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Children and Housing Literature Review by
Mengzhu Fu (MA Hons)
for the “Children and rental housing” research group of led by Julie Park,
Kathryn Scott and Tricia Laing
Funded by “Transforming Cites” TRI, University of Auckland, 2014-5
February 2015.
Preamble: This overview relates to an annotated research bibliography compiled as
part of this project. The bibliography is stored as a RefWorks database on the
University of Auckland library databases and is accessible to anyone with a UoA
login and can be copied on request to those outside the University. The name and
password for this database will be supplied on request. Rather than refer to each of
the over 250 references on the database Mengzhu has made an indicative selection in
the text. A companion overview essay is also being prepared by Pauline Herbst,
based on the methodological literature on research with and by children, also
recorded on the RefWorks database. – Julie Park
Introduction
Housing is considered an important issue for children‟s well-being
internationally. This literature review describes the key themes in academic research
on children and housing. The most common research questions seek to address the
relationship between various aspects of housing and children‟s health, safety and
well-being. A key recurring theme is the significance of poverty and inequality that
provides the contexts of housing affordability, mobility, quality and location. I
reviewed over 200 papers, reports and book chapters from a wide range of countries
and topics and categorised the literature thematically. This review is not a
comprehensive analysis of the detail of the articles or of the findings, but a
description of what kind of research has been done globally in the field of children
and housing. There is a general lack of ethnographic research in this area that
features children‟s experiences and perspectives of housing.
Methods and Scope:
This literature review is based on academic texts published in English. I found
nearly 200 relevant research papers, by searching through 5 main databases: Google
Scholar, Scopus, ProQuest, Jstor and INNZ. I used a combination of different key
words across all the databases: “child*” “wellbeing” or “well-being”, “health”,
“housing”, “quality of life”, “environment*”, “ecology*”, “ethnograph*”, “home”,
“home environment”, “rental housing” and “children”. I have only read through all
the abstracts and read the introduction, content pages of texts that did not have an
abstract and categorised them by topic/theme, discipline and where the research was
conducted.
The earliest article I found was a sociological paper questioning whether the
housing requirements in the UK met the needs of children (Gray and Staples 1928).
However, the majority of the papers were published from 1970s to 2014, and no other
research between 1928-1970. The disciplines from which the literature is situated
include: epidemiology, public health, medical/health science, architecture, sociology,
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anthropology, psychology, neurology, pulmonology, social science, geography, social
work, law, policy, criminology, education, economics and paediatrics. The
countries/regions where research is conducted include US, Canada, New Zealand,
Australia, UK, India, Bangladesh, Finland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Europe and
Germany. The empirical research is strongly dominated by US-based research,
followed by NZ, UK, Australia and Canada. Some research was also transnational,
aiming to capture for example, indicators of children‟s wellbeing internationally
(Ben-Ariah 2007).
Theoretical frames
Bartlett (1997) provides a useful conceptual and theoretical framework to
understand the relationships between physical environments, spatial and symbolic
aspects of housing, and children‟s socialisation. She argues for a need to
conceptualise the importance of interactions between the material environment and
human inhabitants. Rather than treating housing as a setting where relationships
develop between children and family members, it should be understood as having
significant influence on development of familial relationships (Bartlett 1997: 170).
Her key argument is that the social, cognitive and health outcomes related to housing
for children are deeply connected to how much control parents have over their living
situation. The physical qualities of houses, the location and neighbourhood mediate
child-parent interactions (Bartlett 1997:175). In line with the themes of the literature I
reviewed, they also draw attention to the prominent theme of poverty. What this
paper demonstrates is the inseparability of children and their familial/social contexts.
The framework many researchers draw from comes from Bronfenbrenner and
Bronfenbrenner‟s (2009) work theorising a bioecological model to understand
ecological/environmental interactions with human health (Ferguson et al 2003).
Children’s housing and socio-economic inequality
The literature on children and housing connects socio-economic status to
housing quality and home environments and often studies associations between
various aspects of housing to children‟s well-being in social, psychological, education
and physical domains. A lot of research has been done on the relationship between
housing, poverty and children‟s well-being, particularly in the US (Fertig and
Reingold 2008; Council on Community Paediatrics 2013; Crowley 2003), New
Zealand (James et al 2010; Amore et al 2013; Amore 2013; Boston and Chapple
2014) and the UK (Pearce et al 2012; Brennan and Lancashire 1978). Housing
disadvantage in Australia has been developed into a small area-index (McNamara et
al 2010). Much of this research advocates for new policy directions to address the
issue of child poverty, inadequate and poor quality housing that leads to health and
educational disparities (Johnson 2014; Boston and Chapple 2014).
Numerous reports and research conducted on housing in relation to child
poverty in New Zealand emphasise the importance of housing pathways as a means
to alleviate child poverty (Johnson 2014; Boston and Chapple 2014; Baker and
Howden-Chapman 2012; Expert Advisory Group on Solutions to Child Poverty
2014; Howden-Chapman et al 2013; James 2007; Morton et al 2014). Boston and
Chapple (2014) provided a comprehensive analysis of the issue of housing and child
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poverty in New Zealand identifying the key problem as the high cost and poor quality
of New Zealand houses. Housing affordability and poor quality is what commonly
leads to other housing-related issues such as crowding, dampness, high residential
mobility, fuel poverty, coldness, familial stress and negative health outcomes for
children. They argue for policy recommendations based on a child poverty lens to
invest in social housing, better design and standards of housing in New Zealand.
James et al (2010) advocate similar approaches to address child poverty in New
Zealand focusing on the importance of housing pathways for children to grow into
“productive and engaged adults” (James et al 2010:i). Other New Zealand research
projects on children include the Growing Up in New Zealand project that is
longitudinal study of approximately 7000 children over a period of time and includes
data on housing and vulnerability (Morton et al 2014).
In the UK, differences in housing-related child injuries were found to
correlate with parental occupations (Pearce et al 2012). Children from more
disadvantaged backgrounds were found to have higher rates of injury in the home
environment, single parent households more so than two parent ones, and children of
adults in manual work were more likely to have incidents of injury than children of
those in professional and managerial jobs. They concluded a correlation existed on
housing injuries based on socio-economic inequalities. Socio-economic status,
unemployment and housing status was examined in relation to child mortality in the
UK (Brennan and Lancashire 1978). They argued the housing density played a more
important role than unemployment.
Residential mobility, housing (in)security and homelessness
Many researchers have argued that residential mobility has adverse effects on
children‟s well-being in terms of education, emotional health and social outcomes
(Anderson et al 2014; Julianelle and Foscarinis 2003; Kessler et al 2004; Leventhal
and Newman 2010; Shepherd et al 2012; Ziol-Guest and McKenna 2014; Taylor
2012; Council on Community Pediatrics 2013; Auh et al 2006). Anderson et al
(2014) argue that the mental health problems and educational deficits associated with
residential mobility require specific understanding of the developmental-context of
residential movements such as the change in family, neighbourhood, peer and school
contexts. The social displacement of moving homes as a primary issue affecting
negative social outcomes is backed up by de Souza Briggs (1998) study on African-
American and Latino adolescents in New York and differences of social capital
between “movers” and “stayers”. “Movers” were more cut off from their social
support. The majority of evidence in the literature suggest that residential
stability/secure housing, especially in terms of living in owned homes, is associated
with better social, educational, economic and health outcomes for children (Gagné
and Ferrer 2006; Boehm and Schlottmann 1999). Some studies on child
psychological well-being and development have focused on residential mobility and
the problem of homelessness (Downer 1997; Council on Community Paediatrics
2013; Park et al 2011; Taylor and Edwards 2012; Turnbull et al 2014). Downer (1997)
and the Council of Paediatrics (2013) found lower psychological well-being of
children without homes, highlighting the problems of poverty and family violence.
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Residential mobility is often linked to poverty and homelessness.
Interventions have been made to address the negative effects of mobility on children
in terms of schooling (Julianelle and Foscarini 2003) and encouraging families to
move out of high poverty neighbourhoods (Kessler et al 2014). The results of Kessler
et al‟s (2014) study presented a gendered difference for boys and girls who were
targeted in interventions to move out of high-poverty neighbourhoods. The rates of
depression, PTSD and conduct disorders had increased among boys, but reduced for
girls. On the contrary, Park et al (2011) argue that housing status (homeless or
doubled-up episodes) does not have significant adverse effects on children; rather it is
the family and environmental stressors common to many families living in poverty
regardless of housing status. Ziol-Guest and McKenna (2014) examined the effect of
housing instability for children under 5 years old. They found that more than three
moves resulted in higher language and literacy problems, but also stated that this was
most prominent for children living in poverty. The literature that raises the issues of
residential mobility, housing insecurity and stability has generally focused on the
consequences for children‟s cognitive development, educational outcomes and socio-
emotional health and less about physical health. Much of this research also points to
the contextual factors of mobility such as poverty, and the often, sudden changes in
social environment in peer groups, family, neighbourhood and schooling.
Housing and child health, development and well-being
Housing is frequently framed as a health problem for children and adolescents
(Wilks 2009; Breysse et al 2004). Children‟s well-being as a concept, however, is not
well-defined and while various dimensions of well-being have been explored – social,
cognitive, physical, psychological and economic – there is no consensus on the best
way to measure well-being (Pollard and Lee 2003; Seaberg 1990). There are cross-
cultural differences in defining what constitutes well-being. For example, in a study
with Aboriginal Australian care-givers, strong culture is deemed central to Aboriginal
children‟s well-being (Priest et al 2012). However, „culture‟ is not seen as important
in other studies. Child development literature tends to be based on psychological
approaches that focus on cognitive development and the role housing plays in
children‟s cognitive functioning.
A number of aspects of housing have been examined to explain or test
correlations between housing conditions and child physical and mental health
(Ormandy 2014). There is a wealth of evidence in this literature that suggest that
substandard, poor quality housing has a strong effect on children‟s health. Chenoweth
et al (2009) highlighted the substantial costs associated with medical care due to
housing-related childhood illnesses in North Carolina. In Australia, indigenous child
health has been examined in relation to housing and other socio-economic factors
(Stephens and Bailie 2012; Bailie et al 2012; Hopkins et al 2014; Priest et al 2012;
Shepherd et al 2012). Children‟s wellbeing and housing matters have also included
some literature on child abuse. Some studies have looked at the relationship between
inadequate housing, home environments (in terms of social and physical aspects of
the home-space), homelessness and child abuse (Burgess et al 2010; Fowler et al
2013; Harden and Whittaker 2011; Perlman 2010; Perlman and Fantuzzo 2013).
There are particular areas of children‟s health that the literature explores in depth,
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such as the association between housing conditions and asthma or respiratory health
and childhood lead poisoning.
Broad overview research on the relationship between children‟s health and
housing has identified multi-dimensional ways in which housing, home environments,
the physical and social aspects of living in houses affect children‟s well-being. Based
on the wealth of research in this field, Weitzman et al (2013) posit that the
connections between child health and housing is well established and there has been a
movement for healthy housing programs as solutions to these problems. They argue:
The importance of homes in children's lives, history of healthy homes, asthma,
and exposures to lead, carbon monoxide, secondhand/thirdhand smoke, radon,
allergy triggers is discussed, as well as how changes in ambient temperature,
increased humidity, poor ventilation, water quality, infectious diseases, housing
structure, guns, electronic media, family structure, and domestic violence all
affect children's health. (Weitzman et al 2013: 187)
The research publications in this review that have involved intervention programmes
all argue that improved housing significantly improves children‟s health outcomes.
Wolff et al (2001) conducted a study in Malawi which involved children under the
age of 5 years old. Children living in improved housing were less likely to have
respiratory, gastrointestinal and malarial infections. Leventhal and Newman (2010)
critically reviewed recent research on the role of housing on children‟s development
in the areas of physical, socio-emotional health, academic attainment and behavioural
outcomes. They found strong evidence for the associations between environmental
hazards/toxins and crowding with children‟s health and residential mobility with
academic, social and emotional problems. They argue for more methodologically
rigorous and focused research.
Asthma or respiratory health and housing
The research on the correlation between childhood asthma and housing
unanimously points to the significance of housing conditions and quality on
children‟s respiratory health. However, there is disagreement on the specifics of
housing quality and characteristics that affect children‟s respiratory health. Some
studies focused on the environmental conditions of housing quality – namely, mould,
dampness, cold - and the relationship to childhood asthma (Biksey et al 2011; Brugge
et al 2003; Holt et al 2013; Keall et al 2012; Kelly et al 2013, Northridge et al 2010;
Somerville et al 2000; Strachan 1988; Yarnell 1979; Yarnell et al 1977; Trenholme et
al 2012).
The earlier studies done on respiratory health and housing were conducted in
South Wales (Yarnell et al 1977; Yarnell 1979). Yarnell et al (1977) tested the
hypothesis that respiratory illness occurs more in children living in old housing
compared to modern housing by comparing children‟s respiratory health between
those living in central-heated council housing and traditional valley housing. They
found that mothers reported fewer colds and sore throats in traditional valley housing
and more in council estates with coal-powered central heating. Yarnell‟s (1979) study
of hospital admissions and respiratory morbidity examined the relationship to
housing and found that there was no significant relationship between inadequate
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housing amenities and respiratory morbidity but there was a closer relationship to
household crowding and other socio-economic variables.
A lot of research in the US done on asthma was conducted with families with
children in public housing developments. This is perhaps an appropriate reflection
that the statistics that show the highest prevalence of asthmatic children tend to be in
public housing compared to private housing (Northridge et al 2010). Brugge et al
(2003) conducted a research project that involved implementing a pilot asthma
intervention program with 9 families in public housing in Boston. Their conclusion
was that exacerbation of asthma is multifactorial rather than any one source that
dominates as a trigger. Levy et al (2004) also conducted research in Boston with 78
children from three public housing developments to better understand asthma
morbidity. Their findings identified multiple risk factors and argue that for better
health outcomes, interventions need to happen on the social and built environment of
children, as well as medical management.
A few studies on asthma and housing evaluated pilot intervention programmes
(Brugge et al 2003; Somerville et al 2000; Sweet et al 2014; Free et al 2010).
Somerville et al (2000) conducted an intervention-based pilot study on the role of
heating to improve the health of asthmatic children. They installed central heating in
59 damp houses in Cornwall. The results were a significant reduction of all
respiratory symptoms and the greatest reduction in nocturnal cough. This was one of
the first evaluative studies of health outcomes after housing improvements and calls
for further research to substantiate the results. A more recent program evaluation
study that involved interventions (Sweet et al 2014) provided families with a public
health nurse, cleaning supplies, pest and mould control. This study involved 115
participants and produced both quantitative and qualitative data that showed
significant reduction in asthma symptoms. This home-based intervention was
successful at improving the health of asthmatic children, as well as quality of life for
caregivers. Free et al „s(2010) intervention found that more effective home heating
resulted in fewer school absences for children with asthma.
Studies investigating dampness and mould as a triggers for asthma has had
mixed results. Biksey et al (2011) conducted a quantitative and qualitative study with
parents and children to examine asthma triggers in home environments in Pittsburgh,
US. They found that parents discussed dustmite, mould, environmental tobacco
smoke and pet dander as the main triggers for asthma. Strachan (1988) looked at the
correlation between damp and mouldy housing and bronchospasm and argues that
there was no significant difference in the degree of bronchospasm in homes with and
without mould. They posit that association between dampness, mould in housing and
respiratory symptoms is more related to parental reporting of symptoms. Tischer and
Heinrich (2013) assessed the significance of residential mould for children‟s health,
they argue that further research is needed in this field to also explore how microbial
agents affect children‟s behaviour and cognitive development. Yang et al‟s (1997)
study of dampness and respiratory health of children in Taiwan concluded that
dampness was a significant risk factor for respiratory symptoms and poses as an
important public health problem in subtropical areas. Keall et al (2012) found that
increased levels of dampness and mould in New Zealand houses increased the odds
of respiratory symptoms. Kelly et al (2013) found that respiratory conditions were the
most common in hospital admissions of children and the parents had stated many
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housing-related factors that increased the risks of respiratory symptoms, leading to
the conclusion that living in poor quality housing has a major effect on children‟s
health.
Aside from the physical qualities of housing, studies have looked at emotional
and social stressors in the home in relation to childhood asthma. Kishore (2014)
focused on severe housing stress and how it impacts childhood asthma and argues
that while there have been many studies on housing quality and exposure to allergens,
the experience of psychological stress related to housing had received little attention.
She concluded that emotional stress related to poor housing, independent of allergen
exposure, did increased risk of worse asthma outcomes. Another study highlighting
housing stressors in the US argues that efforts to reduce stress and address structural
inequities are important to address childhood asthma, which disproportionarly affects
non-white people in the US (Quinn et al 2010). Suglia et al (2010) explored the ways
in which stress related to family violence, specifically maternal intimate partner
violence (IPV) and housing quality play a role in increasing susceptibility to
childhood asthma. The results of this study showed that children exposed to both
maternal IPV and poor housing conditions in terms of deterioration and disarray
increased the odds of childhood asthma. Multiple or cumulative stressors may
increase risk of asthma in children more than a single stressor.
Socio-emotional/mental health of children and housing
Beyond physical health symptoms, housing has also been linked to children‟s
socio-emotional/psychological health. Cairney (2005) looks at how housing tenure
(renting vs ownership) affects children transitioning to adolescence, in particular,
their psychological well-being and argues that housing tenure is still an important
determinant of health. Coley and Leventhal (2013) confirm the various aspects of
housing such as difficulties with quality, stability, affordability and housing subsidies
are strong determinants of emotional and behavioural problems among children and
youth in low-income families. They found that this association commonly operates
through parental stress and behaviours. This type of research has also been done in
public housing developments with mothers in Chicago (Dubrow and Garbarino 1989)
and in New York (Morris et al 2002). Much of the research suggests that housing
quality plays a significant role in determining children‟s socioemotional /
psychological health (Evans et al 2001; Gifford and Lacombe 2006). Ferguson et al
(2013) conducted an international review of this association highlighting research
done in the global South. Marais et al (2013) looked at the mental health of orphans
in South Africa in relation to housing conditions but their results were inconclusive
and argue that methodology plays an important role in the mixed results. Their key
finding was that children living in informal settlements had better socio-emotional
health. Govender and Moodley (2004) conducted research in both formal and
informal urban housing with African-American children and adolescents to
understand the relationship between maternal support and adolescent psychological
well-being and self-esteem, and they found a positive relationship which supports
previous research. Harden and Whittaker‟s (2011) research on preschool children in
the child welfare system argues that the influence of high-quality home environments
on early childhood had a significant impact on their cognitive and psychological well-
being with better social outcomes.
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Neighbourhood influences on children‟s wellbeing are also considered along
with family and home environments. Homel and Burns (1989) found in their study
that children living in commercial inner-city areas reported more feelings of
loneliness, rejection, worry, fear, anger and unhappiness compared to children living
other areas. They argue that community socialisation also has an influence on
children‟s socio-emotional health. Research into mobility and housing interventions
in high-poverty neighbourhoods suggest that encouraging families to move out of
high-poverty neighbourhoods are associated with increased rates of depression, PTSD,
and conduct disorders among boys but reduced rates of depression and conduct
disorders for girls (Kessler et al 2014). Neighbourhood effects on children‟s
behaviour in low-income public housing neighbourhoods were found to have mixed
effects on poor children (Goering 2003). Holt et al (2013) conducted a cross-sectional
analysis of childhood asthma and found correlations between asthma diagnosis by
age 5 with particular ethnicities (Hispanic), gender, mother‟s educational attainment,
lack of insurance, and housing conditions. They looked for neighbourhood effects but
the results were minimal and insignificant with the exception of neighbourhood
educational qualifications. In Australia, socio-economic status of neighbourhoods
was relevant in explaining children‟s conduct problems (Edwards and Bromfield
2009). El-Dardiry et al (2012) argued that neighbourhood social capital was
influential on children‟s self-rated health and quality of life in Greece. Root and
Humphrey (2014) investigated the role of neighbourhood racial composition on
children‟s health and found that racial composition of neighourhoods had no
significant effect on children‟s self-rated health or in their health status trajectories.
The majority of the research on housing and children‟s socio-emotional health
has been done with urban residents. Newland et al‟s (2014) study focuses on rural
children‟s subjective wellbeing in the US looking at multiple levels of social and built
environments from home, neighbourhood, school and peer-group contexts. They
argue that the most important social relationships were family, teacher and peer
relationships and found differences in self-image based on gender.
In research done in Australia, Shepherd et al (2012) argue that housing quality
and tenure and disadvantage on a neighbourhood level have a strong direct effect on
indigenous children‟s mental health. Other factors such as racism, family composition,
crowding and stress among other things are important in explaining children‟s health
disparities that are racially marked. Focusing on child development and housing in
Australia, Taylor and Edwards (2012) explore the association between housing tenure,
residential mobility and housing stress on children‟s cognitive development and
socio-emotional function.
Housing status is another area of investigation in relation to physical and
mental health among children in the US. Park et al (2011) found that housing status
had little significance in determining adverse effects on children‟s cognitive
development, and physical or mental health. Rather, family and environmental
stressors were more important. Richman (1974) did a study that concluded it that
housing type in terms of high and low rise flats did not have a significant impact of
children and mother‟s mental health. The research on children‟s mental health and
housing tend to stress the role of social environment in the home. Bartlett (1997)
would argue that the social environment and relationships between adults and
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children are mediated by the physicality of the house and are reciprocally influential
in children‟s lives.
Lead poisoning/exposure and housing
Another sub-body of literature within the research on housing and child health
investigates the health effects of lead exposure and childhood lead poisoning. The
majority of this research was done in New Zealand (Bates 1995; Bates et al 1997) and
the US (Chisolm et al 1985; Farr and Dolbeare 1996; Hartje 2000; Reissman et al
2001; Rogers et al 2014; Stroop et al 2002). Reissman et al (2001) and Roberts et al
(2003) discuss using Geographic Information System (GIS) technology to prevent
childhood lead poisoning and assessment of risk for elevated blood lead levels in
children. Stroop et al (2002) analysed lead-based paint risk for children living in
military housing concluding that children in military housing are less likely to be
exposed to lead compared to those living in the civilian sector housing. Hartje (2002)
and Rogers et al (2014) explore the legal aspects of housing and lead poisoning
prevention. Rogers et al (2014) argue that legislation is not an effective primary
prevention strategy as it does not cover all the properties that children live in and is
not strictly enforced.
Child development and education
Child development theory supposes a western model of child well-being
(Ben-Arieh 2007). Several scholars employ the discourse of child rights to discuss
well-being and argue for “children” to be considered a unique identity stage in life
rather than as “adults in the making” (Ben-Arieh 2007, Bradshaw et al 2007, Korbin
2003). Housing conditions and home environments have been heavily researched in
relation to concerns regarding child development transnationally (Ferguson et al
2013). Child development and housing literature involves issues of education,
physical development (Essen et al 1978), cognitive development and academic
achievement (Bradley and Putnick 2012; Bronfenbrenner and Bronfenbrenner 2009;
Dubrow and Ippolito 1994; Evans 2006; Gagné and Ferrer 2006; Gottfriend and
Gottfriend 1984; Levantahn and Newman 2010; Taylor and Edwards 2012). Harden
and Whittaker (2011) conducted this research on the early home environment with
children in the child welfare system in the US. Research on the home environment
and child development looks at the ecological aspects of the home in relation to
cognitive development whether the focus is on technologies in the home (Carson and
Janssen 2012), exposure to dampness or pets (Casas et al 2013), residential mould
(Tischer and Heinrich 2013) or the effect of “green” environments (Chawla 2002,
Chawla, et al 2014, Wells 2000). The economic aspect of housing, in terms of
affordability and cost are also examined in relation to child development (Harkness et
al 2009; Kull and Coley 2014; Leventhal and Newman 2010).
As I have alluded to in the description of literature on residential mobility, a
lot of research examines the relationship between the “home environment” and the
education outcomes of children (Bradley et al 1988; Bradley et al 2012; Dubow and
Ippolito 1994; Slaughter and Epps 1987). The “home environment” concept refers to
conditions of housing – housing quality, material resources, formal and informal
learning materials - and social aspects such as parenting (Slaughter and Epps 1987;
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Bradley et al 2012). Dubow and Ippolito (1994) found that poverty and the poor
quality of home environments leads to decrease in maths and reading scores for
elementary school-aged children as well as increase in anti-social behaviour. Similar
research by Harden and Whittaker (2011) explore the home environment during early
childhood for children in the welfare system who have experienced out-of-home-
placements during infancy. In their study, they discuss the role of emotional support
in the home environment as a significant predictive factor for child development.
Home environments with more emotional support and cognitive stimulation tend to
produce higher cognitive and language scores, decreased behavioural problems and
better social skills (Harden and Whittaker 2011). Perlman‟s (2010) thesis exploring
the impact of out-of-home placement on children‟s educational achievements argue
that it is not the experience of out-of-home placement alone that has the greatest
effect on children‟s education, but the associated issues of child maltreatment,
homelessness and poverty.
The role housing design plays in children‟s education, social and cognitive
function seems to vary in different contexts. The research on access to play areas and
green spaces suggests that design does matter for children‟s socio-emotional health
but this is primarily research conducted in western contexts. Li (2011) investigated
this hypothesis with school-aged children in Hong Kong and found that children‟s
behaviour/conduct at school was not affected by their housing type, size and design
as long as they can claim some privacy at home. This could be an indication of
culturally adaptive factors in relation to housing structures.
The link between home ownership and education has also been explored.
Green and White (1997) found that children of homeowners do tend to stay longer in
schools than children of renters and young daughters of homeowners are less likely to
have children than daughters of renters. Here, however, home ownership perhaps is
more an indication of class status and relates to the literature that looks at other
indicators of inequality and poverty, which suggest that the problem is not a specific
condition of poverty, but poverty in general. However, there are difficulties in
ascertaining these relationships through empirical research and they may not capture
the complexities involved (Haurin 2013). The impact of assisted housing on
educational attainment is considered insignificant (Newman and Harkness 2000).
Morris and Smith (2002) conducted a study on children‟s schooling and
behavioural outcomes based on their housing type: public or non-public housing.
Their key findings suggest that there are some negative academic and behavioural
outcomes that a large proportion of children in public housing display. Furthermore,
they argue that parents‟ poor mental health and children witnessing or experiencing
domestic violence is also associated with negative outcomes in schooling and
behaviour (Morris and Smith 2002). Schmitz (1992) argues that children in public
housing have many factors working against them to achieve well academically. The
solutions proposed in the majority of the literature is to implement changes in
housing policy to ensure adequate housing conditions for children‟s development and
socialisation as well as efforts to address poverty, housing affordability and quality
(Schmitz 1992; Howden-Chapman et al 2013; Boston and Chapple 2014).
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Crowding and Density
The cross-cultural research on crowding suggested that the meaning of
„crowding‟ is culturally defined. Western standards of ideal household occupancy are
not shared universally (Bartlett 1997:179; Pene et al 1999). Many empirical studies
are concerned with the relationship between crowding and illnesses e.g. infectious
diseases with similar conclusions that crowding is an important risk factor in
children‟s ill-health (Baker et al 2013; Evans 2006) as well as later adult health
(Spencer 2001). The research in Aotearoa/New Zealand highlights the ethnic
inequalities in crowding with Maori and Pacific populations disproportionately
affected and Pakeha/Europeans with the lowest rate of crowding (Baker et al 2006).
This is also reflected in data regarding children‟s hospital admissions at Wellington
hospital with many crowding-related health conditions (Kelly et al 2013).
Several facets of crowding have been linked to children‟s health and
development. Dush et al (2013) explore the issue of crowding through the concept of
chaos. Chaos is defined as crowded, noisy, disorganised and unpredictable conditions
for child development. They argue that chaos reduction would result in better health
outcomes based on their study. Research in Britain in 1978 (Essen et al 1978) found
little evidence for the association of poor housing and ill-health and physical
development among 16 year old boys. However, height differences were found
between boys living in crowded housing who were shorter than those living in non-
crowded houses. Evans et al (1998) provide an ecological perspective based on
research with 10-12 year olds in urban India on the role of chronic residential
crowding on children‟s well-being. Their findings were that residential crowding was
associated with elevated blood pressure among boys and learned helplessness among
girls. In Kumar et al‟s (2014) systematic review of children‟s oral health related
quality of life in relation to parental socio-economic status and home environments,
they found that crowding among other factors was a significant predictor of oral
health related quality of life. In Aotearoa/New Zealand, Baker et al (2008) found that
tuberculosis is associated with household crowding. The effect of crowding on
children has also been found to affect academic achievement as well as health (Solar
and Mare 2012). The literature tends to focus on the negative health consequences of
crowding, however the definition of what it means for a household to be over-
crowded is not universally agreed upon.
Child safety and danger in housing and neighbourhoods
Children‟s safety in housing and neighbourhoods is a concern of many
researchers aiming to decrease housing-related injury hazards (Ancliffe and
Kokotallo 1996; Keall et al 2013; Pearce et al 2012). The themes covered are on the
dangerous design of driveways (Austin et al 2014; Madley and Campbell 2014;
Shepherd et al 2010), fire hazards (Harpur et al 2013; Van Niekerk et al 2006), the
fears of children‟s safety related to housing intensification and apartment design
(Carroll et al 2011) and how unsafe housing conditions relate to inadequate physical
care of children (Ernst et al 2004). As solutions, Keall et al‟s (2013) paper proposes
an intervention programme of repairs to structural home injury hazards in New
Zealand while White (2013) proposes a housing Warrant of Fitness system to ensure
housing safety and quality.
12
Neighbourhood violence has also been explored as a threat to children‟s
safety. Carvalho‟s (2013) ethnographic child-centred research examined this aspect of
children‟s lives in six public housing neighbourhoods in Portugal, where children‟s
perception of the normalisation of violence affected their use of public spaces. A few
studies have focused on (socio-)economic inequality and the rates of child injuries or
mortality in housing-related circumstances in Europe (Sengoelge et al 2013) and the
UK (Pearce et al 2012). Sengoelge et al (2013) compared 26 European countries to
analyse child mortality related to housing injuries and country-level economic
inequality using GDP as a measure.
The ongoing research of Karen Witten and her group on children and
neighbourhoods will be discussed in the companion essay on methods (e.g. Witten
and Kearns 2013, Carroll et al in press).
Child-centred research
Few studies in the literature on children and housing include children‟s
perceptions and voices. This research has largely been conducted outside of New
Zealand and covers a range of different topics. For example, in Portugal research was
conducted on children‟s perceptions of place and violence (Carvalho 2013). In the US,
Devlin (1994) interviewed children about race and income-related housing. Downey
(2013) wrote an autoethnographic account of residential mobility as a “military brat”
exploring the concept of „home.‟ In Australia, children were consulted for the
development of children‟s well-being indicators (Fattore et al 2007). In Finland,
Helavirta (2011) examined children‟s moral standpoints related to the „home.‟ A
paper on Japan encourages children‟s participation and engagement on housing and
community issues (Hirai and Okazaki 2007). Newland et al (2014) considered the
subjective well-being of rural children in the US through a survey to develop
indicators of well-being. Root and Humphrey (2014) analyse children‟s self-rated
health and racial neighbourhood composition through surveys. Taylor et al (2002)
studied children‟s views of nature and self-discipline, and the effect of green spaces
on self-discipline. Their findings suggest gendered differences in the self-disciplinary
effect of green spaces on boys and girls by proximity to their homes. Another study
highlights children‟s experiences of housing insecurity. These children were part of
an early childhood intervention programme (Turnbull et al 2014). Neighbourhood
influences on children‟s life satisfaction and emotion are explored through Palestinian
children‟s perspectives of life under occupation (Veronese et al 2012). In the UK,
Bhatti (1999) did ethnographic result with Asian children at home and school. These
studies that centre children and young people‟s perspectives are few and scattered.
James (2007) in a scoping paper on young people and housing also found that the
voices of children and young people are missing in discussions of housing in New
Zealand and internationally.
Race, racism and ethnicity
A small subsection of housing literature considers the role of ethnicity and
racism in issues around housing access and equity (Greene et al 2012; Priest et al
2012; Devlin 1994). This literature draws attention to how poverty and housing
inequality is racialised across different western contexts. In the US, discussions of
racism is focused on African-Americans and studies of housing discuss high-poverty
13
neighbourhoods as predominantly African-American (Fauth 2004). In Australia
health and housing inequities adversely affect Aboriginal children (Priest et al 2012;
Shepherd et al 2012; Stevens and Bailie 2012). In Aotearoa/New Zealand, ethnic
inequalities in children‟s health and housing exist between Māori and Pacific
populations and Pākehā (Amore et al 2013; Jaine et al 2008). The underlying
structural issues related to racial discrimination in housing and the effect of
institutionalised racism on health outcomes are often left unaddressed in the literature
focused on children.
Children and rental housing
This review was particularly interested in the amount of research done with
children in rental housing. Rental housing research overlaps with public housing
programmes such as in the case of Housing New Zealand. The papers I found
primarily discuss rental housing at the level of policy. Ancliffe and Kokotallo (1996)
produced a report to Housing New Zealand to recommend the urgent establishment of
policies and strategic action plans to prioritise children‟s safety in their rental housing
pool. The policies they propose primarily target the design of the houses and
provision of specific items and spaces. Baker and Howden-Chapman (2012) also call
for the need to address children‟s health through improving housing and their key
recommendation is to establish a warrant of fitness for rental housing and a large-
scale programme to construct more social housing programmes in Auckland and
Christchurch. Following this report, White (2013) reviewed the legislation and
research on warrants of fitness for rental housing. The Expert Advisory Group on
Solutions to Child Poverty (2014) had made similar policy recommendations to
improve housing to alleviate child poverty. Suggestions include improving housing
quality, increase social housing, affordability of housing and make access to home
ownership easier for low-income families. In the US, Crowley (2003) also
recommends intervention strategies at the federal policy level such as rental housing
subsidies and construction of more rental housing for poorer families to address high
residential mobility of low-income families with children, which in turn affects
children‟s education.
The literature discussing children and rental housing often addresses the issue
of discrimination that families with children face. Cummings and Rosentraub (1981)
highlighted a report regarding housing discrimination against families with children,
explaining this phenomenon with underlying economic dynamics. They argue that
landlords seeking to maximize profits tend to cater to the „singles‟ housing market,
which makes it harder for families with children to access affordable rental housing.
Margulis and Benson (1982) have also highlighted discrimination against families
with children in rental housing. They found outright prohibition and restrictions
based on age, sex, number and location of children in a building in Cleveland
(Margulis and Benson 1982). Grineski and Hernandez (2010) explored the role of
landlords in shaping environmental injustice through qualitative interviews with
elementary-aged children with asthma. Their study argued that landlords were
directly responsible for poor quality housing and immigrants were in particular risk,
due to fears of eviction and also deportation. They argue for the need to recognise the
role of landlords in maintaining poor housing conditions and environmental
inequalities as they can be a target of intervention. Families in the US have taken
14
landlords to court due to housing discrimination and the courts ruled that
discrimination based on having a child was indeed unlawful (Miles 1983).
On the flipside of rental housing, there have been studies done to explore the
effect of parental home ownership. Boehm and Schlottmann (1999) found that
children growing up in owned homes were more likely to own homes as adults,
arguing that housing tenure plays a primary role in determining children‟s education,
economic earnings and thus housing futures. This could be interpreted as one of the
ways socio-economic status is reproduced among the owning class.
Child-friendly neighbourhood and housing design
Housing also needs to be situated in discussions of neighbourhood settings
and the physical and social environment surrounding the home. The design of
driveways has been given attention in relation to children‟s safety (Austin et al 2014;
Madley and Campbell 2014; Shepherd et al 2010). Outdoor play areas have been
investigated in relation to children‟s well-being and development. Bartlett (1997)
cites numerous studies that suggest accessible outdoor play areas within the vicinity
of the house were beneficial for children and this affected parent-child relationships.
Children without access to outdoor play areas by their houses were more likely to be
more attached to their parent(s) and when they do go outside, their parent(s) tend to
be overprotective and anxious if there are safety hazards in the neighbourhood
(Bartlett 1997). Housing design, location and the neighbourhood context mediate
parent-child relationships and the socio-emotional health of children (Bartlett 1997).
Marcus and Francis (1995) also argue for the importance of outdoor play settings
close to home and that policy interventions in public housing are needed. This has led
to considerations of design interventions in high-rise apartment blocks (Rubinfeld
2013). High-rise housing in particular is considered less beneficial for children
because of lack of access to outdoor play areas, however in terms of conduct at
school for children in Hong Kong, housing type seems to have little effect (Li 2011).
Commentary
Most of the literature on children and housing in the research that was found
did not include children‟s perspectives. Within the housing and child health literature,
there has been specific attention to the relationship between housing environments
and children‟s respiratory health as well as to childhood lead poisoning. Much of the
research involves epidemiological investigations to identify causation, predictors and
determinants of children‟s health, well-being or pathologies. There are also few social
science and ethnographic studies of how children experience their home
environments, meanwhile the general themes and concerns of the literature I
reviewed tend to place children as objects of study with an implicit value placed on
children who can achieve well academically according to the standards of their
cultural context, behave in socially acceptable ways, and to ensure children‟s growth
to be “productive and engaged adults” (James et al 2010:i) as well as law-abiding
citizens (Gibson et al 2009).
15
The empirical research suggests strong correlations between various aspects
of housing and children‟s health and wellbeing across various contexts. The home
environment is treated as a central environment for children‟s development and
growth, and much of the literature highlights inequalities and addresses child poverty
in relation to housing conditions. Child poverty and children‟s housing is inseparable
from adult housing and while there are many young people living in inadequate
housing, this is related to wider structural and historical issues that construct the
current housing conditions, access to housing and neighbourhoods.
The solutions proposed for making changes to children‟s inadequate housing
conditions and poverty tend to be state-centred policy recommendations. The lack of
anthropological analysis in studies regarding children and housing takes for the
granted the hegemonic systems of inhabiting a home – that housing is necessarily a
commodity and capital exchanges must be made through rent, buying and
mortgaging. There is a major silence on how political economy affects poverty,
inequality and by extension housing inequities. Apart from Quinn et al (2010)
structural change solutions to the problems of poverty and housing have not been
foregrounded. The roles culture and capitalism play were rarely named as
foundational to the shaping of housing industries, design, quality, standards and
conditions of inequality. Political ecological and critical medical anthropology
approaches could provide further insight into the key issues surrounding children and
housing.
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Appendix 1. International scope of the research
94 papers from US
34 NZ
15 UK
14 Australia
10 Transnational systematic reviews
9 Canada
3 Europe
3 South Africa
1 paper each from Malawi, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Germany, Bangladesh, India,
Palestine, Nigeria, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Spain, Finland