3 6 4 Index
Verschucr, Helmut von. 13, 77-78 Verschtter, Omar Freiherr von, 11-13,
14, 17-18, 33, 34, 39, 41, 59, 60, 69, 77-78
Vessey Camben, Juan, 171 "Vieland," 68-70, 74, 75, 76, 78. 80 Viera de C23(1), Maria, 320, 321 Vilka Carranza, Juan, 247-248
Wagner, Gustav, 315 Wagner, Richard. 13 War Crimes Branch, Civil Affairs Division,
Washington, 82, 85 Ware, John, xviii, 202-203, 296 Warren Commission. 302-303 Washington Times, 308 Welt, Die. 317 West German Prosecutor's Of6ce, 24 White, Peter, 296, 297-298 Wiedwald, Erich Karl, 216-217 Wiesenthal, Simon, 23n, 136n, 161, 169-
170, 193, 199, 206-210, 212, 213-
Wiesenthal, Simon (cont.): 214, 219. 245-247, 248, 251-252, 256, 294, 298, 299, 304. 306, 317-318, 320n, 321
Wiesenthal Center; 84, 208, 209, 306, 308, 319
Wirths, Eduard, 24, 25-26, 78 Wladeger, Anton and F.deltraud, 162n Wellman, Henrique, 301 World in Action (11r), special program on
Mengele, 202-203 World Health Organization, 122 World Jewish Congress, 126-127 "Worthless life" concept, 1ln, 45, 80
"Xavier," 88
Ynsfran, Edgar. 129, 149, 159, 180, 194, 195-196, 197, 201
Zamir, Zvi, 246 Zinn, August, 136
(continued from front flap)
• Proof that Mengele was captured and
held for two months under his own name
by the U.S. Army.
• Substantial evidence that West Ger-
many and Israel could have captured
Mengele on two separate occasions and
failed to do so. In this masterful biography, the infa-
mous, elusive Mengele has at last been
captured.
Gerald L. Posner, recognized as a
leading authority on Josef Mengele, is a
partner in the New York City law firm of
Posner and Ferrara. He has been study-
ing Mengele for five years, traveling to Eu-
rope and South America to collect more
than 25,000 documents.
John Ware is a London-based TV
producer for the current affairs documen-
tary program World in Action made by
Britain's Granada Television. His docu-
mentary 'The Hunt for Dr. Mengele" was
aired on the Independent Television Net-
work as well as on 60 Minutes in this
country.
jacket design by Judith K. Leeds
McGraw-Hill Book Company
1221 Avenue of the Americas
New York, NY 10020
1412 -1.. Gok
ISBN 0-07-050598-5 >$18.95
if[11 cow►
STORY
Gerald L. Posner and John Ware
This is the definitive life story of Dr. Josef
Mengele, the notorious 'Angel of Death."
Responsible for the death and mutilation
of thousands of prisoners at Auschwitz.
Mengele vanished into South America af-
ter World War II, where he remained free
for more than three decades. How did he
escape from the Allies? And how did he
elude his pursuers?
Granted exclusive and unrestricted
access to the Mengele family papers and
diaries, Posner and Ware have sifted
through more than 5,000 pages of
Mengele's writings to construct this ex-
traordinary record of his life—from his
childhood in Germany to the horrors of
Auschwitz to his years in exile. Among
their headline-making revelations:
• Conclusive proof that Mengele was
aided by an extensive network of people
who supplied him with passports, shelter,
money, and diverted his pursuers.
• Unprecedented new insights into
Mengele's mind and character.
(continued on back flap)
MENGELE The Complete Story
Gerald L. Posner and JohnWare
McGraw-Hill Book Company New York St. Louis San Francisco
Hamburg Mexico Toronto
Acknowledgments
Writing about a man who spent more than half his life as a fugitive,
resolved to escape recognition and retribution, was a singularly
difficult task. This book is the result of five years of research. During
that time we have gathered one of the largest documentary archives
on Josef Mengele, some 25,000 pages of published and unpublished
documents. We have spent months in South America, many days
researching in the archives of different countries, and have taped
more than ninety hours of interviews with individuals involved in
Mengele's life. We are satisfied that we have conducted a diligent
and thorough investigation, and we take full responsibility for the
accuracy of the facts and the validity of the judgments presented.
Much of our research would not have been possible without the
help of many people and organizations, in more than a dozen coun-
tries, on four continents.
In the development of documentation we were aided by Dr.
Robert Wolfe, Dr. John Mendelsohn, and John Taylor of the Na-
tional Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C.; by Daniel
Simon, director of the Berlin Document Center, West Berlin; Dr.
Y. Arad, director of Yad Vashem, Jerusalem; Dr. Graciella Swid-
erski, director of the National Archives of Argentina, Buenos Aires;
Dr. Celina Moreira Franco, director of the National Record Center
of Brazil, Rio de Janeiro; Dr. Alfredo Viloa, director of the National
Document Archives of Paraguay, Asuncion; Charles Palm, archivist
at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, California; and Dr.
xi
x i i Acknowledgments
Howard B. Gotlieb, director, and Charles Niles, archivist, of the
Special Collections, Boston University, Boston, Massachusetts.
We also acknowledge the extensive and rapid research, ex-
ceeding the statutory mandates of the Freedom of Information Act,
performed by James K. Hall, Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Washington, D.C.; Thomas F. Conley, United States Army Intel-
ligence and Security Command, Fort Meade, Maryland; and Larry
Strawderman, Central Intelligence Agency, Washington, D.C.
We record with gratitude the constructive help provided by
American diplomatic missions in South America, especially the ef-
forts of Robert Minutillo and Larry Estes, public affairs officers of
the U.S. embassies in Asuncion and Buenos Aires, respectively.
Their extensive knowledge of the countries in which they are posted,
and their generous assistance, opened many doors which might
otherwise have stayed closed.
Helping us through a myriad of difficulties in South America,
in addition to many who did not want to be publicly acknowledged,
were Evandro Carlos de Andrade, editor-in-chief, O'Globo, Rio de
Janeiro; Zevi Ghivelder, executive director, Manchete magazine, Rio
de Janeiro; Roberto Guareschi, political editor, El Claret], Buenos
Aires; Roberto Forchiniti, archive director, Abril, Buenos Aires;
Enrique Jara, Latin American director of Reuters, Buenos Aires;
Cesar Sanchez Bonitato, archive director, La Nacion, Buenos
Aires; and Donal() Manzini, political editor, Tiempo Argentine, Bue-
nos Aires. These individuals not only provided unrestricted access
to the confidential files of their publications, but they also led us
to unexpected and useful sources of information.
Also in South America, special acknowledgment should be given
to a number of government officials who collectively gave us access
to voluminous and hitherto undisclosed government documentation
on Josef Mengele: Dr. Adolfo Barreyro, private secretary to the
minister of the interior, Buenos Aires; Dr. Carlos Castro, director
of press affairs, presidential palace, Buenos Aires; Dr. Carlos Al-
berto Flores, director of the Federal Police, Buenos Aires; Dr.
Albino Gomez, director of press affairs at the ministry of foreign
affairs, Buenos Aires; Dr. Emilio Gibaja, secretary of public infor-
mation, interior ministry, Buenos Aires; and Dr. Jaime Malamud,
human rights advisor to the President of the Republic, Buenos
Aires. Two journalists were instrumental in uncovering new infor-
mation and so
John Martin Welles of the mitment to tl
constant inspi
Some rest
or the call of I
here of Alexa
don, for whoa
pulous regard
Tony Wells o
Robert Hodg
of himself; an
her spare rim
Dr. Gantl help in decipl
pages of pros A very sr
vivors of Mer
kowitz and th of Auschwitz
bers of their experiences r should be sai Mengele's cal
We woul of Israel's Ci
who helped
account of th
Special ti
director for ( for his generc in Action," events were
and inborn o With apo
ted, we list t
in bringing tl Zvi Ahar
Dr. Pedro
, of the setts. rch, ex-ion Act, tigation, ly Intel-nd Larry D.C. vided by ly the ef-.fficers of )ectively. :e posted, ch might
America, )wledged, bo, Rio de ;azine, Rio n, Buenos nos Aires; nos Aires; n, Buenos ntino, Bue-cted access also led us
old be given ve us access umentation ..tary to the tro, director . Carlos Al-i Aires; Dr. -y of foreign public infor-
ie
blic, Buenos
g new infor-
Acknowledgments
mation and sources: Ralph Blumenthal of the New York Times and
John Martin of ABC Television. We owe a special thanks to Elliot
Welles of the Anti-Defamation League in New York, whose com-
mitment to the work of bringing Nazi criminals to justice was a
constant inspiration to us.
Some researchers gave assistance far beyond their obligations
or the call of friendship. We would like to make particular mention
here of Alexandra Wiessler, archivist of the Wiener Library, Lon-
don, for whom no task was too great; her wise counsel and scru-
pulous regard for accuracy prevailed on countless occasions. Also
Tony Wells of the Wiener Library, and the Wiener Library itself;
Robert Hodges, Major (ret.), U.S. Air Force, who gave so much
of himself; and Annette Mills, who went out of her way to help in
her spare time. Dr. Gunther Deschner, historian, of Munich, was an invaluable
help in deciphering the more cryptic passages of Mengele's 5,000
pages of prose. A very special acknowledgment, of course, is due to the sur-
vivors of Mengele's experiments, especially Eva Kor and Marc Ber-
kowitz and their worldwide organization C.A.N.D.L.E.S. (Children
of Auschwitz Nazi Deadly Lab Experiment Survivors). Many mem-
bers of their group spent harrowing hours retelling their dreadful
experiences when they would much rather have forgotten them. It
should be said that the photographic memory of Marc Berkowitz,
Mengele's camp messenger, was the actual inspiration for this book.
We would like to thank several former anonymous members
of Israel's Central Institute for Intelligence and Special Missions
who helped us compile what we know to be the most detailed
account of the Mossad's role in the hunt for Josef Mengele.
Special thanks are certainly due to Brian Moser, producer-
director for Central T.V., England, of the documentary "Mengele,"
for his generous contribution; and to Ray Firzwalter, editor of "World
in Action," Granada Television, England, who understood when
events were at their most critical. The insight of Andrew Stephen
and inborn optimism of Paul Greengrass were priceless assets too.
With apologies to those whom we may have inadvertently omit-
ted, we list the following who were most active and instrumental
in bringing this project to fruition:
Zvi Aharoni, London/ Wilfried Ahrens, Argnt, West Germany/
Dr. Pedro Alvarez, Encarnacion, Paraguay/ Koby Behar, police
x iv Acknowledgments
spokesman, Jerusalem/ Lutz Bergmann, publishing director, Bun te.
Munich/ Lawrence Birns, director, Hemispheric Resources Council,
Washington, D.C./ Jonathan Bush, general counsel, Holocaust
Memorial Council, Washington, D.C./ Dr. Francisco Carmargo,
(YEstado do Parana, Curitiba, Brazil/ Aaron Citinblum, archivist, El
Clarin, Buenos Aires/ Cynthia Cohen, Buenos Aires
Martin A. Crowe, special agent, FBI, New York/ Dr. David
Crown, Fairfax, Virginia/ Commodore Juan Carlos Cuadrado, Bue-
nos Aires/ Elena S. Danielson, archivist, Hoover Institution, Stan-
ford University, California/ Denny Debbaudt, Detroit/ Delegado
Priamo Amaral, Santa Catarina, Brazil/ Delegation of Israeli As-
sociations, Buenos Aires/ William G. Dolde, Esq., FBI, Miami/ Joel
Filartiga, AsunciOn/ Francisco Cunha Pereira Filho, editor, Gazete
do Povo, Curitiba, Brazil
Dr. Carlos F. Valerio Fo, forensic dentist, Sao Paulo/ Francis
Grant, Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom,
New York/ Paul D. Gray, assistant director of U.S. Military Rec-
ords, St. Louis, Missouri/ Art Harris, Washington Post, Atlanta,
Georgia/ Dr. Stanley Hilton, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge/
Lt. Col. Barry Hussey, Buenos Aires/ Jaime Jariton, Asuncion/ Bar-
bara Jentzch, German State Radio, Washington, D.C./ Jewish World
Congress, Buenos Aires
Peter Jones, archivist, British Library, London/ Simon Jones,
London/ William B. Jones, U.S. Department of Justice, Washington,
D.C./ Mattis Kalir, Tel Aviv/ Gregory Katz, Gannett newspapers,
Washington, D.C./ Ottmar Katz, Munich/ Beate and Serge Klars-
feld, Paris/ Dr. P. Kossack, Humboldt University, East Berlin/ Felix
Kuballa, journalist, Cologne/ Hermann Langbein, Vienna
Carlos A. van Lerberghe, Buenos Aires/ Augusto Juan Lertora,
Argentine deputy consul general, New York/ Malcolm Levene,
London/ M. J. Levin, National Security Agency, Washington, D.C./
Robert A. Liff, Miami/ Dr. Carlos Perez Lianas, advisor to the
minister of the interior, Buenos Aires/ John Loftus, Boston/ Bill
Lowthar, Washington, D.C./ Federal Judge (ret.) Jorge Luque, Bue-
nos Aires/ Eduard R. Malayan, first secretary of bilateral and cultural
affairs, U.S.S.R. embassy, Washington, D.C./ Angelo Marfisi, New
York Mac Margolis, Newsweek. Rio de Janeiro/ Chaim Margolit, Tel
Aviv/ David Marwell, historian, U.S. Department of Justice, Wash-
ington, D.C./ Sally Millwood, New York/ Jorge Mirkin, Buenos
Aires! Lt. Cal. sky, assistant a
D.C./ Jorge 0
Powell, Immig
Martina Puzyi
tional Justice
Kim Rarta
scum, London
nos Aires/ L. J,
D.C./ Dr. Cesi Frankfurt/ An
ords, Washinf geles/ Gavin $
Gad Shim
Socolosky, Stover, Nati( Washington, I managing edit David and E ■
Tulian, Buena
Dr. Alfredo Rona Weitz,
Dr. Zdenek In the pm
Eckerman foi
a biography a
to bring this
entious line
Susan Mayer.
Quinn, our s4 the book. H the most diffl Pam Bernste sionalism am
This boo practical hell
skills, friend!
insurmounta Finally, a
and Helena
x i v Acknowledgments
spokesman, Jerusalem/ Lutz Bergmann, publishing director, Bunte,
Munich/ Lawrence Birns, director, Hemispheric Resources Council,
Washington, D.C./ Jonathan Bush, general counsel, Holocaust
Memorial Council, Washington, D.C./ Dr. Francisco Carmargo,
O'Estado do Parana, Curitiba, Brazil/ Aaron Citinblum, archivist, El
Clarin, Buenos Aires/ Cynthia Cohen, Buenos Aires
Martin A. Crowe, special agent, FBI, New York/ Dr. David
Crown, Fairfax, Virginia/ Commodore Juan Carlos Cuadrado, Bue-
nos Aires/ Elena S. Danielson, archivist, Hoover Institution, Stan-
ford University, California/ Denny Debbaudt, Detroit/ Delegado
Priamo Amaral, Santa Catarina, Brazil/ Delegation of Israeli As-
sociations, Buenos Aires/ William G. Dolde, Esq., FBI, Miami/ Joel
Filartiga, Asuncion/ Francisco Cunha Pereira Filho, editor, Gazete
do Povo, Curitiba, Brazil
Dr. Carlos F, Valerio Fo, forensic dentist, Sao Paulo/ Francis
Grant, Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom,
New York/ Paul D. Gray, assistant director of U.S. Military Rec-
ords, St. Louis, Missouri/ Art Harris, Washington Post, Atlanta,
Georgia/ Dr. Stanley Hilton, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge/
Lt. Col. Barry Hussey, Buenos Aires/ Jaime Jariton, Asuncion/ Bar-
bara Jentzch, German State Radio, Washington, D.C./ Jewish World
Congress, Buenos Aires
Peter Jones, archivist, British Library, London/ Simon Jones,
London/ William B. Jones, U.S. Department ofJustice, Washington,
D.C./ Mattis Kalir, Tel Aviv/ Gregory Katz, Gannett newspapers,
Washington, D.C./ Ottmar Katz, Munich/ Beate and Serge Klars-
feld, Paris/ Dr. P. Kossack, Humboldt University, East Berlin/ Felix
Kuballa, journalist, Cologne/ Hermann Langbein, Vienna
Carlos A. van Lerberghe, Buenos Aires/ Augusto Juan Lertora,
Argentine deputy consul general, New York! Malcolm Levene,
London/ M. J. Levin, National Security Agency, Washington, D.C./
Robert A. Liff, Miami/ Dr. Carlos Perez Lianas, advisor to the
minister of the interior, Buenos Aires/ John Loftus, Boston/ Bill
Lowthar, Washington, D.C./ Federal Judge (ret.) Jorge Luque, Bue-
nos Aires/ Eduard R. Malayan, first secretary of bilateral and cultural
affairs, U.S.S.R. embassy, Washington, D.C./ Angelo Marfisi, New
York Mac Margolis, Newsweek, Rio de Janeiro/ Chaim Margolit, Tel
Aviv/ David Marwell, historian, U.S. Department of Justice, Wash-
ington, D.C./ Sally Millwood, New York/ Jorge Mirkin, Buenos
Aires/ Lt. Col.
sky, assistant to
D.C./ Jorge Or
Powell, lmmigr
Martina Puzyn
tional Justice a
Kirn Rattai
seum, London/
nos Aires/ L. Je
D.C./ Dr. Cesa
Frankfurt/ Am
ords, Washing;
geles/ Gavin S
Gad Shim!
Socolosky, As
Stover, Natio
Washington, L managing edit(
David and Er
Tulian, Buenc
Dr. Alfredo "\
Rona Weitz, /
Dr. Zdenek 2 In the pur
Eckerman for
a biography al
to bring this entious line
Susan Mayer,
Quinn, our st
the book. H;
the most diffi
Pam Bernstei
sionalism ant This boo
practical help
skills, friend!
insurmountal
Finally, a and Helena
Acknowledgments V
aublishing director, Bunte,
;pheric Resources Council,
neral counsel, Holocaust
Dr. Francisco Carmargo,
con Citinblum, archivist, El
Buenos Aires BI, New York/ Dr. David
uan Carlos Cuadrado, Bue-
t, Hoover Institution, Stan-
.thbaudt, Detroit/ Delegado
If Delegation of Israeli As-
iolde, Esq., FBI, Miami/ Joel
Pereira Filho, editor, Gazete
dentist, Sao Paulo! Francis
)r Democracy and Freedom,
irector of U.S. Military Rec-
is, Washingon Post, Atlanta,
State University, Baton Rouge/
Jaime Jariton, Asuncion/ Bar-
ashington, D.C./ Jewish World
ibrary, London/ Simon Jones,
Lament of Justice, Washington,
ory Katz, Gannett newspapers,
unich/ Beate and Serge Klars-
it University, East Berlin/ Felix
ann Langbein, Vienna
)s Aires/ Augusto Juan Lertora,
New York/ Malcolm Levene,
rity Agency, Washington, D.C.!
,s Perez Lianas, advisor to the
fires! John Loftus, Boston/ Bill
Judge (ret.) Jorge Luque, Bue-
secretary of bilateral and cultural
;ton, D.C./ Angelo Marfisi, New
de Janeiro/ Chaim Margolit, Tel
.S. Department of Justice, Wash-
ew York/ Jorge Mirkin, Buenos
Aires/ Lt. Col. (ret.) William Orbello, Austin, Texas/ V. Orechov-
sky, assistant to the military attaché, U.S.S.R. embassy, Washington,
D.C./ Jorge Ortiz, New York/ Christina Patel, London/ Russel A.
Powell, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Washington, D.C./
Martina Puzyna, London/ Thomas E. Quigley, Office of Interna-
tional Justice and Peace, Washington, D.C.
Kirn Rattan, London/ Philip Reed, archivist, Imperial War Mu-
seum, London/ Dr. Klaus Richter, New York/ Ricardo Rivas, Bue-
nos Aires/ L. Jeffrey Ross, U.S. Department of Justice, Washington,
D.C./ Dr. Cesar Augusto Sanabria, Asuncion/ Juergen J. Schillinger,
Frankfurt/ Amy K. Schmidt, Modern Military Field Branch Rec-
ords, Washington, D.C./ Richard A. Schussler, Esq., FBI, Los An-
geles/ Gavin Scott, Time, Rio de Janeiro
Gad Shimron, Tel Aviv/ Paul Silveira, Miami/ Dr. Benjamin
Socolosky, AsunciOn/ Dr. Norman Stone, Oxford University/ Eric
Stover, National Endowment for the Advancement of Science,
Washington, D.C./ Patrick Swaffer, London/ Hans-Hermann Tiedge,
managing editor, Bunte, Munich/ Jacobo Timmerman, Buenos Aires/
David and Enriqueta Trachter, Buenos Aires/ Dr. Horatio Luis
Tulian, Buenos Aires/ Ambassador (ret.) Benjamin Varon, Boston/
Dr. Alfredo Viamoso, Foz de lguacu, Brazil/ Esa Webb, London/
Rona Weirz, Amnesty International, New York/ Albert Zarca, Paris/
Dr. Zdenek Zofka, historian, Munich.
In the pursuit of this project, a special acknowledgment to Joan
Eckerman for her unfailing receptiveness to the original concept of
a biography about Josef Mengele. Her enthusiasm and work helped
to bring this book to fruition. To Katherine Ness, whose consci-
entious line editing repeatedly saved us from serious errors. To
Susan Mayer, for kind support and devotion to the project. To Tom
Quinn, our senior editor, for his valuable criticisms of the drafts of
the book. He provided reassurance and encouragement through
the most difficult of times, and his judgment was always impeccable.
Pam Bernstein, the literary agent for this project, provided a profes-
sionalism and drive which assisted us at all stages.
This book would not have been possible without the constant
practical help and indomitable optimism of Joseph Ferrara, Esq. His
skills, friendship, and incredible patience lifted us over apparently
insurmountable obstacles.
Finally, and most important, we thank our wives, Trisha Posner
and Helena Ware, who have lived with Josef Mengele for five years,
xv i Acknowledgment'
and whose support and positive attitudes contributed to and are a
part of every aspect of this book. It was they who stayed the course,
especially during the hectic summer of 1985. It was they who de-
serve the ultimate credit for this record being written.
Josef Mengele has becon
version of medicine in pur
ing smile and soft but dea
of Death." The barbarity
at issue is how he escape
As a fugitive, Menge
in experiments on Indiat
of dictators, and to have
portrayed as a ruthless p
vices of armed guards a
score of impenetrable fl
this legend, the only cl
Israeli agents and indepf
up on the banks of the
These apparently s'
on myths about Menge
than 5,000 pages of dia
unique and unrestrictc
unpublished photograr
Mengele papers incluc
within weeks of his
autobiography that M
omits any discussion
Ai ie
Ae ?r. )1'
SC
11.1C
CCE
iari iron lent aort hildt usct ieir • Ct
Ided ho st ioney • Un
lengel
s contributed to and are a ley who stayed the course, 1985. It was they who de-being written.
Preface
Josef Mengele has become the symbol of the Third Reich's per-version of medicine in pursuit of racist scientific theories. His mock-ing smile and soft but deadly touch earned him the title "The Angel of Death." The barbarity of his crime is not in doubt. What is still at issue is how he escaped justice. As a fugitive, Mengele was variously rumored to be involved in experiments on Indian tribes in South America, to have the ear of dictators, and to have had numerous brushes with death. He was portrayed as a ruthless power broker who could call upon the ser-vices of armed guards and killer dogs, and who moved among a score of impenetrable fortresses deep in the jungle. According to this legend, the only clue to his whereabouts was a trail of dead Israeli agents and independent Nazi-hunters whose corpses washed up on the banks of the Parana River.
These apparently superhuman powers of evasion were based on myths about Mengele's postwar life and are disproved by more than 5,000 pages of diaries and letters that he wrote. We have had unique and unrestricted access CO them as well as to previously unpublished photographs, some of which appear in this book. The Mengele papers include a diary that he kept from May 1960 to within weeks of his death. There are also many extracts from an autobiography that Mengele started during the 1960s, but which omits any discussion of both Auschwitz and a ten-year period in
x vi i
powerful Mengele family, I
of the civilized world. The
pursue Mengele when he 'A
many, Israel, and the Unite
Paraguay, and Brazil—robE
mind of a man who was au
Preface
Argentina from 1949 to 1959. We believe that Mengele never wrote
about Auschwitz, fearing that any record of it might help identify
him. We can offer no rational explanation for the absence of any ac-
count of the 1950s. His son, Rolf, has never seen any writing by his
father about this period and does not believe that any exists. We
also have several hundred pages of letters that Mengele sent to
his family and friends in Germany, and their replies, from 1973
on. (Letters written before 1973 were destroyed by the Mengele
family.) Our comprehensive study of Mengele's own thoughts, together
with the unique accounts given to us by members of his family and
friends, betrays a perverse pride in what he did at Auschwitz. It is
the evidence of his unqualified lack of remorse that is so astounding.
This is not, however, just a study in the banality of Mengele's evil.
We have focused on Mengele's charmed escape from the Allies and
on how he managed to successfully stay on the run for thirty-five
years. This book is an attempt to separate fantasy from reality. It is a
straightforward chronicle of Josef Mengele's life, from his silver-
spoon childhood in Bavaria to his pauper's grave in Brazil sixty-
eight years later. We examine the efforts, and the lack of them, to
bring him to trial. We think we have provided many answers to
what we regard as the most important question of all: Why was he
never caught? This endeavor is the result of a joint enterprise. John Ware, a
television producer, became involved in the Mengele case in 1977
when he prepared a documentary for the "World in Action"
program of England's Granada Television. Gerald Posner, a
lawyer, was drawn to the case in 1981 during his pro bono legal
effort to obtain compensation for the surviving twins who had been
subjects of Mengele's experiments. Ware and Posner joined forces
in 1984, a partnership that flourished despite the transatlantic
separation. Our conclusion is a simple one, written more in despair than
in anger. It is not just that Mengele was not punished for his crimes.
He did serve a sentence of sorts, biding his time in a succession of
seedy South American hideouts—a nasty old man consumed with
self-pity, lonely, even bitter with his family who shielded him so
effectively. Nor is it just that a chance was missed to confront the
face Preface X X
powerful Mengele family, living in dynastic isolation from the rest
of the civilized world. The real travesty is that by their failure to
pursue Mengele when he was alive, the governments of West Ger-
many, Israel, and the United States—as well as those of Argentina,
Paraguay, and Brazil—robbed the world of a chance to explore the
mind of a man who was the very personification of evil.
believe that Mengele never wrote y record of it might help identify 'lanation for the absence of any ac-
has never seen any writing by his 2s not believe that any exists. We s of letters that Mengele sent to any, and their replies, from 1973 3 were destroyed by the Mengele
Mengele's own thoughts, together -o us by members of his family and in what he did at Auschwitz. It is
ck of remorse that is so astounding. y in the banality of Mengele's evil. :harmed escape from the Allies and 'ully stay on the run for thirty-five
separate fantasy from reality. It is a sef Mengele's life, from his silver-his pauper's grave in Brazil sixty-
he efforts, and the lack of them, to ,e have provided many answers to mrtant question of all: Why was he
of a joint enterprise. John Ware, a volved in the Mengele case in 1977 ntary for the "World in Action" da Television. Gerald Posner, a in 1981 during his pro bono legal
or the surviving twins who had been 'nts. Ware and Posner joined forces lourished despite the transatlantic
one, written more in despair than ;ele was not punished for his crimes. :s, biding his time in a succession of :s—a nasty old man consumed with ith his family who shielded him so chance was missed to confront the
Auschwitz: May 1943—January 1945 2 3
ced laborers were
)ns of the Jews.'
for inmates, life for
the camp--partici-
as "special actions,"
—was tolerably corn-
extra rations: ten cig-
and four ounces of
viengele, the rewards
Auschwitz colleagues,
e devoted only a few
" he recalled in detail
ood served up by chefs
were particularly mem-
tomato soup, one half
nd magnificent vanilla
:nded another special
!ceivet1 most welcome
ed from my wife from
is the physician at the
execution by shooting
ind 2 cakes of soap . .
) Berlin. Sept. 20: This
'till 6 p.m. (0 a concert
le; the bandmaster was
Eighty musicians. Roast
was present at the 6th
the evening, supper in
y festive meal. We had
offee, excellent beer and
e were preserved by camp
wife and five children in a
rip at Drancy, France, to Auschwitz.
admitted to the camp as prisoners.
Drancy, France, were gassed after
white stucco house surrounded by a white picket fence. The garden
that circled the house was filled with red hedges and begonias in
blue flower boxes. It was, as Hoess recalled, an idyllic setting for
his camp home:
Every wish that my wife or children expressed was granted them.
The children could live a free and untrammeled life. My wife's
garden was a paradise of flowers. . . . The children were .. . par-
ticularly fond of the ones [prisoners} who worked on the garden.
My whole family displayed an intense love of agriculture and
particularly for animals of all sorts. Every Sunday, I had to walk
them all across the fields and visit the stables, and we might never
miss out on the kennels where the dogs were kept. Our two horses
and the foal were especially beloved.
The children always kept animals in the garden, creatures the
prisoners were forever bringing them. Tortoises, martens, cats,
lizards: there was always something new and interesting to be
seen there. In summer they splashed in the paddling pool in the
garden or in the Sola [river]. But their greatest joy was when
daddy bathed with them, He had, however, so little time for all
these childish pleasures.8
It was this attempt to maintain a normal life in the midst of
extraordinary cruelty and inhumanity that made Auschwitz a place
out of Dante's Inferno. At times Auschwitz resembled the theater
of the absurd. There were even traffic regulations in the camp, and
red and green traffic lights. Infractions brought an investigation by
the SS traffic court, as Mengele himself discovered a month after
his arrival when he hit an SS armaments truck while speeding on
his motorcycle toward Birkenau.• Mengele was "injuredt and parts
of his uniform as well as the motorcycle were damaged," but the
• Auschwitz was originally a military barracks for the Polish army. Himmler built
another camp nearby at Birkenau in 1941. Thereafter it was known as Auschwitz-
Birkenau.
I" During the forensic examination in Brazil in June 1985, the doctors determined
that the skeleton had suffered a hip fracture which was compatible with the type of
fracture that could result from a motorcycle accident. Simon Wiesenthal. the Vienna-
based Nazi-hunter, speculated that Mengele's Auschwitz accident might have caused a
broken hip. The SS files, normally meticulous in reporting details of accidents, omit
any mention of this. Irene Mengele does not recall her husband ever talking about a
broken hip. The injury discovered in the 1985 examination must therefore have resulted
from a postwar accident which none of Mengele's friends know about.
1
136 MENGELE
it was clear from the few scraps they had that the Auschwitz doctor
was leading a wholly different lifestyle than that of his murderous
counterpart. Mengele lived under his own name (Eichmann used a
pseudonym); Mengele's wife, Martha, was in the telephone book
(although at an old address); the Israelis even had some details of
Mengele's business activities. One complication, however, threat-
ened to torpedo both operations. Late in 1959 newspaper stories
on Eichmann and Mengele began to appear. Ben-Gurion was asked
in the Israeli parliament what steps were being taken to bring Eich-
mann to trial. Fearing that publicity might alert both men, who
knew each other, Harel encouraged false press speculation that
Eichmann had been seen in Kuwait.
One of the few men outside Israel who knew the truth was Dr.
Fritz Bauer, public prosecutor for the state of Hesse in West Ger-
many. In September 1957 he had sent word to the Israelis that
Eichmann- had been traced.' The message to Jerusalem was dis-
patched in the strictest secrecy. Only he and the prime minister for
Hesse, August Zinn, were privy to the information. Harel agreed
with Bauer that the Bonn government was most unlikely to deal
with Eichmann. "Bauer told me that no one else knew," said Harel.
"He said that he didn't trust the [German] foreign office and he
didn't trust his embassy in Buenos Aires. He said we were the only
people who could be relied upon to do anything with the infor-
rnation."5 Aside from the fact that the West German ambassador in Bue-
nos Aires was Werner Junkers, a wartime foreign office Nazi func-
tionary, Bauer had one other reason for deeply mistrusting his own
countrymen: he had been jailed twice by the Nazis, both before
and during the war, because he was a Jew. Twice he managed to
escape, the second time to Sweden, and on his return vowed he
would do all he could to bring men like Mengele and Eichmann to
trial. The source of Bauer's information on Eichmann was a series of
letters from a German Jew named Lothar Hermann, who lived in
the remote Argentine town of Coronel Suarez. Harel sent agents
out to meet Hermann, and at first he did not impress them as a
credible witness. For one thing, he was blind, a condition that did not
• Nazi-hunters Simon Wiesenthal and Tuvia Friedman have variously claimed
credit for pinpointing Eichmann, much to Harel's irritation.
seem to lei the Israeli daughter, a young C Eichmann.
As the to the girl war and rc the Jews. the son of in the An them in ti ported di; Street, in vinced th; in fact Ei( sumed wi the same Schmidt's Israeli ag, Eichmann bious clai was nothi, in his pri men, eve' the hunt Hazel ex!
T1 ably . contat
Yet of judgm( Eichmanr Austrian of Opera/
• His r. other sons, used an atia
CHAPTER
9
The Man in the
Watchtower
.le available
listitute the
Mengele's Brazilian savior, Wolfgang Gerhard, was as fanatical a
Nazi as they come. Each Christmas he adorned his tree with a
swastika. "You always have to rake good care of swastikas," he used
to say. He told friends he dreamed of "putting a steel cable to the
leg of Simon Wiesenthal [the Vienna-based Nazi-hunter} and drag-
ging him to death behind my car." His Brazilian-born wife, Ruth,
was just as unhinged. She once gave her landlady two bars of soap,
in their original 1943 wrappers, made from the corpses of Auschwitz
inmates.' After his wartime service as a Hitler Youth leader in Graz,
Austria, Gerhard remained a Fascist for the rest of his life. He even
christened his son "Adolf." "Wolfgang made no bones about being
150 percent Nazi," a former workmate recalled. In Brazil he was
vague about what he did, having variously owned a small textile
printing plant and worked in a publicity agency and as a welder.
But what made Gerhard useful to Mengele was that he dabbled in
real estate.
As a small-time property owner, Gerhard knew people with
farms and estates that were far off the beaten track, ideal for a man
like Mengele, now desperately seeking a Brazilian sanctuary. Ger-
hard had been introduced to Mengele in Paraguay, through Hans
Rudel, the Luftwaffe ace. Rudel asked Gerhard to help his friend
find a new refuge in Brazil and Gerhard jumped at the opportunity.
Too young to have played an important role during the war, Ger-
1 6 I
The Man in the Watchtower 1 6 9
lived in Palestine. She was Norit Eldad, an attractive, blonde,
middle-aged woman, born in Frankfurt. She was reported missing
in March 1960, only two months before the Eichmann kidnapping,
after she went for a walk on the footpath of Cerro Catedral, the
tallest mountain in the region. The leader of the search team, Pro-
fessor Esquerra, president of the local ski club, was quoted as saying
that when the body was finally found, he "immediately thought it
was a strange place for a hiker to have a fatal accident. If it was a
natural death, fate had done an excellent job in hiding the body
from view." The body was deep in a crevasse, the result of an
accidental fall from a precipice. Perhaps the "Angel of Death" had
showed his hand? A simple spelling mistake in the hotel register
had listed Norit Eldad as "Eldoc." Investigators mistook the error
to be the pseudonym of an Israeli agent. The theory certainly ap-
pealed to local police inspector Victor Gatica, who said:
The apparent motive now is that she was searching for Josef
Mengele, the Nazi doctor. Now it is considered that Dr. Mengele
may have been staying in Bardoche.18
No one proved that Mengele had stayed there. But neither
could they prove that he had not. Thus Mengele was reported as
having accompanied Norit Eldad on her fatal walk. They had be-
come lovers, according to the story, she with the purpose of setting
him up for an ambush by a team of Israeli hit men waiting in a
nearby hotel. A false-bottomed suitcase had been found by Men-
gele's bodyguards while the couple were out: they had rushed out
to tell Mengele; she was pushed over a precipice; Mengele had fled
town. Now everything fit. The South American newspapers banner-
headlined this news of Mengele's mountaintop encounter with an
Israeli assassin. On March 21, 1961, the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires vainly
tried to convince the newspapers that Norit Eldad was not a Mossad
agent, saying she was known as a "timid and nervous person. Cer-
tainly it is not possible that she was an agent involved in a mission
as difficult as finding Mengele." But after the cloak-and-dagger kid-
napping of Eichmann, no one believed the Israelis. And when Simon
Wiesenthal published his book, The Murderers Among Us, in 1967,
claiming that Miss Eldad had been in a concentration camp, the
story was accepted as fact. Wiesenthal even added one more touch
ow its
led ght nch AIRS
=IA
tato iires ries. doc-para.- rhey .emi-reme _Ting
iy n. ay 2I-
ngele, ,ealthy; i secret lidence
resort y fallen of have im, but
_limbing
,ad once
170 MENGELE
of drama: Miss Eldad had been sterilized by Mengele, who recog-
nized her while she was staying at the hotel. He had spotted her
camp tattoo at a hotel dinner dance and had her killed because he
feared she would betray him. Here was the genesis of Marathon
Man and The Boys from Brazil.
The real hunt was a lot more hit-and-miss than that. Early in
March 1961, the Argentine police followed up a tip from the West
German embassy, a letter from a Senora Silvia Caballero de Costa.
It claimed that Mengele was living under a false name and was
engaged to a wealthy young woman in Santiago del Estero, the
northern provincial capital of Argentina. Interviewed by the police,
Senora de Costa proved to be illiterate; she could not possibly have
been the author of the mysterious letter. The author was soon
revealed to be a wealthy merchant whose only daughter was engaged
to a man he was convinced was Mengele because he claimed to be
a German doctor. The fiancé turned out to be a New York con
man, Willy Delaney, twenty-five years older than Mengele, without
the slightest resemblance to him, and with prior convictions fot
assault, bribery, and practicing medicine illegally.'9
The Delaney case was followed by numerous press reports that
the Mossad was back on Mengele's trail. The most spectacular, in
the London Sunday Dispatch, quoted "reliable sources" who claimed
that the Israelis had been given orders to "liquidate Mengele before
the start of the Adolf Eichmann trial," scheduled to start on April-
11. One of the five Mossad agents, code-named "David," had been
relentlessly tracking Mengele for two years according to this story.
That same day another report came thundering over the wire
services from Hamburg, where a German businessman, Peter Sosna,
said he was sure he had met Mengele on a recent trip to Brazil.'
Sosna said that while he was in the Mato Grosso, in the town of
Corumba, a group of unidentified Germans introduced him to a
doctor. Sosna reported that the doctor had Indian bodyguards
the meeting was held in great secrecy. On his return to Hamburg,
Sosna went straight to the German prosecutor's office and after
being shown photographs of Mengele, positively identified him as
the man he had seen. Much credibility was given to the sighting:
Sosna worked for a marine chandler supply company and seem
a reliable witness. The idea of Mengele living in a vast, virtually
unexplored rain forest the size of Texas added a touch of drama
Chasing Shadows 1 9 3
.cret po-of Para-you say
aimed in
ourt that
a century
)ut. Mrs.
.ng oppo-
1 to move
lent asked
,g dictator
ado party.
Ilenged by
z, and the
) back her
if "making
;he says he
ly respond,
be."' Josef Men-
lb, his skull
was Embu,
'd miles east
But the Klarsfelds were not the only casualties of the discovery
of the grave at Embu. Simon Wiesenthal, who often claimed to have
been a breathless few paces behind Mengele, had also been "one
hundred percent sure" he was hiding in Paraguay. For those who
have wondered at Wiesenthal's elevation to a kind of international
Sherlock Holmes, his charge was typically absolute. For the Klars-
felds, whose real successes as self-appointed Nazi-hunters are no
idle boast, their certitude in this case was an untimely lapse. How,
then, did Paraguay endure as part of the Mengele myth? The Klars-
felds and Wiesenthal alone cannot be blamed. They were just part
of a stream of bounty hunters and journalists, the authors included,
who were certain that somewhere in the darker recesses of the
Paraguayan jungle lurked the "Angel of Death."
President Stroessner himself carries a share of the guilt for a
wound to his country's reputation that was largely self-inflicted. As
Beate Klarsfeld pointed out, "If Mengele left, the police must know
it it must be in their files." Stroessner tried to persuade the world
that Mengele had left in 1961 or 1962. Nor once did he or his
police attempt to find out exactly where Mengele had gone. That
his government could have done so through Hans Rudel or Alban
Krug is not in doubt. The real question is why no one believed
Paraguay's claim that their most infamous citizen had flown.
The myth was based on fact. Josef Mengele had been in Para-
guay, and as the West German chargé d'affaires, Peter Bensch,
discovered in 1961, he had become a citizen. Thereafter, the onus
was on the government of Paraguay to prove that he was no longer
there. It was largely the diplomatic skirmishes between the West
Germans and the Paraguayans, and their failure to resolve the mys-
tery of Mengele's whereabouts, that allowed fiction to develop out
of fact. Certainly for most of the 1960s and much of the 1970s, the
West German government led everyone to believe that Mengele
was likely to be in Paraguay." As early as 1963, West German
• Indisputably, most amateur hunters looked in Paraguay most of the time. But
there was police activity in neighboring countries too. In 1964 the Argentine federal
police burst into a jungle compound in the north of the country and arrested an eccentric
seventy-one-year-old Hungarian doctor on suspicion that he was Mengele. In Brazil,
press reports circulated that an Israeli agent close on Mengele's heels had been killed.
And in Rio de Janeiro, a former Auschwitz inmate fainted when she saw a man she
thought was Mengele. Nonetheless, Paraguay continued to be the focus of the hunt.
.01
Chasing Shadows 19 9
could be no clearer message that Bonn believed Mengele to be
hiding with presidential blessing. Bucher told the Haifa Nazi Crimes
Documentation Center that his government could never contem-
plate such action, but perhaps the Israelis should. Behind Bucher's
remark lay an undeniable truth. Again and again, the record showed
that information trickling through to Bonn was out of date and
poorly researched. It was a deficiency that could be remedied by a
full-time team of agents, such as the Israelis had deployed in the
early 1960s and then abandoned.
But the Germans did not seriously consider extralegal methods
of bringing Mengele to justice. Instead they pursued the case within
the confines of their legal system. In an effort to make a break-
through, the West German prosecutors applied to the courts for a
search warrant to inspect the house of Hans Sedlmeier, Mengele's
longtime friend and family company executive. Fritz Bauer was
convinced that if anyone in Germany maintained contact with the
fugitive doctor, it was Sedlmeier. Simon Wiesenthal was also con-
vinced that Sedlmeier was a key figure in the Mengele case, and he
informed the German prosecutors of his suspicion in a 1964 letter.
Their hunches were right. Not only was Sedlmeier the family cour-
ier for South American visits CO Mengele, but he was also the "post
office" for receipt of dozens of Mengele letters. However, when
West German police agents burst into Sedlmeier's home in mid-
1964, they did not find one scrap of incriminating evidence.* Ac-
cording to Rolf Mengele, unknown to Fritz Bauer and the federal
police, Sedlmeier had a high-ranking contact in the local police who
warned him of the impending raid. Sedlmeier received a telephone
call from his police friend and was told: "We are coming to search
your house, make sure we do not find anything." Sedlmeier had
plenty of time to ensure that all relevant documents were removed.
If there had not been police collusion with Sedlmeier, the Mengele
case might very well have been over in 1964, and Mengele would
have joined the ranks of defendants ar the Frankfurt trial.
The abortive raid on Sedlmeier's house was not publicly dis-
closed. Yet the Mengele case continued to maintain a high profile
• On May 31, 1985, West German federal police raided Sedlmeier's house and
discovered letters from Mengele, which led directly to the South American protectors
and the grave in Brazil. According to Rolf, the 1985 raid was successful because not
only had Sedlmeier's local police contact retired but the Mengele case had gone so
high in the federal government hierarchy that the local police could no longer interfere.
y d 's Lo
ne ee ug :nt lge est ug-
r
e had min-
sner's There
intained )78, but • United
CHAPTER
12
"I've Seen Mengele"
Josef Mengele was a regular visitor to the best restaurants in Asun-
cion, the Paraguayan capital. Naturally, he also visited the German
Club—his black Mercedes 280SL regally sweeping up and armed
guards jumping out, anxiously surveying the scene. One evening
he made a spectacle of himself by slamming his pistol on the bar.'
To most people the source for this colorful story was a credible
one. it was Simon Wiesenthal, the Nazi-hunter from Vienna, a
familiar figure on TV screens. The evidence had come from his
network of informants who were said to be scattered around the
globe. Wiesenthal would often claim that his informants had "seen"
Mengele. Sometimes they had "just missed" Mengele. One of the
closest shaves, according to Wiesenthal, had occurred in the summer
of 1960, when Mengele was seeking refuge in Egypt. Concerned
for his international image, President Nasser barred Mengele's entry,
and the doctor was taken by a former SS Obersturmfuhrer Schrawz
on a chartered yacht, together with his wife, Martha, to the tiny
Greek island of Kythnos. "I was about to leave for Jerusalem to
attend the Eichmann trial," Wiesenthal wrote in his book about his
sleuthing exploits:*
• The Murderers Among Ur (London: Heinemann, [967).
206
"I've Seen Mengele" 2 0 7
If I notified the Greek authorities through international chan-
nels, several weeks would be lost. This time, as I often had in the
past, I chose a non-routine approach. I called up the editor of a
large illustrated magazine in Germany with whom I had coop-
erated before. The magazine wanted the story. I wanted the man.2
I)
s in Asun-e German ind armed te evening n the bar.' a credible Vienna, a
e from his
around the
had "seen" One of the
the summer
Concerned igele's entry, firer Schrawz , to the tiny erusalem to ok about his
Two days later, said Wiesenthal, a reporter from the magazine
arrived by boat and was told by the owner of the island's only inn
that a "German and his wife left yesterday. A white yacht came
into the harbor. The German and his wife went aboard and the
yacht left again, heading west."' The reporter showed the owner a
batch of photographs. "Without hesitation, the innkeeper picked a
picture of Mengele. Two monks who happened to come in also
agreed that this man had been there only yesterday.
"We had lost another round."
Wiesenthal did hire a magazine reporter. His name was Ottmar
Katz. But according to Katz, the rest of Wiesenthal's story was
fiction from beginning to end:
I got the OK from my editor after Wiesenthal asked us by
letter to check. Not a single detail in the letter was correct. I
spent four or five days on Kythnos. Mengele was certainly not
there. There was no monastery. I spent two days with the local
justice of the peace, who was strongly anti-Nazi, and we inspected
the register of the only hotel, and the only name we thought that
was worth checking we discovered belonged to a Munich school-
teacher. I did explain to Wiesenthal that it was all wrong and then
seven years lacer I read his hook and he said we'd missed Mengele
by a few hours.'
In 1967 Wiesenthal claimed to have traced Mengele's move-
ments "quite exactly." At various times lie boasted of tracking him
to Peru, to Chile, to Brazil, to military installations in Paraguay,
always a few paces behind. Mengele was a "millionaire," a "doctor";
he was "surrounded by comforts .. . moreover he lives very close
to where Martin Bormann lives." In 1978 a typical Wiesenthal
bulletin on his hunt for Mengele read:
Mengele is living in Paraguay, where he is protected by the
local junta, which is dominated by ethnic Germans. Mengele is
111•10".
208 MENGELE
Number One on our wanted list. Although his observation in
Paraguay and the monitoring of his occasional trips abroad has
cost us a lot of money, we have continued our activities against
this arch criminal through 1977 and will continue to do so in the
future. s
The extraordinary thing is that the myth of Wiesenthal's hunt
remained intact even after Mengele's body was discovered. He told
reporters that it was he who had tipped off the West Germans and
persuaded them to raid the Gunzburg home of Hans Sedlmeier,
where coded letters giving Mengele's Brazilian address were found.
In fact, the breakthrough came from a university professor in whom
Sedlmeier had confided his relationship with Mengele. The few—
like Benjamin Varon, former Israeli ambassador to Paraguay—who
dared to challenge Wiesenthal's role as the world's preeminent Nazi-
hunter have been savaged by his supporters at the influential Simon
Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles. Gerald Margolis and Martin
Mendelsohn, counsel to the Wiesenthal Center, complained about
this statement by Varon:
He [Mengele] would be a prize catch for any Nazi-hunter.
But no one has specialized in him. Simon Wiesenthal makes pe-
riodic statements that he is about to catch him, perhaps since
Wiesenthal must raise funds for his activities and the name Men-
gele is always good for a plug.6
Varon's observations drew an intemperate blast from Messrs.
Margolis and Mendelsohn:
To denigrate Wiesenthal's efforts, as Varon does, is to defame
a man who has successfully brought to justice 1,100 Nazi war
criminals; a man who embarked on his sacred mission in 1945,
unlike some recent arrivals who have embarked with much passion
and fury and scant results in the 1980s.7
Varon's response to them went to the very heart of the matter:
money.
Sometimes in the seventies Wiesenthal confided to me in
Boston that it was not at all easy to keep his outfit in Vienna
going. [There was as yet none in Los Angeles.] He said that his
lecturd went i for se, ings it where a year leadin "even of the aware And I is abo which induc who catchi
Marg profounc Holocau. in vain." pursuing placed tc essential senthal's and a kn his cred
Mengele mation, confirma apparent
Wha his succc ernment One mu that role when fe
and sini! full-leng The Boy3
part in
ter. pe-
ince ten-
Messrs.
fame i war 1945, fission
e matter:
me in henna hat his
"I've Seen Mengele" 2 0 9
e
hunt
told Is and neier, ound. whom
few-
-who
Nazi-
Simon
Marti n
about
lecture fees and the contributions of some 17,000 Dutch Gentiles
went into it. I recounted in my article that Wiesenthal maintained
for several years a steady flow of statements about Mengele sight-
ings in different countries. He said in 1980: "Now I cannot say
where he is, but .. I am much closer to catching him than I was
a year ago." In 1982 he offered a $100,000 reward for information
leading to Mengele's arrest and claimed that because of the reward
"even his bodyguards would sell him out" It is 1984, and none
of these predictions have come true. Wiesenthal must be fully
aware that just finding Mengele does not equal "catching" him.
And how opportune is it to warn him every few months that he
is about to be "caught"? On the other hand an award of $100,000,
which is in no danger of ever having to be paid out, is subtle
inducement for contributing to the Simon Wiesenthal Center:
who wouldn't gladly part with some money for the prospect of
catching a genocidal monster?8
Margolis and Mendelsohn accused Varon of "profaning what is
prolound and trivializing the Holocaust"; Varon replied that the
Holocaust was "no one's private property and should not be invoked
in vain." It was an unseemly row, provoked by a man who avoided
pursuing Mengele leads in South America while he was uniquely
placed CO do so as the Israeli ambassador. But Varon had raised an
essential truth. As a survivor of several concentration camps, Wie-
senthal's sincerity was never in doubt. It was financial constraints
and a knack of playing to the gallery that ultimately compromised
his credibility. The truth is that for many years Wiesenthal's
Mengele file at his Vienna office had been a potpourri of infor-
mation, which as the London Times said, "only sustained his self-
confirmatory myths and gave scant satisfaction to those who
apparently needed a definite answer to Mengele's fate."9
What no one can take from Wiesenthal is his missionary zeal,
his success in ensuring that many people and some reluctant gov-
ernments pursued Nazis when they would have preferred to forget.
One must ask: if not Wiesenthal, who else would have performed
that role? He really was the public conscience of the Holocaust
when few others seemed to care. It was largely on Wiesenthal's
self-image of a tireless, dogged sleuth, pitted against the omnipotent
and sinister might of Mengele and a vast Nazi network, that two
full-length Hollywood films were made. Both Marathon Man and
The Boys from Brazil were box-office hits. They played an important
part in keeping Mengele at the forefront of the public's mind, an
Her husband stammered: "M
Even before bassador Varor
I was no to be receive mysterious, I find Dr. Met man had me: He assured see justice di where behin able to see ti and took his
Any tern pelled as sou week passed Mengele's wi and educated and no matt two tips I r' seemed ubiq an army doc,
Another wi Othello, a U.S. embassy in Ast Hotel in 1969, tl out Mengele:
My Para, pearance we: He told me that it was M word."
2 1 0 MENGELE
easily identifiable symbol of the Allies' betrayed pledge to pursue
Nazis wherever they fled. But these movies also created a mood
of despair: Mengele was simply too powerful, he was too clever,
he was "bionic," he would never be caught. And yet . . he was
here, he was there, he was everywhere, said Wiesenthal. He had
been seen: he really could be found. Wiesenthal's information was right on target sometimes, as when
he pinpointed Hans Sedlmeier as a key figure in the Mengele con-
spiracy, as early as 1964. But often Wiesenthal's pronouncements
raised the public's expectations, only to dash their hopes each time.
But he was not alone. Beate and Serge Klarsfeld, in Paris, once
claimed that Mengele was within their grasp. Tuvia Friedman, in
Haifa, said his network of informants "provided definite and precise
information by which to identify him [Mengelert"
And there were many others, quite independent of the full-
time Nazi-hunters, who claimed to have seen Mengele. They seem
to fall into three categories. The first consists of those people who
were thirsting for what American artist Andy Warhol once called
"the fifteen minutes of fame to which everyone is entitled in their
lives." The second category was made up of Fascists who got a sick
satisfaction from disseminating false information to throw legitimate
hunters off the track. This role was best exemplified by Wolfram
Bossert, Mengele's protector in Brazil for the last four years of his
life. When Bossert wrote to the Gunzburg clan informing them of
Mengele's death in 1979, he suggested that it should not be an-
nounced so that "the opposing side waste time and money." The
third category of Mengele "witnesses" were those who reported in
all good faith that they had caught a glimpse of the world's most
elusive Nazi criminal. Sonia Tauber, a survivor from Auschwitz-Birkenau, was a wit-
ness whose sincerity was not in doubt. She claimed she saw Mengele
in April 1965, when he walked into her jewelry shop in the Casa
Inolvidable in Asuncion. She said she was paralyzed when she re-
alized that the customer browsing through her showcase diamonds
was the man who had spared her life with one flick of his thumb.
' Both Wiesenthal and Friedman claim to have found Adolf Eichmann. Wiesenthal
says he proved that Eichmann was still alive; Friedman says that Eichmann's first words
to his Israeli kidnappers were: "Which of you is Friedman?" Isser Hare!, chief of the
Mossad ream that captured Eichmann, denies that either Nazi-hunter played any role
in finding Eichmann.
Sightings lik witnesses who certainly they 11; to his family d( 1970s. The ove
2 1 2 MENGELE
venture into Paraguay after late 1960. None of the Mengele sight-
ings reported over the years coincides with a place and time where
Mengele is now known to have been. Such sightings, although well-
intentioned, mainly served to pinpoint Paraguay, the wrong coun-
try, as Mengele's refuge. Unlike those witnesses who genuinely thought they bad seen
Mengele, there were many others whose reports served to perpet-
uate the Wiesenthal fantasy of a fugitive who was armed, dangerous,
and wielded presidential power. One imaginative example followed
the violent death, in February 1965, of another Nazi on the run in
South America, Herbert Cukurs. Cukurs had been a notoriously
cruel SS officer, who supervised massacres at the Riga concentration
camp from horseback. His battered body was found in a derelict
house in Montevideo, Uruguay. He had been savagely bludgeoned
to death by a group claiming to be Jewish avengers, as a cable from
Bonn to a Montevideo newspaper announced:
Herbert Cukurs, the executioner of thousands of Jews in Riga,
was murdered two days ago in Uruguay by THOSE WHO CAN-
NOT FORGET. His body lies in a trunk in an abandoned house
in Colombia Street near Carrasco."
The ham arm. Wie of e calli min, hote
The Brazilian police became involved in the investigation be-
cause Cukurs had traveled to Montevideo from his home in Sao
Paulo shortly before his death. At first they speculated that Cukurs
may have been murdered by a group of fellow Nazi fugitives, whom
Cukurs, having financial troubles, was preparing to sell out for a
reward. But the police soon ruled this out when evidence of Jewish
involvement came to light. However, years later, nationally syn-
dicated Washington columnist Jack Anderson resurrected the Nazi
reward story. Anderson claimed the fugitive Cukurs was about to
betray Mengele himself:
Cukurs tried to make a deal with the Jewish underground
after I published his whereabouts. In return for his own safety,
plus $100,000 in cash, he offered to lead them to Men-
gele. Mengele clearly was the bigger catch.
Cukurs informed the Jewish agents that Mengele was hiding
out in Paraguay across the Parana River from the small Argentine
town of Eldorado.. .. He warned that it would be impossible to
approach the Mengele hideout without being spotted.
"I've Seen Mengele" 2 1 3
sight-where
h coun-
.d seen
perpet-
gerous,
run in
iriously itration
derelict Igeoned de from
Riga, AN- .ouse
ttion be-
e in Sao
t Cukurs
2s, whom
out for a
of Jewish
tally syn-the Nazi
about to
;round safety,
Men-
hiding gentine Bible to
Cukurs offered, upon payment of $100,000, to fly the Jewish
commandos into the area by seaplane. They could land secretly
and approach the unsuspecting Mengele by water.
My sources say that Mengele got wind of Cukurs' doublecross.
Not long afterwards, two men showed up in Uruguay on a Luf-
thansa airliner from Dusseldorf, Germany.
My sources believe he [Cukursi was slain by the Nazi un-
derground' although he had been one of its heroes.
Did Mengele, on hearing of Cukurs' offer to sell him out,
order his assassination? My sources believe so."
In fact, Cukurs was killed by a team from the Israeli Mossad.i6
The Anderson story was a well-written piece of fiction, which en-
hanced the growing legend of Mengele. The image of the well-
armed avenging demon was complemented by another from Simon
Wiesenthal, portraying Mengele as a man with Houdini-like powers
of escape. Wiesenthal claimed that a dozen Auschwitz survivors
calling themselves-"The Committee of Twelve" missed Mengele by
minutes when they tried to kidnap him at the Paraguayan jungle
hotel Tirol, near the Argentine border in March 1964. He wrote:
It was a hot dark night. . .. A few minutes before 1:00 a.m.
the men entered the lobby of the Hotel Tyrol [sic], ran up the
stairway, and broke open the door of bedroom No. 26. It was
empty. The hotel owner informed them that "Herr Dr. Fischer"
had left in a hurry ten minutes earlier after getting a telephone
call. He had been in such a hurry that he hadn't even bothered
to take off his pyjamas.°
The story was embellished by Michael Bar-Zohar in his book
The Avengers, in which he said one of the avenging group was found
dead a few days later, shot in the head. According to Bar-Zohar,
Wiesenthal claimed the gang first came to see him in Vienna:
1 know about these men.... They came to see me, here in
my office. They were after Mengele and they asked me for in-
formation as to where he was hiding. This "Committee of Twelve"
had plenty of money and planned to kidnap Mengele to rake him
to a yacht and judge him when out at sea.'"
The difficulty with this story is that the Hotel Tirol had no
Room 26, or even a second floor. There was no telephone by which
wro crib in tl
But was sigh
der Meg He fit a
214 MENGELE
Mengele could have been warned. Finally, Paraguay is landlocked,
making the possibility of an escape by yacht to the open sea some-
what ambitious. Nevertheless, the story flourished and was ex-
panded in subsequent retellings.
Even sober people were infected by the fever of the mythical
hunt. Alejandro von Eckstein, the Paraguayan army captain who
co-sponsored Mengele's Paraguayan citizenship, recalled that dur-
ing 1965 he was told by the chief of Paraguayan security that Mossad
agents were scouring AsunciOn, looking for Mengele. In fact, Israeli
agents had not been in the country for several years. But von Eck-
stein did not know that:
1 was told there were five Israelis that had come to Paraguay
to search for Mengele. I was told to be very careful.
So I sent my wife to her sister's house. I stuffed my bed with
pillows under the sheets so it appeared that a man was sleeping
there. Then I slept next to the front door, on the floor, with a
pistol next to me. I was ready for them if they came to my house.'9
pre Bat beli
Czt mai traN Par Par SS
old Just the for
The myth of the "bionic" Mengele was growing. The mere
mention of Mengele's name seemed to provoke a sense of awe and
fear, as if anyone who followed his trail was sure to die. Rational
people did not act in rational ways. The old pistol that von Eckstein
kept by his side in readiness for a shootout with the Mossad was
rusty and had not been fired for twenty years. Right up to the
moment Mengele's death was revealed, reporters were scouring the
Hotel Tirol looking for souvenirs left by the fictional "Committee
of Twelve." One other sensation-seeker on the Mengele trail also succeeded
in fooling everyone right up to the day Mengele's bones were found.
Adolfo Cicero, a Brazilian TV reporter, claimed to have shot a
three-second film clip of Mengele in 1966. This now famous film
shows a slightly built man dressed in a light sport shirt, with dark
receding hair and a moustache, half turning toward the camera. A
blowup photograph from the film was used to illustrate every major
Mengele story in newspapers, magazines, and TV stations around
the world. For a time even camp survivors, the West German pros-
ecutors, and the Nazi Crimes section of Israel's police believed the
picture was Mengele. It was also printed on Interpol memoranda.
The skull shape, jawline, ears, and hairline of the man in the pho-
tograph did show a remarkable degree of consistency with known
Per ttlu
the dark-with sub-- Mengele e opened and neck and torso
kill him, water for
[ow account 2s, and later to describe
pted as they
navigate
"I've Seen Mengele" 21 9
The next day, however, unnamed informants told the CIA station
in AsunciOn that, although others were skeptical, they "agree with
the pronouncements of the GOP [Government of Paraguay] to
[the] effect [that] no information has come to light in recent years
to indicate Mengele in Paraguay.""
It took ten years of wild rumors before this first sane glimmer
of analysis appeared. Mengele may not have been a mechanic, but
he was leading a mundane lifestyle. And as the report said, he was
nor in Paraguay. Little of all this drama filtered through the Brazilian bush to
"Pedro" on his farm in Serra Negra, cut off as he was from the
daily news. Jungle hideouts with armed guards and killer dogs,
face-to-face confrontations with Israeli secret agents, last-second
reprieves from Wiesenthal's worldwide network of sleuths, Eric
Erdstein's bullet through the head—no one would have marveled
at his immortality more than the authoritarian farmhand at Serra
Negra.
ad and every-Erdstein fled o way for me e real reason anted by the eventy-seven, that Mengele said, "Well,
inventive ac-
f information, :h better. On lg report from
-. Jose [sic] y as 25 Or-
K.ms from was working
We Don't Know Where Mengele It" 2 4 5
an admission by Paraguay that Mengele was within her borders. In
reality, it was a cynical exercise in public relations because the
Paraguayans knew that Mengele had long since departed. But Par-
aguay's ambassador to Bonn, Venceslao Benitez, was apparently
caught off guard. Questioned by reporters, he was refreshingly
candid:
I don't believe these reports, but it is only my opinion and I
have not received any communication from my government. This
is a political conversation that is really only intended to take place
between the Paraguayan embassy in Bonn and the German em-
bassy in AsunciOn.
Benitez then made a most revealing statement. Pressed further, he
said in exasperation: "Let's talk about Brazil." In hindsight, one
wonders if Benitez was trying to signal that his government knew
Mengele was in Brazil. But at the time the ambassador would not
elaborate, saying that he knew nothing about Mengele, and: "I think
it much better for my country to know nothing about him."'
Into this murky sea of hints, half truths, and speculation jumped
the irrepressible Tuvia Friedman, the Nazi-hunter from Haifa. His
Nazi Crimes Documentation Center offered a $50,000 reward for
Mengele's capture, and Friedman urged the West Germans to match
it with a $10 million reward.• "That would be a dollar for every
one of the ten million killed," said Friedman, adding confidently:
"It will help find him. We are not interested in killing him. That
would be too good for him."'
A few days after Friedman's offer, he claimed he had found
Mengele. Brandishing a postcard from South America, he claimed
it "told me where Mengele has been for the past two months and
it provides definite and precise information by which to identify
him." Friedman's reward offer was the first involving private funds,
and it drew extensive coverage in the South American press. Simon
• Had West Germany offered that sum to the public, rather than in the form of
extra aid to the Paraguayan government as had former chancellor Konrad Adenauer,
it might well have succeeded in bringing Mengele to justice. While the Bosserts and
Stammers were unlikely to have been bought, there were two other people who learned
of Mengele's true identity in Sao Paulo before he died, and both said they would have
been sorely tempted by a large sum. By the time the government and private rewards
totaled $3.5 million in 19335, Mengele had been dead six years.
sere
ny, Gustav he hunt for Heinemann ssistance in e issued the
efore he near the 'anion he as access tans, and is almost
on saying tip. Even empt any
Tez Domin-sunciOn, re-ir Mengele's ked out. But
,vas a public the press as
246
MENGELE
Wiesenthal, not to be outdone, then dropped a bombshell. In a
television interview with Israel's former prime minister David Ben-
Gurion, Wiesenthal claimed he had "new information that Dr. Men-
gele is in Puerto San Vincente in Paraguay. I hope the authorities
in Bonn will act immediately." He said the area was a military zone
located in the Alta Parana region which civilian police could not
enter. The Paraguayans responded that no such place as Puerto San
Vincente even existed in the Alta Parana, and they were right. The
Mengele affair had begun to look like a circus.
This was Wiesenthal's first major statement on Mengele since
November 1968, when he had claimed that his "agents" had snapped
pictures of Mengele on the streets of Asuncion. That too had been
a mistake, and to his credit, Wiesenthal admitted as much twenty-
four hours later. The Israelis did nothing to relieve Wiesenthal's discomfort about
this new, claim. A government spokesman said that Jerusalem "did
not have conclusive evidence that Mengele is in Paraguay." In fact,
by then the Israelis had no up-to-date information on Mengele at
all. The Mossad was no longer watching Mengele, since his capture
had long since ceased to be a priority target under General Meir
Amit's administration. That policy was continued by Amit's suc-
cessor, Zvi Zamir, who ran the Mossad from 1969 to 1976. "I don't
think I spent more than about ten minutes on Mengele during my
term of office," said Zamir. "It was something to do with finger-
prints, or something like that. Whatever it was, it didn't come to
anything."' One of the few people who did know Mengele's precise location
was tracked down by an Argentine reporter and his Italian colleague
in February 1971. They persuaded Mengele's estranged wife, Mar-
tha, to briefly answer questions from the balcony of her apartment
in Merano, in northern Italy. Martha had maintained regular contact
with Mengele ever since he went to live with the Stammers in 1961.
She had also received letters from him. But, with a convincing act
of complete ignorance, Martha breezily lied:
It's been years since I heard anything. I've heard nothing from
Herr Doctor. But the stories they print about him—they're just
stories. Lies. No, no, they're just not true. He's a very educated,
very gentle, very affectionate man, a wonderful husband, a won-
derful father.'
The catching had beef of the tr from W, dation ti announc he achie
By t toriety t bargaini, Schwent who trie ping cot after hel ican cou
On Branch e Lima. H for Ross South A
zola, tfv-group, o police al volveme at the of
Schc need. H interests it over. . Judge Cl Rossi's E
Vilka Cs were alp gele had when R.( afternoo
On l controvt Their in.
shell. In a
)avid Ben-t Dr. Men-
authorities
ilitary zone could not
Puerto San right. The
ngele since lad snapped
)c) had been
uch twenty-
imfort about
-usalem "did lay." In fact, Mengele at
e his capture
ieneral Meir Amit's suc-
976. "I don't
le during my
with finger-
.dn't come to
ecise location
Ilan colleague
.ed wife, Mar-ker apartment
egular contact imers in 1961.
convincing act
()thing from -they're just
ry educated,
'and, a won-
"We Don': Know Where Mengele Is 2 4 7
The following month, Wiesenthal claimed he had just missed
catching Mengele on a lightning visit to Spain. Mengele, he said,
had been seen driving a car. But by the time Wiesenthal had learned
of the trip, it had been too late. Near misses became a familiar cry
from Wiesenthal, but the world did not know there was no foun-
dation to his claims. To Wiesenthal, the overriding purpose of his
announcements was to keep Mengele in the public eye, something
he achieved with great success.
By the end of 1971, Mengele's name had attracted such no-
toriety that it was used by a fellow Nazi, Frederick Schwend, as a
bargaining chip when he was arrested in Peru, suspected of murder.
Schwend was the Third Reich's master con man, a former SS major
who tried to persuade Hitler to sink the British economy by drop-
ping counterfeit pound notes all over the world. He fled Europe
after helping to run an escape organization working for the Amer-
ican counter-intelligence corps, and ended up in Peru.
On December 31, 1971, one of Peru's wealthiest men, Luis
Branchero Rossi, was found shot dead at his palatial home outside
Lima. Herbert John, a West German journalist, had once worked
for Rossi and was still intrigued by the shadowy world of Nazis in
South America. John told the investigating judge, Santos Chichi-
zola, that he suspected Rossi had been murdered by a neo-Nazi
group, of which Schwend was the mastermind. In mid-February the
police arrested Schwend, who offered details about Mengele's "in-
volvement" in the case in return for immunity. The Peruvians jumped
at the opportunity.
Schwend's lively imagination did not desert him in his hour of
need. He spun a whole series of stories about Mengele's business
interests in Rossi's empire and even about Mengele's plot to take
it over. At first the Peruvians fell for the ruse. On March 5, 1972,
Judge Chichizola announced that Mengele was a suspect in the case.
Rossi's glamorous secretary, Eugenia Sessareyo de Smith, and Juan
Vilka Carranza, the nineteen-year-old son of a neighbor's gardener,
were already being held as suspects. The press speculated that Men-
gele had been the mastermind behind the killing, which took place
when Rossi and Eugenia Sessareyo had gone to his home for an
afternoon's lovemaking.
On March 6 the Peruvian police announced that they had in-
controvertible evidence that Mengele had visited Peru during 1971.
Their inquiries suggested he had been in the country when Rossi
248 MENGELE
was killed, then left shortly afterward. That same day Judge Chichi-
zola said that Schwend was cooperating with their investigation into
Mengele's alleged involvement. This time Simon Wiesenthal showed
an uncharacteristic degree of caution. He warned that Schwend was
pulling the wool over the Peruvian police's eyes, saying that Men-
gele was "not an appropriate suspect in the Rossi murder in Lima.
it is a diversionary tactic." Not long afterward, Judge Chichizola
agreed and said so publicly. Schwend was released, and the gar-
dener's son was convicted of Rossi's murder, though neither a mo-
tive nor Schwend's involvement was ever properly established.
Another Nazi-hunter in Peru was not so restrained. Flushed;;
with her success at identifying Klaus Altmann as Klaus Barbie, the
"Butcher of Lyons," Beate Klarsfeld announced that Mengele was
living in a jungle zone 250 miles from Lima. She said that Martin,.
Bormann might be there too. Soon afterward, Mrs. Klarsfeld issued.,
a-second bulletin on Mengele. She said that a knowledgeable Ger-;1
man had told her that Bormann, Mengele, and sixteen other prom-.;
inent Nazis lived in South America and had business ties in as
organization called "Telerana." She added that Bormann himself„
often lived in Bolivia disguised as a priest, and that she knew of al
photograph of Bormann hiding in a fortress with Freddy Schwenclil
No trace of an organization dubbed "Telerana" was ever found, an&
Bormann's survival of the war remained much in doubt. But Beate:,
Klarsfeld was new to the Nazi-hunting business, and this was a.]
salutory lesson in the hazards of relying on the tales spun by in
formants in the shadowy business of tracking Nazi fugitives. ./
Back in Bonn, the government's hunt had halted. Following
President Heinemann's handwringing admission that no further
progress could be made, a Catch-22 deadlock had taken hold. As
far as Bonn was concerned, the hunt began and ended with Para
guay, which the government continued to believe was Mengele's
likeliest hideout. Since the Paraguayans had made it clear that as&
citizen Mengele could not be extradited should he be found, Bonn
was convinced Mengele was there and he was protected. Therefo
the West Germans made no serious effort to search elsewhe
Although President Stroessner was in a position to provide th
information that would have led the West Germans to Brazil, Bo
never played its ultimate card—threatening to withdraw foreign
aid. West German conglomerates had too much to lose. Inst
the imp
cast end dep evic in t
Bui was of arrt abu
Glut ma! the pri. the not
sor of to
but Un He wh
gel wh pat cot gel tol
"We Dorf; Know Where Mengele Is" 2 5 1
le does of the
m since quently is such had he
-tters from lily, and he / a lie. But be proved.
once, in )ortunity nd, I can he have
iuld have accused
• business - business ns. If my was about n Buenos nann was • then, all been sev-ly am not ng nowa-company
tier had seen
-when he vis- 'ere in regular
where Men-tier was lying
1 not prove it:
as nothing ove he was itercept his
mail or his telephone. We did as much as we were legally entitled
to do. In order to grant a warrant, there has to be reasonable
grounds for suspicion. I was suspicious, but I had no grounds.'
Von Glasenapp had already been told by Fritz Steinacker, Men-
gele's lawyer in Frankfurt, that he would be wasting his time talking
to Sedlmeier and the Mengele family. Steinacker had represented
Mengele in his divorce, and he assisted Dr. Hans Laternser in their
unsuccessful appeal against the decision by Frankfurt and Munich
universities ro strip Mengele of all his professional degrees. "I knew
Steinacker quite well," said von Glasenapp, "but there was not much
point in pressing him for information because of his confidentiality
to his client. He did tell me, however, that he had received his
instructions through a Swiss intermediary when he acted for Men-
gele in relation to his divorce and degrees. I don't imagine he knew
where Mengele was for that reason."
Von Glasenapp decided not to travel to Ganzburg, taking Stein-
acker's advice that he would find the family and their close friends
"had lost their memory." He turned to Simon Wiesenthal, whose
many claims to have known Mengele's movements von Glasenapp
had read:
I met Wiesenthal several times but I never got much our of
him. I naturally wanted to know if he really did have anything of
value. It was difficult to make that judgment from the various
newspaper articles I had read.'
On one occasion von Glasenapp arranged to take evidence from
Wiesenthal before a judge in Vienna:
I put my questions to the judge and he in turn put them to
Wiesenthal. The hearing had been specially convened for Wie-
senthal himself. I had told the judge that I was eager to learn the
names and addresses of persons who might have accurate infor-
mation as to Mengele's whereabouts. Wiesenthal was quite angry
that I had asked him these questions and he refused to answer
them. He said he was bound by confidentiality to his informants,
which I understood.
I left feeling he was eager to convey that he was leading the
field on this question, that he was the man out in the front. Perhaps
behind his refusal to answer the questions was a feeling that the
2 5 2 MENGELE
wt hit at
In report
gele c
un art ME
WC
Fa
on Mt
claime
jurnpil
tht up tha nes pat Ex, col rer go
Dt Borma ishing winds. of pub Reich.
people he had in mind were not so reliable after all. I myself
remained a little skeptical and did not raise the subject with him
again.io
For a man with a healthy degree of skepticism about Wiesen-
thal's evidence, von Glasenapp's relationship with another Nazi-
hunter, who made even more extravagant claims, was strange. It
raised serious questions about his integrity as a senior member of
the West German judiciary.
At the end of 1972, Ladislas Farago, a best-selling American
author and wartime naval intelligence officer, claimed to have pin-
pointed Mengele's hideout. Farago was wrong, and his bogus in-
formation may have cost the life of an innocent man.
The origins of Farago's relationship with von Glasenapp can be
traced to the grueling circulation war in which Britain's popular
newspapers engage periodically. Late on the afternoon of Novem-
ber 26,1972, word spread that the Daily Express was taking delivery
of a very large order of newsprint for that night's print run. The
Express, which enjoyed an enviable reputation for exclusives, be-
lieved it had a major story. It was confident its circulation would
rise dramatically. Shortly before midnight, the paper's first edition came out with
the claim that reporters had tracked down Hitler's elusive deputy,
Martin Bormann, and the news was flashed around the world. The
source of the Express's "scoop" was Ladislas Farago, who said he
had run Bormann to ground in Buenos Aires. Farago's evidence
was a balding man with a passing resemblance to Bormann. He
turned out to be a respectable Argentine schoolteacher named Ni-
cholas Siri. In his Bormann article, Farago also claimed to have spoken to
Josef Mengele, who he said was living under the alias "Dr. Nadich.".
Farago said he had tracked Mengele to the Paraguayan border town
of Pedro Juan Caballero. The Paraguayans scornfully invited re-
porters to the town to see if they could find him.
The discovery that the Bormann information was a fabrication.
provoked a bitter row between Farago and the Daily Express. The
editor, Ian McColl, demanded that Farago repay a $5000 advance:
As far as producing Martin Bormann is concerned you have
gone on record, on television and in print, saying that you know
1,
ills,
W2!
On Prc
2 5 6 MENGELE
had tracked Mengele to Pedro Juan Caballero, Simon Wiesenthal,
in May 1973, claimed he too knew Mengele was living there. Then
came Tuvia Friedman, who said that his $50,000 reward had also
led to information that Mengele might be hiding in the same small
border town. On October 17, 1973, the Polish War Crimes Com-
mission said that their inquiries also suggested Mengele was there.
On October 25, West German justice officials in Bonn were quoted
in the New York Times as saying that Mengele had indeed been
located in Pedro Juan Caballero. The same report quoted Judge
von Glasenapp as saying that he did not think Mengele would be
caught, but that several witnesses he regarded as reliable had told
him Mengele was in Paraguay and was willing to talk about his past.
One of those "reliable" witnesses who had spoken to von Glasenapp
was Ladislas Farago, who wrote in an early draft of his book:
In actual fact I was assured by Judge von Glasenapp that my
Mengele material proved extremely useful for his own investi-
gation. He told me that the pinpointing of Mengele's place of
residence by me, a third party, gave the German authorities an
opportunity to raise the issue with President Stroessner of Par-
aguay during his semi-official visit to Germany in 1973.2 %
For one elderly farmer of German descent living near Pedro
Juan Caballero, the cumulative effect of this amateur speculation,
confirmed as it seemed to be with official statements from the Poles
and West Germans, had the most disastrous result.
Late in November 1973, a group of men burst into the farmer's
home during the middle of the night, beat him, and shot him dead.
His wife, who tried to intervene, was beaten and suffered internal
injuries. Their three children were left unharmed. According to
Aldolfino Paralta, the local police chief, the dead man's name was
Albert Fredrichi. He had lived on the outskirts of the town for
nineteen years and was known as a recluse with eccentric ways. In
the wake of the sustained publicity throughout 1973 about Pedro
Juan Caballero being Mengele's hiding place, the press speculated
that Fredrichi was the Auschwitz butcher. The man's widow, En-
dentran, described these reports as "absurd" as she packed her bags
to leave for good. She said the murderers had not taken any val-
uables or goods and that they spoke a language she did not under-
stand. She believed he was killed by a group of Jewish avengers.
Delving into Fredrichi's past, newspapers claimed that he had
294 MENGELE
Irene; her husband, Alfons Hackenjos; their son, Jens, and his wife,
Sabine, who was Rolf's secretary; Mengele's nephews, Dieter and
Karl Heinz, and their wives; his nieces, Ute and Monika, and their
husbands; Mengele's second wife, Martha, and her son, Wolf Ens-
mann, from her first marriage; Rolf and Almuth's friend, Wilfried
Busse; the pharmacist and his wife in Munich, Mengele's friends
who had provided him safe shelter in 1945; the Stammers and their
two children; the Bosserts and their two children; the Glawes and
their son; and of course the dissembling Hans Sedlmeier, his wife,
and their two children, one a doctor and the other a lawyer. It is
extraordinary that such loyalty to a man so patently evil, and to his
family, overrode any consideration of higher morality or public
duty—stranger still that from somewhere in the supposedly en-
lightened ranks of the younger Mengeles not a word was leaked to
the authorities, even after his death.
The truth had to be wrested from this arcane and amoral broth-
erhood, which was divided by bitter jealousies over money and
power but united in the common goal of saving their necks and the
neck of one of the nastiest men ever known to have inhabited the
earth. In the end it was public pressure that forced the authorities
to go on the offensive and flush out the facts.
That process began late in 1977, with the very people who had
helped create the myth of Mengele's invincibility and his high-level
protection in Paraguay— the Nazi-hunters and amateur sleuths. The
idea of Paraguay as Mengele's permanent home had long been
ingrained in the public consciousness. It was the frustrating lack of
progress in confirming this established "fact" that persuaded the
United States and Israel to resolve the Mengele mystery once and
for all. In August 1977, a dubious story in a glossy Argentine magazine
reported that Josef Mengele had been seen driving a black sedan
through the streets of Asuncion. Simon Wiesenthal went a step
further. In September he told Time magazine that Mengele had two
posh houses and was always surrounded by armed bodyguards with
walkie-talkies. Mengele wore dark glasses, he said, and was an active
member of a "surviving network of Nazi bigwigs known as Dit
Spume [The Spider]." According to Wiesenthal, Mengele was a
frequent visitor to the German Club in Asuncion, where he often
made a spectacle of himself by slamming his pistol on the bar.'
Time also reported the claims of a recent visitor to Paraguay,
Profes in Phil told fu close mem]; best el that tl publis
In the M pages inquir in Jan Doug could for th the M State! State!
Ji Asun. (past COMP
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298 MENGELE
tonaro would have revoked Mengele's citizenship without the pres-
ident's authority, since he views the status of Paraguayan nationality
as sacrosanct. "Stroessner must have been consulted," said Ambas-
sador White. If he is right, it suggests that Stroessner was privy to
Mengele's death in Brazil within six months of its occurrence but
nonetheless allowed the world to go on guessing for another six
years. No doubt that this is the kind of game that Stroessner would
have enjoyed, if only to avenge the false accusations that his country
had harbored Mengele for twenty years. But almost certainly
Stroessner did not know Mengele had died.
The president's close friend, Hans Rudel, was privy to the se-
cret, although according to Rolf, he did not know exactly where
Mengele had been buried. And just as the Mengele family had
reached a pact with the Bosserts never to disclose the death, Rudel
too was bound by that oath of silence. Had Stroessner known the
exact details, no amount of allegiance to Hans Rude! would have
prevented him from laying to rest once and for all the Auschwitz
ghost that had haunted his country for so long.
The Nazi-hunters were certain that Mengele was still alive and
that Stroessner's decision to revoke his citizenship was an elaborate
plot to extend him even greater presidential protection. The first
of their salvos aimed at exposing this sinister move was fired by
Simon Wiesenthal. Scornful of Montonaro and the Paraguayan su-
preme court's decision, Wiesenthal said it "meant nothing" and
offered a new $50,000 reward for Mengele's capture. He also urged
Paraguay to issue another arrest warrant and offered to pay the
police $10,000 for his arrest.
Wiesenthal's skepticism about the Paraguayan action was shared
by a group of Jewish industrialists in New York, who with the help
of a prominent local Jewish spokesman, actually hatched an elab-
orate plot to kidnap Mengele. Word reached the group, which
included one survivor of Auschwitz, that two Paraguayan intelli-
gence officers were prepared to betray Mengele for $500,000. After
several weeks' negotiations, the Paraguayans agreed to arrest Men-
gele when he arrived at a bank in Asuncion where he was said to
come regularly. Mengele would then be taken to the Brazilian bor-
der town of Fez de Iguacu. When his identity had been confirmed,
he would be handed over to the authorities. On receipt of a tele-
phone call from one of the industrialists, $500,000 would be trans-
es-iry as-to
)Ut
SIX
aid try nly
se-ere gad
del the Ave iitz
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"Keep Everything a Secret" 29 9
ferred from a Bahamian bank to a special account for the Paraguayans. Early in November 1979, $500,000 was deposited in the Ba-
hamian bank. When the Paraguayans were satisfied the money was there, they signaled to the New Yorkers that they were ready to move in. Two American bounty hunters, one a Vietnam veteran, traveled to Foz de Iguacu, where they waited for news of the arrest. On November 22 the Americans were told by the Paraguayans that Mengele would be picked up at the bank the following day. On November 23 there was no sign of Mengele or the Paraguayans. Although their money was safe, the Americans had been the victims of a crude shakedown by two corrupt Paraguayan policemen. The incident showed how seriously reports of Mengele hiding in Par-aguay were taken even after his citizenship was revoked. The New York industrialists were not men given to precipitate action.''
Meanwhile Wiesenthal's claims became more extreme. Mengele was hiding in a special Nazi colony in Chile; he had gone to Bolivia but the police would not cooperate; no, he was in Uruguay; he had heart trouble and was about to give himself up to a West German embassy; he had been seen "five times recently . . . his capture could happen in the next several weeks."
But even Wiesenthal's vivid imagination could not match the best of the stories claiming Mengele was still alive. Early in 1981, the hunt switched to a wealthy suburb in the United States. Bill-boards advertising Rupert Murdoch's New York Post screamed: "Angel of Death in Westchester County." The paper was reporting the Life magazine claim that from 1978 to 1979 Mengele had lived in a private house near the Ohel Shmuel Yeshiva on Haines Road in Bedford Hills, about thirty miles north of New York City. "It's the first I've heard of it," was the laconic reaction of Allan Ryan, Jr., chief of the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations.
He was not the only skeptic. But the Life story did contain several genuinely interesting facts about the Mengele family's fi-nancial interests in the United States, and this brought the U.S. closer to launching its final hunt. Life reported that Mengele's nephew, Dieter, was a part owner in an American corporation, KMN In-ternational Farm Equipment, Inc., a distributor of farm machinery. Incorporated in October 1973, the company listed Dieter as its legal representative. KMN stands for three equal partners: "K" is for Bernard Krona GmbH; "M" is for Mengele & Sons; and "N" is for H. Niemayer and Sons. Subsequent inquiries showed outlets
304 MENGELE
by NBC, which had shot several thousand feet of videotape of the
old man washing his car, ABC approached Senor Branaa directly
and asked, "Are you Dr. Mengele?" The poor man spent the rest
of the day trying to convince the reporter that he was not the
Auschwitz doctor. After Branaa introduced them to business col-
leagues and old friends and showed them school records, ABC was
satisfied that the forensic scientists had made an enormous blunder.
Nevertheless, it was West German prosecutor Klein's view that
prevailed: Mengele was still alive. And reports from Europe seemed
to bear this out. Two young British psychologists, Simon Jones and
Kirn Rattan, researching a psychological profile of Mengele, thought
they had made a breakthrough in contacting the elusive fugitive.
Fritz Steinacker, the Frankfurt lawyer who acted for Mengele when
he was divorced as well as when he was stripped of his medical and
anthropological doctorates, had agreed to forward their written
questions through an unidentified intermediary to Mengele. Stein-
acker promised that in three months they would receive an answer
directly from the doctor himself. In hindsight it appears to be Stein-
acker's perverse way of having some fun with serious Mengele
researchers. "You could say that on that basis we believed Mengele
was probably alive," said Jones. "Steinacker was Mengele's lawyer,
after all." The U.S. government also believed Mengele was alive. They
gave some credence to intelligence reports in 1984 that he had
been seen in Paraguay. Slowly but inexorably, the momentum for
American involvement in the Mengele hunt was gathering pace. In
June 1984, in an uncharacteristically defeatist mood, Simon Wie-
senthal complained that perhaps the time had passed for the hunt
for Mengele. "After all, when you bring an old man to court, there
is natural sympathy for him," he sighed.
But congressional sympathy for that argument still had some
distance to run. Two crucial events at the beginning of 1985 per-
suaded Congress that the Josef Mengele mystery had to be cleared
up once and for all. Dead or alive.
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306 MENGELE
panel chaired by Gideon Hausner, Israel's chief prosecutor at the
Adolf Eichmann trial, Telford Taylor, chief American prosecutor
at Nuremberg, and Simon Wiesenthal. Wiesenthal and some Israeli colleagues had resorted to this well-
publicized "trial" in a last desperate attempt to highlight the failure
of governments to run Mengele to ground. There had been some
last-minute in-fighting between Wiesenthal and the Klarsfelds, who
had wanted to be there. According to Serge Klarsfeld, Wiesenthal
wanted the Nazi-hunting stage to himself. "He's an egomaniac,"
said a slighted Klarsfeld.' The event was an enormous success. For four consecutive nights,
TV screens showed victims—midgets, Jewish women, twins—tell-
ing the most gruesome tales, all testifying to Mengele's unspeakable
crimes. Altogether 106 known survivors of his grotesque research
were ready to take the stand. The groundwork for this new and final push had been laid the
previous month when the Los Angeles-based Simon Wiesenthal
Center, in a fanfare of publicity, released declassified American
army intelligence documents showing that Mengele may have been
in U.S. hands in April 1947.* In fact, the documents had been
declassified eighteen months before, but the timing of the release,
the pilgrimage to Auschwitz, and the mock trial at Jerusalem was
a masterly stroke of public relations planning, especially coming
after the buildup of speculative stories the previous summer sug-
gesting that Mengele might have tried to enter the U.S. and indi-
cating the extent of Dieter Mengele's business interests there. Pressure
on the U.S. government to act became irresistible.
On February 6, 1985, the day the Jerusalem "trial" drew to a
close, U.S. attorney general William French Smith directed the
justice department to examine every aspect of the Mengele case—
and to find him. As Smith told reporters that day:
The allegations have been such, and the public interest has
been such, and the notoriety of the individual has been such, that
it seemed appropriate to open the investigation. We intend to be
thorough. We also intend to be speedy.'
• Inquiries showed that Mengele was not in U.S. custody in April 1947. But he
was in American hands, under his own name, during the summer of 1945. See Chapter
The scope Trott, chi partment:
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"Dust to Dust" 317
Hochbichler from Switzerland. The couple was interviewed to-
gether by non-German interrogators. Liselotte constantly inter-
rupted her husband in German when she thought he was about to
give any compromising answers. But after rwo hours they ended
the charade. The Bosserts told the Brazilian police that Mengele's
remains could be found in a hillside cemetery, at Embu, twenty-
five miles from Sao Paulo. "I didn't think you could find us so
quickly," admitted Wolfram.
The following day Gitta Stammer was brought in for question-
ing. Her husband, Geza, was heading for Singapore on board a
tanker captained by one of his sons, an officer in the Brazilian
merchant marine. Gitta Stammer proved to be much tougher to
crack than either of the Bosserts. She claimed total ignorance of
Mengele. Tuma's men did not get one truthful word out of her
during her day in custody.
Word of the breakthrough had by now leaked out to the Ger-
man newspaper Die Welt. On Thursday, June 6, the paper reported
that the body of Mengele had almost certainly been found in Brazil.
The Americans and Israelis, who had pledged total cooperation just
three weeks earlier in Frankfurt, were furious when they learned
of this sensational news from early morning broadcasts reporting
the Die Welt story. What further angered the Americans was Bonn's
relaxed response to the whole affair. Quickly brought up to date
by telephone, the Americans urged their German colleagues to
interview Gert Luk, the Paraguayan who was the original source of
information that the "Uncle" had died. Klein's office said there was
no hurry—Luk was due to arrive from Paraguay in four weeks and
could be interviewed then.
Neal Sher, the American OSI chief, returned to his Washington
office from a Boston awards ceremony, the great fanfare that had
launched the U.S. hunt three months earlier still ringing in his ears.
"If we were the ones who had made the breakthrough, we would
have shared it with the other countries before going public," said
a chagrined Sher.'6 It had begun to look as if the West Germans
had stolen the show. Senator Alfonse d'Amato who had been so
vocal in getting the hunt started certainly felt it looked that way.
He asked Sher rhetorically when he was planning to join his German
colleagues in Brazil. That night Sher boarded a jet at Kennedy
Airport. "We're going with a healthy degree of skepticism," he said.
Off the record, his staff was highly skeptical. "Our intelligence
318 MENGELE
reports suggest he's still alive," said an OSI official. "There's every
sign that he was seen recently.""
Simon Wiesenthal, who coincidentally flew into New York's
Kennedy Airport for a lecture tour commencing that Thursday
afternoon, said the story was a hoax: "99 percent it's not him" was
his seasoned view. It was vintage Wiesenthal:
This is Mengele's seventh death. Only in Paraguay has he
been dead three times, always with witnesses who say it is him.
On one of these occasions, we found the body of a woman. If
Mengele really died, then the whole world would have been in-
formed five minutes after, not five years. His wife, children, rel-
atives, besides friends and sympathizers, would have done
everything to announce the death of Mengele, so they could spend
the rest of their lives in peace."'
In hindsight, the statement shows just how little Wiesenthal
ever really knew about the inner machinations of the Gunzburg
clan. But Wiesenthal was by no means alone. Most Mengele experts
agreed initially, the authors included. Beate Klarsfeld, who had just
returned from Paraguay where only days before she had accused
Stroessner of shielding Mengele, said:
Alfredo Siroessner's government had every interest in in-
forming the world of Mengele's death if it was true. This way the
country would be free of the image of a sanctuary for Nazis. It's
strange that this would come to light when there is a record of
$3.4 million to whoever gives information leading to Mengele's
capture. Moreover Stroessner has a trip prepared for July [to
West Germany]. It's understandable that he's trying to rid himself
of Mengele before this visit.19
Unknown to Beate Klarsfeld, Stroessner had already canceled
his trip. No public explanation was offered. The information was
passed on in a confidential diplomatic note to the West German
ambassador in Asuncion, Konrad Gacher. But it was obvious that
as long as the fate of Mengele remained a mystery, any Stroessner
trip to West Germany would be transformed from a state visit into
a television inquisition about Mengele.
Meanwhile, at the hillside cemetery in Embu, a circus of TV
cameras, photographers, onlookers, policemen, and ghouls had
gathered. Wolfram and Liselotte Bossert stood stonily by the side
of I brig gra' and Its to shr, pla( of Be, ass, ski gri: hac prt col ha; wh
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320 MENGELE
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rensic scientists were sent to Sao Paulo on behalf of the Simon
Wiesenthal Center: Dr. John Fitzpatrick, acting chairman of the
department of radiology, Cook County Hospital, Chicago; Dr. Les-
lie Lukash, chief medical examiner, Nassau County, New York;
and Dr. Clyde Coiling Snow, forensic anthropological consultant,
Oklahoma state medical examiner's office, Oklahoma City. Three
more were sent on behalf of the department of justice and the U.S.
marshal's office: Dr. Ali Hameli, chief medical examiner of the
forensic science laboratory, State of Delaware; Dr. Ellis Kerley,
department of anthropology, University of Maryland; and Dr. Low-
ell Levine, forensic odontology consultant, Huntington Station, New
York. Their task was to see how known physical characteristics and
verified photographs of Mengele compared with the remains found
at Embu. For the skull comparison, a process called "electronic
supraposition" was used. It involved the use of two video cameras
and a video mixer to superimpose what was left of the skull on a
full-scale verified photograph of Mengele's head. The team also
managed to find a partial fingerprint and graying hairs from the back
of the head from which they hoped to be able to discover the
skeleton's blood type. A few clues could also be salvaged from
Mengele's medical records in his SS file. He had broken a finger
bone in his left hand and also suffered from osteomyelitis as a boy.
None of the individual clues would be decisive in itself. Collectively,
however, they could be significant.• For one brief weekend, the skeptics held their ground. A Sao
Paulo dentist, Maria Helena Bueno Viera de Castro, said that ac-
cording to her records she treated the old man whose photograph
appeared in the Brazilian newspapers during March or April [979—
two or three months after Mengele was supposed to have died.
Moreover, Arnaldo Santana, the housekeeper who worked at the
back of the Bosserts' beach house, said that when he saw the body
• The experts worked on the assumption that Mengele had broken his hip. This
information came from Simon Wiesenthal, who said that Mengele had fractured his
hip during a motorcycle accident at Auschwitz. His SS record showed he had an accident
and that he was injured, but there was no record of a fracture. Coincidentally the
scientists did find an old hip fracture that had healed. Rolf Mengele and his mother
said Josef Mengele did nor break a hip in Auschwitz, and must have broken it after he
left Europe in 1949.
"Dust to Dust" 3 2 1
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ip. This gyred his ccidenr illy the mother ifter he
on the beach there was no moustache. No one who knew Mengele
in Sao Paulo could remember him ever without a moustache. Then
there was the coroner, Dr. Jaime Edson Mendonca, who had signed
the death certificate. How could such an experienced man fail to
have noticed that the body he examined under the name of "Wolf-
gang Gerhard" was six inches shorter and much older than the fifty-
three years listed on the identity card? Finally a leading plastic
surgeon, Roberto Farina, told the Associated Press that the archive
shots of Mengele showed "substantial differences" from those that
the police had released for publication in the newspapers. There
was even a rumor that the gravedigger, Gino Carita, had seen the
body in the coffin after all, and he had recognized it as the real
Wolfgang Gerhard from his previous visit.
One by one, these arguments were broken down. The dentist
was not certain of her facts when questioned by the police. There
had been a mixup in-her records. Santana was wrong, since mous-
tache hairs were found on the corpse. The coroner, on his own
admission, had not given the corpse a very thorough examination.
The plastic surgeon had simply made a mistake. The gravedigger
was challenged by Liselotte Bossert, who said that her fake crying
fit ensured that nobody would open the coffin. She had seen it
covered in the grave. Within a week, even Wiesenthal had changed
his rune. "1 think it's fifty-fifty it's him," he said.
One person in a position to provide proof of Mengele's death
was his son, Rolf. But Rolf had no idea of what had been happening.
He was on holiday with his wife and child, touring in Spain in a
motor home, cur off from newspapers and TV for nearly two weeks.
Without a set itinerary, the Mengele family had no way to contact
him. On Friday evening, June 7, Rolf returned to his home in Frei-
burg, switched on the television, and saw the late news. From the re-
ports coming out of Brazil, he knew that his father's secret was out:
I thought to myself, "This is serious." I thought that Dieter
must have leaked the story. We had all had an agreement that
none of us would act without consulting the others, so I was a
little surprised. The last time we met in March, Dieter had been
very anxious to get the story our but without involving the Stam-
mers or the Bosserts or the family at this end. So I thought not
only had Dieter leaked it but that it had all gone wrong.''
322 MENGELE
A message on Rolfs dining table from the housekeeper said that Dieter had been telephoning repeatedly. A telephone call quickly established that Dieter was not the source of the break. With the story quickly disseminating, the question was how best to repair the damage. A crew from NBC had camped outside Rolf s house, and newspaper reporters were knocking on his door and telephon-ing his office nonstop. Rolf proposed to Dieter and Karl Heinz that the family make a statement. "1 didn't see how we could avoid it anymore," said Rolf. "The Stammers were talking, the Bosserts were talking. It would all come out sooner or later." But Dieter and Karl Heinz refused to make a statement, in a final but vain attempt to conceal their past links with their uncle. "Everyone in Ginzburg was just paralyzed. No one had known what to do," said Rolf. "They had been so paralyzed that no one had even telephoned the Bosserts or the Stammers after the raid on Sedlmeier's house to warn them that the police might raid their houses."
For advice on how to handle the press, Rolf turned to a jour-nalist friend of his secretary, Sabine Hackenjos, who had just mar-ried his stepbrother, Jens. He was Herbert Bauermeister, a freelance reporter who had known Sabine from her days as a Munich socialite. Bauermeister advised Rolf to clear the air. Rolf agreed that some explanation was needed. But he also saw the chance to make a handsome sum of money. On Sunday, June 9, he telephoned Stern magazine, pretending to be his stepbrother, Jens, and offered let-ters, diaries, and photographs of Mengele. Rolf got nowhere be-cause he was asked to phone several senior editors at home. Since none was there that night, he gave up trying.
Bauermeister then advised Rolf to try Bunte magazine in Mu-nich. He knew some of its staff and vouched for their integrity. Bauermeister also advised Mengele to forget about trying to make money. Instead he should donate the material to Bunte on condition that profits and magazine rights from their vastly increased circu-lation would be donated to the victims of concentration camps. That night, Monday, June 10, Rolf met with senior Bunte executives in the Black Forest and agreed to terms. The following day he issued a statement admitting that he had gone to Brazil in 1979 to confirm "the circumstances of my father's death," and that he had stayed silent until then "out of consideration for the people who were in contact with my father for the last thirty years."22
Rolfs decision to disclose details of the family's contact with
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