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The Creative CityWorking Paper 3: Indicators of a Creative City
A Methodology for Assessing
Urban Viability and Vitality
Franco Bianchini and Charles Landry
Charles Landry, Franco Bianchini & Comedia
ISBN 1 873667 90 6
May 1994
Published by Comedia
The Round, Bournes Green, Nr Stroud
Glos. GL6 7NL
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or
transmitted, in any form or by means, elelctronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical,
photocopying,recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Comedia
Contents
I. Introduction
1
II. The components of a creative city
II.1 What is a city?
2
II.2 Edge of town
3
II.3 Outer areas
5
II.4 The suburbs
6
II.5 The inner city
7
II.6 The city centre
9
II.6a A communication hub
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10
II.6b The city centre expresses the essence of a place
11
II.6c Neutral territory
11
II.6d The key location for the public realm
12
II.6e The importance of a critical mass
12
II.6f Administrative and political hub
13
II6g The substantial presence of educational facilities
13
III. Establishing criteria for urban viability and vitality
III.1 The limits of existing quality of life studies
14
III.2 Our approach
15
III.2a Conceptual tools16
III.2b The notion of cultural resources
16
III.2c Creativity and creative thinking
17
III.2d The concepts of viability and vitality
18
III.2e Various forms of viability and vitality
19
III.2f The connection between viability and vitality
20
IV. Criteria for viability and vitality
21
IV.1 Critical mass
21
IV.2 Diversity
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23
IV.3 Accessibility
24
IV.4 Security
25
IV.5 Identity and distinctiveness
26
IV.6 Innovativeness
27
IV.7 Linkage & Synergy
28
IV.8 Competitiveness
30IV.9 Organizational capacity
31
V. Data sources and methodological issues in assessing vitality
and viability
V.1 Data sources
32V.2 Comparability
34
V.3 Proportion and extent of attributes
35
V.4 Specificity of local context
36
V.5 Dynamic nature of cities
36
V.6 Subjective and objective, quantitative and qualitative data
37
V.7 Weighting
39
VI. Possible indicators of urban viability and vitality
39
VI.1 Background data
40
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VI.2 Critical mass
41
VI.3 Diversity
41
VI.4 Accessibility
42
VI.5 Security
43
VI.6 Identity and distinctiveness
43
VI.7 Innovativeness
44
VI.8 Linkage & Synergy44
VI.9 Competitiveness
44
VI.10 Organizational capacity, participation, consultation
45
VI.11 Implications
46
Bibliography & Acknowledgments
I. Introduction
This paper has one central objective.
To establish a system of indicators to assess the 'health' of
cities in Britain which are more sophisticated than those
currently in existence.
Although the value of creativity for self-expression is recognized, the chief
purpose of acting creatively in urban policy-making must be to achieve
vitality in a city and harness it towards long-term viability. The criteria and
indicators proposed for urban viability and vitality are means to assess to
what extent a city is creative and how its creativity potential might develop
over time.
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In Working Paper 2, Ebert, Gnad and Kunzmann outline a range of
preconditions for establishing a 'creative city'. These include the presence of
universities and research institutes; an open socio-political milieu; a critical
mass of cultural activities and facilities; strong civic identity and pride; and
the availability of land for the establishment of innovative urban
development projects. This paper proposes a different way of categorizing
these preconditions.
Importantly, it is possible, simply by enhancing the quality of strategic
research and creative thinking in local authority and government policy-
making, to raise the levels of urban viability and vitality, because much can
be done by reconceptualizing problems and having the courage to takeinnovative initiatives. Strategic interventions in this area do not always
require large investments.
In Section One we define what constitutes a city and examine the key
characteristics of its components and parts: the city centres, the suburbs, the
inner city, outer areas and edge of town.
In Section Two we proceed to review the theoretical premises and themethods used by the majority of urban 'quality of life' studies, which are an
important category in the various existing types of assessment of the health
of cities.
Section Three clarifies the conceptual tools we use, which include
definitions of 'cultural resources', 'creativity and creative thinking', and
'viability and vitality'. This section also highlights the role of creative
thinking in making connections between vitality and viability.
Section Four establishes a range of criteria against which indicators of urban
viability and vitality can be judged.
Section Five describes available data sources and raises some
methodological questions associated with the use of this data.
Section Six outlines a series of indicators of urban viability and vitality listed
under each of the criteria identified in Section Four.
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The concluding section discusses how the indicators could be used and
some general implications for planners and urban policy-makers deriving
from our research.
II. The components of a creative city
II.1. What is a city?
A city is a complex and multi faceted entity. It can be described as:
An economic structure - an economy;
A community of people - a society;
A designed environment - an artefact;
A natural environment - an ecosystem;
An economy, a society, an artefact and an ecosystem governed
by an agreed set of political rules - a polity.
It is thus essential to consider not only the economic aspects of urban
viability and vitality, but also the social, cultural, environmental and
political aspects. The discipline of creative thinking is required to see the
interconnections between and the potential of these different spheres. For
practical purposes we have included the political dimension under the
social.
There are also clear functional differences between different parts of a city.
It is difficult to identify a typology of zones which can be applied to all of
the larger cities. However, commonly there are five fairly distinct areas.
These are: the city centre; the inner city areas surrounding it; the residential
suburbs; the outer residential and industrial areas; and edge of town. Each
of the five has identifiable functions and, in principle, creativity potential.
Smaller urban centres such as market towns, some historic towns, seaside
resorts, new towns and smaller industrial towns tend to have only three
distinct areas - the centre, the suburbs and edge of town.
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Let us now consider the charecteristics of the five areas, working from the
periphery to the centre
II.2 Edge of town
The edge of town has traditionally been used for traffic infrastructure as
well as greenbelt areas, country parks and some industrial, distribution and
public utility functions - ranging from industrial parks to water treatment
plants and waste dumps. Given the good accessibility of these areas they
have over the last fifteen years, particularly in densely populated regions,
become a favoured site for out-of-town shopping and leisure centres
competing directly with city centre facilities.
The potential of these locations depends on the planning regime governing
them. In greenbelt areas scope for development is severely limited by
planning restrictions. On the other hand there are redundant edge of town
industrial areas where planning procedures have been simplified and
relaxed in order to encourage development, such as in enterprise zones.
This - coupled with the availability of space - means that, in principle, it is
possible to build afresh on a large scale. Out-of-town shopping centresstarted with the provision of bulk goods such as car components, white
goods, carpets, furniture and DIY, moving rapidly into food and then into
comparison shopping such as clothes, records and books. Similarly, leisure
facilties started from tenpin bowling or ice rinks to widen into multiplex
cinemas, restaurants, pubs and night clubs.
New strategically important facilities can be also created such as science
and technology parks, as, for example, in Montpellier. Sometimes it is
possible to experiment with new architecture and materials - one example is
Stockley Park near Heathrow Airport, a location for advanced services and
high tech industrial firms housed in innovative buildings in a well
landscaped environment. Often what can be built in areas such as this
would not be allowed anywhere else in the city. However, some of the most
successful experiments have become prototypes for new buildings even in
city centres. These edge of town sites are more easily controlled and
managed due to their physical isolation and purpose built nature. Generally
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it is simpler than in other parts of cities to contain maintenance costs and
problems such as vandalism.
People go to these areas when they have a specific purpose such as
shopping, leisure or work. They tend to be fairly monofunctional - there are
no schools, no libraries, no public administration functions and no
churches, for example. They are generally not places where unplanned and
spontaneous activities or chance meetings can take place. The scale of edge
of town also means that they are too large to be intimate - not easily
walkable nor are they felt to be safe and attractive in the evening, mainly
because virtually nobody lives there and thus there is no natural
surveillance. Large expanses of tarmac for carparking and roads give these
areas an impersonal and somewhat alienating air.
Although these areas are easily accessible by car, public transport provision
is often insufficient, thus restricting access to those with cars. The elderly,
children and those without may therefore effectively be excluded.
The trend is slowly to replicate more typically urban functions in these
areas, such as doctor's surgeries and libraries, and to create alternative and
well-policed cities, overwhelmingly devoted to consumption. While therecan be islands of creativity, for instance in science parks, creative potential
is limited by insufficient face-to-face interaction, lack of density, insufficient
diversity of facilities and functions, and generally the social lack of
homogeneity of this area's users.
II.3 Outer areas
Outer areas are often used as a location for housing. They differ from edge
of town mainly because their main function is to be a location for houses.
These can be either low density or high rise blocks, mainly built by local
authorities to 'decant' working class families previously resident in high
density inner urban areas, sometimes in the vicinity of new locations for
manufacturing industry. They often contain light industrial plants - often
less high tech and 'dirtier' than in edge of town areas - and/or distribution
infrastructures. With the shift from manufacturing to services, many of
these places are being turned into sites for 'cleaner' business parks or
shopping and leisure facilities especially in metropolitan areas. Typical
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areas include the peripheral housing estates of Glasgow, Newcastle and
Edinburgh, Kirkby and Speke on Merseyside, Blackbird Leys near Oxford
and Ely near Cardiff.
These areas are generally characterized by low incomes, high
unemployment, poor levels of skills and educational qualifications, low car
ownership, degraded environments and related social problems - ranging
from drug addiction to domestic violence and crime, the poor health of the
inhabitants linked to diet and lifestyle. The provision of public transport,
shops, public spaces, leisure and cultural facilities is seriously deficient.
As a consequence, leisure is predominantly home based with high usage of
videos and satellite TV. Youth is often bored and congregate in the streets,often engaging in vandalism and anti-social activities such as joyriding.
Criminality flourishes, often under the control of organized gangs - and so
does the informal economy. Many of these places feel forgotten by agencies
such as social services providers, the education system and even the police.
As a result, political participation tends to be very low. Those with
aspirations for social mobility tend to move out as soon as an opportunity
arises, thus reinforcing the vicious circle in which these places are trapped.
However, in the face of adversity these areas have often generated their
own strengths. There is in many cases a strong sense of local identity and
community, with networks of self help, credit unions and community
businesses. Innovation is often present: In the arts (for example, in the form
of rock groups, photography, writing and theatre groups), in the local
economy (for instance, through community business and self-managed
forms of training) and in the voluntary sector (for example, in the areas of
housing managment and environmental improvements).
Their overall creativity potential, in short, is weakened by a high degree of
monfunctionalism, physical isolation, lack of inward investment from
public and private sources, lack of local disposable income, poor image, fear
of crime and the constant leakage of local talent.
II.4 The suburbs
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The development of suburban areas is closely linked with increases in
mobility either by public transport or by car. Most suburbs were built in the
course of this century and follow transport routes, be they roads,
underground or railway lines. Sometimes new developments welded
together into a conurbation older villages with their own churches, pubs,
shops, historic houses and other landmarks and facilities. This is why some
suburbs have maintained local hearts, with a sub-terranean memory of
separate and distinct identities. This is particularly, but not exclusively, the
case for older, inner suburban areas which historically have been favoured
by professional strata. More recently they have become socially
heterogeneous with an influx of immigrants or students and in some cases
the flight of professionals to rural areas. They are interspersed at times with
facilities, including family hotels or university halls of residence. In manycases outer suburban areas tend to be newer, more socially homogeneous
and tend to be favoured by skilled workers and their families. These areas
tend to be less well served by shops and public transport and as a
consequence are more isolated.
Suburbs are characterized by relatively high income, educational and skills
levels and car ownership. They are very convenient bases for getting in and
out of the city. While their own retailing and leisure may be modest, butnevertheless better than in outer areas, their inhabitants are mobile enough
and close enough both to the city centre and edge of town to easily access
facilities located there.
On the other hand, this 'in between' location may be characterized by a
certain characterlessness and amorphousness. Some aspects of the local
public realm, both indoor (cafes and pubs) and outdoor (squares) are
underdeveloped, while others, such as parks and libraries, are usually
present. An increasingly socially diverse environment and high degrees of
mobility common to middle class families and students mean that it is
difficult for stable communities to emerge. This can result in atomization
and a certain alienation.
Suburban creativity exists, but is often the creativity of individuals, fostered
through a supportive environment in terms of schools, money and parental
encouragement. As a spatial entity, though, the suburbs lack sufficient
diversity of uses (they tend to be dominated by housing), density,
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availability of cheap buildings and land for creative uses, and opportunities
for face-to-face interaction and collective celebrations to be self-generating
hubs of creativity. Although often there are high levels of participation in
voluntary activities, these are in many cases not locally based. Therefore
there is a shortage of opportunities for people to engage in the development
of territorially based activities, which may in time lead to clearer suburban
identities.
II.5 The inner city
The genesis of inner city areas varies according to the specific history of a
town. They usually form a ring around the city centre. In most case they are
characterized by a mixture of decaying elegant residential areas, originallyused by the local bourgeoisie; working class terraced housing, often in
proximity to industrial establishments and ports; public housing, often high
rise; amenities created in the Victorian period, such as parks, libraries and
museums; a variety of worshipping places for different faiths; shopping
areas catering mainly for the needs of local communities; and inner ring
roads and other traffic infrastructures dissecting them, often created in the
postwar period.
Their populations in many cases have decreased substantially over the last
two decades, although there are recent signs of a reversal of this trend.
Nowadays residents typically include some of the original working class
inhabitants, predominantly Afro-Caribbean and Asian immigrants,
students, and younger professionals moving into gradually gentrifying
enclaves.
Their economy consists of small scale, craft based industries which have so
far survived the recent processes of economic restructuring, but are still
struggling; elements of local retailing interspersed with some specialist and
independent shops, attracted to the area by low rents; universities and
educational establishments and a lively 'informal economy' sector.
The inner city is characterized by social, economic and racial polarization.
The cityscape bears the scars of low-income social groups, unemployment,
poverty and social deprivation, with occasional pockets of high-earners and
gentrification. Such contrasts can result in tensions, conflicts and crime.
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On the other hand, it is not difficult to glimpse the creativity potential of
these areas, with their strong character; attractive historic buildings and
streets; cosmopolitan and multicultural mix; often interesting shops (which
have either disappeared elsewhere or could not be set up anew in the city
centre); the availability of redundant buildings and land for innovative
projects, which can be financed through urban regeneration initiatives; the
presence of universities and other educational establishments, and the large
number of students as both consumers and producers for cultural and
social activities.
Perhaps cosmopolitan values could be the key strength of inner city areas.
They are expressed in restaurants, nightclubs, street markets, local shopsand manufacturing enterprises. Immigrant cultures can bring with them
energy, entrepreneurial skills and flair, fresh ideas, challenges and different
cultural perspectives that can contribute to re-thinking how the city works
and what it has to offer.
If you add to this the accessibility of city centre facilities of all kinds, these
areas can clearly be seen as potential creative hubs for the reinvention of the
city as a whole.
On the other hand there is the risk that inner city areas become closed
ghettoes, when one immigrant community is overwhelmingly predominant
and is discriminated against by the majority of residents of residents in
other parts of the city.
II.6 The city centre
City centres are places where a wide variety of activities take place. They
are places where people live, work, shop, have fun, relax, learn. They thus
could be, if they work well, the crucial part, the hub, the heart, the engine of
any city. If the city centre does not function properly it is likely that the city
as a whole will not perform effectively. In reality the potential of the city
centre is hindered by a series of structural trends.
The first is the commercialization of land markets and land use, which has
grown in strength with the weakening of powers and resources of local
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authorities. Land sales and more relaxed planning regimes have led to a
situation in which lower value uses and functions, such as independent
shops and housing, have been pushed out. As a result, city centres are now
dominated by retail and office uses, producing an erosion of the public
realm and a decline in public and social life in the evenings and at
weekends. In addition both office and retailing uses are dominated by large
companies (for example, approximately 80% of shops in Britain are
controlled by multiples in contrast to 26% in Italy), which impose
standardized architectural and design styles so that every city centre tends
to look the same.
The second trend is the dispersal of some city centre office, shopping and
public administration functions to out of town locations, because of theneed for car parking, for space for expansion and, in the case of local
authorities, to realize profits by the sale of city centre buildings. These new
out of town shopping centres and business parks now threaten the viability
and vitality of city centres with strong competition.
The third, and longstanding, trend is loss of population, which has reduced
the mix of city centre uses and exacerbated the problems of relative
deadness and lack of safety at night. This trend is only now slowly beingreversed with the provision of mainly sheltered housing, student
accommodation and fashionable flats for higher income groups in city
centres.
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Nevertheless there are signs that awareness of the potential
streng{\rtf1\mac\ansicpg10000\uc1
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Semibold;}{\f29\fnil\fcharsmuting, the emergence of electronic cottages in
the countryside and the decentralization of many data processing
operations. A threat is posed by the decentralization to greenfield sites
outside the city of key centres for the knowledge industries such as scienceparks, research institutes and universities. These centres have often
developed their own communications networks across the world.
The city centre, nevertheless, still has considerable advantages over other
locations as a focus not only for shopping, social and recreational activities,
but also for other economic activities involving the handling of rare and
expensive information. One well known example is that of the
telecommunications highways linking city centre locations in the majorworld financial capitals.
Being a communications hub is one of the most important conditions for
gathering the information and knowledge required to develop creative
solutions to urban problems.
II.6b The city centre expresses the essence of a place
At its best the city centre can encapsulate and crystallise the essence of a
city. It is in the centre where the uniqueness of a city's history, culture and
architecture is usually most manifest, although it must be recognized that it
is the values of dominant elites, both economically and politically, that tend
to be expressed in the built environment of city centres rather than those of
low income citizens whose culture might be the real soul and spice of the
city. However, the centre often has a special meaning for residents and
visitors alike, and occupies a special place in collective memory. The
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complaint that each city or city centre now looks the same has become a
clich and that is why concern about the redifferentiation and authenticity
of cities and city centres has emerged with considerable force. The layers of
history embodied in a place, its distinctiveness and authenticity, are some
of the raw materials which can be turned into creative responses.
II.6c Neutral territory
The city centre potentially represents a place for commonality, where some
form of common identity and spirit of place could be created - to counteract
the dangers of spatial segregation by social class - and where people of
different ages, social classes, ethnic and racial groups and lifestyles could
mix and mingle in informal and unplanned ways, more easily than in thesuburbs or in outer areas, which are frequently highly differentiated and
socially stratified.
The city centre as a 'neutral territory' is, therefore, important for the
development of creative ideas, because it is both an area where people feel
comfortable and relaxed and yet at the same time stimulated and
challenged by contact with an environment that is more socially
heterogeneous than normally experienced. The city centre at its best canfunction as a showcase for creative ideas and activities generated in all
parts of the city.
II.6d The key location for the public realm
The city centre is generally the place where the majority of public facilities
are agglomerated, ranging from museums to cafes, public squares, cinemas,
pubs, restaurants, theatres and libraries. Despite recent trends towards the
privatization of public space. The public realm is important for the
development of creativity because it allows people to go beyond their own
circle of family, professional and social relations. The idea of the public
realm is bound up with the ideas of discovery, of expanding one's horizons,
of the unknown, of surprise, of experiment and of adventure.
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II.6e The importance of critical mass
Certain facilities and services (in the fields of education, retailing, leisure
and culture as well as types of business reliant on personal contact and a
range of highly differentiated and specialized skills) need to achieve a
critical mass of users and clients in order to be economically viable. For
example, note the role city centre public libraries still play, not just for the
provision of books, but also for record and video loans as well as for
photocopying, room hire and special events. By contrast, suburban or outer
area branch library facilities simply cannot justify such a range of services.
The density of facilities and services in city centres can also contribute to
creating cross support between activities where, for example, the cultural
and entertainments economy supports parts of the retailing and hoteleconomy and vice versa.
For example, the quantity and quality of shops that can be found in a city
centre is difficult to replicate in another location. The variety of shops
include important anchor stores, such as department stores and shopping
malls, which attract a broad range of customers in large numbers. This
critical mass of shoppers provides a passing trade capable of sustaining
specialist retailers. These might range from jazz record shops to cheesesuppliers.
Critical mass encourages creative thinking by providing choice, competition
and potential economic viability for innovative activities. The stimulus of
competition is particularly important to push the barriers of thinking
further.
II.6f Administrative and political hub
The administrative and political functions of cities are usually located in the
city centre. These functions may relate to local, regional or national levels.
One of the advantages of having public policy decision-making centres
present in the city is that it might be easier to involve key politicians and
officers in the often time-consuming, complex and tortuous process of
developing creative urban responses.
II.6g The substantial presence of educational facilities
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The expanded higher education sector has been one of the most important
actors in the re-use of buildings located in city centres across Europe, in
spite of the fact that some universities are being built today in greenfield
sites on the edge of town. The implications of this for the creative city are
threefold. First, a new public sphere of cafes, meeting places, bookshops
and cultural venues has emerged or been consolidated. Secondly, the newer
universities especially have been keen to enter into a dialogue with the local
authorities and local business and more generally to be part of the civic
network. Thirdly, local business has often profited in terms of technological
innovation from the presence of universities and research centres, in some
cases located in city centres.
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III. Establishing criteria for urban viability and vitality
III.1 The limits of existing quality of life studies
The liveability of cities is determined by the extent to which they are viable
and vital places to live in. Vitality provides the raw materials, the often
unfocused energy, the force which through creative thinking and strategies
can be harnessed to achieve a city that by being self-sustaining, responsive
to external challenges and self-generating becomes viable.
Existing studies of urban quality of life inevitably touch on issues of
viability and vitality. These studies - often leading to the compilation of
rankings of cities - focus largely on variables such as crime and publicorder; health provision; life expectancy; pollution and traffic levels; cost of
living; provision of shopping facilities; racial harmony; scenic quality;
climate; quality and cost of housing; unemployment levels; employment
prospects; wage levels; educational, recreational and cultural facilities;
travel to work times; transport provision; political stability and political
participation.
Without entering into a discussion of the methodology of this tradition ofstudies one can argue that there is nothing distinctly urban about any of the
variables listed above. Such studies measure what a place has to offer to
individual residents and visitors, usually through the analysis of relevant
data and through opinion surveys used to weigh the relative importance of
each variable. Yet the same data could be analysed and the same surveys
could be carried out for the purpose of measuring quality of life in a rural
area, in a region or in a country. In other words, quality of life studies
generally fail to provide an indication of how people relate to the city as a
collective entity and of the peculiarities of the urban experience in different
localities. Such studies also fail to recognize the multi-faceted nature of
cities embodied in the five interconnected spheres noted above, and tend to
view towns and cities almost as competing department stores in which
goods (the various quality of life variables) are displayed in standardized
and neatly separated compartments.
We believe that existing studies are of limited use to policy makers, because
all they do is to provide a quantitative decription of the existing
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comparative advantages and disadvantages of cities. The most likely use
policy-makers can make of this type of study in the inter-urban competition
game is to display more prominently their city's strengths and attempt to
conceal their weaknesses. In short, they provide a picture of the
consequences of what has already happened, rather than an identification
of the possible resources, obstacles and underlying dynamics one has to
work with to maximize potential and achieve a vital and viable city.
Quality of life studies provide essentially a snapshot of the current
situation, though often complemented and enriched by longitudinal time
series data; they tell you where you are in relation to other cities, but not
what to do with comparative strengths and weaknesses.
III.2 Our approach
By contrast, the approach proposed here focuses on the detail of local
specificities rather than on standardized data. It starts from the assumption
that each city has its own unique potential which must be identified,
preserved, valued and strategically exploited in a responsible manner. It is
developmental and dynamic rather than static; it is based on the analysis of
what has happened in the past and of the present situation, but seeks toprefigure potential futures through a methodology in five stages which can
be summarized as follows:
The clarification of the conceptual tools to be used.
The analysis of relevant trends and data as contextual factors.
The identification of potential resources, obstacles,
opportunities and problems.
The processing of this information through creative thinking.
The drawing of a set of conclusions which are meant to aid the
development strategies.
This is the process which we have followed to select the criteria for urban
vitality and viability as well as the specific indicators we propose below.
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The first stage of our approach, however, explains the philosophical
premises of our work and as such it deserves detailed elaboration.
III.2a Conceptual tools
Our experience suggests that four concepts are central to the development
of new indicators of the development of urban vitality and viability. They
are:
'cultural resources' as an example of often neglected urban
potential;
'creativity' and 'creative thinking' as instruments throughwhich urban potential can imaginatively be identified and
maximized;
'viability' and 'vitality' themselves;
III.2b The notion of cultural resources
A broad definition of cultural resources is proposed below. It encompassesthe following elements:
1. The creativity and ingenuity of local people.
2. Historical, artistic, archaeological and anthropological
heritage, including accents and dialects.
3. Internal and external perceptions of the city, which are
constituted by the interaction of media images, 'conventional
wisdom', descriptions of the city in tourist guides and travel
literature and cultural representations of the city - for example,
how the city has been portrayed in popular songs, myths,
jokes, writing, films and painting.
4. The repertoire of specific local products and skills in crafts,
manufacturing industry and services.
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5. Built form, architectural heritage and urban landscapes,
landmarks and amenities, such as park systems, waterfronts
and topography.
6. The attractiveness and legibility of the city's public spaces.
7. The diversity in the provision, and quality of, shopping,
cultural, leisure, eating, drinking and entertainment facilities.
8. Local traditions of public social life, civic traditions, festivals
and rituals.
9. Hobbies and enthusiasms, voluntary and amateur activities.
10. Occupational, youth and ethnic subcultures.
11. The range and quality of skills in the pre-electronic media,
such as the performing and visual arts and also in such
contemporary 'cultural industries' as film, video, broadcasting,
photography electronic music, publishing, design and fashion.
12. The institutions and skills involved in the management and
development of local talent and ideas and for the distribution
and marketing of products and services in the fields listed
above.
As we can see cultural resources are the skills and creativity of local people,
the concrete manifestations of people's work (buildings, manufactured
products, artefacts) and more intangible, yet significant qualities such as
social milieu, people's memory and the reputation of the place. These three
types of cultural resources can be exploited in different ways and require
different kinds of intervention.
For example, a city administration could aim to establish an organic
connection between creative people and the local authority itself, for
example through initiatives like the National Ideas Summit organized by
the Australia Council. The involvement of innovators can be important not
only in the phase of ideas generation but also in the implementation phase
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for example by involving artists in an urban design team or entrepreneurs
in an economic development team.
III.2c Creativity and creative thinking
Creativity is an important resource for change, innovation, sustainable
development, visioning, forecasting and successful restructuring. The pace
of urban change is quickening, and increasing urban competition requires
urban leaders and decision-makers to be more and more creative.
Creativity is an overused concept, often applied to things which are not
creative at all (for instance, any imitative or stereotyped literary work can
be called, by convention, 'creative writing').
In our view genuine creativity involves experimentation; originality; the
capacity to rewrite rules; to be unconventional; to think a problem afresh,
from first principles, with a new perspective; to visualize and imagine
future scenarios and solutions to problems; to discover common threads
amid diversity; to look at problems laterally and with flexibility. It is these
modes of thinking that encourage innovation and development. Creativity
is an instrument for maximising the possibilities of any given situation,product or medium and of adding value and meaning to the results of
human endeavour in any field.
III.2d The concepts of viability and vitality
The concept of viability is concerned with long term self-sufficiency,
sustainability, adaptability, flexibility, the capacity to change, self-
regeneration, responsibility and security.
Cities are like living organisms because they have periods of growth, stasis
and decline. Urban viability is their capacity to adapt and respond to
changing circumstances. Such adaptability and responsiveness is greater in
those cities whose economic, social, cultural and environmental dimensions
are evenly developed to a level of self-sustainability. The recognition of the
breadth of these concepts would give city centres a greater pool of
resources to draw on for self renewal.
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Viability is thus not exclusively an economic concept. It encompasses also,
for example, issues related to social cohesion, the environmental
sustainability of the place and its cultural life and identity. It is concerned
with the balanced development of all aspects of city life.
Vitality is essentially concerned with four features. They are:
levels of activity - things going on;
levels of use - participation;
levels of interaction, communication, transaction and
exchange;
levels of representation - how activity, use and interaction is
projected outwards and discussed in the outside world.
III.2e Various forms of viability and vitality
The concepts of economic viability and vitality have to do with the
economic performance of the city measured for example in terms of levelsof employment, disposable income and standards of living of people in the
catchment area, annual numbers of tourists and visitors, retail performance,
property and land values. Creating economic viability and vitality involves
laying the basis for economic self-sufficiency and long term security.
Social viability and vitalityis conditioned by the demographics of a given
place as well as by levels of social interaction and social activity as well as
the nature of social relations. A socially vital and viable city would be
characterised by low levels of deprivation, strong social cohesion, good
communications and mobility between different social strata, civic pride
and community spirit, tolerance of different lifestyles, harmonious race
relations, and a vibrant civil society.
Environmental viability and vitality concerns two distinct aspects.
The first is ecological sustainability in relation to variables such as air and
noise pollution, production and disposal of waste, traffic congestion, green
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spaces and seasonal changes. Ecological sustainability embodies perhaps
most succinctly and effectively the essential nature of the concept of
viability. Questions of Ecological sustainability force us to think about the
lateral and long term consequences of all types of public policy.
The second concerns the design aspects, which have to do with variables
such as the legibility of the city, its sense of place, its architectural
distinctiveness, the linkages in design terms between different parts of the
city, the quality of street lighting and the characteristics of the urban
environment in terms of safety, friendliness, legibility and psychological
approachability.
Cultural viability and vitality concerns the maintenance, respect andcelebration of what a city and its population is, where it has come from and
where it potentially might be going to. It thus has to do with identity,
memory, tradition, community celebration and the production, distribution
and consumption of products, artefacts and symbols, which express the
distinctive nature of the place. These cultural resources of a city can range
right across areas such as the traditional arts, or perhaps characteristic local
industry or even specific craft skills associated with the place. Cultural
viability and vitality concerns anchoring the city to a particular identity anddoes not necessarily imply being inward looking. Conditions for
encouraging viability and vitality might include good access to training in
cultural production, appropriate and flexible infrastructures for different
cultural activities, a secure funding mix encompassing earned income and
private and public support, an efficient and effective system for marketing
and distribution for local cultural activities and products.
III.2f The connections between viability and vitality
It is now important to clarify the nature of connections between viability
and vitality:
Vitality denotes a mass of activities, which in and of themselves are not
necessarily good. Without direction, activity can become merely subjective
self-expression. Activity, use and interaction need to be focused towards a
set of purposes, goals and objectives for them to have any substantial,
positive impact. These targets, purposes and goals emerge through the
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harnessing and application of creative thinking to available resources, in the
light of the analysis of relevant data and trends - the hard factors. Some
more intangible qualities of the city will also need to be taken into account.
They include friendliness, hospitality and open-mindedness; historical and
cultural continuity; a sense of fun and humour; fantasy, flamboyance and
colour. Through this process viabilitycan be achieved.
In short vitality is the set of raw materials which need to be elaborated in a
focused manner as a means of reaching viability. Therefore it is necessary to
promote vitality in order to achieve viability. Creativity is the catalyst
through which vitality and viability can become inextricably interwoven for
the long term benefit of the city.
IV. Criteria for viability and vitality
We have derived our criteria from a variety of sources, including the views
of policy-makers, academics and surveys of public opinion, as well as
assessing a wide range of contextual data and trends such as those used in
traditional quality of life studies. We have also attempted to develop
criteria that cut across all five dimensions of what constitutes a 'city', and
which can make sense to people with different professional backgroundssuch as academics from different disciplines, planners, architects,
entrpreneurs, city centre managers, the police. Our proposed criteria are:
IV.1 Critical mass
Critical mass is concerned with the achievement of appropriate thresholds
which allow activity to take off, reinforce itself and cluster.
In economic terms critical mass concerns the development and
agglomeration of sufficient activities to ensure that economies of scale,
inter-firm cooperation and synergies can be obtained, such as through a
financial district in the city centre, an artisan quarter in an inner area, a
science park on the edge of town or a managed workspace in an outer
housing estate. Critical mass also represents the thresholds beyond which
the organization of particular economic initiatives such as trade fairs,
foreign trade missions, promotion and inward investment campaigns
become possible. Such thresholds refer not only to data concerning the
levels of economic activity, but also the presence of infrastructure, financial
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and human capital which can make the organization of complex economic
initiatives possible. Equally critical mass indicates the level which firms
based in different parts of the city have to attain in order to make profits.
Socially critical mass could be identified as the density of social interactions
within particular areas of the city at different times of the day, the week and
the year. Is the city centre, for example, dead at night or at weekends?
In environmental terms there could be in parts of the city centre or an inner
area or even in a suburb a critical mass of historic buildings sufficient to
form an attractive and marketable heritage quarter. The same could be true
of green spaces or waterways in an outer area or at the edge of town. In an
attractive city it is important to have a critical mass of more than one type ofattraction such as museums, urban and country parks, waterfronts,
restaurants and theatres.
In cultural terms critical mass highlights the many different components of
the creative milieu of a city such as its history, its image (which includes its
cultural representations over the centuries) and its network of public
spaces. It involves also the level of civic debate and discussion, be it
through public meetings, radio, TV and press and the presence of anattractive and coherent calendar of activities. Critical mass culturally is also
the opportunity of experiencing different types of facilities such as going in
the course of the same evening to a French bistro, a Shakespeare play, a late
night cabaret in a wine bar and then enjoying a stroll through a pleasant
historic area.
Critical mass represents the momentum which has to be achieved for
initiatives to be implemented. In a situation in which sufficient critical mass
exists the role of creativity is to develop its full potential through a wide
range of initiatives involving policy-makers from different institutions and
disciplines as well as actors from the private and voluntary sectors.
On the other hand, where such critical mass does not exist, the task is to
find creative ways of making 'more out of less' by, for example, branding,
redefining and regrouping smaller, sometimes isolated, underrated and
underexploited existing strengths. One example is the Ironbridge Heritage
Park near Telford, which is a collection of small previously dispersed
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industrial archaeology sites, the totality of which has become more than the
sum of its parts. Another possible way of creating new critical mass is by
encouraging facilities in other cities to relocate as well as by helping new
indigenous activities to develop.
IV.2 Diversity
A diverse economic base, while respecting existing specializations and
strengths needs to be encouraged. Planning plays a role in helping to
develop a diversity of economic uses in order to enhance the resilience of
the city and its capacity to adapt to economic change. A city which is, say,
overdependent on tourism may rely excessively on variables over which
there is no local control such as airfare prices and currency values.
A diverse social base implies a variegated and lively civil society and
voluntary sector; comprising self-confident organizations likely to be more
resilent and productive in times of economic and social stress. It also
involves taking on board multiculturalism and interculturalism as positive
forces in order to engender new ideas and fresh approaches.
Cultural diversity implies the encouragement of production, consumption
and distribution opportunities for different cultural forms and theencouragement of a wide and rich definition of what local culture is about.
Environmental diversity involves topography such as landscapes and hills
and also concerns assessing to what extent a city has made its history
visible in its built form. An outlying area, for example, built in a short space
of time in a particular period all in the same style can become monocultural,
potentially dull and prone to vandalism and lack of respect.
Diversity, in short, provides a rich menu of possibilities, which can trigger
and stimulate a myriad combinations leading to original strategic responses
to urban problems. Without diversity the range of options is more limited.
It is therefore more difficult to adapt and to resist the temptation of
uncritically imitating other places.
IV.3.Accessibility
The concept of accessibility concerns convenience and ladders of
opportunity.
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Economic accessibility is about the opportunity to contribute to economic
life, whether through the availability of premises, advisory services,
technology, information sources, venture capital or training. If economic
access is poor then the capacity of the city to renew itself economically is
undermined. Economic viability as a whole suffers.
Social accessibility involves the possibility of taking part in city life. This
can be in terms of participation in decision making through, say a city
centre or neighbourhood forum or the establishment of a 'city card' to
encourage the use of facilities by residents. Is it possible for all social groups
to find ways of participating in what, for example, the city centre has to
offer? Do mechanisms exist that help balance disadvantage and enable all tobecome active citizens?
Key questions for cultural accessibility include the following: Are the
different cultural identities of the communities that make up the city
legitimized, respected and celebrated? Are cultural venues throughout the
city accessible physically, psychologically and in terms of signposting? Are
there marketing schemes to tell the population what is going on and is there
educational provision so that people can learn to enjoy and participate inthe culture the city has to offer?
Do environmental factors encourage participation? How frequent and
reliable is public transport, especially to and from outlying areas? Are there
community and disabled transport schemes? Are car parks accessible and
safe? Is it possible to walk safely from inner city areas to the city centre? In
public spaces are there toilets, creches, baby-changing rooms and public
seating areas? Equally important - are there city maps or information points
in key locations of arrival? Is there a clear indication of where the city
begins and ends, and unfussy signs identifying where facilities are located?
Are the boundaries between different quarters within the city marked with
street signs?
Accessibility creates an environment within which the process of creatively
identifying and exploiting urban resources can more easily unfold in its
fullness.
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IV.4. Security
Security is concerned with continuity, stability, comfort, and lack of threat.
Economically it concerns the stability of the local economic base, including
both firms and employment. It also concerns the depth of commitment of
local firms to the city (an example of strong commitment is Pilkingtons in St
Helens). Evidence of investment by local firms and others increases
security.
Socially, security means the lack of threat to people and property, a sense of
trust and bonding with one's fellow citizens and the availability, support
and solidarity from social networks in the city, such as advice centres,
community policemen, including even young people making their seatsavailable to older people on buses and so on. A good mix of users in terms
of age, and time of the day, increases business in the city and contributes to
the overall feeling of safety.
A well lit, clean, well-maintained, sensitively but effectively policed, legible
and well-used environment fosters a sense of security, while blindspots,
dirty streets, loud noise, indefensible space, congestion and an environment
unfriendly to pedestrians undermines security.
Culturally, security involves acceptance, in an open and non-chauvinistic
way, of the different cultural identities of a place. The presence of festivals
and other cultural celebrations reaffirming and reinventing city identity as a
whole and/or neighbourhood identities and traditions provides a sense of
security. This security is strengthened if there is the possibility of freely
expressing oneself culturally by having access to venues, funding and
information.
While we recognize that creative ideas often emerge from conditions of
insecurity, pressure, anxiety and conflict, the development of a creative
climate often needs long term thinking, planning and implementation
which can only take place in a calmer and more secure environment.
IV.5. Identity and distinctiveness
The increasing globalization of the economy is one of the key forces
producing cities and especially city centres that are increasingly
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homogenous, standardized and monocultural. At the same time
competition locally, nationally and internationally is forcing cities to
highlight what is unique or special about what they offer.
Economically a city can increase its attractiveness and viability by
providing products and services that are not available elsewhere. Beyond a
basic threshold of nationally reputable shop chains, such as (in the UK)
Marks and Spencer's or Debenhams, city centres need to distinguish
themselves from competing centres. This can be achieved through the
existence of a variety of locally owned shops or specialist outlets, or
through the encouragement of local firms that stamp their identity onto the
city.
A strong identity has positive social impacts in that it creates the
preconditions for establishing civic pride, community spirit and the
necessary caring for the urban environment. A city may, however, be made
up of a range of identities, sometimes rooted in different parts of the city,
that express themselves in different lifestyles and thus the tolerance alluded
to earlier is a key aspect of harnessing these identities so that they
contribute to overall viability and do not cause fragmentation.
Crucially important is the establishment of cultural identity as this can
mark out one place from the next. Are the specific symbols of the city and
its neighbourhoods recognized and made visible? These can be food, songs,
manufacturing products, dialects, the urban landscape or any other aspect
of the city's traditions. Equally important though is the creation of new
traditions and images so that the city's image does not get frozen in the
past. Is there a policy to encourage this?
Historic cities in particular have in-built advantages, by having textured
layers of history to work with in projecting their uniqueness and
specialness. This is more difficult for newer cities. Nevertheless new
schemes, often working with artists say in public art projects, have been
able to find ways of etching distinctiveness into the urban landscape by
drawing on references and stories from a city's past or aspirations about its
future.
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Beyond a certain level in cities, once basic services, shops and facilities have
been provided, these differences are ways of adding value to what a city is
about and thus help establish viability.
Identity and distinctiveness are important for creativity because they
provide the anchor and the roots which are necessary to select what is
central and what is peripheral in the tide of available information and ideas.
They can also provide a bond between people with different institutional
interests cooperating for the common good of the city. However, when
identity and distinctiveness degenerate into parochialism, introversion,
chauvinism and antagonism to the outside world they may destroy the
foundations of a creative milieu.
IV.6.Innovativeness
Of all the proposed criteria for viability and vitality innovativeness is most
directly linked to the definition of creativity and creative thinking provided
earlier. The presence of an innovative, creative milieu is a key ingredient in
the establishment of an economically viable city. The ebbs and flow of
urban development require policy-makers at times to look at problems
afresh without necessarily repeating what has gone on before. Rather like
an R & D department of a firm, a city in order to achieve viability andvitality has to be able to act creatively. To what extent, for example, do
inner city and outlying areas - where unemployment is higher - provide
incubator units for new businesses? Are there opportunities for the sharing
of ideas between enterpreneurs, public policy-makers, academics, artists
and other creative thinkers? Are these opportunities formalized through
networks, special advisory services and partnerships?
Are there in the social arena consultation procedures that allow opinions
and ideas to be captured in order to broaden the base of inputs into
decision-making? Are decision-making processes transparent? Are there
mechanisms, fora or meeting opportunities which allow positive critical
debate to take place? Is the socio-political environment one in which the
opinions of both majorities and minorities are accepted?
In the cultural field, to what extent are there policies to assist and encourage
local producers to carry out experimental and pioneering projects? Are
there projects that explore the relationship between the city's history and
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heritage and its possible futures? Is the artistic community involved in the
process through which the city presents itself to the outside world? Are
there linkages between innovations introduced by people working in the
media sector and advanced research in media technologies, such as image
and music recording? Are there innovative schemes in which cultural
workers use their skills in environments such as prisons, hospitals and
hostels for homeless people in order to reduce social stress?
Are there environmental enhancement schemes that pre-figure the kind of
physical setting that the city centre or particular neighbourhoods may
aspire to? Are there schemes involving collaboration between visual
artists/designers and planners/engineers? Are there innovative greening,
recycling and transport initiatives, such as the creation of cycle lanes andcar sharing?
IV.7.Linkage & Synergy
The criterion of linkage has two distinct but related aspects. The first
involves relations within the city and the second the relations between the
city and the outside world.
A good degree of intra-urban linkage in the local economy is desirable. Towhat extent do local firms employ and train local people, particularly from
disadvantaged areas? To what extent are profits made by city-based firms
reinvested in the local economy? The city centre, in particular, can be an
important resource for the development of the wider local economy and in
turn the economy of the urban and regional hinterland can be the motor for
the development of the city centre. The city centre is in fact in many cases
the gateway for economic relations between the city-region as a whole and
the outside world. Connectedness is particularly important in the context of
the growing internationalization of urban economies, the increasing
importance of EU policies for cities and greater inter-urban competition.
Being locally rooted and internationally oriented is an important condition
for urban viability, and a well-functioning intra-regional network is an
important pre-condition for the success of international urban networking.
The more connected and linked a city is the greater the commitment of
firms to the local economy is likely to be. Enhancing the connectedness of
city firms to it reduces the risk of disinvestment by companies.
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A city also benefits from social linkage. Cities as a whole are made up of
neighbourhoods with unique socio-demographic characteristics. In order to
encourage understanding between and appreciation of different social
groups the city centre should act as a communications hub and as a location
for services of relevance to the city as a whole. Equally networks of social
interest groups often find that the city centre provides the most appropriate
place to meet. Looking further afield are there international and educational
exchange and twinning arrangements, that are encouraged and supported
by local decision-makers?
The cultural infrastructure of a city is not confined to its city centre,
although the city centre plays a crucial role in being the showcase for what
is best in a city. It also can act as a service centre to market and distributeproducts, performances and artefacts. The city centre, lastly, is most likely
be the location where foreign books and newspapers are available and
where celebrations concerning the whole of the city take place.
Environmental linkage highlights the importance of the physical
relationship between the city centre and its sub-centres. Are different areas
of the city cut off from each other by ringroads and other physical barriers
which inhibit interflow, interaction and exchange? Do these physicalbarriers mean that in terms of mental geography some neighbourhoods
appear distant, inaccessible and isolated? Are there visual routes, vistas and
signposts which can make the public realm in different districts of the city
understandable to its users?
Openness to the outside is an important precondition for the creative city in
terms of achieving a good flow of strategic information and ideas. Such
open dealings with the outside world need to be balanced by a strong sense
of the city's own self worth and be conducted from a position of strength (of
which a good intra-regional network may be a important component) in
order to prevent the risk of cultural and economic colonization by outside
actors.
IV.8. Competitiveness
Competitiveness is a criterion of primary importance because it denotes the
existing and potential performance and quality of the city in relation to the
range of economic, social, environmental and cultural variables captured by
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the criteria described earlier. The importance of competitiveness is growing
because of the increasing international mobility of investment and skills.
In economic terms, competitiveness concerns the profitability, level of
investment, technological innovation and access to venture capital of firms
operating within the city. Equally important are the quality and skills of the
workforce and how well the city is networked both in terms of contacts
with influential people and communications systems, such as cable and
fibre optics. It also concerns the rank and status of local firms and their
products and services locally, nationally and internationally.
Competitiveness in social terms concerns the quality of the relationships
between social groups (including race relations) as well as the achievementsof the city's voluntary sector.
Environmentally, competitiveness has to do with the city's attractiveness
and uniqueness, as well as its location. For instance, how centrally is the
city located in terms of transport links?
Culturally, competitiveness concerns the rank and status of educational and
cultural institutions and activities, and particularly how they are seen bypeer groups.
One of the main purposes of creative thinking is to harness the potential of
the city to such an extent that the city maximizes its competitive
advantages.
IV.9. Organizational capacity
An overarching skill which uses creativity to harness vitality and achieving
viability is the ability of those responsible for city development - be they
actors in the economic, social, cultural or environmental fields - to develop
the capacity to implement ideas and initiatives. Organizational capacity is
thus a central ingredient for establishing viability. It involves the capacity to
lead, to be technically competent and up to date, to identify strategic issues
and priorities, to take a long-term view, to listen to and consult with others,
to command loyalty and trust and to inspire and enthuse other decision-
makers, to create a supportive team with a strong corporate identity, to
create a consensus on key issues by establishing a shared vision, to raise
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confidence, to find positive uses of conflict, to overcome sectional interests,
take responsibility, make difficult decisions rapidly and efficiently and stick
to an agreed course of action in the face of opposition and difficulties.
Creativity without solid organizational capacity is not sufficient to make the
most of a city's resources. Organizational capacity acts like a multiplier of
resources that have been identified and maximized through creative
thinking.
Having proposed a range of criteria to assess viability the next task is to see
to what extent these criteria can be transformed into useful indicators that
can be applicable to cities of different sizes and with geographically
different locations, histories and economic conditions. In order to do this itis important to consider some methodological issues.
V. Data sources and methodological issues in assessing viability and
vitality
V.1. Data Sources
It is important at this point to clarify which data can be used by local
authorities and other policy institutions to make comparative judgements
about the viability and vitality of their cities.
The assessment of urban viability and vitality involves both the use of
quantitative data, which allow for comparisons to be made between
different cities and qualitative data, based on more detailed information
gathered locally.
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We have undertaken a survey of British data sources to assess what is
available at the city centre level and to establish whether this data is
applicable to diagnose viability and vitality according to the definition
proposed. A further step has been to see whether the sources are readily
available to local authorities and other policy makers who might wish to
assess the situation in their city centres.
Three broad types of information have been investigated - official statistics
collected by statutory bodies, commercially driven sources and occasional
sources.
The main statutory sources of statistics, including in particular the Census of
Population, theAnnual Census of Production, the General Household Surveyandthe Family Expenditure Survey plus others noted in the Guide to Official
Statistics, provide a baseline which much commercially driven data
elaborates upon and extends. In some cases however, nationally available
data on say 'walk to work' patterns can in principle be used as a proxy to
help measure aspects of viability, say, in defining a sense of local
community.
To establish a more accurate picture of a city's health, commerciallyavailable data is essential. These sources, including the data generated by or
manipulated by organizations such as Goad, Hillier Parker, Mosaic/CCN,
Pinpoint, Superprofile and CACI which either work up self-contained data
or add to statutory sources. Data collected for specific purposes include the
Hillier Parker/Goad ranking surveys of multiple shops, data on property
prices collected by key estate agencies or credit rating data gathered by
organizations such as CCN.
Perhaps the most important innovation in this over the last decade has been
the development of geographical information systems (GIS) allied to
increased computer power, which allows a much sharper focus on what is
happening at postcode enumeration district level. Of particular significance
is the classification of residential neighbourhoods into types of dwelling.
This was started as a Department of Environment project, led by Richard
Webber, in order to assess levels of social deprivation. This classification
system was then further elaborated and commercially adapted as ACORN
and marketed by CACI. This identifies 11 types of housing clustered into 39
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categories.This system was then further elaborated through Mosaic, which
identifies 58 postcode types and can be analyzed down to 15 households.
These systems provide a much more sophisticated classification than the
traditional socio-demographic categorizations such as the ABC1 definition
of the population that throws up all kinds of anomalies and discrepancies
especially when used for the primary commercial purpose to target
consumers. At their simplest, jobs and social class do not always tell us
whether people have spending capacity or a propensity to consume in a
certain way. This information is now used in a myriad ways, including the
indication of specific levels of wealth, identifying customers for direct
marketing campaigns for particular product ranges such as financial
services, and assessing catchment areas or retail potential (see Peter Brown,Geodemographics: A Review of Recent Developments and Emerging Trends,
published by the Urban Regional Research Laboratory, University of
Liverpool, 1989).
The software developed by organizations such as Mosaic, CACI, Pinpoint
or Superprofile is structured in such a way as to be able to draw on
statutory data, which is then manipulated to below postcode level. Data
sources can then be added as appropriate, including retail relatedinformation from the 1100 Goad plans which identify names of shops in
shopping areas, the Target Group Index survey of 24000 individual
shoppers, the National Shoppers Survey information from 1.5 million
shoppers and credit rating data.
Furthermore, in principle, this software can add any other relevant survey
material such as the ten-year national surveys undertaken by the Volunteer
Centre on volunteering.
GIS information providers and handlers are over the next year developing
data on softer attitudinal aspects of city life areas, which will be of
relevance to viability and vitality. These include the lifestyle questions of
TGI, extensions to the National Shoppers Survey and new data being
developed by Goad, such as that on occupants of first floor premises in city
centres, as well as psychographic information gathered by organizations
such as AC Synergy. Psychographic profiling of the population seeks to
establish the value systems of citizens and how this relates to both
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consumer choices as well as attitudes to community and family, politics,
change and innovation. This will have an impact on the kind of indicators
that can be used.
V.2. Comparability
The incidence of any factor describing urban viability and vitality on its
own does not tell us much unless there is a benchmark against which to
judge it. What gives any figures meaning is comparison to similar situations
or an average that has been established. It is crucial to compare like with
like. Without a comparator one is simply left with a qualitative judgement
that there may be a lot or a little of something, and there is no real measure.
Broad based core information generated from, say, the Census orHousehold Survey on income or living conditions can be handled to
provide comparative data as can commercial information on shopping
habits. What is difficult is to compare information that is regionally or
locally collected and not nationally collated, and information that is deemed
to be confidential and is not readily available, such as some crime data.
The same holds true for information collected on environmental questions
such as air pollution, noise, soil contamination and water quality. On airpollution there is the DoE's Enhanced Urban Network monitoring which
covers only 9 sites in addition to data collected by approximately 60 local
authorities from private contractors or systems they have purchased
themselves. Data on noise is perhaps the most widely available, but this is
collected by local authorities on an ad hoc basis according either to
complaints or for specific planning decisions. A similarly uneven situation
exists in assessing contaminated land or water quality.
V.3. Proportion and extent of attributes
How much of an attribute a city possesses can in many instances be judged.
High levels of income, superior housing or lack of crime are
commonsensically seen as good. But there are other variables where what is
good or bad is subject to interpretation, depending on the context or the
connection with other variables present. For example, diversity as a broad
concept can be seen as a good and the number of small companies on the
one hand may be deemed to be a positive attribute. On the other hand
though, the lack of powerful economic players may mean that a city centre
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does not achieve a critical mass which powerfully assists in the wealth
creation process. In this instance, too much diversity may be a negative
feature.
Accessibility similarly is seen as positive. On the other hand it is precisely
that accessibility which allows people who may shop in a given area to go
elsewhere if a city loses its comparative advantage. Another example
concerns economic activity; high levels of certain types of activity quite
often bring with them higher levels of pollution, because as the level of
transactions increases this can lead to higher levels of air use, congestion
and higher CO emissions. One further example is density. Density is
commonly regarded as an advantage up to a certain point when it
degenerates into overcrowding. For example, an overcrowded supermarketor restaurant deters potential customers - as does an empty one.
Each positive attribute carries with it potential negative side effects.
The key concept here is threshold - when does a good attribute turn into a
bad one? There are thus benchmarks, although they are difficult to identify
for all circumstances.
V.4. Specificity of local context
The question is not only about how much of something exists, say car
parking, but also where it is located. For example, it is relatively easy to
establish levels of car parking provision in city centres both in absolute
terms and comparatively. Superficially it may appear that say, a city centre
has adequate parking, in comparison with competitor cities. However, the
car parks may be located in the wrong place and thus do not contribute to
the viability of a city centre because they are slightly off centre and
regarded by shoppers as too inconvenient. To take another example, a city
centre may have high pedestrian flows in the evening, but these pedestrians
might come from one age group only, say 19- to 24-year-olds and may deter
the emergence of a more broadly based evening life. It is important to take
into account the special circumstances of a particular place and the need to
apply judgement about a whole series of variables - both tangible and less
tangible - which can then guide decision-making. These judgements will be
based on a qualitative assessment.
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In sum, assessing viability and vitality is more of an art than a science.
V.5. Dynamic nature of cities
Some may argue that too much can be made of the organic paradigm in
evaluating cities and city centres. True as this may be, the health of cities
centres is conditioned by a myriad decisions, some deriving from statutory
precepts, other from guidelines - say in planning - and from the mass of
individual decisions made by all kinds of economic and social agents. Some
of these decisions have short-term effects, like the setting up of a trade fair
or festival, others more medium- and long-term effects like the building of a
shopping centre or the relocation of a significant business to a particular
city centre. Using the available statistics usually gives us a snapshot of a
city centre at a given moment and at times, through historic data, thegeneral direction where a city centre is going. A good example, here, is the
movement in the Hillier Parker/Goad multiple ranking or changes in the
levels of earned income over time.
What figures cannot tell us about is hopes, aspirations and goals. What
decisions is the local authority about to make, what is the changing
perception of major retailers and what external changes have occurred that
have shifted the way interests groups in a city might relate to each other?
Taking crime as an example, a place like Cheltenham, seen as genteel and
gentrified, has higher crime incidences than nearby Gloucester, because it is
richer and those who commit crime travel. A campaign on crime prevention
and the knowledge of the population at large that the city is a target causes
heightened awareness, the installation of burglar alarms and perhaps a
greater police presence. As a consequence life becomes more difficult for
itinerant criminals and the activity is displaced, say to Bristol, Bath or
Stroud. Another example might be the redesign of parts of a city centre and
the impact this has on patterns of crime, shopping or usage in general. At
the moment of assessment these changes may be occurring, but as yet go
unnoticed.
Similar examples could be given in the economic sphere. An innovation
introduced by a local firm may change fortunes as might a major contract or
a change in fashion or achieving a major award such as City Challenge, the
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Olympics or a European City of Culture designation. Again this highlights
the need for place specific interpretations related to objective indicators.
V.6. Subjective and objective, quantitative and qualitative data
As not all data can be obtained in an objectifiable form the consideration of
subjective and objective data needs to be looked at in four different ways:
Subjective measures of subjective phenomena, for example,
how safe do people feel?
Objective measures of subjective phenomena, for example,
how much do people spend weekly on taxis because they are
afraid of walking home at night?
Subjective measures of objective phen