods, Forests and Biodiversity” May 2003, 18p.

Ellis F. 2000: Rural Livelihoods and Diversity in Developing Countries. Oxford University

Press.UK, 273p.

ENERGIA 2005: Workshop on Gender and Energy.

http://www.energia.org/resources/reports/2005_peg_slides.pdf Visited 15-02-08

Falconer J. N. D. 1990: Non-timber forest products in southern Ghana: main report.

Ghana.

FAO/WFP 2000: Socio-Economic and Gender Analysis in Emergency Operations Summary

(An abstract). SEAGA Socio-Economic and Gender Analysis Programme.http://www.reliefweb.int/library/GHARkit/files/summaryseaga.pdf Visited 07-02-08

FAO 2005: Criteria and indicators for sustainable forest management.http://www.fao.org/forestry/site/19527/en/ Visited 08-02-2008

Folbre N. 1997: A Time (Use Survey) for Every Purpose: Non-market Work and theProduction of Human Capabilities. Prepared for the conference on Time Use, Non-Market

Work and Family Well Being, Washington D.C. November 20-21 1997.

http://www.olin.wustl.edu/macarthur/working%20papers/wp-folbre1.htmlVisited 18-01-08

Forests Monitor Ltd. 2001: Sold Down the River- The need to control transnational forestrycorporations: a European case study.

http://www.forestsmonitor.org/reports/solddownriver/title.htm Visited 10-02-08

243

Frank E. 2000: combining sample surveys and participatory techniques (eastern Africa)http://www.chronicpoverty.org/CPToolbox/Livelihoodsexamples.htm#Ellis

Visited 10-06-07

Fuller K. 2005: Women and Conservation.

http://www.unep-wcmc.org/resources/PDFs/EOTEII/EnvtonEdge05-06HR.pdf

Visited 25-01-08

GDRC 2007: Towards a Gender Analysis Framework to assist the application, adoption

and use of Environmentally Sound Technologies.http://www.gdrc.org/gender/gender-ests.html#end4 Visited 30-01-08

GEM- Gender Evaluation Methodology, 2000.http://www.apcwomen.org/gem/ Visited 01-02-08

Ghai D. 1992: Conservation, Livelihood and Democracy: Social Dynamics of EnvironmentalChanges in Africa. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Discussion

Paper No. 33, March 1992, 24p.

Gilligan C. 1987: Woman’s Place in Man’s Life Cycle. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism

and Methodology. Social Science issues. USA, p 57-73.

Handrahan L.M. 1999: Gender Theory. Volume 3, Number 3 feminista!

http://www.feminista.com/archives/v3n3/handrahan.html Visited 07-02-08

Hannan C. 2002: Mainstreaming gender perspectives in environmental management and

mitigation of natural disasters. At the Roundtable Panel and Discussion organized by The

United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women and The NGO Committee on theStatus of Women in preparation for the 46th Session of the Commission on the Status of

Women on: Disproportionate impact of natural disasters on women 17 January 2002.

http://www.reliefweb.int/library/documents/2002/undaw-womennatdis-17jan.htmVisited 06-02-08

244

Harding S. 1987: Introduction- Is There a Feminist Method? In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987:

Feminism and Methodology. Social Science issues. USA, p 1-14.

Hartmann H. I. 1987: The Family as the Locus of Gender, Class, and Political Struggle: The

Example of Housework. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology.Social Science issues. USA, p 109-134.

Hartsock N. C. M. 1987: The Feminist Standpoint: Developing the Ground for a SpecificallyFeminist Historical Materialism. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology.

Social Science issues. USA, p 157-180.

Hecht, S.B., Anderson, A.B. & May, P. 1988: The subsidy from nature: Shifting cultivation,

successional palm forests, and rural development. Human Organization 47: 25-35.

International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) 2007: Sustainable Livelihoods

Approach.

http://www.ifad.org/sla/ Visited 16-01-08

IFUW Programme for Action 2004-2007: Women: Agents for Change- Gender Analysis.

http://www.ifuw.org/programme/index.htm Visited 03-02-08

IGNARM 2005: Integrating Indigenous and Gender Aspects in Natural Resource Management-

Guidelines for Practitioners.http://www.iucn.org/themes/spg/Files/DK%20IGNARM.pdf Visited 17-01-08

IDRC 1998: Gender Analysis as a Development Research Tool.http://archive.idrc.ca/gender/tool.html Visited 17-01-08

Ironmonger D. 2000: Household Production and the Household Economy.http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000059/01/759.pdf Visited 30-01-08

Ironstone-Catterall P., McDonough P., Robertson C., Payne B., Rahder B., Shaver F. &Wakewich P. 1998: Feminist Research Methodology and Women’s Health: A Review of

Literature.

245

http://www.yorku.ca/nnewh/english/pubs/workpap2.pdf Visited 25-01-08

ITTO 2005: ITTO Policy Development Series No 15 Revised ITTO criteria and indicators

for the sustainable management of tropical forests including reporting format.

http://www.itto.or.jp/live/Live_Server/963/ps15e.pdf Visited 06-02-08

Joiris D. 1997: Indigenous Knowledge and Anthropological Constraints in the Context of

Conservation Programs in Central Africa. The Sangha River Region, Yale F&ES Bulletin,No. 102, p 130-140.

Juo, A.S.R, and Wilding L.P. 1994: Soils of the lowland forests of West and CentralAfrica. Pp. 15-30. In WWF 2001: Northwestern Congolian lowland forests (AT0126).

http://www.worldwildlife.org/wildworld/profiles/terrestrial/at/at0126_full.html

Visited 08-01-08

Kalimba Z. 2001: The situation of the Batwa forest dwellers and conservation of the Volcanoes

National Park and Nyungwe Natural Forest in Rwanda. In: Indigenous Peoples and Protectedareas in Africa: From Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme. Case

Study 1, p 47-86.

Kapupu D. M. 2001: The Bambuti-Batwa and the Kahuzi-Biega National Park: The case of

the Barhwa and Babuluko people in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In: Indigenous

Peoples and Protected areas in Africa: From Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’sProgramme. Case Study 2, p 87-110.

Kelly-Gadol J. 1987: The Social Relation of the Sexes: Methodological Implications ofWomen’s History. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology. Social Science

issues. USA, p 15-28.

Khalidi A. & Gokhale S. 2006: The Feminist Questioning and Envisioning Process.

http://transformationcentral.org/questioningandenvisioning/feministwaves.html

Visited 25-01-08

246

Khanya 2000: The ‘vertical transect’ methodology (southern and central Africa).

http://www.chronicpoverty.org/CPToolbox/Livelihoodsexamples.htm#EllisVisited 10-01-08

Ladner J. A. 1987 : Introduction to Tomorrow’s Tomorrow : The Black Woman. In: HardingS. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology. Social Science issues. USA, p 74-83.

Laforgue J. 1860-1887 In: De Beauvoir S. 1989: The Second Sex. Translated and editedby Parshley H. M. Introduction to Vintage Books Edition, by Deirdre Bair. New York: Vintage

Books, 1989. - XLII, 746p.

Laporte N. T., Stabach J. A., Grosch R., Lin T. S., Goetz S. J. 2007: Expansion of Industrial

Logging in Central Africa. ScienceMagazine 8th June 2007, Vol 316, No. 5830, p1451,

Washington D C, USA.

Loong S. Y. 2002: “Europe in a globalised world: A View from the Outside”

Presentation for Copenhagen Centre 22 November 2002. Third World Network.http://www.twnside.org.sg/title/copenhagen.doc Visited 06-01-08

Luling V. & Kenrick J.C. 1998: Forest Foragers of tropical Africa. Survival International,UK.

MacKinnon C. A. 1987: Feminism, Marxism, Method, and the State: Toward FeministJurisprudence. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology. Social Science issues.

USA, p 135-156.

Maguire P. 1987: Doing Participatory Research: A Feminist Approach. Massachusetts:

University of Massachussets. Mentioned in: Brayton J. 1997: What makes Feminist Research

Feminist? The Structure of Feminist Research within the Social Sciences.http://www.unb.ca/PAR-L/win/feminmethod.htm Visited 10-01-08

McClean M. 2000: Alternative Approaches to Women and Development. In: Parpart J.L., Connelly M. P. & Barriteau V. E. (Eds.) 2000: Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and

Development. IDRC , Canada, p 179-190.

247

McDougall C. 2000: Gender and diversity in assessing sustainable forest management

and human well-being: reflections on assessment methods tests conducted in Bulungan,East Kalimantan, Indonesia. In: Colfer, C. J. P., Byron, Y. (Eds.). People managing forests:

the links between human well-being and sustainability. Resources for the Future and CIFOR,

Washington, DC. 50-71.

Mengang J. M.1997 : Evolution of Natural Resource Policy in Cameroon. Sangha River

Region Bulletin, Yale F&ES Bulletin, No. 102, p 239-248.

Messer N. & Townsley P. 2003: Local Institutions and Livelihoods: Guidelines for Analysis-

Rural Development Division Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Rome,131p.

Mikkelsen C. 2005: Indigenous Peoples, Gender and Natural Resource Management.DIIS working paper no. 2005/5. Copenhagen, Denmark, 40p.

Miller C. & Razavi S. 1998: Gender Analysis: Alternative Paradigms.http://www.sdnp.undp.org/gender/resources/mono6.html#The%20Gender%20Roles%20

Framework Visited 25-10-05

Millman M. & Kanter R. M. 1987: Introduction to Another Voice: Feminist Perspectives on

Social Life and Social Science. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology.

Social Science issues. USA, p 29-36.

Mongabay 2005: Another look at global rainforest conservation. Are rainforests still in need

of saving?http://news.mongabay.com/2005/0419-rhett_butler.html Visited 19-01-08

Murray C. 2001: Livelihoods research: some conceptual and methodological issues.Background Paper 5 Chronic Poverty Research Centre.

http://www.chronicpoverty.org/pdfs/05Murray.pdf Visited 20-01-08

Ndameu B. 2001: Protected areas and indigenous peoples: the paradox of conservation

and survival of the Baka in Moloundou region (sourth-east Cameroon). Cameroon-Boumba

248

Bek. In: Indigenous Peoples and Protected areas in Africa: From Principles to Practice

2003. Forest People’s Programme. Case Study 7, p 215-236.

Ndoye O & Ruiz Perez M 1995: The markets of Non-Timber Forest Products in the

Humid Forest Zone of Cameroon; Centre for International Forestry Research (CIFOR),Cameroon.

http://www.earthwatch.org/europe/limbe/markets.html Visited 22-01-08

Nelson J. (Forest Peoples Programme) for World Rainforest Movement 2003: Still off of

the Conservation Map in Central Africa: Bureaucratic neglect of forest communities in

Cameroon.http://www.wrm.org.uy/countries/Cameroon/still.html Visited 11-02-08

Nguiffo S. 2001: One forest and two dreams: the constraints imposed on the Baka inMiatta by the Dja Wildlife Reserve. Indigenous Peoples and Protected areas in Africa:

From Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme. Case Study 6, p195-

214.

Ngong L. N. & Arrey W. A. 2003: Rethinking Forest Policies: The Role of Women in

Bridging the Gap between Sustainable Livelihood and Biodiversity Conservation in CentralAfrica. Paper Presented at the Fifth International Studies Association Annual Convention in

Portland, Oregon, 2003.

Nichols J., O’Brien C. & Heimlich J. E. 1998: Why Women are Conservation Leaders in

Rural Costa Rica. Society of American Foresters. Journal of Forestry, Volume 96, Number

12, p 24-28.

North D. C. 1994: Economic Performance through Time. The American Economic Review.

Vol. 84, No. 3 (June 1994), p 359-368.

N’zobo R. E., Bouka R. O. & Oyandzi A. 2004: The Situation of the Pygmies in the Republic

of Congo. An investigation by OCDH (Observatoire Congolais des Droits del’Homme) and The Rainforest Foundation, London Uk, 22p.

249

Ogle G. 2000: Between Statistical Imperatives and Theoretical Obsessions: An Inquiry into

the Definition and Measurement of the Economy.http://users.senet.com.au/~gregogle/PhD_home.html Visited 19-01-08

Olenasha W., Seki W. O. & Kaisoe M. 2001: The conflict between conventional conservationstrategies and indigenous conservation systems: The case study of Ngorongoro Conservation

Area in Tanzania. In: Indigenous Peoples and Protected areas in Africa: From Principles to

Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme. Case Study 4, p 139-164.

Ongugo P., Njguguna J., Obonyo E. & Sigu G. 2002: Livelihoods, Natural Resource

Entitlements and Protected Areas: The case of Mt. Elgon forest in Kenya. Kenya IFRICollaborative Research Centre.

http://www.biodiv.org/doc/case-studies/for/cs-ecofor-ke-02-en.pdf Visited 22-01-08

Ortbals C. D. 2005: N = 5 to 20: A Challenge to Feminist Research? Prepared for the 2005

American Political Science Association Meeting

http://www.asu.edu/clas/polisci/cqrm/APSA2005/Ortbals_N_5.pdf Visited 20-01-08

Owono J. C. 2001: The extent of Bagyeli Pygmy involvement in the development and

Management Plan of the Campo Ma’an UTO in Cameroon. In: Indigenous Peoples andProtected areas in Africa: From Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme.

Case Study 8, p 243-263.

Parpart J. L., Connelly M. P. & Barriteau V. E. (Eds.) 2000: Theoretical Perspectives on

Gender and Development. IDRC , Canada, 213p.

Pasteur K. 2002: Gender Analysis for Sustainable Livelihoods Frameworks, tools and links

to other sources

http://www.livelihoods.org/info/tools/pas-GENDER.rtf Visited 20-01-08

Reddock R. 2000: Why Gender? Why Development? In: Parpart J. L., Connelly M. P. &

Barriteau V. E. (Eds.) 2000: Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development. IDRC,Canada, p 23-50.

250

Plumwood V. 1994: The Ecopolitics Debate and the Politics of Nature. In: Warren K. J.

(Ed.) 1994: Ecological Feminism. Routledge London and New York, p 64-87.

Reinharz S. 1993: Neglected Voices and Excessive Demands in Feminist Research.

Qualitative Sociology, Vol 16 (1993), No. 1, p 69-76.

Sang J. K. 2001: The Ogiek in Mau Forest in Kenya. In: Indigenous Peoples and Protected

areas in Africa: From Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme. CaseStudy 3, p 111-138.

Sarin M. 1997: Meeting of the Group on Gender and Equity in Joint Forest Management,29 September to 1 October, Report on Proceedings, Society for the Promotion of Wastelands

Development, New Delhi, India. In: McDougall C. 2000: Gender and diversity in assessing

sustainable forest management and human well-being: reflections on assessment methodstests conducted in Bulungan, East Kalimantan, Indonesia. In: Colfer, C. J. P., Byron, Y. (Eds.).

People managing forests: the links between human well-being and sustainability. Resources

for the Future and CIFOR, Washington, DC. 50-71.

Schanz H. 1998: Sustainable Forest Management on the Meanings and Functions of a

Central Term in Forestry.http://www.ulb.ac.be/assoc/iff/section1/otherlinks/sfm.PDF Visited 08-02-08

Schmink M. 1999: Conceptual Framework for Gender and Community Based ConservationCase Study Series on Gender, Community Participation, and Natural Resource Management,

No. 1, 14p.

Seager J. & Hartmann B. 2005: Mainstreaming gender in Environmental Assessment and

Early Warning. Division of Early Warning and Assessment, United Nations Environment

Programme. Nairobi, Kenya, 82p.

Shah A. 2001: The Heavily In-debt Poor Countries Initiative is Not Working.

http://www.globalissues.org/TradeRelated/Debt/HIPC.asp Visited 10-01-08

251

Sherif C. W. 1987: Bias in Psychology. In: Harding S. (Ed.) 1987: Feminism and Methodology.

Social Science issues. USA, p 37-56.

Smith D. E 1987: The Everyday World as Problematic. A Feminist Sociology. Boston,

USA. 244p.

Spretnak C. 1990: Ecofeminism: Our Roots and Flowering. In: Diamond I. and Orenstein G.

F. (Eds.) 1990: Reweaving the World: The Emergence of Ecofeminism. Serra club books,San Francisco, USA, p 3-14.

Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy 2005: Feminist Perspectives on Power.http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminist-power/ Visited 16-01-08

Status of Women Canada 1998: Gender-based Analysis: A Guide for Policy-Making (Revisededition).

http://www.swc-cfc.gc.ca/pubs/gbaguide/gbaguide_e.html Visited 20-01-08

Telesis USA 1991: Sustainable Economic Development Options for the Dzanga-Sangha

Reserve Central African Republic. Executive summary, 25p.

Tellis W.1997: Introduction to case study. The Qualitative Report [On-line serial], 3(2).

http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR3-2/tellis1.html Visited 12-01-08

Terry, M.E. and Cunningham, A.B. 1993: Impact of commercial marketing on the basketry

of southern Africa. Journal of Museum Ethnography 4: 25-48.

The World Bank Group 2007: The World Bank Participation Sourcebook

http://worldbank.org/wbi/sourcebook/sbhome.htm Visited 29-01-08

The World Bank Group 2005: Debt Relief for Sustainable Development.

http://www.worldbank.org/hipc/about/hipcbr/hipcbr.htm Visited 29-01-08

252

Turton C. 2000: The Sustainable Livelihoods Approach and Programme Development in

Cambodia. Overseas Development Institute, Working Paper 130, SW1E 5DP, UK, London,27p.

UNCED 1992: Report of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development(Rio de Janeiro, 3-4 June 1992). A/CONF. 151/26 (Vol. III).

UNDP 2000: Gender in Development: Capacity building.http://www.sdnp.undp.org/gender/capacity/gm_intro.html Visited 29-01-08

UNDP 2003: Transforming the Mainstream Gender in UNDP. Buro for Development Policy.http://www.undp.org/gender/docs/publication-transforming-the-mainstream.pdf Visited

24-01-08

United Nations Economic and Social Council 2004: Forum on Forests Fourth Session-

Multi-stakeholder dialogue: Prepared by Network for Women in Natural Resource

Management.http://www.wocan.org/pub2.doc Visited 24-01-08

UNIFEM 2003: Valuation of Unpaid Work. Gender Issues Fact Sheet 1.http://www.unifem-eseasia.org/resources/factsheets/Gendis1.htm Visited 18-01-08

Usongo L. 2002: Apes in the Proposed Tri-National de la Sangha Conservation Area.http://www.berggorilla.de/english/gjournal/texte/25trinat.html Visited 26-01-08

Vernooy R. (Ed.) 2006: Social and Gender Analysis in Natural Resource Management-Learning Studies and Lessons from Asia. New Delhi, India; California, USA; London, UK

and Ottawa, Canada, 252p.

Verstad B. 2000: How can gender research contribute to a more sustainable forest

management? Proceedings from Women and forestry: How can gender research contribute

to a more sustainable forest management IUFRO Congress 7-12 August 2000 Kuala Lumpur,Malaysia, p 57-65.

253

Walker A. S. 2000: The Women’s Movement and Its Role in Development. In: Parpart J.

L., Connelly M. P. & Barriteau V. E. (Eds.) 2000: Theoretical Perspectives on Gender andDevelopment. IDRC , Canada, p 191-202.

Waller A.A. 2005: Work In Progress - Feminist Research Methodologies: Why, What, andHow. http://fie.engrng.pitt.edu/fie2005/papers/1588.pdf Visited 10-01-08

Warren K. J. 1994: Towards an Ecofeminist Peace Politics. In: Warren K. J. (Ed.) 1994:Ecological Feminism. Routledge London and New York, p 179-199.

Waring M. 1999: Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women are Worth.University of Toronto Press, Canada, 310p.

Wasserfall R. 1993: Reflexivity, Feminism and Difference Qualitative Sociology, Vol. 16(1993), No. 1, p 23-41

Western Washington University 2007: Terms to knowhttp://pandora.cii.wwu.edu/vajda/ea210/terms.htm Visited 07-02-08

WCED 1987: Our Common Future: Report of the World Commission on Environment andDevelopment. Transmitted to the General Assembly as an Annex to document A/

42/427 - Development and International Co-operation: Environment

http://www.un-documents.net/wced-ocf.htm Visited 17-01-08

White, F. 1983: The vegetation of Africa, a descriptive memoir to accompany the UNESCO/

AETFAT/UNSO Vegetation Map of Africa (3 Plates, Northwestern Africa, Northeastern Africa,and Southern Africa, 1:5, 000,000). UNESCO, Paris.

Wickramasinghe A. 1997: Gender concerns in conservation. In: Borrini-Feyerabend G.(Ed.) 1997: Beyond Fences: Seeking Social Sustainability in Conservation, IUCN. Gland,

Switzerland. Volume 2, Section 4.

Woods Hole Research Centre (WHRC), 2005: Northern Congo & the Sangha Tri-National

Park.

254

http://www.whrc.org/africa/INFORMS/study_sites/NdokiLanduse.htm

Visited 15-01-08

WWF 2001: North-western Congolian lowland forests (AT0126).

http://www.worldwildlife.org/wildworld/profiles/terrestrial/at/at0126_full.htmlVisited 17-01-08

Yin R. K. 2003: Case Study and Research: Design and Methods. Third Edition. AppliedSocial Research Methods Series Volume 5, Sage Publications Thousand Oaks, London,

New Delhi, 179p.

Zaalman H., Kumanajare G., Biswane L., Watamaleo G., Barend M., Oeloekanamoe S.,

Majarawai S., Galgren H. 2006: Traditional use and management of the Lower Marowijne

area by the Kaliña and Lokono. A Surinamese case study in the context of article 10(c) ofthe Convention on Biological Diversity. Kambel E-R. & de Jong C. (Eds.). Forest People’s

Programme, 124p.

http://www.forestpeoples.org/documents/conservation/suriname_10c_feb06_eng.pdfVisited 17-01-08

Zaninka P. 2001: The impact of (forest) nature conservation on indigenous peoples: TheBatwa of south-western Uganda. A case study of the Mgahinga and Bwindi Impenetrable

Forest Conservation Trust. In: Indigenous Peoples and Protected areas in Africa: From

Principles to Practice 2003. Forest People’s Programme. Case Study 5, p 165-187.

255

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Forest User Groups in the Management System of the Research Area ....... 40

Figure 2: The Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) ............................................. 45Figure 3a, 3b and 3c: Level of education of Baaka and Bantu

in each of the villages................................................................................. 113

Figure 4: Number of Peter’s duiker killed, autoconsumed and sold a monthby Baaka and Bantu for all the villages....................................................... 140

Figure 5: Number of Peter's duiker killed, autoconsumed and sold a month

by Baaka and Bantu for each village .......................................................... 141Figure 6: Total income from the sale of Peter's duiker a month

by the Baaka and Bantu for each village .................................................... 142

Figure 7: Number of Blue duikers killed, autoconsumed and soldper month for the six villages ...................................................................... 143

Figure 8: Number of Blue duikers killed, autoconsumed and sold per month

by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages ......................................... 144Figure 9: Total income from the sale of Blue duikers per month

by the Baaka and Bantu for each village .................................................... 145

Figure 10: Quantity of Gnetum spp harvested, autoconsumed and soldby the Baaka and Bantu for all the villages ............................................... 151

Figure 11: Quantity of Gnetum spp harvested, autoconsumed and sold

per week by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages ....................... 152Figure 12: Total income for Baaka and Bantu women

from the sale of Gnetum spp per week for the villages ............................ 153

Figure 13: Quantity of Irvingia spp gathered, autoconsumed and soldper year by Baaka and Bantu for all the villages ...................................... 156

Figure 14: Quantity of Irvingia spp gathered, autoconsumed and sold

per season by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the six villages .............. 157Figure 15: Total income from the marketing of Irvingia spp per year

by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages....................................... 158

Figure 16: Quantity of Crayfish collected, autoconsumed and soldper year by the Baaka and Bantu for all the villages ................................. 161

Figure 17: Quantity of Crayfish collected, autoconsumed and sold

per year by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages ........................ 162

256

Figure 18: Total income earned from the sale of Crayfish

by Baaka and Bantu per year for each of the villages .............................. 163Figure 19: Quantity of Catfish collected, autoconsumed and sold

per year by Baaka and Bantu for the six villages ..................................... 164

Figure 20: Quantity of Catfish collected, autoconsumed and soldper year by Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages .............................. 165

Figure 21: Total income from the sale of Catfish per year

by the Baaka and Bantu for each of the villages ...................................... 166

LIST OF MAPS

Map 1: The National Parks and Buffer Zones within the Sangha Trinational Area ........ 74

Map 2: Research Area showing the selected Case Study Villages ............................. 85Map 3: Participatory map of Yenga.............................................................................. 88

Map 4: Participatory map of Nguilili ............................................................................. 90

Map 5: Participatory map of Lindjombo....................................................................... 92Map 6: Participatory map of Kounda Papaye .............................................................. 94

Map 7: Participatory map of Ngatongo ........................................................................ 96

Map 8: Participatory map of Ikelemba ......................................................................... 98

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Number of Participants in the Discussion Meetings ....................................... 61

Table 2: Main Ethnic Groups living in the Trinational Conservation Area ...................... 79Table 3: Statistical Overview of the Research Villages .............................................. 100

Table 4: Overview of the Forest Activities

for Men and Women for the different Ethnic Groups ..................................... 136Table 5: Summary of Activities authorised or forbidden in the

Dzanga-Sangha, Nouabalé-Ndoki and Lobéké National Parks ................... 175

Table 6: Summary of Activities authorised or forbidden in the Special Reserveof the Dzanga-Sangha dense Forest and the Village Agroforestry Lands ... 175

Table 7: Principal Plant NTFPs named by local Population during the Research ....... 262

Table 8: Principal Animals mentioned by local Population during the Research ........ 265Table 9: Caterpillars mentioned and their Host Trees ................................................ 266

Table 10: Principal Products of Fishing in the Research Area ................................... 267

257

Table 11: Blue duiker/Month ....................................................................................... 268

Table 12: Peter's duiker/Month .................................................................................. 268Table 13: Koko/Week ................................................................................................ 269

Table 14: Bush mango/Year ....................................................................................... 269

Table 15: Catfish/Year ................................................................................................ 270Table 16: Crayfish/Year .............................................................................................. 270

LIST OF PICTURESPicture 1: Meeting with Baaka Women in Ngatongo.................................................... 60Picture 2: Baaka .......................................................................................................... 78

Picture 3: Bantu ........................................................................................................... 78

Picture 4: Timber truck plying a Logging Road ............................................................ 81Picture 5: Bantu House .............................................................................................. 101

Picture 6: Baaka Hut (Mongulu) ................................................................................ 101

Picture 7: Young Baaka couple in front their new Home............................................. 102Picture 8: Baaka delivering peeled Cassava to the Bantu ......................................... 105

Picture 9: Crossbow .................................................................................................. 137

Picture 10: Baaka Woman making Sleeping Mats out of Fibre from Megaphrynium macrostachyum stem ......................... 147

Picture 11: Baaka Woman returning

from the Harvest of Megaphrynium macrostachyum leaves .................. 147Picture 12: Gnetum spp ............................................................................................ 148

Picture 13: Irvingia spp Kernels ................................................................................ 148

Picture 14: Bow-net for Fishing Crayfish.................................................................... 159Picture 15: Trapped Animal rotting in the Forest ........................................................ 177

Picture 16: Caterpillar ............................................................................................... 179

Picture 17: Roasted and unroasted Caterpillars ........................................................ 179Picture 18: Bushmeat confiscated by Ecoguards ...................................................... 188

LIST OF BOXESBox 1: Criteria 7 and Indicators developed by the ITTO ............................................... 16

Box 2: Components of the SLF.................................................................................... 21Box 3: Characteristics of the SLF ................................................................................ 46

Box 4: Work Schedule for Yenga ................................................................................. 89

258

Box 5: Work Schedule for Nguilili ................................................................................ 91

Box 6: Work Schedule for Lindjombo .......................................................................... 93Box 7: Work Schedule for Kounda Papaye ................................................................. 95

Box 8: Work Schedule for Ngatongo............................................................................ 97

Box 9: Work Schedule for Ikelemba ............................................................................. 99

259

ANNEXESAnnexe 1: List of Abbreviations

AETFAT: Association for the Taxonomic Study of the Flora of Tropical Africa

AIDS: Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

BCNet: Biodiversity Conservation NetworkBMZ: Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung

BWI: Bretton Woods Institutions

CAR: Central African RepublicCARPE: Central African Regional Program for the Environment

CED: Centre for Environment and Development

CEIMM: Center of Studies and Information of the Multiethnic WomanCDDR: Centre de Documentation pour le Développement Rural

CFA : Communauté Française d’Afrique (French community of Africa)

CFG : Community Forest GroupsCIB: Congolaise Industrielle du Bois

CIDA: Canadian International Development Agency

CIFOR: Centre for International Forestry ResearchCL: Communal/Community Forest

COMIFAC: Conference of Ministers in Charge of Forests in Central Africa

COVAREF : Comité de Valorisation des Ressources FauniquesCPRC: Chronic Poverty Research Centre

CRS: Creative Research Systems

DFID: Department for International DevelopmentDPCSD: United Nations Department for Policy coordination and Sustainable

Development

ENERGIA: International Network on Gender and Sustainable EnergyETFRN: European Tropical Forest Research Network

EU: European Union

FAO: Food and Agricultural OrganisationFMU: Forest Management Unit

FPP: Forest People’s Programme

GDRC: Global Development Research CentreGED: Gender Equality in Development

260

GEM: Gender Evaluation Methodology

GLFA: Great Lakes Forest AllianceGTZ: German Technical Cooperation

HIPC: Highly Indebted Poor Countries initiative

IDRC: International Development Research CentreIFUW: International Federation of University Women

IGNARM: Integrating Indigenous and Gender Aspects in Natural Resource Management

IRAD: Institut de Recherche Agricole pour le DéveloppementITTO : International Tropical Timber Organisation

IUCN: International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources

IUFRO: International Union of Forest Research OrganisationsIWDA: International Women’s Development Agency

OCDH : Observatoire Congolais des Droits de l’Homme

MCPFE : Ministerial Conference on the Protection of Forests in EuropeMINEF: Ministry of Environment and Forestry, changed to

MINFOF: Ministry of Forests and Fauna

NGO: Non-Governmental OrganisationNTFP: Non Timber Forest Products

PROGEPP : Projet de Gestion des Ecosystèmes Périphériques au Parc National de

Nouabalé-Ndoki.SAPS: Structural Adjustment Programmes

SARPN: Southern African Regional Poverty Network

SFM: Sustainable Forest ManagementSL: Sustainable Livelihoods

SLF: Sustainable Livelihood Framework

SWC: Status of Women CanadaTBNRM: Transboundary Natural Resource Management

TNC: Transnational Cooperation

UFA/FMU: Unité Forestier d’Amènagement/ Forest Management UnitUNCED: United Nations Conference on Environment and Development

UNDP: United Nations Development Programme

UN DPCSD: United Nations Department for Policy Coordination and SustainableDevelopment

261

UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

UNIFEM: United Nations Development Fund for WomenUNSO: United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office

USAID: United States Agency for International Development

USDA: United States Department of AgricultureWCED: World Commission on Environment and Development

WCS: Wildlife Conservation Society

WFP: World Food ProgrammeWHO: World Health Organisation

WHRC: Woods Hole Research Centre

WWF: World Wide Fund for NatureZIC: Zones d’Intérêt Cynégétique

ZICGC : Zones d’Intérêt Cynégétique à Gestion Communautaire

262

Annexe 2: Profile of Forest Resources Used in the Research Area

The resources, which are important to both the Baaka and Bantu, are cited in this annexe

to give an idea on the variety of products used by these people. It was difficult to identify all

the products with their scientific names because due to time constraints, an expedition intothe forest with the local people and botanists, to ease identification, could not be organised.

For the plant resources cited, the grain, leaves, fruit, bark, stem or the exsudate are used.These plant parts are eaten either raw or cooked. However, these plant parts do not only

serve as food, but could also be used for their medicinal value or as colorants. The fruits

or grains of some of the plants are used as poison for fishing. Some of the plants, whichare linked to the cosmology of the local people (especially the Baaka) are therefore culturally

important to them. Some of the plants are also used for construction and fabrication of

diverse objects (sleeping mats, baskets, mortars and pestles, spoons, etc).

The local people do not eat all of the animals cited. Eating some of these animals is a

taboo because either they are totems or eating these animals can lead to being infectedwith certain illnesses. The protection status of the animals is also indicated according to

the forestry code on fauna protection in all three countries.

Table 7: Princinpal Plant NTFPs named by local population during the research

Scientific name Pilot name Vernacular nameAfromomum sp Tondolo, Tondo

Afromomum sp ElendiAllanblackia floribunda Mombeke

Alstonia sp Gouka

Angylocalyx pynaertii Edjombe/MundjombeAnonidium manii Mobèye/Ngbé

Apocynaceae sp Gouka

Autranella congolensis Mukulungu BangaBambeya lacourtiana Bobambou or Bambu

Brenania brieyi Molonjo/ oyo

Caloncoba welwitschii MobakeCarapa procera Godjo

263

Ceiba pentandra Fromager Bouma, Ekulu

Celtis mildbraedi Ohia Ngombé

Chrysobalanaceae parinari Parinari Kanja KanjaChrysophyllum lacourtiana Mabambou

Chrysophyllum perpulchrum Ekoka/Mokoka

Chrythrantus macrobotrys Matokodi, malokoCoctus sp Monkankiayaké

Croton haumanianus Indengo

Croton sp Croton NoumboIgnames sauvages

Dioscorea semperflorens - Ésúmá

Dioscorea sp - BiókóDioscorea sp - Móndiki

Anchomanes difformis - Ékulé

Dioscorea minutiflora - ÉpangéDioscorea praehensilis - Sapá

Duboscia macrocarpa Ngoulouma

Diospyros sp MondangaDiospyros sp Ebène Doubo

Entandrophragma cylindricum Sapelli Boyo

Entandrophragma utile Sipo GoyeEribroma oblongum Gboyo

Erythrophleum ivorense Tali Ngbanda

Fagara macrophylla MbahalohFagara tessmannii Molongo/Bolongo

Gambeya lacourtiana Longui abam Mokoka

Garcinia kola Garcinia MokodongoGilbertiodendron dewevrei Limbali Bémba

Gnetum Koko/Kumbi

Gnetum africanum - KokoGnetum buchholzianum - Kali

Gnetum sp - Poumba yéngé

Staudtia gabonensis - MalangaHua gabonii Hua Mongemba

264

Isolana hexaloba Moningo

Irvingia excelsa Payo

Irvingia gabonensis PekeLandolphia owariensis Malombo, Ndembo

Lophira alata Azobé Mokole

Macaranga sp Mombo, BomboMegaphrynium macrostachyum Ngongo

Manniophyton fulvrum Kusa

Milletia barteri LombaMorinda morindoides Kongobololo

Myrianthus arboreus Ngata

Mytragyna ciliata BongaMusanga cercroproides Paletuvier Kombo

Omphalocarpum elatum Bobate

Panda oleosa Afane KanaPentaclethra macrophylla Mempa/ Mobala Mombalaka

Piptadeniastrum africanum Dabema KunguPolyalthia suaveolens Motunga

Pterocarpus soyauxii Padouk Embema

Pycnanthus angolensis Ilomba TénguéRicinodendron heudelottii Essessang Kopo/Njansan

Rothmannia whitfieldii Kodabema Ndembe

Standtia stipitata MolangaStrombiopsis tetrandra Njombé

Strophanthus gratus Ndemele

Strychnos aculeata PombeStrychnos icaja Bondo

Terminalia superba Limba/Fraké Monganga

Thomandersia laurifolia IngokaTrilepsisium madagascarense Pongi

Triplochiton scleroxylon Ayous Ayus/M’bado/Ndossé

Warneckea membraniflolia MbondoZanthoxylon sp Mongo

Epoma

265

Elongobila

EkweleOboli

Ekengele

BolongoEndia (soh)

Table 8: Principal animals mentioned by local population during the research

Scientific name Pilot name Vernacular Protectionname status

Aonyx congica Loutre à joue blanche Djoko NP

Atherus africanus Porc-épique Mboke NPAtilax paludinosus Mangouste aquatique Nbanza/Ngando NP

Boocercus euryceros Bongo Mbongo IP

Cephalophus callipygus Céphalophe de Peters Ngandi/Ngbomu NPCephalophus monticola Céphalophe bleu Mboloko/Dengbe NP

Cercopithecus cephus Moustac Gbwéti NP

Cercopithecus neglectus Cercopitheque de Brazza Moussila PPCercopitecus nictitans Hocheur Koy NP

Chamaeleo sp Chaméleon NP

Colobus guereza Colobe guereza Kalu IPEddie Horvath Aigle Ngolio NP

Felis familiaris Chat tigré NP

Genetta tigrina Genette NPGorilla gorilla gorilla Gorille de plaine Ebobo IP

Hippopotamus amphibius Hippopotame Ngoubou IP

Hylocherus meinertzhageni Hylochère Beya PPKinixys homeana Tortue NP

Loxodonta africana Eléphant Njokou/Ya IP

Lutra maculicollis Loutre à cou tachetée Londo NPManis gigantea Pangolin géant Kelepa IP

Manis tetradactyla Pangolin à long queue Kokolo NP

Nandinia binotata Nandinie Mboka NPOrycteropus afer Oryctérope Kpinya/Mbiambo IP

266

Panthera pardus léopard Ngoi/Sua IP

Pantroglodyte Chimpanzé Sumbu IPPotamochoerus porcus Potamochère N’Goya PP

Profelis aurata Chat doré Ndoukou NP

Syncerus caffer nanus Buffle de forêt Ngombo PPTragelaphus spekeii Sitatunga Mbouli PP

Viverra civetta Civette lyabo NP

IP= Integrally Protected, NP= Not Protected, PP= Partially Protected

Some of the names in Tables B1 and B2 above are in the Bantu language while others are

in Baaka. It was difficult to separate the names into the Bantu and Baaka language becausethe Baaka sometimes assume the Bantu appellation for some species while the Bantu

also adapt the Baaka appellation. However, the closer link of the Baaka to the forest and

the wider knowledge they have of forest products, has led to the fact that most of the namesare in the Baaka language and then also used by the Bantu.

The vernacular names were linked to their scientific names with the help of the Botanists atPROGEPP/WCS Kabo (in Congo), CIB Plan d’amènagement Kabo (2006), Kretsinger

(1995) and Schmidt (1998). An attempt to get the English and French name for each species

was made, but this was difficult because the vernacular names of the species are morecommonly used.

Table 9: Caterpillars mentioned and their host trees

Caterpillar Caterpillar Host tree scientific name (scientific name) (vernacular name)

Anaphe sp Ndossé/ Gbato Triplochiton scleroxylon

Cirina forda Erythrophleum spElaphrodes lactea Milletia laurentii

Imbrasia epinethea Ricinodendron heudelotii

Imbrasia obscurta Piptadeniastrum africanum

Imbrasia oyemensis Mboyo Entandrophragma cylindricum

Pseudantheraea discrepans Kanga/ Kangaboyo Entandrophragma angolense

Imbrasia truncate, Petersianthus macrocarpus

Imbrasia epinethea

267

Babanga/ Sengui Xylopia sp (Avonaceae)

Bokpakoto/ Bosiko Strombocia spBokekene/ Bosiko Strombocia sp

Koulouma/ Boso Combretodendron

(Petersianthus) macrocarpum

The vernacular names of the caterpillars were linked to their scientific names with the help

of PROGEPP/WCS workers and CIB Plan d’amènagement Kabo (2006).Most of the caterpillar host trees also happen to be very important economic trees for the

logging companies in the area. This therefore illustrates the conflict between the local population

and these forest exploiters who contribute to the scarcity of thesecaterpillars through the high rate of exploitation of these host trees.

Table 10: Principal products of fishing in the research area

Scientific name Pilot name Vernacular nameCrustacean spp Crevette Kaanji

Clarias spp NgoloBrienomyrus spp, Mbesse

Campylonmormyrus spp,

Hippopotamyrus sppChrysichthys spp, Machoîron Machoîron

Auchenoglanis spp,

Parauchenoglanis sppOreochromis niloticus, Tilapia

Sarotherodon spp, Tilapia spp

Parauchenoglanis spp KanyaPolypterus spp Konga/Mokona

Dalophys sp,

Malapterus electricus Poisson électrique Nina/GbigbiCyprinus carpio carpio Carpe

The scientific names for the fish were identified with the help of CIB Plan d’amènagementKabo (2006) and Plan d’Amènagement Lobéké MINEF (2004).

268

Annexe 3: Product Collection, Autoconsumption and Sale

Tables 11 to 16: Quantities of the products selected for detailed study that are collected/

killed, autoconsumed and sold for both ethnic groups.

For each of the tables, the numbers in brackets indicate the number of people who gaveinformation concerning the particular product in each village.

Table 11: Blue duiker/Month

Quantity Quantity QuantityKilled Autoconsumed Sold

Baaka Yenga (n=8) 64 32 32Bantu Yenga (n=8) 58 32 26Baaka Nguilili (n=6) 41 20 21Bantu Nguilili (n=5) 16 7 9Baaka Ngatongo (n=1) 2 0 2Bantu Ngatongo (n=2) 26 5 21Baaka Lindjombo (n=6) 65 30 35Bantu Lindjombo (n=4) 30 11 19Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3) 44 22 22Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3) 32 16 16Baaka Ikelemba (n=1) 24 12 12Bantu Ikelemba (n=1) 8 8 0

Table 12: Peter’s duiker/Month

Quantity Quantity QuantityKilled Autoconsumed Sold

Baaka Yenga (n=8) 32 15 17Bantu Yenga (n=7) 27 13 14Baaka Nguilili (n=7) 24 11 13Bantu Nguilili (n=5) 8 4 4Baaka Ngatongo (n=1) 2 0 2Bantu Ngatongo (n=2) 9 0 9Baaka Lindjombo (n=6) 60 27 33Bantu Lindjombo (n=4) 26 10 16Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3) 8 4 4Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3) 6 3 3Baaka Ikelemba (n=1) 12 0 12Bantu Ikelemba (n=1) 12 12 0

269

Table 13: Koko/Week

Quantity Quantity QuantityCollected Autoconsumed Sold

Baaka Yenga (n=11) 440 215 225

Bantu Yenga (n=11) 172 106 66

Baaka Nguilili (n=6) 185 76 109Bantu Nguilili (n=5) 72 47 25

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1) 100 15 85

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2) 22 22 0Baaka Lindjombo (n=5) 90 24 66

Bantu Lindjombo (n=5) 65 39 26

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3) 130 20 110Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=3) 74 59 15

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1) 84 14 70

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1) 40 4 36Unit of measurement is a packet, which weighs 50g.

Table 14: Bush mango/Year

Quantity Quantity QuantityCollected Autoconsumed Sold

Baaka Yenga (n=11) 44 26 18

Bantu Yenga (n=11) 29 15 14Baaka Nguilili (n=7) 26 10 16

Bantu Nguilili (n=5) 29 13 16

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1) 2 1 1Bantu Ngatongo (n=1) 1 1 0

Baaka Lindjombo (n=5) 12 5 7

Bantu Lindjombo (n=1) 1 1 0Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3) 8 4 4

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2) 2 2 0

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1) 5 1 4Bantu Ikelemba (n=1) 1 1 0

The unit of measurement is the Cuvette, which is a 20l basin.

270

Table 15: Catfish/Year

Quantity Quantity QuantityCollected Autoconsumed Sold

Baaka Yenga (n=11) 5 3 2

Bantu Yenga (n=9) 3 2 1

Baaka Nguilili (n=8) 14 7 7Bantu Nguilili (n=5) 7 4 3

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1) 1,5 0,5 1

Bantu Ngatongo (n=2) 28 17 11Baaka Lindjombo (n=6) 16 7 9

Bantu Lindjombo (n=6) 18 6 12

Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3) 7 3 4Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2) 5 3 2

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1) 5 2 3

Bantu Ikelemba (n=1) 10 3 7The unit of measurement is the Cuvette.

Table 16: Crayfish/Year

Quantity Quantity QuantityCollected Autoconsumed Sold

Baaka Yenga (n=10) 7 3 4

Bantu Yenga (n=9) 6 3 3Baaka Nguilili (n=5) 12 6 6

Bantu Nguilili (n=4) 6 3 3

Baaka Ngatongo (n=1) 0,3 0,3 0Bantu Ngatongo (n=0) 0 0 0

Baaka Lindjombo (n=6) 3 3 0

Bantu Lindjombo (n=4) 2 1 1Baaka Kounda Papaye (n=3) 5 2 3

Bantu Kounda Papaye (n=2) 3 1 2

Baaka Ikelemba (n=1) 0 0 0Bantu Ikelemba (n=1) 0 0 0

The unit of measurement is the Cuvette.

271

Annexe 4: Coding in MAXQDA

Text groups and sub groups used in MAXQDA

Village chiefsVillage chief Ikelemba

Village chief Nguilili

Village chief Lindjombo and his notablesVillage chief Yenga and his notables

Village chief Kounda Papaye

Village chief Ngatongo

ObservationsObservations NgatongoObservations Ngatongo 1

Observations Ikelemba

Observations Ikelemba 1Observations Nguilili/Yenga

Discussion groupsBaaka men Ikelemba

Baaka men Kounda Papaye

Baaka men NgatongoBaaka men Yenga

Baaka men Nguilili

Baaka men LindjomboBaaka women Ikelemba

Baaka women Kounda Papaye

Baaka women LindjomboBaaka women Ngatongo

Baaka women Nguilili

Baaka women YengaBantu men Nguilili

Bantu men Ikelemba

Bantu men Kounda Papaye

272

Bantu men Lindjombo

Bantu men NgatongoBantu men Yenga

Bantu women Yenga

Bantu women NguililiBantu women Ikelemba

Bantu women Kounda Papaye

Bantu women LindjomboBantu women Ngatongo

Code system and Sub codes used in MAXQDAChange in use of forest products

Conflicts linked to product harvest

Conflicts with project personnel/conflict resolutionConstraints due to park creation

For women

For menForest use

Men

WomenMen and women

Forest use rules in the past

Impacts of harvesting forest productsImplication of negative impacts

Importance of conservation

Importance of forest productsSubsistence value

Cultural value

Economic valueInterviews with village chiefs

Advantages to promote communal work

Attitude to park creationCommon initiative activities

Economic activities

273

Ethnic composition village

Implication of womenInheritance issues

Limitation of customary rights

Local administrationMinorities in village

Organisations present

Political partiesRelation btw ethnic groups

Religions practiced

Sanctions and taboosVillage history

Malfunction of park management

New rules product harvestProduct disponibility and sufficiency

Product harvest

IndividuallyGroups

Product substitution

Role of women in decision-makingSensitisation before creation of park

Social improvement with creation of park

For womenFor men

Strengths, weaknesses & opportunities in forest management

Suggestions to improve managementThreats to forest

Traditional forest management system

Traditional values attached toForest parts

Animals

Plants

274

Annexe 5: Questions used during the Research

A. Discussions de Base (Chef du village, Patriarches et Doyens du Village)1. Histoire du village

a. La période de création du villageb. Le fondateur du village

c. La signification du nom du village

d. Est-ce que le village était d’abord situé ailleurs?e. Quelle est l’étendue du village ?

f. Combien de quartiers compte le village ?

h. Combien de ménages y a-t-il dans le village ?2. La composition ethnique du village

3. Est-ce qu’il y a des minorités ethniques dans ce village ? Sont-elles représentées au

conseil du village ?4. Les rapports actuels entre différents groupes (par exemple entre les groupes ethniques,

les chefs de ménage hommes et les chefs de ménage femmes, les groupes de minorité

et le reste du village, les indigènes et les immigrés, etc...)5. Quelles sont les religions pratiquées dans le village ? Y a-t-il des croyances traditionnelles

liées à la forêt (secteurs particuliers dans la forêt, les arbres, les animaux, etc..) ? Y

a-t-il d'autres lieux que vous adorez (par exemple des cavernes, des collines, desroches, etc..) ?

6. Système de parenté et son ampleur dans le contrôle des activités économiques (par

exemple attribution de terre)7. Les activités communes des groupes autonomes

8. L’administration locale

a. le processus de devenir un chefb. comment est la structure de la prise de décision par le chef

c. y a t-il d'autres personnes très influentes dans le village qui pourraient facilement

inciter les personnes locales à leur écouter ?9. Les avantages et les incovénients de la promotion des actions communes et la résolution

des conflits

10. Comment s´opère l´implication des femmes dans la prise de décision et la gestiondes ressources forestières ?

11. Sanctions et tabous existants dans le village (interdit)

12. Parties politiques représentées dans le village

275

13. Les organismes locaux, nationaux et internationaux actifs dans le village

14. Quelles sont les différentes activités économiques (de production) dans le village etsont-elles spécifiques aux groupes ethniques ?

15. Quelle est l'attitude générale des villageois au sujet de la création de l’aire protégée

et les activités du projet dans la forêt ?16. Est-ce que vos droits d´usage des forêts dans l’aire protégée ont été limités ? Comment

réagissez-vous aux limitations d´usage des produits forestiers dans l´aire protégée ?

276

B. Guide de discussion avec les Hommes et les Femmes sur la gestiondurable des fôrets.1. Quelles sont les activités restreintes aux femmes ? Restreintes aux hommes ? Communes

aux hommes et aux femmes dans la forêt ?

2. Classez les produits que vous obtenez de la forêt sur la base :a. valeurs de subsistance de et/ou

b. caractéristiques culturelles et/ou

c. caractéristiques socio-économiques et/oud. caractéristiques sociopolitiques.

3. Attachez-vous (les hommes/femmes) des valeurs et des significations aux parties de

la forêt, aux animaux et aux arbres en relation aux valeurs culturelles ?4. De nos jours, cueillez-vous (chassez-vous) autant des produits comme vous faisiez il

y a 10 ans ? S'il y a eu un changement de la quantité cueillie/chassée, pourquoi ?

5. Avez-vous besoin de cueillir/chasser plus de ces produits ou est-ce que la quantitéque vous cueillez/chassez de nos jours est suffisante pour vos besoins ?

6. Si ces produits cessaient d’exister, pourriez vous les substituer par autres produits ?

Si oui, lesquels ?7. cueillez/chassez-vous avec d'autres femmes (hommes) dans des groupes ou i

individuellement ? Pourquoi ?

8. Lié aux produits que vous récoltez, pensez vous qu'il existe un quelconque désaccordpar ex. les endroits de cueillette/chasse, ou localement entre les hommes/femmes,

les groupes ethniques, etc. ou avec les gens venant hors du village, dans la cueillette/

chasse ou de l'utilisation de ces produits ?9. Quels sont selon vous les impacts négatifs/positifs de l'utilisation spécifique de ces

ressources de la forêt pour leur protection et gestion durable ?

10. Quelles sont les implications de ces impacts sur les hommes et les femmes dans lacommunauté ?

11. Quelles sont les menaces principales aux ressources forestières dans votre région ?

12. Quelles valeurs et significations attachez-vous (les hommes/femmes) à la conservationdes forêts ?

13. Avez-vous les traditions, les pratiques et les valeurs locales de gestion des ressources

forestières ?14. Quels sont les forces, faiblesses, visions et rapports entre vous (hommes et femmes)

et la capacité de participer aux activités de gestion des ressources de la forêt ?

277

15. Les femmes jouent-elles un rôle dans la prise de décision au sujet de l'utilisation des

ressources ?16. Avez-vous été informé avant la création de l´aire protégée ? Si oui, par qui ?

17. Y a-t-il de nouveaux règlements sur la cueillette/chasse des PFNLs liés à la création

de l’aire de conservation ?18. Diriez-vous qu’il y a un changement dans l'usage et l'influence sur les ressources

forestières par les hommes de nos jours comparé il y a 10 ans ? Si oui, pourquoi ?

19. Y avait-il des règles et règlements par le passé concernant l'utilisation de la forêt ?20. Qu’est ce qui s´améliore pour les femmes/hommes avec la création de l’aire de

conservation ? Comment ?

21. Y a-t-il des problèmes/contraintes concernant l'initiative qui s'applique spécifiquementaux femmes ou aux hommes ?

22. Selon vous, qu’est-ce qui marche bien dans l'initiative ?

23. Qu’est ce qui ne fonctionne pas tellement bien ? Pourquoi ?24. Avez-vous des suggestions qui rendraient l´initiative meilleure ?

25. Avez-vous eu des problèmes avec le personnel/direction de l'initiative ?

26. Êtes-vous heureux avec la manière dont ces problèmes ont été traités ?

278

279

280

281

282

283

284

Vie Institutionnelle du VillageAppartenez-vous à l’une des institutions ci-dessous mentionnées ? (Spécifier).

1= Les organisations (ONG local, les groupes d'Intérêt-GIC),

2= Associations (les sociétés traditionnelles, tontine, sociétés coopératives et les partis politiques)

Quel est le rôle que vous jouez ou la position que vous occupez ?

Combien de femmes sont représentées dans ce groupe ?Comment votre organisation est-elle liée aux activités forestières ?

Comment est-ce que les décisions sont prises dans ces organismes ? 1= votant 2 = par

les gens influents 3 = autre (à spécifier)Comment ces règles et règlements affectent-ils le ménage particulièrement dans l'utilisation

de la forêt et l'égalité pour les hommes et les femmes ?

Les conflits du Village et leurs Mécanismes de GestionQuelles sont les principales causes des conflits qu’on rencontre au village ?

Comment sont-ils résolus ?