UNSCR 1325; 11 Years of efforts and effects. A study, to explore the participation of women in peace processes, since the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 1325 and the effect of this involvement on the outcome of Peace keeping.
Candida Darling
May 2012
Global Politics
Liverpool Hope University
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A project
Presented by
Candida Darling
of
Liverpool Hope University
in fulfilment of part of the examination requirement for
Degree of Masters of Arts
of the
Liverpool Hope University
May 2012
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A study, to explore the participation of women in peace processes, since the United Nations
Security Council adopted resolution 1325 and the effect of this involvement on the outcome
of Peace keeping.
Candida Darling 06010546
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DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY
I declare that this is an original study based on my own work
and that I have not submitted it for any other course or degree.
Signature ---------------------
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Contents
1. Abstract Page 6
2. List of tables Page 7
3. List of abbreviations Page 8
4. Acknowledgements Page 9
5. Introduction: Pages 9-11
6. Conflict Pages 11-12
7. Post Conflict Page 12-13
8. Peace Pages13-15
9. Feminist Peace and Conflict Theory Pages 16-22
Criteria used measure peace in this paper Page 23
10. A concise history United Nations peacekeeping Pages 23-30
11. First –second generation peacekeeping Pages 23-27
12. Right to protect Page 28
13. Third generation peacekeeping objectives Page 29
14. Roles within the United Nations Pages 31-33
15. Methodology Pages 33-36
(Qualitative codes) Page 34
16. Results Pages 36-52
17. Discussion Pages 53-58
18. Conclusion Pages 58-59
19. Limitations and future directions Page 59-60
References (by alphabetical order of surnames) Pages 61-74
Appendix
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Abstract.
The United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was a milestone legal and
political framework adopted by the United Nations security council in October 2000, it called
for participation of women at all levels of decision-making, prevention (of) and protection
(from) - sexual and gender-based violence and the mainstreaming of gender perspectives in
all peace-keeping operations (UNIFEM, 2010). It was suggested that women’s participation
in Peace keeping operations (PKOs) would have a positive effect on the outcome, i.e. a
longer lasting peace being attained (Adrian-Paul, 2009). The aims of this research were to:
identify the amount of women in civilian peacekeeping and leadership roles; determine the
representation of women in military and police roles at all levels; explore the effect that
gender balanced participation has on peace building. The main proposition of this research
was that a more gender balanced approach would have a positive effect on the outcome of
peace keeping. In order to explore this overall statistics on gender balance within the U.N
were analysed for scope of adherence to UNSCR 1325 (UN peacekeeping, 2011); next the
research quantified the level of gender balanced involvement on all 18 individual United
Nations Peace Keeping Operations (UN PKOs) both at civilian and in uniformed service
(military and police) (Gender Statistics by Mission, 2011). Evidence for the following criteria
were used to measure the effect of female leaders on peace: levels of Direct violence;
Cultural violence; Structural violence; Domestic violence; Sexual violence and equal
Participation in education.
It was found that there is still a profound gender imbalance at high levels within the U.N. In
uniformed service, gender balance remained very low 12.5% at best 0% at worst1 (Gender
Statistics by Mission, 2011; U.N., 2012(a)). In addition it was determined that women are
universally at a considerable disadvantage and are victims of a disproportionate deficiency of
positive peace (Womenstats, 2011); on missions scrutinized almost no difference was found
between the experience of women in post conflict states with female head of missions and
states which had male leaders.
1 It was the intention of this research to evaluate missions with a higher than average gender balance overall, to
understand the effect of adherence to UNSCR 1325 on peace; it was not possible to accurately do this. Therefore
the criteria of analysis had to adapt to only include leaders as a deciding factor, there are three female heads
operations in Sudan (UNMISS and UNMID) and three male heads of operation in Cote d’ivoire (UNOCI).
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List of tables/Maps/Graphs
Table1. The methods and manifestation of violence against women taken from Goetz &
Anderson, (2008; p3) page 18
Map1. Conflict and Education level of girls page 20
Table 2: Negative and Positive Peace/Direct and Indirect Violence page 22
Table 3: first generation peace keeping page 25
Table 4: second generation (Malan, 1998;p2). Page 26
Table 5: the estimated year gender parity will be reached page 38
Table 6: gender development over 10 years page 38
Fig 1: numbers of military experts page 40
Table 8: numbers of male and female military experts page 41
Table 9: Top and bottom numbers for female involvement individual police page 41
Fig 2: individual police gender balance by mission page 42
Table 10: Top and bottom numbers for female involvement for troops on current PKO’s
figures for March 2012; page 42
Fig 3: Troops gender balance by mission page 43
Table 11: gender balanced percentages for military experts on Missions page 44
Table 12: gender balanced percentages individual police on Missions page 45
Table 13: gender balanced percentages for troops page 46
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List of Abbreviations:
9/11 The terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11th
2001
7/7 The terrorist attacks on London July 7th
2005
DDR Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration
DSRSG Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General
FPCT Feminist Peace and Conflict Theory
FWCW Fourth World Conference on Women
FPU Formed Police Unit
GDP Gross Domestic Product
IMF International Monetary Fund
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
R2P The Responsibility to Protect
SRSG Special Representative of the Secretary-General
TCC Troop Contributing Countries
UN United Nations
UNAMA United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan
UNAMID African Union/United Nations Hybrid operation in Darfur
UNMIL United Nations Mission in Liberia
UNIFEM United Nations Fund for Women
UNISFA United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei
UNMISS United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan
UNOCI United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire
UNOSOM United Nations Operation in Somalia
MONUSCO United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIFEM United Nations Fund for Women
UNOSOM United Nations Operation in Somalia
UNSC United Nations Security Council
UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution
WHO World Health Organisation
WWII World War Two
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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank all the people that made it possible for me to undertake this research.
Firstly, thank you to my supervisor Michael Holmes, for his guidance and support throughout
this study and for enduring my boisterous interruptions. Thank you, Michael.
My biggest thank you is to my family: firstly Stephen for listening and proof reading
throughout my studies. I would like to say a huge and heartfelt thank you to my three
children; Loui, James and Ysabella, for enduring my moods and being accommodating,
understanding and really helpful throughout my studies, I missed you guys and I love you
more.
Finally thank you Jesus for giving me the strength to continue through all the struggles.
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A study, to explore the participation of women in peace processes, since the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted resolution 1325 and the effect of this
involvement on the outcome of Peace keeping.
Introduction:
The main emphasis of this study was to explore the scope of adherence to and understand
the effect of, United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 1325; this is performed
by first analysing the concept of Peace from a mainstream perspective and then through a
feminist lens. Next missions were reviewed for scope of adherence to UNSCR 1325; this was
done by quantifying the level of gender balanced involvement on United Nations Peace
Keeping Operations (UN PKOs) since UNSCR 1325. Finally four missions were evaluated to
investigate the effect of adherence.
On October 31, 2000, the United Nations Security Council adopted landmark Security
Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace & Security (appendix one). Unparalleled in its
assertion that women should be included as active representatives of peacebuilding it called
for: women to be fully integrated at all levels of decision-making, prevention (of) and
protection (from) - sexual and gender-based violence and the mainstreaming of gender
perspectives in all peace-keeping operations (UNIFEM, 2010). This resolution came after a
period of research and reflection on the value of women in resolving the world’s problems.
At the commencement of UNSCR 1325 the United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan,
referred to the fourth World Conference on Women (FWCW) held in Beijing in 1995, here
three themes were addressed: equality, development and peace. These themes became actions
and finally resolution 1325 was developed in consultation with Non-Governmental
Organisations (NGO’s), international governments and United Nations (UN) systems. It was
stated that commitments made by governments at this time established the fact that women's
equality must be a vital component of any effort to solve the world's social, economic and
political problems. Annan asserted that, “gender equality is now one of the primary factors
shaping the international agenda” (Womenwatch, 2000). Ten years on it has been suggested
that women’s participation in PKO’s would have a positive effect on the outcome a longer
lasting and more positive peace being attained (Adrian-Paul, 2009; Black, 2009,Jennings,
2011), this research seeks to examine this claim
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Having briefly introduced UNSCR 1325, this paper begins with a succinct introduction of
theory surrounding conflict and peace; it will then discuss the usefulness of these theories in
measuring peace.
Conflict
In order to discuss peace first one must mention war or conflict, conflict is a permanent
presence within the global arena. At present there are forty four ongoing conflicts
internationally (Pike, 2011) and there are 98,302 troops serving the United Nations
peacekeeping force on eighteen UN peacekeeping missions, as of December 2011 (Alvarez,
2012).
When a conflict is between states the ending of hostilities and direct violence allows the
citizens of the individual countries to begin to rebuild their lives post conflict with the ‘other
side’ securely within their own state boundaries doing the same. In this case, time allows
emotional and physical wounds to heal, eventually old resentments can be settled and the
separateness allows time for grace and mercy to flow; a condition of reconciliation can be
enjoyed which leads to lasting peace (Lederach, 2008). We have seen this happen historically
between many countries where peace is then further secured through trade being re-
established and even free trade agreements such as those within the European Union. This
liberal democratic peace is seen as the pinnacle of peace attainment, where once warring
states that endured long and violent enmity join to form a union of trade and even security
such as North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NATO (Maguire & Smith, 2008).
However the nature of conflict has changed noticeably in the last two decades, from interstate
to intrastate. At present 13 out of 18 UN missions are dealing with intrastate conflict (United
Nations, 2008), this makes the definition of peace far more complex as warring factions are
struggling due to a multitude of factors. Societies internationally are confronting tensions
from colossal and swift variations in demographics as countries are transformed through
population migration, movement, and displacement. Furthermore, these tensions are
exacerbated due to population growth caused by the dual impact of increased life span and
decreased infant death (WHO, 2005). As these factors occur alongside economic upheaval
such as the global recession, changes to markets due to globalization (IMF, 2011) and
environmental issues such as flood or drought, conflicts arise continuously (Del Castillo,
2002). In addition conflict is a universal feature of human society; groups forms which are
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mutually antagonistic because of real or perceived, intransigent differences (Ramsbotham,
Woodhouse & Miall, 2011), such as religion, race or political ideology.
Severe and sudden societal transformations have an effect on the resources available for a
populace but are controllable in stable territories that have solid governance and established
norms for managing conflict; as was seen in the 2011 riots in Great Britain (McKee, & Raine,
2011). However, in countries which are politically immature or states with less durable
relations, pressures are exacerbated by underlying tensions, whether they are religious,
financial or cultural. In these instances rapid social change is likely to result in conflict
(Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011; p8). Moreover individuals living with conflict
suffer long past the ceasefire or peace agreement, the number of civilians killed during and
after conflict is rising, both in raw numbers and as a percentage of casualties (Collier, 2009).
A fundamental challenge that has arisen is that post conflict situations do not automatically
create peaceful, safe environments for the indigenous population (Paris, & Sisk, 2009; Asser,
2010).
“Violent conflict is over when a new political dispensation prevails..... conflict
resolution is broader than conflict termination... ending a violent conflict does not
necessarily resolve the issues that were root causes; nor does resolving the issues in
conflict necessarily end violence.” (Pp. 171-172; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall,
2011)
Post-conflict
‘Post-conflict’ can be defined as: ‘the absence of politically supported organised violence or
the surrendering of weapons and the signing of peace accords (by the main protagonist
parties)’ (Paris, & Sisk, 2009; p272), this could be explained as ‘negative peace’ because of
the absence of war. This type of peace is easily measured and parameters can be set; for
example less than 25 military deaths, or less than 1000 military deaths per annum (Pike,
2011). However post conflict does not necessarily mean there is peace as this is a far more
nonspecific term, and in fact it is an idea or concept that is debatable, particularly when
looked at from a feminist perspective. For the purpose of this research I will try to establish a
baseline idea of what peace is; drawing from the fields of: philosophy, mainstream conflict
resolution and transformation theory.
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Peace
According to Evans (1998), three conditions of global affairs can be identified: war, non-war
and peace; included in this definition is that, although the fact that a state of actual hostilities
does not exist, it by no means indicates that, by default, peace has been established. Therefore
the idea of non-war is an implicit recognition that an absence of an organised armed conflict
is necessary, but that alone is not sufficient to describe or define a state of peace.
Peace treaties indicating the ratification of a pact ending a particular war, are often cited as
the start of peace; but this obligatory peace is not real peace at all, for example the Conakry
Peace Plan saw fighting and atrocities continue in Sierra Leone (MacLure, 2009) and
perhaps the most famous Peace treaty of all is the Munich Agreement between Nazi
Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and Italy, signed just before the advent of World War
Two (WWII) (Morgan, 2001).
As has been suggested, conflict is as old as mankind (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall,
2011), therefore it is unsurprising that it appears that global politics and, thus, conflict follow
ideas which were first espoused hundreds of years ago by classical thinkers. This research
specifies Hobbes and Locke, as their ideas seem to be played out in modern times; and
because Hobbes and Locke drew on observations as far back as ancient Greece and Rome
thus encompassing much of modern civilisation (Hampsher-Monk, 1993).
Pax Romana to Pax Americana and with Pax Britannica in-between: In order to assess peace
it is essential to accept that peace and war, although often considered polemic, are actually on
a continuum; with non-war being the situation whereby there is the official ending of
hostilities, such as definitive defeat by one party or ‘Pax’ via a third party for example Pax-
Americana, or with UN supervision (Azimi, 2010) and as explained above the signing of
Peace treaties or accords. However, these often precede long years of post-conflict violence
as we've seen from accords in Israel and many intra-state conflicts globally.
When discussing peace there is a need not only for interstate peace; which, when seen from a
distance, can be purported to be enjoyed by the world; the peace between Libya and Europe
or Egypt and Israel for example.
This peace espoused in classical international theory, is expressed in by Hobbes in Leviathan:
“...Hereby it manifest that during the time men live without a common power to keep
them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called war...and such a war is
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everyman against every man for WAR consisteth not in battle only, or actual fighting
but in a tract of time, wherein the known disposition is to contend by battle... thereto
during all that time there is no assurance to the contrary; All other time is PEACE.”
(Hobbes in Wootton, 1996; pp 170-171)
However this Hobbesian idea of peace does not preclude dictatorships or states where one
ethnicity or sex is violently suppressed by another so cannot be considered true peace. The
evidence of this can be seen in the Arab spring's recent uprisings in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt
where peace was kept internationally whilst most of the citizens of these countries by no
means enjoyed ‘peace’. Therefore as most current conflicts are intrastate it is prudent to
address societal peace whilst searching for a benchmark by which to measure peace.
A classical theory which supports this wider definition of peace and conflict can be taken
from Locke’s second treatise chapter III where he asserts:
“...And hence it is, that he who attempts to get another man into his absolute power,
does thereby put himself into a state of war with him; it being to be understood as a
declaration of a design upon his life: ...the state of nature and the state of war, which
however some men have confounded, are as far distant, as a state of peace, good will,
mutual assistance and preservation, and a state of enmity, malice, violence and mutual
destruction, are one from another....” (Locke in Wootton, 1996; pp316 - 317).
Locke’s philosophy, where the state of nature is the state of perfect freedom asserts that war
is not only direct violence, but the repression and intended theft of freedom from another
through the threat of violence, it gives a firmer foundation and a better benchmark of true
peace; asserting that, more than the absence of direct violence, peace requires the safety,
freedom and security of all in society, the ability to make choices and decisions and live free
from fear. This seems to be the foundation of modern peacekeeping, as evidenced in United
Nations’ actions in recent years. In addition it could be maintained that Locke’s description
of violence and destruction further expanded and elaborated to include security on many
levels, an idea attributed to Galtung (1971). He described negative peace as the absence of
military violence and went on to classify positive peace as the integration of human society.
In order to have this integration, society must be thoroughly unprejudiced to incorporate all
members of society, an impartiality which supports freedom from violence in the following
manners: Direct (explicit) violence; for example, direct attack, massacre or genocide;
Structural violence which is indirect violence caused by an unjust structure, for example
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death from preventable reasons such as malnutrition or maternal mortality as opposed to an
act of God such as flood or drought; Cultural violence occurring as a result of the cultural
assumptions which result in ignoring, accepting or even condoning the repression or
persecution of certain sectors of a society due to cultural differences (Galtung,1971; cited in
Barnett, 2008).
Although not as clear cut as the ending of military aggression, this idea of peace can be
measured qualitatively by looking at the experience of people in societies, however an
additional factor which is important is the experience of women in these societies. As seen
above Locke suggests that any attempt of one man to get another under absolute power of
him has declared himself into a state of war (Wootton, 1996), this shows that the subjection
of women has to be seen as a factor for measuring peace, without the freedom of all members
of society, including both sexes, peace cannot be said to be sustained; for where one sex is
enslaved to another a state of war exists between the sexes and thus positive peace cannot be
achieved without women being free from direct violence, structural violence and cultural
violence. Therefore before we can move onto measuring peace and the effect of UNSCR
1325 one must first discuss the similarities and differences between peace described above
and peace enjoyed by all humanity.
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Feminist peace and conflict theory
It can be espoused that women suffer from structural and cultural violence in countries which
appear to have a peaceful state of existence for most of its citizens, according to Brock-Utne
(2000). Therefore the peace concept itself will be changed and more complete when seen
from a feminist perspective. Although there is no single feminist viewpoint on peace and
conflict there is a paradigm called feminist peace and conflict theory (FPCT):
“There is no single feminist position on war, armament and weapons of mass
destruction. Some feminists fight for women’s right to fight and command
fighters; some participate in armed nationalist struggles; some are pacifists; some
believe that peace and war are not “women’s issues.” Most feminists do not
divorce feminism from national, ethnic, religious, class or other identities and
politics which together create their attitudes toward war.” (Cohen, & Ruddock; 2003
p3)
Firstly, from a traditional feminist perspective, it has been asserted that the world is
structured in a manner which constrains women (de Beauvior, 1949/1997). This continues in
the present day, according to Cohen and Ruddock (2003), who propose gender in society is
a primary method of organising communication. This communication comes via images,
writing, education, religion and culture; these create beliefs which shape our understanding of
the world and our experience in it, all directly due to the sex we are born with (Cohen, &
Ruddock; 2003). Furthermore this environment directly influences how we represent
ourselves. We become gendered ideas, suggesting we live in a world that is structured in a
manner which affords value and presents metaphors for gender; a metaphor for male is
positive and female as negative (Cohen & Ruddock, 2003). Therefore, as asserted above
where ideas were extrapolated from Lockean views of peace, when one talks about war and
peace it can be stated that men and women are at war i.e. subject to organised violence, due
to the way society is ordered (Cohen & Ruddock, 2003).
Although this suggestion of men and women being at war with one another does not permit
there to be a distinction between peace at the micro-level in society (at home behind closed
doors) and peace that is afforded to society in general, at the macro-level (Brock-Utne, 2000)
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it is a good way of measuring peace in society as where there is less macro-level violence
there is correspondingly less micro-level violence (Moolakkattu, 2006).
This (micro) violence comes under the umbrella term structural violence as explained by
Brock-Utne (2000), who maintains that Galtung’s assertion, that one man beating his wife is
not structural violence, is mistaken because:
“the linking of the micro with the macro for direct violence as well as indirect
violence is essential.” (Brock-Utne, 2000, p1)
She argues that the domestic nature of the violence still qualifies it to be dealt with under the
of mainstream peace ideology, due to the absence of negative peace; she agrees that as the
actors and victims are easily identified this is direct violence; but as it is not direct organised
violence, in that men do not come together to decide to beat their female relatives it must be
termed elsewhere. She suggests that a solution lies in the term ‘organised’ a statement based
on Wiberg, (1981) who asserts negative peace is the same as the absence of organised
violence. Thus a million men (Brock-Utne, 2000), or, in the case of the United Kingdom,
(U.K.) 2.5 million men ( Povey, (ed.) , 2005) is still personal violence as that beating has not
been organised specifically; for example, as when soldiers are trained to kill or exact violence
on other individuals. However in order for this level of violence to be perpetrated by one
group of society on another there must be a culture of complicit agreement to allow this type
of violence, due to the sheer numbers of women involved. For example, in 2010, 2.5 million
women in the U.K. suffered violence at the hands of a male family member or partner
( Povey, (ed.) , 2005). According to a gendered view of society as explained above (Cohen &
Ruddock, 2003), this violence is structural for the purposes of peace theory due to the
violence being as result of the structure of society, where men can beat women. This is
significant when deciding on what is peace as the figures for domestic violence rise in
countries where there are higher reported structural problems (UNICEF, 2000). This echoes
research performed by Bouding (1978), who found that women feel themselves particularly
intimidated when the level of wide-ranging hostility increases; furthermore this is
exacerbated because of the strong psychological connection between violence and rape
(Bouding 1978; in Cohen & Ruddock 2003, p5). This endemic violence against women in
times of structural upheaval proves that positive peace is the only answer and when searching
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for a measurement of the effect of resolution 1325, any measurement of peace must contain
the figures for domestic violence as debated above and sexual violence as illustrated below.
During conflict human beings of all ages and genders suffer torture, direct violence and
massacre however during conflict and beyond it is common practice that rape is used not only
as a weapon of war but as means of subduing populations (Cohen & Ruddock, 2003;
Moolakkattu, 2006; Weber, 2006). Rape has been described as “the monstrosity of our
century” (Goetz & Anderson, 2008; p2). It was asserted by contributors at the Wilton park
conference that; the nature of conflict was radically changed, it was discussed that conflict in
the last three decades has been characterised by ‘an increased civilian-combatant interface’
(Goetz & Anderson, 2008; p3). These findings from are the Wilton park conference in 2008;
where 70 attendees included ambassadors, members of parliament, leaders of the United
Nations security council the United Nations and United nations fund for women (UNIFEM);
from 40 countries and international organisations. They convened in order to discuss: UN
action against sexual violence in conflict, it was asserted that sexual violence was able to be
categorised in the following manner see table 1:
Widespread and
systematic
Widespread and
opportunistic
oppoppopportun
isticopportunisti
c
Isolated and random
Deployed as method of
warfare by armed groups
(a sexual manifestation of
aggression, rather than an
aggressive manifestation
of sexuality).
Armed groups and
ordinary civilians
exploit conflict
and chaos to attack
women.
Domestic criminal matter,
unrelated to political strategy
or to international peace and
security.
Table1. The methods and manifestation of violence against women taken from Goetz &
Anderson, (2008; p3)
The descriptions in fig.1 show how peace as a concept is a gendered matter; there is no
subjection of men to this degree post conflict, in fact it is reported that sexual violence
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increases once the hostilities have terminated (Goetz, & Anderson, 2008). As a consequence
it is espoused that the safeguarding of women is more difficult and that relentless sexual
violence is becoming more brutal, described as a weapon of war but also prevalent post
conflict. However even the individuals sent to help in war torn societies are perpetrators of
sexual exploitation; this is the primary complaint against the peacekeepers whilst sexual
violence is also in the top five according to Black (2009;pp 14-15). Despite the suggestion by
the attendees of the Wilton Park conference that ‘widespread and systematic sexual violence’
is a weapon of war and that ‘widespread and opportunistic sexual violence’ is not; as
suggested in figure1. above; its predominance during conflict or even post conflict proves
inter-group belligerence of a far more profound nature, the female in this case being seen as
the ‘other’ or enemy (de Beauvior, 1949/1997). Thus women suffer first at the hands of the
external enemy then, secondly, and far more enduring is the violence between sexes of the
same ‘in-group’ (Bem, 1996); the use of women as a means of expressing frustration and
feeling powerful as an individual. Furthermore rape is not only a violent sex crime, it is a
power and control crime (Blair, 2001) used by men domestically after conflict to rebuild their
damaged self-esteem; thus the term ‘isolated and random’ belies the true nature of the
attacks. It can be asserted that this culture of violence against women proves ‘peace’ can only
be declared once the violence against women is reduced dramatically and is not symptomatic
of structural difficulties; it must be considered an abhorrent and violent barrier to
reconciliation rather than a symptom of a masculine society. Thus, when addressing the effect
of resolution 1325 on the outcome of peacekeeping it is vital we measure the level of sexual
crime. Moreover, the measuring of peace in this positive manner leads us to the next concept
proposed for measuring peace, education.
“Education is key to any peace process. It is poverty and ignorance that participate in
causing and perpetuating conflict.” (Brahami, 2010)
As can be seen from map1. below, areas of deep conflict appear to have the highest
discrepancy between education of girls and boys. This educational inequality inevitably goes
on to affect the life choices for women in these societies; for example: El-Nagar asserts that
women and children are dramatically affected by conflict, often having no expertise, material
goods or capability to do anything other than begging, petty trading or beer-brewing and
prostitution (El-Nagar, 1992). This causes them to lose their identity and creates ongoing
dispossession, as they own nothing of worth. The lack of material possessions and potential
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to earn creates instability and profound psychological difficulties thus perpetuating the
impact of conflict into the next generation; the women having nothing to teach their
daughters other than the base skills described above. Thus societies are unable to undergo
real reconstruction and violence is propagated as the people fight over scant resources
(Pankhurst, 2004; Paris, & Sisk, 2009). Map1 (below) is adapted from two maps: discrepancy
in education map3 (WomanStats, 2011) and U.N. Peacekeeping Operations 2012 (UN,
Cartographic Section, 2012). This clearly shows a correlation between the unequal education
of women and a lack of peace.
Map1. Conflict and Education level of girls:
MINURSOWestern Sahara
UNAMIDDarfur
UNMISSudan
UNISFASudan
MONUSCODem Rep of the Congo
MINUSTAHHaiti
UNMILLiberia
UNOCIIvory Coast
UNTSOMiddle East
UNMITTimor-Leste
UNMIKKosovo
UNFICYPCyprus
UNIFILLebanon
UNDOFSyria UNAMA
Afghanistan UNMOGIPIndia & Pakistan
The idea that women’s education is key to peacebuilding was espoused Kofi Annan;
“The world is also starting to grasp that there is no policy more effective in promoting
development, health and education than the empowerment of women and girls. And I
would venture that no policy is more important in preventing conflict, or in achieving
reconciliation after a conflict has ended.” Secretary-General; Kofi Annan (2006)
This guiding principle was at the forefront of the Beijing conference (mentioned earlier)
where it was asserted that in order for women to become agents of change and thus build and
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sustain peace, it is essential that they are educated and gain academic qualifications
(womenwatch, 2000). Black (2009) highlights a number of indicators considered essential
when addressing peace including equal access to education, and participation in governance
(Black, 2009). Therefore where women are participating at the level of governance and are
educated we should observe stronger stability. Moreover education has exceptionally high
social and economic returns, it empowers women, allows them to become party to decision
making and is ‘proven’ to be the best means to sustainable development and economic
growth (IMF, 2011).
Development and growth is seen as the best means of sustaining peace (Brauer, 2009), as
was explained earlier it is often fighting over scant resources and having inadequate means to
address social problems that causes conflict to explode in the first place (Ramsbotham,
Woodhouse & Miall, 2011). In addition the Millennium development goals for peace and
security emphasized that development and growth are the best means of sustaining peace
(womenwatch, 2000), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) suggest looking at gross domestic product (GDP) and military expenditure (Brauer,
2009). Consequently it can be asserted that education is key; not only to measuring peace but
to ensuring movement from negative peace under UN supervision to independent sustainable
positive peace. The table below (table 2) summarises the discussion on negative and positive
peace:
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Table 2: Negative and Positive Peace/Direct and Indirect Violence
Peace Negative Peace Positive Peace
Absence of
personal,
physical
and direct
violence
Absence of indirect
violence
shortening lifespan
Absence of indirect violence
reducing the quality of life,
including being refused
education and training
Unorganized Absence of
e.g.
wife
battering,
rapes, child
abuse,
dowry
deaths,
street
killings
Absence of inequalities
in micro structures leading
to unequal life chances
Absence of repression in
micro structures leading to
less freedom of choice and
Fulfilment eg. , including being
refused education and training
Organized Absence of
e.g. war
Absence of economic
structures built up within a
country or between
countries so that life
chances of some
are reduced or effect of
damage on nature by
pollution, radiation etc.
Absence of repression in a
country of free speech,
including access to education,
the right to organize etc.
(Brock-Utne, 2000;P4)
This research has examined the concept of peace from a mainstream perspective; Galtung,
(1985)Lederach, (2008); Paris, & Sisk (2009); Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, (2011)
and critiqued these concepts from a Feminist Peace and Conflict Theory perspective; Brock-
Utne, (2000); Cohen, & Ruddock (2003) Weber, (2006); Moolakkattu, (2006).
23 | P a g e
The following criteria will be used measure the effect of women’s involvement in Peace
keeping:
Direct violence
Cultural violence
Structural violence
Domestic violence
Sexual violence
Participation in education
A concise history The United Nations peacekeeping operations
This research will now briefly examine peacekeeping within the U.N. subsequently the roles
undertaken within the U.N. and then endeavour to ascertain the level of women in key roles
in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations.
Firstly it is helpful to establish a concise history of United Nations, beginning with its
inception in 1945, and then explain how peacekeeping has changed in recent times before
explaining the various roles involved this will enable the reader to evaluate the importance of
these roles.
Although there is a long and diverse history of philosophical ideas on peace and keeping
peace, going back to ancient times (Hampsher-Monk, 1993), the earliest modern international
peace agencies date back to 1899 when the first international peace conference was held in
The Hague (Schindler, & Toman, 1998). This conference marks the inception of the
forerunner to the UN: The League of Nations, established on the 28 June 1919 (UN.org,
2005). Although this was a landmark period in seeking to establish peace, most of the
member states had not yet realised universal suffrage (Holley, 2003)2.
The official existence of the UN began on 24 October 1945, the United Nations general
assembly contains 193 member states, the security council has five permanent members;
China, France, Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States and 10 non-
2 Four of the five permanent members of the UN security council did not grant the vote to women until after
the league of nations was established;1920 in US, in the UK 1928, France in 1944 and China 1947, 2 years after
the United Nations was established (Holley, 2003) and as has been asserted the U.N. was born out of the League
of nations .
24 | P a g e
permanent members, five of which are elected each year by the General Assembly for a two-
year term (UN.org, 2005).
“Peacekeeping is to limit the Intensity geographical spread and duration of war once it
has broken out, and to consolidate a ceasefire and create space for reconstruction after
the end of the war.” (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011;p147)
The first UN peacekeeping mission was in May 1948 and dealt with the partition of Palestine,
UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) where the Security Council appointed a
mediator and military observers to supervise a truce between Israeli and Arab protagonists
(UN.org, 2005; UN.org, 2008) at present there are 18 UN peace operations deployed on four
continents (UN Documents , 2011).
Peacekeeping from first to third generation
As explained peacekeeping within the UN began in 1948, however, peacekeeping has
evolved drastically since 1948, this paper will now briefly examine these developments and
changes and finally discuss women’s place in these missions.
First generation peacekeeping is considered the easiest to explain and define as it was not
complex in its nature (Lederach, 2008); it consisted of military forces predominantly
deployed to interstate conflicts, these soldiers were lightly armed national troop delegations
from small and neutral UN member states. Their primary purpose was to establish buffer
zones and observe protagonists after the agreement of ceasefire fires. These missions
beginning in the 1950s are the underpinning for the male dominated military nature of peace
keeping at present (Moolakkattu, 2006; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011).
According to Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, (2011) although not specifically mentioned
in the UN charter, they suggest that peacekeeping was contained within chapter 6 ‘peaceful
elements of disputes’ and chapter 7 ‘enforcement’ and is therefore called chapter 6 1/2, they
state that the core principle of UN peacekeeping, was based on the five ideas listed in table 3
below:
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Table 3: first generation peace keeping
Onset of
deployment
The consent of the conflict parties
Intervention
in peace
process
None Political neutrality
Level of
intervention
Impartiality (commitment to the mandate)
Military
engagement
The non-use of force except in self-defence
International
consent
Legitimacy (sanctioned by and accountable to; the Security Council advised
by the Secretary-General)
(Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011; p149)
Furthermore (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, (2011) go on to state that ‘the agenda to
peace’ (Boutros-Ghali, 1992) in the early 1990s was an attempt to override the principle of
‘consent and the minimum use of force’ in certain circumstances, but there was no change
from 1st to 2nd generation until the mid-1990s. The move from first to second generation
peacekeeping was primarily due to the end of the cold war, which had managed to keep a
negative peace in many countries.3
The edges between second and third generation peacekeeping are blurred, but it is possible to
define the inception of second generation peacekeeping as it occurred during a time where
peacekeeping became much more frequent and necessary during the post Cold War period
(Malan, 1998). As a result of this growth, the number of countries contributing to
peacekeeping forces expanded by as much as three times. For example: in 1989 twenty six
countries had participated in UN PKOs, however, by 1997 one hundred and ten nations had
contributed personnel (Malan, 1998). This changed the characteristics of the forces sent, no
longer from small and neutral UN member states, personnel now consisted of many
3 However, this is not an uncontested concept Malan, suggests that the UN had moved to
third generation Peace Operations by 1991 (Malan, 1998), nevertheless this paper will assert
that there is a clear change in Peace operations post cold war to second generation and then
an expansion, but the move from second to third occurred post 9/11 (explained below).
26 | P a g e
individuals from the 5 permanent members of the UN Security Council. In addition a large
contingent of peacekeeping forces were detailed from Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Nigeria
and Ethiopia. Therefore individuals were no longer from westernised liberal democracies
such as Ireland or Norway (where arguably women’s equality was, although possibly
insincere, at least afforded some lip service), but taken from a wide ranging variety of
nationalities and political regimes with disparate cultures and diverse attitudes towards
women (Moolakkattu, 2006; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011), again this may be
relevant when analysing UNSCR 1325.
Furthermore second generation peacekeeping underwent a fundamental change; that of an
expansion in the role of the mission committed to. Now police and civilian tasks were
undertaken, the goals of which were a long-term settlement of the underlying conflict;
peacebuilding and state building, not just containment or peacekeeping (Paris & Sisk; 2009).
Malan described the expanded mission tasks thus:
Table 4: second generation (Malan, 1998;p2).
Onset of
deployment
UN directives lacking in expediency as decision making at highest level of
UN only
Intervention in
peace process
The separation of combatants; The disarmament of irregular forces; and the
assistance with reintegration into civil society;
Level of
intervention
The demobilisation and transformation of regular and irregular forces into a
unified army; The establishment of new policing systems; and The
monitoring of elections for new governments.
Military
engagement
Self defence
International
consent
Deemed necessary
At this juncture the whole strategy and shape of warfare changed dramatically to being
civilian centred and conflicts became predominantly civil wars with less focus on political
struggles or ideology and more obviously economic; driven by a desire for affluence through
a fight for resources. For example: Diamonds in Sierra Leone, hard wood in Cambodia or
even women as resources through the sexual exploitation, via trafficking, of women and girls
in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa (UN, 2005;McConnachie, & Binns, 2007; Black, 2009).
These lucrative human resources leave the war lords no real incentive for peace and the
resulting ‘war economies’ driven by conflict and disruption changed the face of global
27 | P a g e
conflict. Scorched earth tactics were used; forced population migration, in many cases a form
of 'ethnic cleansing' was inherent in most if not all conflicts (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse &
Miall, 2011). As civilians were increasingly targeted, the character of war changed,
transforming and greatly increasing the risk to peacekeepers with the substitution of static or
inter-state border and peace controls, which were fairly set within understandable parameters,
for ‘hot’ civil conflicts, where there could be an eruption of violence at any time (Paris, &
Sisk, 2009). Perhaps this will also impact on the gender balance in the long term, as there are
often patriarchal ideas of protecting women running deep within many establishments (Cohen
& Ruddock; 2003).
It is here we see a shift toward third generation peacekeeping:
The increasingly “multilateral, multidimensional, multinational, and multicultural” nature of
peacekeeping caused the Peacekeepers to face seemingly intractable problems where they
were frequently vulnerable to the impotent nature of the UN in the early 1990s. This caused
delays in administration and eventually a culmination of events which led to catastrophic
consequences (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, pp149- 150; 2011). Firstly, when 18 US
soldiers were killed and publicly humiliated as part of United Nations Operation in Somalia
(UNOSOM) in October 1993, thus removing any future United States primary or significant
involvement on Peace missions. Then, arguably as a result of this event and a lack of
expediency on behalf of the UN Security Council, UN peacekeepers were witness to the
Rwandan genocide. They were entirely impotent during the four months when 800,000
people were killed between April and July 1994 despite mission leader Dalliare’s pleas for
the resources and power to do something (Dallaire, 2003). It is suggested that the UN were
slow and reluctant to intervene as a result of the events in Somalia, thus the pendulum swung
too far in the other direction leaving hundreds of thousands of Rwandans
defenceless (Dallaire, 2003). The final tragedy that affected peacekeeping in the 1990s was
the events in the Balkans; in April 1993 the United Nations declared Srebrenica in north-
eastern Bosnia a "safe area" under UN protection. However, two years later as 400 powerless
peacekeepers watched, Serb forces separated civilian men from women and killed thousands,
culminating in an estimated killing of between 7,300 and 10,000 Muslims in Srebrenica in
July 1995. Furthermore the incidents above included a huge rise in the tactical use of
violence towards women as a weapon of war. Women in the Balkans were subjected to rape
camps and women in Rwanda were raped as a method of humiliating the enemy
(womenwatch, 2000; Goetz & Anderson, 2008 Jones, 2010). This targeted and
28 | P a g e
methodical abuse of women as a tactic or 'weapon' surely points to an absolutely
vital need for women obtaining peacekeeping roles to ensure the security of other women. I
would argue that an inside knowledge and an assertion of female power is essential to Peace
in order to prevent women being targeted and abused in this manner; a woman may be more
committed to stopping and punishing these misogynist crimes, and the presence of women in
powerful positions would send a message to the perpetrators; that they will be held to account
and may make the victims more likely to resist or report atrocities believing they will be
acted upon – similar to changes in how rape was reported and dealt with as a crime in the UK
thus adherence to UNSCR 1325 is vital.
A final event at the commencement of the 21st century irreversibly altered global response to
conflict, these were the terrorist attacks of September the 11th
2001 or 9/11, here four suicide
bombers flew hijacked planes into targets in the United States, hitting New York and
Washington D.C. These attacks were unprecedented and the perceived threat to civilians
concerned the international community immensely (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall,
2011). As a response to this thereat the United States president George Bush declared a “War
on Terror” and set about delivering on that statement, not always with UN sanction
(Naughtie, 2004). This led to criticism to be levied at interventionism which will be discussed
later.
All the events above led to calls for powers from the UN to protect civilians, humanitarian
workers and even themselves in civil wars, this suggested a huge necessity to key changes in
21st century Peace Keeping Operations or PKOs. Firstly the Brahimi report issued as a result
of the catastrophic events of 1990s had 57 key recommendations for peace keeping (Farigoul,
2000), then the events of September the 11th changed global politics irreversibly, and finally
the United Nations set out in a key document “the responsibility to protect” (widely referred
to as “RtoP” or “R2P”) (Ban Ki-moon, 2009). Here it is stated that:
“each individual State has the responsibility to protect its populations...and when
a State was manifestly failing to protect its population ...the international
community was prepared to take collective action in a timely and decisive
manner through the Security Council and in accordance with the Charter of the
United Nations” (Ban Ki moon, 2009;pp1-2).
This statement was catalytic in changing the nature of PKOs in the 21st Century. It carries
with it implicit agreement that it is the right of the U.N. to decide when to intervene in a
29 | P a g e
sovereign state’s affairs. RtoP has enabled the U.N. to engage in many overseas operations
on sovereign territory dealing with intrastate conflicts; for example, Afghanistan 2001, and
more recently in Libya 16th
September 2011, (Naughtie, 2004; UN press, 2011)
There has been criticism levied at the U.N. for intervening too much; political realists would
urge us not to intervene in sovereign territories and member states criticise their governments
for spending money on operations such as United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan
(UNAMA) that seem intractable (Mearsheimer, 2005; Naiman, 2011). Conversely, it is
argued that not intervening has cost lives, for example in Syria or Cote d'Ivoire (Bennis,
2011) and that the U.N. is failing in its responsibility to protect. For example, while the U.N.
was in situ in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) over 300 women, men and children
were raped in the North Kivu Province, (Hasham, 2010).
However, this third generation peacekeeping is vastly better than previous efforts, the RtoP
gives unprecedented ability to help in humanitarian missions and because of the universality
of U.N. PKOs, they offer an exceptional and matchless capability to tackle conflicts. The
fact they now recruit from 137 member states adds to their legitimacy and limits the
consequences of any undermining of sovereignty for the state where the conflict is taking
place. Due to a lack of resources and corruption atrocities still occur, nevertheless it is far
better to strive to improve PKOs and drive forward the evolving concept of peacekeeping,
including the deployment of more gender balanced missions, than to do nothing to addresses
the failure of states.
Finally, the Handbook on United Nations Multidimensional Peacekeeping Operations set out
14 objectives for international PKOs as follows:
Assist in implementing a comprehensive peace agreement;
Monitor a ceasefire or cessation of hostilities to allow space for political negotiations
and a peaceful settlement of disputes;
Provide a secure environment encouraging a return to normal civilian life;
Prevent the outbreak or spillover of conflict across borders;
Lead states or territories through a transition to stable government based on
democratic principles, good governance and economic development; and
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Administer a territory for a transitional period, thereby carrying out all the functions
that are normally the responsibility of a government
While military personnel remain vital to most operations, civilians have
taken on a growing number of responsibilities, which can include:
Helping former opponents implement complex peace agreements by liaising with a
range of political and civil society actors;
Supporting the delivery of humanitarian assistance;
Assisting with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of former
combatants;
Supervising and conducting elections;
Strengthening the rule of law, including assistance with judicial reform and training of
civilian police;
Promoting respect for human rights and investigating alleged violations;
Assisting with post-conflict recovery and rehabilitation; and
Setting up a transitional administration of a territory as it moves towards
independence.
(UN, 2003;pp1-2)
As can be ascertained from the objectives listed above, the intensity of intervention for third
generation PKOs has grown tremendously to the levels experienced at present. With
responsibility to protect and the increasing support for mandates the UN is evolving
continually; there are 18 current peacekeeping operations directed and supported by the
Department of Peacekeeping Operations employing 120,988 personnel and costing $7.84
billion per annum (Peace and Security Section UN, 2012). Resolution 1325 is mentioned on
many new U.N mandates and there has been a rise in the integration of women in
peacekeeping.
This paper will now give an outline of roles within the U.N., then will scrutinise listings of
current U.N PKOs to ascertain the amount of gender balance and finally analyse these
findings to discover level of peace according to criteria on page 21 above. In addition this
paper has consulted with academics specialising in gender issues and with individuals
involved in women’s organisations in the U.K. as the opinions of these stake holders are
invaluable when suggesting ideas for further research.
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Outline of roles within the U.N
There are 120,988 personnel serving from 193 Member States of the United Nations; in 16
DPKO-led peace operations; the roles on these operations are both civilian and military
(Careers, 2011). The U.N. employs individuals at many levels from: Staff in the General
Service and related categories (the lowest category and usually recruited from the host state)
through to the highest level: Special representatives (Careers, 2011). This research is going
to concentrate on analysing the numbers of women in higher level posts; from category
Professional 1 and Director 1 up to Special representatives and Other High level
appointments; as well as the extent of numbers contributing to police and military as UNSCR
1325 states:
“The security council...Urges member states to increase representation of
women at higher decision making levels...and in military contingent of field
operations” (UNSCR, 2000; points 1 & 4; p2).
For expediency, as military jobs are vast in number and varying in post, this research will be
concentrating on women as military observers and other roles in the police and military, from
Troop Contributing Countries (TCC), not breaking them down into the various divisions.
Some of the roles PKOs provide are: logistics officers, medical staff, trainers, operations and
legal officers, pilots and navigators, communication, technical, administrative and
intelligence officers, military and civilian police as well as frontline armed forces (Leijenaar,
2003).
The following is a brief description of the duties of Professional and higher categories (P and
D) levels 1-7: the U.N. maintains these positions are recruited from all 193 member states,
they suggest; candidates must be highly mobile and be prepared to move whenever (and
where ever) the U.N. deems necessary; therefore a person must be prepared to serve at many
different international duty stations throughout their career (Careers, 2011). It is essential
that a person has ‘qualifying work experience’ and at least an undergraduate degree,
(however a post graduate degree is preferred), these positions U.N. careers (2011) declare
require’ judgment in analysing and evaluating problems, as well as in decision-making
involving discretionary choices between alternative courses of action’.
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In addition the U.N. careers website indicates that in order to achieve these high positions the
following experience is necessary:
P-2 minimum 2 years of work experience
P-3 minimum 5 years of work experience
P-4 minimum 7 years of work experience
P-5 minimum 10 years of work experience
P-6/D-1 minimum 15 years of work experience
P-7/D-2 more than 15 years of work experience
Above these P/D levels are the Assistant Secretary-General (ASG), Under-Secretary-General
(USG) which is a head of department, appointed by the Secretary-General, above them is the
Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General (DSRSG) again appointed by the
Secretary-General following consultations with Member States (Peacekeeping Best Practices
Unit, 2003). A DSRSG is usually an expert in a particular field, for example: they may be in
charge of progression in humanitarian issues or development and growth having been
appointed to oversee an efficient shift from needing assistance to self-sustainability in a host
country.
In addition a DSRSG will be in charge of the mission in the absence of the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) (UN, 2003). Finally the SRSG or Special
Representative is head of the mission, they are once more appointed by the secretary general
but on the recommendation of the Security Council (Careers, 2011). According to the
Department of Peacekeeping Best Practices Unit, (2003); the individual who undertakes this
key role on DPKOs is of crucial importance; they are to lead the operation reconciling
conflicting views, ensuring different needs are met, that equality is upheld and equilibrium
reached. They must negotiate and be diplomatic, often within departments of the U.N. as well
as with the conflicting parties. Therefore it is essential they are able make decisions
expeditiously, in short the outcome of the mission is highly dependent on the choices made
by the Special Representative (UN, 2003).
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Methodology
The primary objectives of this study were to identify the extent of women in civilian
peacekeeping roles; determine the representation of women in police and military roles at all
levels and explore the effect that gender balance has on peacebuilding. The research
hypothesis was that:
1. Women are still not fully participating in U.N. PKOs.
2. This is due to male dominated environments tacitly withholding opportunity.
3. On missions where gender balance has been achieved the host states have been
enriched with an improved personal security for the whole population.
In order to accurately ascertain the effects of UNSCR 1325, initially this research focused on
the gender balance reported in U.N. documents such as press statements for example United
Nations peacekeeping background note, (UN peacekeeping, pp 1-2; 2011).
There was a quantitative analysis of gender balance at higher civilian levels (P and D) within
the U.N. scrutinizing figures from the U.N. women watch organization (USG/ASG/D2 level
as of 20 December 2010, 2011)
Next this research looked at the 18 PKOs that the U.N. is currently involved (Gender
Statistics by Mission, 2011; Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012)
scrutinizing each mission individually to examine which missions had achieved greatest
gender balance (Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012), first
numerically and finally, through establishing percentages.
Once these figures were established it was found that gender balance was non-existent on all
18 missions and that there was not much difference between missions regarding this absence
of balance. Therefore four missions, two with female leaders and two with male leaders, were
considered, using figures from UNCEF and data from WomanStats to see if having a female
leader had an effect on peace (as explained above and below) (Womenstats, 2011;UNICEF
2012).
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Qualitative measures
There were 125 qualitative codes on the WomanStats database and nineteen codes were
selected; although all could be considered valuable to this research, for expediency a lesser
amount had to be chosen. These codes for the most part had much rich qualitative data which
would inform this research as to the level of peace women enjoy in the following states:
Afghanistan, Cote D’ivoire, Liberia and Sudan which host U.N. missions UNUMA, UNOCI,
UNMIL, UNAMISS and UNAMID respectively.
A decision was made to choose the following codes to measure peace:4
Direct violence;
ISSA PRACTICE 1: Measures infanticide and sex-selective abortions practiced; strong son
preference or strong valuation of sons versus daughters; whether families adopt in sons in
cases of infertility or a lack of male offspring, in order to carry on the patriline.
ISSA SCALE 1; In this measure Hudson's Scale of Son Preference/Son Valuation ranks
countries from 0-2, according to the strength and prevalence of preference for sons over
daughters and higher valuation of sons than daughters in society, with 0 meaning no
preference, 1 meaning preference exists among groups comprising a minority of the
population, and 2 meaning that a preference for sons over daughters and a higher valuation of
sons than daughters is widespread within the society (Womenstats, 2011).
LRW PRACTICE 3: Accepted customs where women may be killed (i.e., honour killings) or
otherwise punished if she is raped or sexually assaulted– even if she is obviously innocent.
UVAW PRACTICE 1: Unspecified Violence against Women; material which mentions that
there is routine violence against women within the society.
Cultural violence
ATFPA PRACTICE 3: In societies where families are patriarchal, norms of family decision
making broaden into the influential institutions of society; men typically make the decisions
4 Verbatim descriptions of the codes are given here alongside the codes used, in order for the reader to better
understand the results; to gather a better understanding it is advised the reader looks at the data and descriptives
argued, on the WomanStats data base (Womenstats, 2011). As can be ascertained the codes cross over from one
parameter to another and are subjective as was choosing the codes to include/omit.
35 | P a g e
in business and government, whether or not women are officially present in the decision
making body .
GEW PRACTICE 1: Indicates the level of acceptance the government and military are of
rape and/or kidnapping of women and girls; of them being used as a weapon of war or/and
forced labour of women/men. Are there sub national groups, such as rebel movements or
rebel armies that use kidnapping and rape as a tactic of war against the government?
Structural violence
RISW PRACTICE 1: investigates the past five years, to see if have there been any significant
changes in practice or policy that indicates a desire to improve the status of women within
society.
MMR PRACTICE 1: Does the state have programs to reduce the incidence of these
phenomena (maternal mortality, fistulae, etc.)?
MMR DATA 1: What is the maternal mortality rate? Maternal morbidity (ex. fistulae)
AFE PRACTICE 1: Explores miscellaneous barriers to or incentives for-women to attend
school [For example, education is legal, but customs or practices serve to keep girls from
attending school—such as married or pregnant girls not being allowed to attend, distance
from school, childcare responsibilities, chores, safety concerns, lack of female teachers or
separate facilities, etc.] Reports information on whether the quality of education and
resources given to girls is different from that given to boys, especially in sex-segregated
educational systems.
Domestic violence
DV LAW 1: what are (if any) the laws against domestic violence. Are there auxiliary laws to
protect women fleeing DV from financial harm? Are there special penalties in cases where
women have been subject to acid attacks, attacks over dowry disputes, or have been injured
as a result of honour issues?
DV PRACTICE1 Are there taboos against reporting domestic violence?
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Sexual violence
TRAFF LAW 1; TRAFF PRACTICE 1: Are there laws against the trafficking of people
(especially women and children)? What are the punishments? Are there legal barriers - such
as certain types of proof or witnesses needed? Are they enforced? Are there policies or
programs to prevent trafficking? What reintegration policies does the government employ
prevent victims being targeted and abused again? (Womenstats, 2011)
GEW LAW 1: Are there laws that would prevent the use of rape or kidnapping or trafficking
as weapons of war?
LRW LAW 1; LRW PRACTICE 1: Are there laws against rape and sexual assault and are
theses enforced? [Include conviction and incarceration rates.]
Participation in education
AFE PRACTICE 1 (as above)
In addition to the above as it is possible the literacy rates, for males and females were used
from UNICEF (2012) for each state.
Results
The figures change almost daily for Peace keeping operations (Alvarez, 2012); therefore it is
necessary to have an overview this research has used 2000-2010 and a snapshot from March
2012.
The figures obtained in March 2012 were as follows:
18 current peace operations directed by DPKO; there are 17,758 Civilian personnel and
98,607 Uniformed personnel. In a document prepared by the United Nations Department of
Peacekeeping Operations in cooperation with the United Nations Department of Public
Information – the U.N. press office; asserts that:
“The percentage of women deployed as civilians in peacekeeping operations has reached 30
per cent.” in addition they declare that “two women lead peace operations as Special
Representatives of the Secretary-General (SRSG) and three women are Deputy SRSGs.”
They admit progress has been slower with the uniformed elements of PKOs but assert that
“Nine per cent of the 14,000 police officers and two per cent of the 85,000 military personnel
are women.” (UN peacekeeping, pp 1-2; 2011).
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Leaders and high level appointments
The women leading missions or deputy heads of missions are:
Special Representative of the Secretary-General; Hilde F. Johnson for United Nations
Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS).
Karin Landgren (Sweden): Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Office in
Burundi (BNUB).5
Lisa M. Buttenheim of the United States: Special Representative and Head of the United
Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP). (U.N., 2012(e))
Ameerah Haq of Bangladesh as his Special Representative for Timor-Leste and Head of the
United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). (U.N., 2012(d))
Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General: Lise Grande for UNMISS.
Deputy Joint AU-UN Special Representative for Political Affairs Aïchatou Mindaoudou
Souleymane: African Union/United Nations Hybrid operation in Darfur, (UNAMID)
Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Deputy Head; Leila Zerrougui:
United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(MONUSCO).
Rosine Sori-Coulibaly of Burkina Faso: Deputy Special Representative of the United Nations
Office in Burundi (BNUB) and United Nations Resident Coordinator, Resident
Representative and Humanitarian Coordinator for Burundi.
Margaret Vogt of Nigeria: Special Representative and Head of the United Nations Integrated
Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA).
(U.N., 2012)
5 Karin Langdren was appointed SRSG of UNMIL after this research had been conducted; 24th May 2012.
38 | P a g e
Christine McNab of Sweden: Deputy Special Representative for Iraq. Ms. McNab heads the
Development and Humanitarian Support component of the United Nations Assistance
Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). Ms. McNab also serves as the United Nations Resident
Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq. (U.N., 2012(h))
Looking at figures across continents this research found that in Africa there were 39 senior
appointments, of which, eight were women - 20% (U.N., 2012(b)).
Asia and the Pacific Ten senior appointments one woman - 1% (U.N., 2012(d))
The Americas six senior appointments; zero women - 0% (U.N., 2012(c))
Europe five appointments one woman - 20% (U.N., 2012(e))
Middle East fifteen senior appointments one woman - 6.6% (U.N., 2012(h))
In other high level appointments there were 29 appointments and five women - 17%.
These were:
Special Envoy on Climate Change: Gro Harlem Brundtland.
Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict: Radhika Coomaraswamy
Special Representative on Violence against Children at the level of Assistant Secretary-
General: Marta Santos Pais
Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict: Margot Wallström
Special Envoy for AIDS in Africa: Elizabeth Mataka, (U.N., 2012(g))
The Senior Management Group of the U.N. (SMG) group contained 17 women and 21 men
(U.N., 2012(a)) gender parity 45%
It is suggested that at P2 level gender parity has been reached within the U.N. in addition if
the projected 2010 figures were correct gender parity should be reached at P3 and D2 levels,
however it appears that if current trends continue there will never be gender equality in levels
P3-4 and ASG; as can be seen from Table 5 below it is also suggested that it will nearly 90
years before women reach equality at the D2 level. Table 5 shows when it is estimated gender
39 | P a g e
parity will be reached within the P-USG levels of the United Nations; if gender balance
continues along its current trend:
(USG/ASG/D2 level as of 20 December 2010, 2011)
There has been some progress across the U.N. in some higher level posts; D2 level has nearly
reached gender parity from 0-44% women in 10 years and the USG level has reached
equality at 50% though there has been virtually no movement at ASG level. However
figures show that the status of women at P2 level is down by 12 women and levels P4 and P3
(as explained above) are also down. Table 6 shows the percentage of women in 2000 one
year before UNSCR 1325 and 2010 ten years after:
Table 6 gender development over 10 years
(USG/ASG/D2 level as of 20 December 2010, 2011)6
Uniform numbers
Having looked at civilian personnel at the higher levels, it is now essential to examine the
numbers involved in the largest part of employment with the U.N. the military. The earliest
figures available for gender balance are from 2005, the total female involvement in U.N.
uniformed services in 2005 was 1.5% (UN Documents , 2011) ; this had steadily risen over
the last seven years to the current figure of 3.77% (Gender Statistics by Mission, 2011).
There are 98,981 uniformed personnel serving with the U.N. there are 95,261 men serving as:
military experts, troops, individual Police and formed police units, there are 3728 women
serving across the same categories this is 3.77% (Gender Statistics by Mission For the month
of March 2012).
6 When figures are presented on the UN websites it appears there is quite a lot of ‘spin’ attached to them it; is
when one dissects the percentages and counts the actual numbers involved one can see how little the effect of
UNSCR 1325 has had over the past 11 years. See appendix 2 for all raw data collected.
table 5: According to 2000-2010 trends the year it is estimated Gender parity will be reached
P2 P3 P4 P5 D1 D2 ASG USG
Reached 2011 Never Never 2098 2011 stagnant Reached
Level P2 P3 P4 P5 D1 D2 ASG USG
Year 2000 2010 2000 2010 2000 2010 2000 2010 2000 2010 2000 2010 2000 2010 2000 2010
Total % 70 58.8 32.3 48.9 30.6 22.9 30.4 25.6 28.6 30.8 0 44.4 0 0 0 50
Change
%
-11.2 16.6 -7.7 -4.8 2.2 44.4 0 50
40 | P a g e
This research has analysed the available figures and ascertained the top and bottom missions
for their gender balance, in three categories: military experts, troops and individual police.
The figures for formed police units (FPUS) have been omitted as there were not sufficient
FPUS (6 out of 17) to include them in the final analysis but the figures are available in
appendix two. The mission with the most female military experts is MONUSCO with 22
women and at the bottom with zero is UNAMA7.
The numbers for female representation as military experts are as follows:
Fig 1 numbers of military experts 8
7 Where there is more than one mission with the same number of female contributors, the figure with greatest
difference has been used. 8 A series of bar charts has been used as they give a clear visual image of the discrepancy in numbers between
men and women.
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
MO
NU
SCO
UN
AM
ID
UN
OC
I
MIN
UR
SO
UN
MIS
S
UN
TSO
UN
ISFA
UN
MO
GIP
UN
MIL
UN
MIK
UN
MIT
BN
UB
MIN
UST
AH
UN
AM
A
UN
AM
I
UN
DO
F
UN
FIC
YP
UN
IFIL
Male
Female
41 | P a g e
Table 8 numbers of male and female military experts:
Military Experts
Mission
Male Female
MONUSCO 711 22
UNAMID
303 10
UNOCI
194 9
MINURSO 197 6
UNMISS
127 5
UNTSO
146 5
UNISFA
79 4
UNMOGIP 34 4
UNMIL
132 3
UNMIK
8 1
UNMIT
32 1
BNUB
1 0
MINUSTAH 0 0
UNAMA
15 0
UNAMI
8 0
UNDOF
0 0
UNFICYP
0 0
UNIFIL
0 0
Total
1987 70
(Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012)
Table 9 Top and bottom numbers for female involvement individual police:
Individual Police
Mission
Male Female
UNAMID
2597 537
MINUSTAH 1094 152
UNMIT
646 107
UNMISS
415 73
UNMIL
379 56
MONUSCO 269 49
UNOCI
318 39
UNFICYP
57 11
UNAMA
3 1
UNMIK
6 1
BNUB
1 0
MINURSO 5 0
UNAMI
0 0
UNDOF
0 0
UNIFIL
0 0
UNISFA
0 0
UNMOGIP 0 0
UNTSO
0 0
Total
5790 1026
42 | P a g e
The mission with the most female individual police is UNAMID with 2597 women and at the
bottom is MINURSO 0 (that is omitting the with missions no individual police).
Fig 2 individual police gender balance by mission
(Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012)
Table 10 Top and bottom numbers for female involvement for troops on current PKO’s figures for
March 2012;
Troops
Mission
Male Female
UNAMID
17207 561
UNIFIL
11527 457
MONUSCO 16762 367
UNISFA
3520 196
UNMIL
7604 177
MINUSTAH 7365 161
UNOCI
9289 113
UNMISS
4840 73
UNFICYP
799 65
UNDOF
1009 34
UNAMI
334 19
MINURSO 24 3
BNUB
0 0
UNAMA
0 0
UNMIK
0 0
UNMIT
0 0
UNMOGIP 0 0
UNTSO
0 0
Total
80280 2226
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
UN
AM
ID
MIN
UST
AH
UN
MIT
UN
MIS
S
UN
MIL
MO
NU
SCO
UN
OC
I
UN
FIC
YP
UN
AM
A
UN
MIK
BN
UB
MIN
UR
SO
UN
AM
I
UN
DO
F
UN
IFIL
UN
ISFA
UN
MO
GIP
UN
TSO
Male
Female
43 | P a g e
The amounts of women troops UNAMID had the most female troops leading with 561,
MINSURO had the least from missions with troops with 3.
Fig 3: Troops gender balance by mission
(Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012)
Descriptives
As can be seen men outnumber women considerably on all PKOs; particularly in the
uniformed services. In order to decide which missions to scrutinize to try to understand the
effect women have on peacekeeping this research has performed basic percentage calculation
to ascertain the missions with greatest and least gender balance. The figures are as follows:
0
2000
4000
6000
8000
10000
12000
14000
16000
18000
UN
AM
ID
UN
IFIL
MO
NU
SCO
UN
ISFA
UN
MIL
MIN
UST
AH
UN
OC
I
UN
MIS
S
UN
FIC
YP
UN
DO
F
UN
AM
I
MIN
UR
SO
BN
UB
UN
AM
A
UN
MIK
UN
MIT
UN
MO
GIP
UN
TSO
Male
Female
44 | P a g e
The mission with best gender balance with military experts UNMIK with 12.5%, the least is
UNAMA with 0%.
Table 11 gender balanced percentages for military experts on Missions:
Military Experts Mission percentage female
UNMIK
12.5 %
UNMOGIP 11.7 %
UNISFA
5 %
UNOCI
4.6 %
UNMISS
4 %
UNTSO
3.42 %
UNAMID
3.3 %
UNMIT
3.1 %
MONUSCO 3.09 %
MINURSO 3 %
UNMIL
2.27 %
BNUB
0 %
MINUSTAH 0 %
UNAMA
0 %
UNAMI
0 %
UNDOF
0 %
UNFICYP
0 %
UNIFIL
0 %
(Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012)
45 | P a g e
The mission with best gender balance with individual police is UNAMA with 33.3% 9and the
most inequitable by percentages is MINURSO with 0%.
Table 12 gender balanced percentages individual police on Missions:
Individual Police Mission percentage female
UNAMA
33.3 %
UNAMID
20.7 %
UNFICYP
19.3 %
MONUSCO 18.2 %
UNMISS
17.6 %
UNMIK
16.7 %
UNMIT
16.6 %
UNMIL
14.8 %
MINUSTAH 13.9 %
UNOCI
12.3 %
BNUB
0 %
MINURSO 0 %
UNAMI
0 %
UNDOF
0 %
UNIFIL
0 %
UNISFA
0 %
UNMOGIP 0 %
UNTSO
0 %
(Gender Statistics by Mission For the month of March 2012)
9 This figure is somewhat misleading as there are only 3 police officers in total 2 men and a woman.
46 | P a g e
The mission with best gender balance for troops is MINURSO with 12.5%, the least is
UNAMA with 0%.
Table 13 gender balanced percentages for troops:
Mission percentage female
MINURSO 12.5 %
UNFICYP
8.1 %
UNAMI
5.7 %
UNISFA
5.5 %
UNIFIL
4 %
UNDOF
3.3 %
UNAMID
3.26 %
UNMIL
2.32 %
MONUSCO 2.2 %
MINUSTAH 2.1 %
UNMISS
1.5 %
UNOCI
1.2 %
BNUB
0 %
UNAMA
0 %
UNMIK
0 %
UNMIT
0 %
UNMOGIP 0 %
UNTSO
0 %
Missions for comparison:
The descriptive statistics above clearly show that there is considerable overlap and a
profound lack of gender balance on all missions, in all three categories. Therefore the
research parameters had to change somewhat as it was expected that there would be a higher
proportion of women involved in uniformed services after 11 years of UNSCR 1325 being
ratified and it was hypothesised that it would be possible to ascertain what effect this had on
positive Peace. As women’s presence is still extremely meagre, a decision had to be made as
to whether or not it was possible to discuss the effect of women’s presence on peacekeeping:
Despite the overwhelming lack of female presence it was decided that the few missions
which had women in positions of power should be examined see if female leadership had an
any impact on peace. 10
This research found that overall there is arguably highest female
10
As the latest figures were for 2010 I have taken the individual missions and calculated the percentages in
order to decide the missions with highest and lowest female involvement. The problem that has manifested is
47 | P a g e
involvement in South Sudan; as there is a female SRSG and female DRSG for United
Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan UNMISS; as well as ranking in the top half
for individual police and military experts11
. There is female a DRSG for African
Union/United Nations Hybrid operation in Darfur UNAMID in addition UNAMID ranks first
number of female troops although 7th
for gender balance UNAMID is still in the top half and
first for individual police also both UNICEF and WomanStats information is based on Sudan
as a whole and not taking into account the separate U.N. missions therefore this research
tackled Sudan.
The United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire, UNOCI and the United Nations Mission in
Liberia, UNMIL were examined to contrast with the missions above as they ranked lower for
gender balance in two out of three criteria and the leaders of the mission were all male (U.N.,
2012)12
. Although after analysis was completed a female SRSG was appointed in Liberia on
27th
April 2012 and Liberia has had a female president since 16 January 2006.
The data collected showed that women’s presence as leaders of missions or overall better
gender balance had little effect on the peace of individuals in the host states (Womenstats,
2011)13
.
Direct violence
Codes ISSA SCALE 1, ISSA PRACTICE 1: LRW PRACTICE 3: UVAW PRACTICE 1:
All five states were given an ISSA code of 2 which is that sons were valued and preferred
over daughters. Women suffered significant disproportionate direct violence in all spheres;
both inside their families and in the world at large; the legal system in all states did little to
protect women from this systematic abuse and often supported torture and even murder.
Afghanistan and Sudan still condemned a woman to death for adultery if she reported rape, in
Cote D’ivoire it was reported that society was accommodating of violence towards and that it
that some missions are in the top 3 and the bottom 3....however the figures do show some interesting facts even
before analysing them against the factors proposed for FPCT or the researcher’s assertions of peace. For
example although the involvement of women in PKOs has doubled in the last 5 years it is still at an
astoundingly low over all 3.3% at best.
11
Admittedly UNMISS ranked at only 1.5% gender balance for troop equality. 12
It appears that as gender balance is sporadic and very low in the uniformed services at high of 12.5% it is
going to be difficult to use the statistics to decide on missions with high female involvement. Nevertheless it is
possible that women leaders together with higher than average involvement may have an effect. This researcher
decided to at least attempt some sort of analysis although it is very probable that this task better lends itself to a
PhD study as it is so large and would benefit from a longitudal study. 13
The referencing in his section is as it is taken from WomanStats data base and as they have coded, the full
data can easily be accessed through WomanStats under the codes and refs. given.
48 | P a g e
was systematically practiced against women. In Afghanistan there was evidence of women
being set fire to, being forced to marry their rapists and that 50% of women imprisoned were
imprisoned for reporting a sexual attack (Sakha,2009; Womenstats, 2011; Bowley; 2012). In
the Cote D’ivoire 58% of victims of sexual assault were blamed and rejected by their families
even to the extent of a husband witnessing a violent gang rape later divorcing her and leaving
her destitute at 19 as a result of perceived fault of the victim rather than the perpetrator (ER
2007). Overall, violence towards women was both practiced and tolerated and it was asserted
that sufficient action had not been taken to eliminate these practices and attitudes, it was
stated that for the sake of diffusing political violence women’s rights had to be seen as
secondary, even if that meant they were subject to direct and sustained violence (WomanStats
2011; JF 2009; CMJ 2011). There was no data for Liberia under the above codes which is
hopeful, although Womanstats suggest that lack of data may not necessarily correlate to a
lack of violence.
Cultural violence
ATFPA PRACTICE 3: GEW PRACTICE 1;
A culture of violence towards women prevailed in the PKOs reviewed under the above codes.
It appeared that lip service had been paid to equality to satisfy international demands whilst
overall women were still subordinate and considered secondary in all walks of life, having no
power inside or outside the home. In Sudan an antagonistic and dismissive attitude toward
women and girls was reported, there was evidence that the prosecution of the crime of rape
was very rare due to this and that gender-based violence was extremely common and widely
accepted as normal (JF 2008). Similarly, in Afghanistan and Cote D’ivoire, sexual violence
continues and is widespread; victims have no legal recourse therefore perpetrators act with
impunity and gender based violence continues unchecked. In addition, in Sudan, the Darfur
government deny that there is a problem with sexual or gender based violence, though aid
workers assert it is the biggest threat to the security of half of the population (MIR 2008;JF
2009). In Cote D’ivoire there are no laws to prevent women from being involved in public
life; in fact it is reported that the “principle of gender equality underlies all the country’s
legislation.” However the prevailing culture regards women as inferior which perpetuates
their exclusion from holding office or having property. The society is one “whose firmly
hierarchical structure discourages individual ambition; women are excluded from the conduct
of public affairs.” (CMJ, 2011 pp, 42, 47) The data for Liberia asserted that, although mainly
directed against females, males have also been subjected to sexual violence which
49 | P a g e
underscores the assertion that sexual violence is about power and control not sexual attraction
(CMF; 2007).
Structural violence
RISW PRACTICE 1: MMR PRACTICE 1: AFE PRACTICE 1:
The structure of society in the missions evaluated can be seen to support on-going violence
towards women; there were no significant differences reported between the states in the last
five years although there was an indication of moves in society to make improvements in all
the states considered.
Regarding maternal mortality overall the findings were mixed: Improvements were reported,
legislation has moved forward and into action; midwives were trained and deployed and
maternal deaths have been greatly reduced; although it was still reported that maternal deaths
were very high compared with countries of similar demographics and financial circumstances
(CPC 2007; AML 2008;JH 2010; JW 2011). Despite some improvements the maternal
mortality figures from UNICEF 2012 still contain very grim reading indeed:
Afghanistan
Maternal Mortality Rate is 1600 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births Maternal mortality
ratio, 2010. Lifetime risk of maternal death: 1 in:11
Cote d’ivoire
Maternal Mortality Rate is 640 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Maternal mortality
ratio, 2010. Lifetime risk of maternal death: 1 in:44
Liberia
Maternal Mortality Rate is 990 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. Maternal mortality
ratio, 2010. Lifetime risk of maternal death: 1 in: 20
Sudan
Lifetime risk of maternal death: 1 in: 32
In Sudan the Maternal Mortality Rate is 450 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births.
Access to education
Access to education for girls was prevented by cultural norms and behaviours. It was reported
that at primary level access to education was less imbalanced, although there were still
measurable inequalities (JF 2009). The real disparities began when girls reached an age
where they were deemed sexually mature and therefore easily ‘spoiled,’ sometimes as early
as aged 9 years old. It was common practice to keep girls at home to prevent them from being
dirtied by sexual contact and not able to fetch a high bride price (CMJ 2011), girls are used as
commodities and thus kept in the ‘best condition for market’ by the structures of society; not
50 | P a g e
unlike a prize cow, which they may, incidentally, be exchanged for. Furthermore these
decisions were taken to make the girls into more compliant and biddable wives, as educated
women were seen as a threat to their husbands (AML; 2008). Early marriage is usually
practiced, so girls were withdrawn from school in order to marry older men which further
perpetuates gender inequality and causes women to suffer from structural violence as boys
did not suffer from this practice.
There were some gains in rights for women at the legislative level: Afghanistan passed laws
relating to the treatment of women and girls, stating that the Quran did not ban girls from
education (CML 2012). Cote D’ivoire and Liberia both have programs in place in order to
educate all the population in the future (JF 2009; RMF 2011). In Darfur-Sudan a proportion
of diaspora women have not only accessed education but put this into practice in business
with well-remunerated jobs in the government although it was mentioned in the same paper
that women in the South of the country have no such opportunities (BP; 2010).
Domestic violence
DV LAW 1: DV PRACTICE1:
There was marginal improvement for legislation on gender based violence within the states
analysed, although South Sudan had not improved regarding domestic violence as there was
still no domestic violence legislation in place where other states had at least brought in these
laws, as early as 2005 in Darfur (AML 2008; BP 2010). The predominant theme that ran
through the data in the PKOs analysed was that domestic violence was illegal and that
legislation was in place to prosecute acts of domestic violence; however, in practice, little
was done, domestic violence was widespread and perpetrators were rarely prosecuted. For
example, one case which illustrates the lack of recourse to the law is the incident of the
stabbing of an Afghani woman 8 times with a screwdriver which was not deemed serious as
she did not die (CL, 2012). Basically a murder had to be proven for the law to act, it was
asserted. It was also reported that there were usually no witnesses as victims' parents would
not pursue legal redress for fear of social stigma on the family, therefore the domestic
violence laws in all states were largely impotent.
Sexual violence
TRAFF LAW 1; TRAFF PRACTICE 1: GEW LAW 1: LRW LAW 1; LRW PRACTICE 1:
As can be ascertained from the previous findings, sexual violence is still widespread within
the host states of PKOs examined. It was found that trafficking was practiced regularly and
with impunity. Women were trafficked for sexual activities such as prostitution and forced
marriages as well as for domestic services. Men were trafficked far less, although boys were
51 | P a g e
trafficked for prostitution. Afghani law strictly prohibits forced marriages, trafficking and
slavery, however it was reported there were very few convictions for these offences despite
evidence that they still commonly occur. However, significant efforts were being made to
bring Afghanistan up to the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. In Sudan
and Cote D’ivoire trafficking is not illegal and little effort is applied to reduce it, furthermore,
it is stated that although the laws are in place in Liberia not enough is being done to bring
them up to the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. (MLW; 2010).
Rape is illegal in Afghanistan; although it is not illegal to rape your spouse (CPC, 2009).
Further evidence of not only a lack of protection for women but continued persecution is
evident in the fact that over 300 women in Afghani jails are there for the crime of adultery as
a result of reporting rape. To compound this continued injustice these women are often
blackmailed into marrying the man who raped them in order to be released from prison
(AHA, 2011). Conviction rates are extremely low which is unsurprising as the law requires
four adult male witnesses for conviction (Sakha, 2009; CMJ 2012).
There is a similar situation in Cote D’ivoire; the law prohibits rape, in particular there are
stringent penalties for gang rape or rape of someone you are in authority over but in practice
the law was not enforced and rape is a widespread phenomenon (CMJ 2010). President Ellen
Johnson-Sirleaf announced a war on rape when she was sworn into office in Liberia;
however, though rape no longer a bailable offence and sentences are officially in line with
those of the U.K., little has changed and conviction rates are low (BP 2010). In Sudan it is
reported that investigation and action against perpetrators of rape is very rare (ER 2007; JF,
2009).
Participation in education
Figures from UNICEF 2012:
Afghanistan
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2005-2010, male 66
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2005-2010, female 40
Sudan
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2007-2010, male 78
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2007-2010, female 70
Cote d’ivoire
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2007-2010, male 81
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2007-2010, female 66
52 | P a g e
Liberia
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2007-2010, male 96
Primary school participation, ratio (%), 2007-2010, female 86
AFE PRACTICE 1;
As can be seen on page 49 (above), access to education in all the states examined is limited
for girls over the age of 9 due to: early marriage, fear of the girls being spoiled by sexual
attack and fear of education causing girls to be non-compliant of the demands in marriage.
Girls faced not only barriers with accessing school but problems when they reached there.
The fear of sexual attack at school, although exaggerated, are not unfounded, for example in
Cote d’Ivoire the United Nations Observer Committee found that the persistence of sexual
abuse and harassment of girls by some teachers and tutors contributed to problems with girls
accessing education (CMJ,2012). These issues ran concurrent with a persistence of gender
stereotyping in schoolbooks and the fact that low and sporadic attendance had affected the
literacy rate of girls.
The literacy rates were as follows, although the data is missing from Afghanistan as neither
UNICEF nor United Nations Statistics division had full information on Afghanistan:
Cote d’ivoire
Total adult literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, 55
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, male, 72
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, female, 61
Liberia
Total adult literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, 59
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, male, 70
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, female, 81
Sudan
Total adult literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, 70
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, male, 89
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%), 2005-2010, female, 83
53 | P a g e
Discussion
It was apparent from this research that there was very little gender balance on current U.N.
peacekeeping missions with women leading just 3 out of 18 missions and uniformed services
having a participation of women at only 2.77%. It was found that having women in positions
of responsibility on missions had no effect on the level of peace achieved so the research
hypothesis was not supported. The results show that the data for the level of violence
directed towards females in post conflict societies remains at a rate higher than that
experienced by males and that women appear to be excluded from education, work and
positions of responsibility outside of the home, the law does not seem to protect women and
little is being achieved regarding gender balance.
Numbers of women involved in Peacekeeping
This research assessed the level of women in leadership and highest level appointments
(pg.36) and discovered that, despite U.N. press office claims that women have reached 30%
of deployed civilians in peacekeeping operations, the highest concentration of leadership to
be found on missions was 20% and at its lowest there were no women in positions of power
(UNIFEM, 2010). It could also be suggested that the U.N. is enhancing its statistics by
appointing women into gender stereotypical ‘special roles’ such as Special Representative for
sexual violence and Special Representative for protection of children (U.N., 2012(a)).
However, it is laudable that at least these issues are being addressed; as asserted it is
imperative that, if peace is to be experienced by all, issues such as these are given resources
and specific focus. The fact that these roles are undertaken by female representatives gives
credence to the assertion that females may be more suited to dealing with issues relating to
sexual violence; although it must be pointed out that men too suffer sexual violence as this is
a crime of power and control, possibly even more so in areas of conflict.
One positive finding was that the senior management group had almost reached gender parity
at 45% and it is to be hoped that this gender balance will continue and become more
widespread. Unfortunately it looks unlikely that more women will be rising through the ranks
to take on these leadership appointments in the future; as when this research addressed high
level positions (as can be seen from tables 5, 6 and 7 above) in categories P4 and P5 it is
projected that gender parity will never be reached (see table 5 - USG/ASG/D2 level as of 20
December 2010, 2011). This is alarming given the lack of peace experienced by women at
present on PKOs and the expressed need for more women in leadership roles to help address
this (Annan, 2006).
54 | P a g e
As explained, these positions are in control of decision making at a very high level, therefore
it can be asserted that these appointments are, by their very nature, positions of extreme
power. It is in these roles that the course for peace is determined; it is here decisions are made
regarding resources; here that the mandates are interpreted and understood. Those people
working at the level of P1-D1 hold the key to how a conflict will be addressed and lasting
peace established. They make the key decisions regarding the distribution of material
resources and on military involvement. As we progress up the ladder the power becomes
even more concentrated, therefore the level of women in these secretariat roles is of
paramount importance.
If the U.N. is to bring about lasting peace and equality it is essential that it must be seen to be
leading by example. Which, given the figures on the ground, it is not. The presence of women
in uniformed services, according to the U.N., was a meagre 3.77% (Gender Statistics by
Mission, 2011) so it is clear that gender imbalance is enormous. It can be argued that this is
due to a dearth of women inclined to take on these military roles; however, as can be seen on
pg 42, with 12.5% of military experts on UNMIK, an 11.7% troop gender balance on
MINURSO and a police balance of 18.2% on MONUSCO, clearly a more balanced gender
deployment is possible. Jennings (2011), insists that there are women who are prepared to
take on these roles for the same pragmatic reasons as men: namely job security, a relatively
high salary and exciting, challenging work (Jennings, 2011). Therefore, she argues, the dearth
of women in these roles is because they are simply not given the opportunity to progress
through the ranks and are being ghettoised into traditional women’s roles, an argument
supported by the ‘Special Roles’ as described. It appears vital that military roles are subject to
positive rather that negative discrimination, more women need to be encouraged to join. If
this issue is not addressed it could be asserted that the U.N. is, itself, an unenlightened
organisation; encouraging sexist attitudes and discouraging true levels of equality through
opportunity whilst paying lip service to gender balance and focusing on inaccurate statistics
to placate its critics. An example of this is ‘9% of police officers serving on U.N. missions
are women’ (UN peacekeeping, 2011) when in fact that figure is extrapolated by adding
missions with a very high female contingent to all missions.
Moreover, a gender balance within the U.N. in the military and lower civilian roles is
essential, as these individuals are coming into contact with the host countries population more
than the leaders. Therefore balancing gender across U.N. PKOs is a task that holds
importance beyond the obvious adherence to UNSCR1325. For if there is to be any real
55 | P a g e
change in attitudes there must be a bottom up approach, not only vocalised but evident within
recruitment and promoted widely to attract more women. The present lack of women in the
military has to lie in the hands of the recruiters at the U.N.
Regarding higher level roles at the P1-D1 levels, the job descriptions themselves alert this
researcher to two obvious factors which would impede women from holding roles within the
U.N. Firstly, there is the stipulation that a candidate must be “highly mobile and be prepared
to move whenever (and wherever) the U.N. deems necessary,” which, in conjunction with
necessary experience of 7-10 years for P4 and P5, would bring a woman with a post-graduate
degree to at least aged 31 or 33. Granted a woman may put off child bearing or, indeed,
having any children and continue working up the ladder but it is almost certain that having a
family will impede a career from developing and any prospective candidates would have to
choose between family and maternity leave and leaving a host country as the U.N. deems
necessary (Brock-Utne, 2000). This may seem unreasonable but, together with confabulated
figures of gender density, it can be argued that women are deliberately put off by both the
lack of women in these roles and by the personal decisions that would have to be made in
order to potentially have a career within the U.N.
It can be asserted that women who make it into U.N. peace keeping whether at high civilian
levels or the in militarily at any level will find themselves stretched to breaking point and
have to make incredibly difficult personal decisions. This statement is supported by Cohen
and Ruddock (2003) who, using the case study of South Africa, found that reconstruction and
peace building meetings went on well into the night, giving no consideration for women’s
divergent responsibilities in the home, away from the peace talks. Though this in itself could
be used as an argument for why women are inadequate contenders for PKOs; it is an
abhorrent one and not one supported by U.N. statements for the aspiration to have more
women in these roles. Women globally hold an unequal responsibility for domestic tasks
(Womenstats, 2011) and in undeveloped states this holds true all the more. In addition this
state of affairs is universal regarding the hours undertaken for political meetings both
domestically and internationally (Fawcett Society, 2011). Thus involvement in politics
including peace keeping is a choice that is not balanced at its inception as men do not need to
choose a life of solitude and childlessness in order to be in power or have their opinions
heard. The fact that women often have to choose between a career and family is not a new
one and, unfortunately, it does not seem to be going away. As Simone De Beauvoir asserts:
“...maternity dooms woman to hearth due to its sedentary nature.” (de Beauvior,
1949/1997;p100)
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Obviously it can be suggested this is not entirely true in the present day; for the most part
women who are citizens of member states of the U.N. are free to choose between maternity
and childbearing; as there are medical advances in contraception, there are childcare facilities
and, at least, a will toward equality between the sexes is voiced. Some women have reached
the levels of ASG, USG and DSRSG which is highly commendable as it requires a
commitment and drive that only honours the women who have made it, especially those who
have children and families (U.N. 2012(b), Black, 2009).
However, it can be asserted that U.N. recruitment is biased towards males and that the only
way to address this would be to have positive recruitment. The U.N. does not have this and,
according to their website, asserts it will not be engaging in positive discrimination in the
future. In addition it could be argued, as above, that the U.N. is using misleading data on
women in PKOs rather than addressing the problem of gender imbalance.
Even when women are included in the peace process or rise to high level of employment they
find themselves in an arena heavily dominated by men. Cohen, & Ruddock, (2003) assert
peace-making, like war, is a male centric environment; that even when women gain a place
within peace keeping operations they are subject to clear opposition and even ridicule from
male participants (Cohen,& Ruddock, 2003). Women are more subject to domination than
their male counterparts, their voices overruled, their opinions often dismissed and, as no
consideration is made toward understanding the work-home life balance that they must
achieve, women are left feeling disengaged, preoccupied and demoralised; possibly
reinforcing men’s opinions that women are unable to adequately take on peacekeeping roles
(Brock-Utne, 2000).
However, women are able to hold office; are able to undertake roles which are considered
‘male roles’; women have proven this time and again and more women would be able to
undertake these roles if men bore more of the domestic responsibility. There are not enough
women involved in the U.N. because (as voiced previously) the whole of society is structured
in a manner which does not afford women the same opportunities as men (de Beauvoir,
1949/1997; Cohen, & Ruddock, 2003). This is not always explicit, as explained, there could
be legal obligation for gender balance but if this is not directly supported through family
centric policies it will continue. This unbalanced and unequal global society is impacting both
men and women as can be seen by the lack of peace experienced globally. If this constant
devaluation and tacit exclusion of half of all society continues unchecked society will
continue to unravel into war and violence.
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It could be suggested that gender balance can never be achieved, that this is too high and
insurmountable a problem, that attitudes are entrenched and society will never change this
dramatically. It may even be the case that there will have to be revolutionary, rather than
evolutionary, change for this to occur, but it is possible. The level of female involvement is
so low that it is pointless discussing the statistics further, as, in order to come to a meaningful
analysis of their effect on peace there would have to be a far more prevalent female presence
across the uniformed services at a wide variety of ranks and with a greater number of roles.
Peace
“...the numbers are so insignificant that a statistical comparison will not indicate any
meaningful tendency” (Leijenaar, 2003;p2
The data collected suggested better gender balance had little effect on the peace of
individuals in the host states (Womenstats, 2011). This conclusion appears largely due to the
lack of women involved both within the U.N. and in host states. Put simply, women were not
present in significant enough numbers for their presence to have an effect.
From cradle to grave males are esteemed above females, this is apparent across every factor
investigated and on every mission addressed. Women suffer violence at home and abroad;
women are blamed, vilified and kept separate from civil society. Girls are educated less and
as stated this keeps them ghettoised, subject to power and control from the males within their
individual societies; they are traded like cattle, are victims of sexual violence and rape and
are then blamed for it. They are kept ignorant and unskilled and then they are unable to gain
work or hold down political office, except when fortuitous and unusual circumstances have
led to an opportunity such as the few diaspora identified in Sudan (BP, 2010;Womenstats,
2011). Women are not enjoying peace, although there are laws as in place they are rarely
used to tackle the exclusion of women from society or the atrocities they suffer at the hands
of their fellow countrymen (Jennings, 2011). The U.N. has been unable to use R2P to help
these women and, looking at the lack of gender balance across the board, this is probably
because they are loath to do so. As I have repeatedly illustrated, laws are in place resolutions
are passed and little changes; a rise of 1.5% in the military and 10% in the U.N. secretariat is
not enough in 11 years to have any effect on peace (Black, 2009).
Conclusion
Despite admirable efforts over 64 years of peacekeeping and in the 11 years passing since the
inception of UNSCR 1325, women’s involvement in the UN has only been nominal; this
could be due to the entrenched militarised nature of peacekeeping at its inception, as
58 | P a g e
described above (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011), or simply a lack of progress
towards accepting women as equal and capable human beings. As explained originally, all
peacekeeping operations were of a military nature and male dominated to an extent that saw
almost the complete exclusion of women except in nursing roles. This omission of women
from decision making positions could still have an effect on the gender balance of current
peace operations, where women are still in a profound minority.
Since UNSCR 1325 there have been many subsequent resolutions (Bachelet, 2011).
However, these laws seem impotent given the limited nature of enforcement, not just due to
the pitifully low numbers of women engaged in peace keeping but also because of the lack of
penalty for ignoring them. There are no employment laws to enforce a gender balance and
there is no positive discrimination in order to assist the U.N. in attaining its declared targets.
This research asserts that though gender balance is stated as a key issue time and again within
the U.N.; with regards to justice it is clear that women are low on the agenda. For the
purpose of this research study over 100 documents were read and reviewed and it was evident
that not only do women not get the equality they deserve; equal access to education; work
and health services but that there is a slow suffocation of rights from cradle to grave. This is
more explicit in some countries, such as Sudan and Afghanistan, but is also implicit across
many, even most, countries. It is blatantly apparent that women do not have security or peace
in the world at large, the work place or even at home. Furthermore, it appears that laws and
resolutions avowing the aim of equality and justice for women offer mere lip service, a balm
to placate the conscience of those charged with this duty of care, especially when it might
come at the cost of the security or comfort of men and boys.
Resolution 1325 has failed to address gender inequality in Peace Keeping, perhaps due to the
wide extent of patriarchal values and the misogyny this frequently engenders worldwide.
Subsequent resolutions: 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960 which primarily address sexual violence
against women in conflict situations are clearly not having the impact needed; in the week
that saw war criminal Ratko Mladic brought to the Hague for the killing of 8,000 Muslim
men and boys in Srebrenica in July 1995 (Borger, 2012), there is still no restitution for the
estimated 20,000 women held in rape camps and violated repeatedly at the same time and
place that these atrocities were occurring. These women and many others throughout the
world are condemned to a life of mental pain and often subject to horrific gynaecological
complaints, outcasts from their communities and often forced into a life of prostitution to
support their children (Krasnic, 2012). It is suggested that international law has no teeth
(Dunne, & Schmidt, 2001) if you are abuse men, clearly war crime tribunals prove this is not
59 | P a g e
the case. However, justice for the injuries and inequalities persistently arraigned upon
millions of women does not appear to be forthcoming.
The phenomenon of violence towards women (as discussed) is again a global one, from the
conflict zones considered to the peaceful states of Europe, laws are passed to ‘protect’
women from domestic violence but, as been shown, rarely do they succeed in doing so
(Povey, (ed.) , 2005).
In addition, it is unlikely women are going to fare well for U.N. appointments during the
current global financial crisis. In the last two years women have been disproportionately
made unemployed and are losing their chances at progressing further in politics given the
political climate (Saner, 2012; Pym 2012) and, as explained, the U.N. will encounter a dearth
of qualified women in the next 10 years given the status of women in the P4-P5 roles which
are the lower rungs of secretariat office (U.N. Documents, 2011). The figures are damning
and the indictment is clear; this world has no place for real gender equality and offers little
peace if you happen to be born female; despite claims to the contrary.
Limitations and future directions
The limitations are clear; there was not enough of a gender balance anywhere to address and
analyse accurately the issue of whether women on PKOs affected peace; this was apparent at
the outset yet it was important to investigate further. One may know intuitively that a
situation is occurring but really scrutinizing and examining the topic is vital to understanding
the issues and addressing why they remain so apparently intransigent.
There are obvious uncontrollable variables between states: cultural, religious economical
inconsistencies which can cause there to be profound differences in results. That said there
was very little imbalance across states regarding the conditions of peace enjoyed and the
states differed hugely in demographics. For example Cote d’ivoire and Liberia are largely
Christian and Sudan and Afghanistan are chiefly Muslim, Afghanistan is in the Asian Pacific
region of U.N. operations, the others across the African region; all the missions had different
histories, both colonial and post-colonial. In short the missions scrutinized had some
commonalities and many disparities yet it was obvious this did not affect the conditions for
women in the host countries. A final limitation is researcher bias, I am a feminist I stand up
for and believe in positive discrimination to change the historical disadvantage women have
experienced. This has not confounded the data though it may have made the discussion
somewhat biased.
Future directions;
60 | P a g e
Longitudinal studies of U.N. Security Council resolutions perhaps looking at missions
statistics before and after a woman is put in place of power; reports from the women at
UNMIK ; MINURSO; MONUSCO would be fascinating, as shown, there are some missions
with more women it would be interesting to see how this effected the attitudes of populations
towards women. I would like to talk to girls and young women on their attitudes towards
joining the U.N, particular from the largest TCCs. The list is very long.
An interesting fact I came across when researching was that it was only in Iceland that girls
were considered as valuable as boys. Iceland is known to have bucked the trend in the global
financial crisis it may interesting to know what makes Iceland so different; it would certainly
be exciting and perhaps illuminating to spend some time there researching.
It was my intention to increase my understanding of peace, to get beneath the surface of laws
and resolutions often depicted in the press with large fanfares and exhortations of change
being effected. Numerous documents suggest real change in the experience for women
worldwide yet when one delves beneath the spin the story can be very different; this research
was viewed thorough feminist lenses; it would be stimulating to tackle the Middle East in
similar manner; maybe post doctoral research.
61 | P a g e
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75 | P a g e
Appendix 2
Raw Data
male female total male female total male female total male female total male female total
MONUSCO 711 22 733 16,762 367 17,129 17,862 269 49 318 969 80 1,049 1,367 19,229
UNOCI 194 9 203 9,289 113 9,402 9,605 318 39 357 995 0 995 1,352 10,957
UNAMID 303 10 313 17,207 561 17,768 18,081 2,597 537 3,134 2,180 52 2,232 5,366 23,447
UNMISS 127 5 132 4,840 73 4,913 5,045 415 73 488 0 0 0 488 5,533
UNAMA 15 0 15 15 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 1 4 4 19
UNISFA 79 4 83 3,520 196 3,716 0 0 0 0 0 0 3,799 0 3,799
Individual Police
Mission M F total M F troop totalMilitary totalM F police totalM F police totalgrand total
UNAMID 257 9 266 17,226 551 17,777 18,043 2,473 534 3,007 2,185 52 2,237 5,244 23,287
MINUSTAH 0 0 0 7,546 153 7,699 7,699 1,122 151 1,273 2,096 173 2,269 3,542 11,241
UNMIT 31 2 33 0 0 0 33 606 90 696 487 2 489 1,185 1,218
UNMISS 141 5 146 4,651 75 4,726 4,872 368 82 450 0 0 0 450 5,322
UNMIL 130 3 133 7,636 176 7,812 7,945 382 61 443 717 128 845 1,288 9,233
MONUSCO 699 24 723 16,601 374 16,975 17,698 278 46 324 968 80 1,048 1,372 19,070
UNOCI 188 9 197 9,305 113 9,418 9,615 344 38 382 944 4 948 1,330 10,945
UNFICYP 0 0 0 801 56 857 857 59 10 69 0 0 0 69 926
UNTSO 144 7 151 0 0 0 151 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 151
MINURSO 191 5 196 21 3 24 220 5 0 5 0 0 5 225
UNMOGIP 34 4 38 0 0 0 38 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 38
UNISFA 77 4 81 3,517 198 3,715 3,796 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3,796
UNDOF 0 0 0 999 47 1,046 1,046 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1,046
Military Experts Troops 1746 70,049 Individual Police Formed Police Units
76 | P a g e
contributing countries ranked by female contributers
14 ) South Africa 1732 368 2,100
5 ) Nigeria 5433 342 5,775
10 ) Ghana 2675 312 2,987
4 ) Ethiopia 5916 307 6,223
1 ) Bangladesh 9990 248 10,238
8 ) Rwanda 3557 156 3,713
3 ) India 7956 137 8,093
13 ) Uruguay 2149 123 2,272
20 ) Tanzania, United Republic of 1083 109 1,192
9 ) Nepal 3502 99 3,601
18 ) France 1307 93 1,400
29 ) Philippines 815 92 907
39 ) Sierra Leone 321 87 408
38 ) Gambia 402 72 474
66 ) Burundi 86 72 14
31 ) Kenya 767 67 834
24 ) Spain 1014 65 1,079
16 ) China 1842 54 1,896
22 ) Italy 1089 49 1,138
26 ) Argentina 980 49 1,029
60 ) Cameroon 66 45 111
70 ) Namibia 33 43 76
21 ) Malaysia 1143 41 1,184
64 ) Zimbabwe 56 38 94
28 ) Malawi 909 37 946
25 ) Burkina Faso 1032 34 1,066
27 ) Benin 981 33 1,014
37 ) Ireland 460 33 493
23 ) Niger 1098 32 1,130
45 ) Zambia 275 32 307
67 ) Mongolia 53 30 83
2 ) Pakistan 9502 25 9,527
56 ) Cote d Ivoire 125 24 149
44 ) Portugal 303 23 326
11 ) Brazil 2467 21 2,488
41 ) Fiji 353 21 374
54 ) Canada 179 20 199
15 ) Indonesia 1953 19 1,972
47 ) Guatemala 289 16 305
59 ) United States of America 111 16 127
7 ) Jordan 3736 15 3,751
32 ) Republic of Korea 728 15 743
49 ) Germany 258 15 273
30 ) Thailand 844 14 858
48 ) United Kingdom 269 14 283
65 ) Hungary 74 14 88
34 ) Austria 538 13 551
35 ) Chile 523 13 536
55 ) Slovakia 149 13 162
61 ) Australia 92 13 105
50 ) Bolivia 215 12 227
57 ) Croatia 118 12 130
71 ) Chad 60 12 72
75 ) Norway 41 11 52
40 ) Peru 379 10 389
80 ) Central African Republic 31 10 41
12 ) Senegal 2334 9 2,343
36 ) Turkey 500 8 508
42 ) Ukraine 366 8 374
77 ) Sweden 42 8 50
78 ) Uganda 41 8 49
91 ) Jamaica 11 7 18
58 ) Belgium 122 6 128
74 ) Madagascar 50 6 56
19 ) Sri Lanka 1209 5 1,214
33 ) Togo 690 5 695
62 ) Mali 99 5 104
63 ) El Salvador 90 5 95
82 ) Colombia 30 5 35
73 ) Guinea 55 4 59
90 ) New Zealand 15 4 19
52 ) Russian Federation 209 3 212
72 ) Romania 62 3 65
85 ) DR Congo 26 3 29
86 ) Bosnia and Herzegovina 25 3 28
95 ) Singapore 9 3 12
68 ) Serbia 75 2 77
81 ) Djibouti 36 2 38
87 ) Switzerland 21 2 23
97 ) Tajikistan 9 2 11
83 ) Denmark 30 1 31
89 ) Kyrgyzstan 21 1 20
92 ) Slovenia 16 1 17
94 ) Netherlands 13 1 14
98 ) Czech Republic . 9 1 10
101 ) Samoa 3 1 4
6 ) Egypt 4,066 0 4,066
17 ) Morocco 1579 0 1,579
43 ) Japan 347 0 347
46 ) Yemen 306 0 306
51 ) Cambodia 221 0 221
53 ) Paraguay 204 0 204
69 ) Ecuador 76 0 76
76 ) Greece 52 0 52
79 ) Tunisia 43 0 43
84 ) Brunei 30 0 30
88 ) Finland 22 0 22
93 ) Poland 17 0 17
96 ) Honduras 12 0 12
99 ) Moldova, Republic of 8 0 8
100 ) Montenegro 6 0 6
102 ) Qatar 3 0 3
103 ) Belarus 3 0 3
104 ) Lithuania 2 0 2
105 ) Bulgaria 2 0 2
106 ) Cyprus 2 0 2
107 ) Estonia 2 0 2
108 ) Grenada 2 0 2
109 ) Iran 2 0 2
110 ) Lesotho 2 0 2
111 ) Mozambique 1 0 1
112 ) Palau 1 0 1
113 ) Papua New Guinea 1 0 1
114 ) Timor-Leste 1 0 1
115 ) Macedonia, FYROM 1 0 1
