L

Womanhood and Virgo Intacta:Form and Aesthetic Reconstruction in

Ovia-Osese Performance

Sunday Enessi Ododo

Introduction

In Africa, womanhood is essentially adored and revered.It is adored because of the positive values it projects andrevered for its esoteric energy that transcends ordinarycomprehension. I The significant aspect of these positivevalues, which is our concern in this paper, is theunderstanding that the woman body as a procreativecentre, is nurturing receptacle for new life and goesthrough a lot of transformation and pains to gain life. Itis for this reason that in most cultures across Africa, stepsare taken to engender social control to safe~guard thatprocreative source that is so essential to humancontinuum. In Nigeria for instance, many examplesabound and they come by different names like 'coming ofage', 'rite of passage from teenage to adulthood; fromadolescent/girlhood to womanhood' 'outing ceremony fromthe fattening room', 'maiden dance', 'coming-to-meet', etc.In Cross River State, Mbopo ritual outing ceremony forgirls from the fattening room exists,Ejiji ritual coming ofage ceremony is to be found amongst the Ikwere ofRiverState and the Igogo festival of Owo in Ondo State. Nkpuceremony at Awka, Iria ceremony of the Kalabari andthe Benin's lroubode ceremony are other examples (Negri,1976:2,17,62-67),

Ufahamu 30:213 WinterlSpring 2004

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From one culture to another in Nigeria, similarrites exist in different modes. Among the Ebira forinstance, there is no elaborate concept of coming-oC·ageceremony for adolescents, but the idea is an aestheticsculptural rnotiffound prevalent in the traditional stoolsof traditional titleholders, lineage heads and elders in theland (Picton, 1991:40-41,44). The belief of the Ebira inthe sanctity and purity of womanhood and their answerto promiscuity is expressed in lsihu (rite for growth) orthe Ekehi'sihu (money for making grow, in other words'virginity fee') which is demanded from a groom whomeets his bride, a virgin, and deflowers her during theirwedding ceremony.2 It is a corporate shame for a familywhose daughter failed the virginity test this way andalso an embarrassment for the groom. Apart from losingthe virginity fees, the added implication is that prospectivesuitors shall avoid other maidens from this household forfear of similar occurrence, thereby stigmatising andsignposting the family and relatives as people of easyvirtue and cheap moral values. For these reasons, almostevery parent and even the young girls themselvesconsciously maintain a state of Virgo Intacta beforemarriage, knowing the enormity of indignity stigmainvolved.

The cardinal focus of these various ceremonialpractices is to ensure the sanctity, purity and chastity ofwomanhood; ethics and moral alertness, endurance,courage and thorough grounding in home management,philosophy and worldview of the society before legalbetrothal into marriage. Sofola (1987:25) findsequivalence for this African concept of rite of passage inthe European Debutante rite of passage. She reasonsthat:

It is the whole complex within this stage oftransition that the Europeans developed intowhat we now know as formal education fromEurope. It should also be observed that itscelebrative passing-out ritual is what is

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performed at convocation ceremonies at theinstitutions ofhigher learning today, thoughwith greater celebrative fanfare ...(sic).

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Unfortunately, it is this fonnal education thatformed the arrowhead of the factors that forced theAfrican concept of rite of passage to yield ground forreformation, while some of the ceremonies have beencompletely eroded. The creative tension that Westerncivilisation has imposed on the celebrative fonnat oftheseceremonies is what this essay examines, using the Ovia­Osese of the Ogari in Kogi State, Nigeria.

Origin of Ovia-osese

The people orOgori observe and celebrate the Ovia--Qsesemaiden dance ritual, a practice that is also prevalentamong the Akoko Edo people who are next-doorneighbours to the Ogari. As a language, it is among thethree unclassified languages among the Niger Congolanguages (Hansford, Bendor·Samuel and Stanford,1976: Fig. 5).3 The land is about five kilometres at theshortest point from the boarder line between Kogi andEdo States. According to colonial records, the town islocated on the intersecting point of longitude 6°13E andlatitude 7027'N on the map of Nigeria and C.R. Nivea's1925 map ofKabba province, Northern Nigeria. The townis bounded by Ebiraland (lgbirra division) to the South­West corner, (Apata, 1975:1), a land also in Kogi State towhich Ogori is administratively attached until the creationof Ogori-Mangogo Local Government Area in 1993.

Many origin traditions of Ovia-osese exist andtherefore locating the actual source has become largelyspeculative. One origin story has it that the rite ofpassageceremony was a celebrative response ofa woman to markthe pronouncement of the oracle confirming her daughtera virgin, earlier thought wayward. Another position isbased on the theory that, Ogori, as part ofAkoko-Gbangiri

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clan must have collectively practised Ovia-Osese togetherbefore their detachment in 1918 as recorded by (Akerejola.1973:71). Culture flux arising from neighborhoods, socialrelations, trade and dispersals is yet another view, whichis linked to similar practices in Owo, Benin and amongthe Ibibios. Examples ofcoming-of-age practices in theselands have already been cited above. Ogon scholars haveactually placed the origin date at 1927 (80Co1a, 1987:25),which probably refers to the modern consciousness ofOvia-Osese practice. lfthe people actually detached fromAkoko-Gbangiri clan in 1918, what then happened toOvia-Osese between then and 1927? Perhaps this is aquestion which lies outside the domain ofWs performativediscourse.

The Performance Form of Ovia-Qsese

Ovia-Osese is a rite of passage event designed as aneducational bridge that Ogori female adolescents mustcross into adulthood. It is a maiden ceremony that openlyextols the virtues of womanhood while celebrating thepurity, chastity, undefiled, untainted, untouched andunexploited physical and emotional conditions of younggirls ofmarriageable age. The nude display of the essentialbiological features that can attest to a woman'sgynaecological conditions is for communal affinnation andapproval without any iota of doubt and not "uncivilizeddisplay of nudity" as often misconstrued (NigerianHerald, 1974:6). This very act further reinforces in theconsciousness of prospective initiates that there is nohiding place and no cutting of corners to transit intoadulthood. Hence, the event serves as a vital social checkon sexual promiscuity and the abuse of the female bodybefore marriage. It is also a reaffinnation ofthe collectivefaith of a people in a tradition designed to protect thefemale gender, the veritable source of life sustenance andrace continuity. One time traditional head ofOgori and ahistorian, the late Gab Bawa Akerejola, Eminefo lil,

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Ologori of Ogori, captures the essence of Ovia-Qsese(initially known as Oke festival) and the performancemould this way:

Ai!. for womenfolk, when she attains the ageof puberty at 15 to 16 years, her parentssignify this by going out to the market andpublic places with songs and dances, firing ofguns and scattering, in Oke festival, ofmoney.This is only the beginning ofthe festival. Shehas to undergo several other ceremoniesduring the year including the tattoo of thebeUy, face and back (shoulders), reshaping ofher teeth and remaining indoors throughoutthe year. She could be taken to her husbandafter undergoing several disciplinarymeasures during (Oke) festival. This variesfrom village to village in Akoko. Part ofthesemeasures are to ascertain whether the would­be bride [sic] had yielded to the temptationsofyoung men and therefore been defiled, etc.(Akerejola, 1973:16).

In the same work, Akerejola (1973:32) describesOke festival as as an event meant for "girls inparticular...who attain the age of puberty (14-17 yearsof age)" who have now "reached the stage of becominghousewives the following one or two years." This claimnegates the earlier puberty age put at 15-16, whichprobably suggests flexibility in the age consideration ofthose, eligible to participate in the initiation rites. Perhapsphysical attributes and maturity ofmind ofthe prospectiveinitiates could have been part of the detennining factorsthat sometimes influenced the reduced emphasis placedon age. However, the overriding import of Akerejola'slatter submission is that maidens go into marriage one ortwo years after performing the rites. This isunderstandable given the fact that in the olden days,early marriage was in vogue and also an extension of

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the Ovis exercise. This can be interpreted to mean thatafter the rite of passage is performed, a woman shouldstill not be open to sexual abuse before marriage.Unfortunately, the current practice permits girls less than14 years-old. with no corresponding physical attributesofwomanhood, to undergo the Ovis-Osese experience andend up not fully comprehending the essence. It is alsonow been done by proxy in the absence of some of theinitiates. Young girls who have committed serious moraland sexual atrocities would certainly find the latter optionvery attractive. This crucial deviation from the originalform is now taken as licence by many parents to initiatetheir daughters early enough when their features ofwomanhood are yet to develop, and thus not attractive tomen enough to engage them in sexual temptation. Parentsare less concerned about their moral conduct thereafter.This notion has also eroded the value ofself-restrain andsexual discipline the Ovia concept seeks to engender. Forthe young girls now, the successful performance ofOvia­Osese is the attainment ofunlimited freedom to vigorouslyexplore the sexual world before wedlock.

Ovia-Osese is not an enactment ofhistory or storybut an expression of a people's desire for a sane andhealthy humanity. Organised purely under observancesof rites and festive conditions, the event is not associatedwith frivolity and paidia. As a theatre performance, it isnot a drama but a festival as drama. It is not mimetic orrepresentational of fictional creation but an autonomousform of dramatic rendering, which is a -generouscombination of high seriousness, religious energy andfun" (Echeruo, 1994:145). This, in our view, is the generalnature ofAfrican festivals which therefore calls for urgentreappraisals of how Mrican festivals are analysed asdrama forcing parallels between African performanceidiom and that of the West. The performance mechanicsand the underlining values of African festivals have thecapacity to sustain their own uniqueness as theatre pieces.Projecting this uniqueness as part ofworld theatre cultureshould engage scholarly and performative attention more

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than trying to lean on the Western canons to validateAfrican theatre.

Taken in its ethnographic past, the performanceform of Ovia-Dsese festival can be structured into threemovements: Iviasi, Opa·Obubwe, and Oke.

Movement One: Iviasi

The main performance characters involved in thismovement are Iyodina (Chiefand Head ofFemale genderin Ogori), her council of female inion leaders, and Asigiri(Ivia-Isiya (oracle) diviner). Iyodina by her position isthe headl school (usually situated in her house) fortraining young maidens. Parents on behalf of theirchildren apply to this school for admission to undergoOvia-Osese ritual process. Iyodina and her council ofchiefs consider each application before applicants areeither offered or denied admission. Every applicant mustbe an indigene of Ogori either through paternal ormaternal parentage. A key factor in the screening processfor eligibility for admission into the Maiden School is theconsultation with lvia-Isiya. The services of Asigiri. thediviner, is engaged to consult oracle (lvia-Isiya) todetermine the following on each candidate:

i. peep into the destiny ofeach candidate andreveal what the future holds for her. Thisprocess offers opportunity for correctivealteration where critical obstacles areidentified standing between a candidate andblissful existence.

ii. to affirm the sexual virtue of eachcandidate. Anyone not found intact as a virginis not only disqualified but also punishedeither by death or banishment from the land.The effect ofthis negative discovery is not onlya reflection of the immoral configuration ofthe candidate but also a heap ofsocial stigma

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on her family. Other candidates that passedthe Ivia-Isiya test are consequently admittedinto the Maiden School, and their parents areexpectedly extremely happy, especially theirmothers. It is only after this Ivia-Isiya VirgoIntacta test that Iysoclina enrols thesuccesstill candidates into the school.

However, the possibility that some maidens failed the testsin the past and faced either death or banishment is veryremote as most of the accounts on Ovis are silent on this.It could be inferred therefore that generally, almosteveryone that applies passed the test with very slimexceptions, which further suggests high studentenrolment every year being a communal performanceexperience. Sofoia (1987:27) puts the range of graduatesat "50 -135", Given the present rapid population growthin Nigeria and the leverage of performing the ritual byproxy the figures of graduates could have more thandoubled, say 180 - 300.·

It should be stated that lvia-Isiya (lviysiya) is adistinct performance on its own but integrated with theOvia ritual process. Akerejola (1973:31-37) actuallycategorised it as one of the festivals celebrated in Ogori.This could suggest that some other sub-festivals exist aspart of the ritual process that culminates into a grandfinale as Ovia-Osese. Also given the fact that the trainingperiod before this grand finale took three years, theactivities involved in the main festival must havetherefore been spaced out as distinct performancestructures.

Movement Two: OpCJ,-Obubwe

This is the camping and training period for the enrolledmaidens in the school located in Iyaodina's compound.The training period spans three Ukpe festivals whichAkerejola (1973:31) informs is "the beginning of Ogoricalender year"; that is three years, as earlier mentioned.&

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The Iyaodina, her chiefs and any other co-opted personscommence the training of the maidens into well·groomededucated women/adults. The training syllabus coverphilosophy, vocational knowledge, special career interestslike medicine, creative arts, etc, matrimony and love ethics,home economics and management, child care andmotherhood.6 The grooming period is completed with themaking and application of indigenous cosmetics forbeautification. These generally include Iburu (camwood)and Ikokori (ink for body tattooing: the face, shoulders,stomach and back of an ovia). Other beautificationprocesses and items include the reshaping ofthe maiden'steeth, the use of the nickel bangles made of ivory andbeads (Odelo, Ebele and Isu beads). The Odolo beadsare arranged in wide layers around the loins of themaiden as cover (pants)· this appears to be the only formof costume accessories worn at the time; the Ebele andIau are used to decorate the ovia's hair styled intoOgogorogo type.1 Actually, "the last three months of thetraining period was devoted to grooming the maiden forher role in life as a woman, a wife and a mother" (Scfola,1987:29). It must be added that the training and ritualprocess of Ovia-Osese does not include circumcision orincision. There is no form of vaginal mutilation involved.

Movement Three: Oke

Activities that would culminate in the passing out of thegraduates are mostly concentrated upon at this stage.These include the teaching of music (lyrics, songs andinstrumentation) in which the history, philosophy andworldview ofOgori people are encoded. Also emphasisedare dance steps and their meanings, chants and poetryof the community that elevate womanhood.8 It is fromthis repertoire that songs, chants and dances are selectedfor the grand finale (Oke). This stage also witnesses seriesof assignments and tests to evaluate how much themaidens have learnt from the Ovia training programme;Iyaodina also dishes out last minute instructions regarding

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the entire programme and post-Ovia moral bearing ofthe candidates; then a technical and dress rehearsal takesplace a night to the festival proper. This takes place atDysTa (arena), the venue designated for the festival. Itis here that all the maidens arrive and engage in ritualdance of transition from adolescence to womanhood ininnocence and purity on the d-day. $oCala (l987:30)captures this ritual highpoint this way:

The maidens, in those days, processed semi­nude to display health, beauty of purewomanhood, their adornment in beads,delicate body tattooing, and enhanced skintone with camwood. Their coiffeur was saidto be exquisite. Proud parents and relativeswould flutter in utter delight and joy asfestivities mounted from the eve of thegraduation day to the day after passing-outceremonies.'

Form and Aesthetic Reconstruction

As is the case with the traditions and culture of manyMrican societies, Ovia-Osese is rapidly being stripped bareof its meaning and essence. In its present form, the eventemphasizes entertainment more than observances of ritesdirected toward the sanctity of womanhood. Westerncivilization, education, the technological revolution, andthe presence ofChristianity and Islam in Ogori land withlarge adherents are the often-cited reasons for this rapiddecay in the original performance and functional conceptof the festival.

We should however remind ourselves that cultureis dynamic. It is not static nor fossilized in time-it isperceptive to the currents of change that manifest insociety. To survive and fit into the ever-changing socialorder, it has to continuously re-invent itself as Wagner(1981:53) posits. Of necessity, culture borrows andappropriates from other cultures it contacts to assume a

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new fonn as either a hybrid or a syncretic typology. Inthis new fonn, how much of the original values can theculture still transmit? The answer to this crucial questionshall become apparent as we consider the form andaesthetic reconstruction in Ovia-Osese foisted by culturalcontacts and modernism.

On a general note, the following conceptualchanges have occurred in Ovia- Osese in order toaccommodate the tension and exigencies of modernism:age qualification for participation originally put atbetween 14 and 17 scarcely has any limitation anymoreas girls of nine and ladies of 21 are now admitted toparticipate; the role of Asigiri and Ivia·Isiya has beeneroded and replaced with fasting and prayers (the VirgoIntacta of participants is now questionable); thecompulsion of personal participatory presence has beenrelaxed to accommodate participation by proxy (onlynames and personal data are required for this purpose);training period gradually reduced from three years tothree months and now three days with concentration onsongs and dance steps mainly for the Oke at Oyara (nomore dress and technical rehearsals also); Oyara is alsonow restricted. to the Town Hall instead ofan open arena,thereby constricting the flamboyance and freeexpressiveness ofMrican perfonnance idiom; the singingand dancing procession of old women from one ovia'shouse to the other is now organized according to agegroups of mothers (only members of such groups arevisited); celebration once handled by local musicians withindigenous instrument is now thrown wide open toincorporate foreign musicians with hi-tech equipment;locally brewed drinks are now overshadowed by modernspirit liquor and beer like Guilder, Guinness, Star, etc;thanksgiving services on Sunday and on Friday for theChristian and Muslim Ovias respectively are noworganized after the festival (this has also been turnedinto an avenue for generating money for places ofworship); what was essentially a communal affair nowattracts gate takings from audience participants and

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spectators alike; certificates ofparticipation are also nowissued in place of moral self-identity, etc.

On the artistic plane, aesthetic reconstruction isquite obvious in the various processional performances,dance performance design, costume and make-up, musicand songs.

Processional Performances

Iyaresen - In the morning of the eve ofOvia-Osese proper,mothers of Ovias dance round the town with individualgroup members singing in honour of the maidens andtheir parents. A common song that accompanies theprocessional dance is:

(i) Ovis ka maseIms sorekaOvis ka mase ro

TranslationI'm performing my child's OvisNot somebody else's childI'm indeed performing my child's Ovia.

Thereafter, they retire to the celebrant's home to wineand dine and also to receive gifts of money.

Eregba - During the evening of the same day theOvia's parents dance with the father's age group whilepraise songs are also rendered in their bonour. This eventcould sometimes last till dawn.

If the maiden happens to be the first offspring ofa family, at the dawn of the Ovia--Qsese day, huntersassemble round the house of such a maiden and shootthree times into the air. This is another honorific rite forthe girl and her parents.

Oke - For the Ovia-Osese proper there is anotherprocession into the Oyara (arena) involving all theparticipating maidens for the ritual dance of transitioninto adulthood. They file out accompanied by Iyaodina

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and Okitoroko players from a structure specificallyconstructed at the arena to serve as their dressing roomand backstage. Before this appearance, the performanceform has been reconstructed to accommodate an openingglee by the Ogori Women Association which Sofola(1987:32) referred to as Alumnae Association of Ovia­Osese School for Maidens. This inclusion is for purelyaesthetic enhancement of the festival. Also, being a verystrong organisation in Ogori it is as well that they have arole in the most important ritual process relating towomanhood in the land. Otherwise their relevance in theperformance design is not apparent.

Dance Performance Design

The major point ofstructural and aesthetic reconstructionto note here is the introduction of [via Egben (maidens'children). These are little girls ofabout seven to ten yearsold, whose Virgo Intacta is hardly Questionable. Theyusually perform first the ritual dance of chastity at thecentre of the arena before the real maidens. This isprobably reconstructed to capture the core essence of theevent (chastity) which many of the maidens may havelost. It is this reconstruction that clears and cleanses theritual space of any adverse effect on the defiled maiden­participants. With this, the event is refocused with itsoriginal values and authenticity. After the [via Egbencleansing rite, the maidens now file out to perform thesame ritual dance with more vigour and colour. It is acircular dance that emphasizes feminity, grace andelegance.

The dance entertainment performance ofthe KogiState Council for Arts and Culture is also a moderninclusion to serve as a teaser to the main performance. Ithas no bearing with OVia-Osese, but essentiallyintroduced to charge the festive environment.

Costume, Accessories and Make·up

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These are areas Ovia-Osese has witnessed dynamictransformations and aesthetic reconstruction. From merebeads as costume accessories (to cover the genital partswhile the maidens' trunks are left bare), exotic fabrics ascostume have been introduced. Costuming has movedfrom semi-nudity to vital concealment. Ogori traditionalattires like Esa owuwo (hand-woven special type ofaso'ke)are now donned full length from the bust line downbeyond the knees, with modern shoes, bags and jewelryto match. Significant emphasis is still placed on coralbeads. Apart from the initial Odolc, Isu and Ebele beads,new forms have been introduced to complement the limitedpresence ofthese old types. Some of the new types includeEgueyinEgbolo,Asasa and Ofun. It is possible to oonceivethe present concealment of female physiognomy as anacceptance ofpre-modern deficiencies in culture, but thechange is more of cultural reaction to other cultures andwidely accepted norms of feminine decency rather thanprimitiveness.

Make·up has also assumed new dimension.Weaving of the traditional Ogogorogo hairstyle haslargely been replaced with perming,jerry curls. fixing ofweave-on, etc. Body toning with camwood and othertraditional make-up for body adornment and decorationhave been somewhat abandoned for modern cosmetics toenhance their beauty and physical attributes. Only theluia Egben (maidens' children) still richly adorn Iburu(camwood). Opereto, and the three original beads.Clothing in the festival has also assumed competitivedimension as parents see this as an opportunity for wealthdisplay. This is one way in which Ovia-Osese has becomean exhibitionist funfair.

Music and Songs

Music and songs sustain the general performance designof this festival. The ritual import ofthese is located in thekey and sole musical instrument called Okitoroko. to Playedonly by women on this occasion, it accompanies the

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entrance song of the maidens into the performance arenaand ceases to accompany other maiden (Ovia) songs tobe rendered here. No other instrument is also played. Itseems to be a metaphorical statement on having the eventwith just God's given natural attributes - the humanbody in its pure state. Oke eguru (Oke songs) are theOvia·Osese songs that actually symbolise the successfulcompletion of the initiation rites into womanhood.According to Akerejola (1973:33),"the songs are allpregnant with meaning which are very historical,depicting various stages of development". One of suchsongs recorded by Sofola (1987:33) reads:

(ii) We heve come of age,We have come of age,Let all, let all our age-mates,Get their maiden bodies dressed,We have come of age;

Put on the black '!KOKORl' stripesPut on the red 'IBURU' powder,Put on, round the waist,Your "EBELE' of pride because,We have come of age;

Can't you hear the 'EWERE RO'Chanting the praises of our ancestors?Can't you see mother and father,Leading the <JVIA EGBEN' and others,All hurrying towards 'OYARA' with gladdenedhearts?

Can't you see and feel the rising breeze,Of the great 'OMONEYEN' and the 'AGADA'hills,Give their utmost and everlasting support?Our fore-fathers are all awake to the 'OKE'For we have come of age.

•

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This song essentially manifests the essence ofthe festivalwhile stating the ritual accessories involved in theperformance. Some ofthe obvious characteristics ofOvia­Osese songs are that the songs most times end with tie"("aye", "eeee", "eh) sound and also often patternedintooverlapping call-aDd-response style, with very shortlines. This format makes audience participation in theperformance very effective as the songs come in very shortsequences. The following songs are offered as examples:

(iii)

(iv)

Call:Response:

Call:Response:

Call:Response:

Call:

TranslationCall:

Response:

Call:Response:

Call:

Response:

Call:

Lead:

Ibuse po paeh eh eh

Etaga welDeh eh eh

Ibuse rna ka Da noeh eh eh

Eh eh eh eh eh.

Wayward girls are forbidden tocome alongEh eh eh

Forget your cosmeticsEh eh eh

Wayward girls are forbidden tocome with usEh eh eh

Eh eh eh eh eh.

Ayi bUBU kase asase roAyegbaminaye aye ye TO

E rimomi lei busu ko Ogido we oweE rimomi keta ko Ogido we owe

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

Chorus:

Lead:

ODODO 137

Obisina obiso kpin kpin roObisina obiso te erege eminosema

Eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 2x

Aye damina damina daminayamina yaminaAye damina damina daminagboina gboinalreku oyanu bale moweEkumo ya mue, ekumo yanueekumodede

Eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 2x

Oposuda se mosogbaee

Osemoso gbaee

Oposuda se mosogba fa

Osemoso gbafa

Awigi loye roye

Awa mo note lofele

Awa mo note lote

Awigi loye roye ro

Dna mopa mide

Dna me lomide

Asukuru re mi re

Aso gbodo re mi remi

Egberuwa me joke

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Chorus: Ogberowa me joke

Lead: Osibu sake se rna

Chorus: Osibu so gbafa

Lead: Ewuru udi ewure

Chorus: Ewuru ass ewure

TranslationLead: Mother went in search of

ornamentIn order to rescue usGot stuck at Ogido riverShe could not cross Ogido river!Godly release her, goddess of theriverShow kindness so that we cancelebrate.

Chorus: Eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 2x

Lead: She wandered and wanderedShe wandered and wanderedHer mission was to trade and notto stealThis is the earnest plea of amotherless child

Chorus: Eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee 2x

Lead: Elders intervene to rescue me

Chorus: Come to my rescue

Lead: Wise ones. please help me

Chorus: Please help me

ODODO 13.

Lead: Offer me a tuber of yam each

Chorus: Donate a pot each

Lead: Offer me a pot each

Chorus: Give me a tuber of yarn each

Lead: Include food stuff

Chorus: Include ingredients

Lead: May the royal staff of the chiefs

Chorus: and the heads ofelders accompanyme

Lead: I am glad I can celebrate

Chorus: I am excited that I can at lastcelebrate

Lead: God be with all maidens

Chorus: God bless us all

Lead: May it be well with us all

Chorus: May it be better for us all.

Song (ill) is a satirical piece directed at the girls who werenot found worthy to participate in the Ovis-Osese onaccount of moral and social recklessness. It thereforeraises general consciousness on the need for moral probityin order to avoid such public ridicule. We apprehend anarrative song in (iv). The story, which is very explicit,underscores the filial bond between mother anddaughter; the sacrifices parents make to define a worthy

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path of livelihood for their children; and of course theplight of an orphan. The rendition of the song itself isemotion-driven and Oyara often goes quite as those whounderstand the language are compelled to reflect on itspungent message. Music being an embodiment ofuniversal language, even non-Ogorians are equallygripped by its moving solemn tide. The maidens usuallyjoin hands in a wide circular formation to sing this song,which also symbolically suggests that both the "haves"and the "haves-not" need one another to pull throughthe challenges ofexistence. II It should be stated also thatnew songs are composed annually and added to therepertoire ofOvia-Osese songs. Expected.ly, most of thesenew songs yield to the influence of church or Islamicmelodies while also embodying religious constructs as ifseeking performance validation from these religiousbodies. Consider these two examples below:

(v) Oboro itie, oboro itieOgbona ami rna m'esu dejiOboro itie.

TranslationGoodness is my portionSince I don't transact business with SatanGoodness is my portion.

(vi) Ekena Iduma sie nemoEna maka gan ye baa?EkwinteeEeee.

TranslationWhat the Lord has doneWith what shall I thank Him?Except to kneel.

Some of the other musical instruments used duringOvia·Osese performance include Osa (rattle gourd often played

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with both hands), Opagigigi (gourds filled with littlepebbles), Ogenge (metal gong). They are played duringthe festivities and not for the core Ovia-Oseseperformance. They are used for instance to accompanythe opening glee ofOgori Women Association, the huntersdance and sometimes the [via Egben's dance before thecore ritual dance. Only Okitoroko has ritual significancein the ritual dance.

Conclusion: Strains of Change and Continuity

It was Wagner (1981:53) who identified a dialecticaltension between convention and invention as the nucleusof cultures, He explains that 'invention' changes thingswhile "convention resolves those changes into arecognizable world". Using this premise Adinoyi-Ojo(1996:379) assesses the African situation and concludesthat "the tension is often between rational modernismand traditional beliefs and practices", This tension is ofcourse very present in the performance idea ofOvia-Osesewhich embodies an age-long belief in the sanctity ofwomanhood through which a sane and healthy humanitycan be sustained. The form and aesthetic reconstructionsalready discussed. are products of this dialectical tension.However, the Ogori have amply exhibited a genuine senseof tradition in Ovia-Osese in their struggle toaccommodate and integrate social change into a"recognizable world". It is this strife for cultural harmonyand unique identity that is largely responsible for thecontinued existence of the performance and thesustenance of some aspects of the performance in itsoriginal form. For instance, performance elements thatare still extant include the original songs (even thoughnew ones are being introduced), musical instruments,processional dance ofthe women folk from one homesteadto another, shooting of guns by hunters in honour of afirst born ovia, the dance structure is still intact andIyaodina is remains the Chief Producer and ArtisticDirector of Ovia-Osese.

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Inspite afits diluted and modified contents, Ovis·Osese remains a cultural symbol that embodies a pre­historic idea from which Ogori people continue to charttheir moral bearing. That every woman with Ogori bloodflowing in her still goes through the ritual experienceeither physically or by proxy (negligible few?) is a vibranttestimony to a living culture. The people should howeverbe reminded that as the Ovia·Osese ritual continues toreinvent itself, drawing from antiquity and the new socialorder, the end product must add utilitarian values to thecelebrant's world or it becomes a bollow culturalexhibition.

Notes

I Picton (1991:94) for instance, records that "the capacityto create life as mothers and to destroy life as witches, inEbira metaphysical tradition, predicated ofwomanhood."2 A rite of virginity test is performed by arranging a bedwith white bedspread on which the bride and groom makeslove for the first time. The crowd outside waits patientlyfor the results - the painful cries of the bride to the ritualprocess and the eventual public exhibition of thebloodstained bedspread, confirming the breakage of thehymen by the groom. This is applauded. It is to be notedthat this ritual is also a convert test oftbe masculinity ofthe groom, for an impotent or a man with weak erectioncannot go through this ritual successfully. In present time,probably because of the dense social transformation thathas fostered high level sexual engineering amongst ouryouths, the world over, Ekehi'sihu has been eliminatedfrom the list ofbridal wealth demanded from suitors andthe ritual is no longer performed to avoid wanton negativeresults that are feared to be the likely output ofvirginitytest in this age. Before this elimination of Ekehi'sihu, itwas also widespread that some maidens who had lost their

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virginity found an answer to passing the virginity testwhich now cast questionable shadows on who is really avirgin (the answer was the use of potash solution tocontract the vagina, which makes penetration verydifficult to achieve; it ends up hurting and bleeding, whenpenetrated).3 The other unclassified ones are Ukaan and Akpes.~ It was difficult getting the Current enrolment figure(usually printed in Ovia-Osese Programme note) becausethe last Ovia-Osese was only marked and not formallycelebrated due to date coincidence with a nationalprogramme - the General Elections in Nigeria that heldin April - May 2003.s The Ogori calendar year starts from the last week ofAugust or the first week in September, as against thefamiliar worldwide calendar year that starts fromJanuary, according to Akerejola (1973:32).6 See Sofola (1987:28) for detailed syllabus contents.7 Special women with ancestral tutelage make thishairstyle; it is most difficult for just anyone to plait.Ogogorogo hair style is patterned into three parts - thecentral part is plaited commencing from the temple to theback of the head together with Isu beads, while the othertwo parts join the plaited hair at the centre to the oppositesides of the face. lsu is pink while Ebele is blue in colour.These beads could be likened to the Yoruba Iyun. Theyare also quite costly and heavy in weight, including Odolo.It is also important to know that the Isu beads are sacredand forbidden to touch the ground. They have the capacityto disappear when they do. It would take ritualperformance and incantation by Asigiri in dueconsultation with Ivia-Isiya for the beads to reappear onthe seventh day.• See Sofo!a (1987:29) and Ajarajola (1973:33, 38-40) formore information on this. Akerejola actually states thatthe maidens have to learn how to play at least one ormore of the following traditional musical instruments:"Agidigbo, Iko, Ota, Ogenegen, Okengan, OboAgele" andof course Okitoroko.

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, Ovia-Qsese day is not reserved for parents alone tocelebrate the graduation of their daughter, they are alsojoined by relatives and friends which explains why Ogoriland bursts out with life on this great day. As the Ovias(maidens) perform their ritual dance at the Dysrs inelegance, they also win admirers from the crowdespecially, the men and prospective suitors. The merrimentthat follows the end of the ritual process offers unlimitedfood to eat and locally brewed wine - Ade or Pitto (andother forms) to drink. Some special delicacies usuallyprepared for this event include Akara (beans cake),Ekpase (moi·moi - steamed scaled beans), Okpete (8mixture afmed beans and powdered roasted maize), peas,pounded yam and meat. The woman folk. in Ogori land,form dance procession from house to house with songsmainly in praise ofthe new ovias who arejoyfully welcomewith both arms by all the women folks in Ogon land. Thestrength of this ceremony is a metaphorical admittanceof the new Ovias into womanhood. For this reason, a girlof yesterday is considered as a woman today with fullprivileges of elders and can partake in decision-makingprocess of the community.10 The sound this instrument produces is the source of itsname (Okitoroko). It is played by gently moving the ironring or wood inserted in a three feet long and roughwooden staff with cylindrical turning edges. A calabashis tied to the end of the staff. It is either played standingor sitting with both hands. Metal rattles/rings are wornon the left hand. The right hand moves up and down theinserted ring in the staff, while the left handsimultaneously strikes the calabash. Okitoroko fits intothe class of idiophone musical instruments. As a soloinstrument, it functions as chordophone. Ten people andabove participate in the production of Okitoroko music.The equipment is not reserved for Ovia·Osese alone butcan also be used for other social functions like weddingceremonies, title·taking events, and even Christian

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ceremonies.II Towards the end of the song, the maidens disengagetheir hands and transit into clapping and stamping oftheir hands and feet, respectively. At intervals themaidens move into the centre of the circular formation inpairs to exhibit dance virtuoso.

References

Adinoyi-Ojo, Onukaba. 1996. "Playing at the Crossroads:Social Space as Metaphor in Ebira MaskedPerformances", New York: Unpublished Ph.D.Thesis, Department ofPerformance Studies, NewYork University.

Akerejola. Gab Bawa. 1973. The History of Ogori,Occasional Publication No. 22, Institute ofAfricanstudies, University of Ibadan.

Apata, Z.O. 1975. "The Growth of Christian Missions inOgorilMangogo District 1911-1971", UnpublishedBA Dissertation, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

Echeruo, Michael J.e. 1994. "Redefining the Ludic:Mimesis, Expression, and the Festival Mode" inBogue, Ronald and Mihai 1. Spariosu (eds.), ThePlay of the Self. pp. 137-156. Albany: StateUniversity of New York.

Hansford, K, J. Bendor-Samuel and R. Stanford. 1976.Studies in Nigerian Languages No.5. Accra: AnIndex of Nigerian Languages.

Negri, Eve de. 1976. Nigerian Body Adornment. Lagos:Nigeria Magazine.

Nigeria Herald, Saturday July 6, 1974.Picton, John. 1991. "On Artifact and Identity at the Niger­

Benue Confluence", African Arts Special Issue:Memorial to Arnold Rubin, Part IT, July, Vol. Xxiv,No.3, pp. 34-49.

Sofola, 'Zulu. 1987. "Reflections on Ovia-Osese Festivalof Ogori" in Qvia Festival Digest: Proceedings of

the first National Seminar on the Ogori Ouia OseseFestival, pp. 24-35.

Wagner, Roy. 1981. The Inuention of Culture. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.