Online satisfaction of lexical Online satisfaction of lexical requirements determines the requirements determines the time course of gap creationtime course of gap creation
Sachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy WeinbergSachiko Aoshima, Colin Phillips & Amy Weinberg
University of Maryland, College ParkUniversity of Maryland, College Park
WCCFL XXIIWCCFL XXII
March 23, 2003March 23, 2003
Principle-based Grammar
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Grammatical theories: Minimalist Program, LFG, HPSG, Categorial Grammar, among others
Parsing theories: Principle-based approach, Constraint-based approach (Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1991, MacDonald et al. 1994, among others)
Implications
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. (Pritchett 1992, Mulders 2002)
Processing wh-questions
what
did
you
say
t
that
Mary
read
How do readers interpret a fronted wh-phrase online?
Processing wh-questions
what
did
you
say gap
Generalization
Gap for a wh-phrase is initially posited in the first/highest available position.
Two approaches for processing wh-questions
Strategy-based Approach:
When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options.
(Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989, among others)
Two approaches for processing wh-questions
Strategy-based Approach:
When a wh-phrase has been identified, rank the option of assigning it to a gap above all other options.
(Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989, among others)
Grammatical principle-based Approach
Online interpretation of wh-phrases is driven by independently motivated grammatical requirements, e.g. thematic role assignment.
(Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1992, among others)
Two approaches for processing wh-questions: head-initial languages
Strategy-based
gap
WH
CP
C IP
VP
NP
V
…
the first possible gap position = complement of the first verb
Grammatical principle-based
gap
WH
CP
C IP
VP
NP
V
…
the first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements = complement of the first verb
Two approaches for processing wh-questions: head-final languages
Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based
WH
C
CP
VP
IP
NP
WH
C
V
CP
VP
IP
NP
gap
gap V
CP
NPVP
The first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements occurs at the embedded clause.
…
V
the first possible gap position
CP
gap
Implications
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language. (Pritchett 1992, Mulders 2002)
Processing head-final sentences
In a head-final language, lexical heads are delayed. Structure-building should be correspondingly delayed, too.
John-ga paatii-de Mary-ni hana-o ageta.John-nom party-at Mary-dat flower-acc gave‘John gave Mary flowers at the party.’
Our experiments show
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.
Experiment 1 & 2
Experiment 2 & 3
Our experiments show
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.
Experiment 1 & 2
Experiment 2 & 3
Experiment 1: Goal
Strategy-based Grammatical principle-based
WH
C
CP
VP
IP
NP
WH
C
V
CP
VP
IP
NP
gap
gap V
CP
NPVP
The first opportunity to satisfy thematic requirements occurs at the embedded clause.
…
V
the first possible gap position
CP
gap
(e.g. Crain & Fodor 1985, Frazier & Clifton 1989)(e.g. Gibson 1991, Pritchett 1991)
Long-distance Wh-scrambling formation
Japanese wh-phrases are canonically in-situ, but they can be fronted by scrambling.
Dare-ni Taro-wa [Jiro-ga t atta-ka] itta.
Who-dat Taro-top Jiro-nom met-Q said
‘Taro said who Jiro met.’
Question Formation
Japanese uses question particles (Q-particles) to mark questions.
John-nom the book-acc read.John-nom the book-acc read-Q [yes/no question]
Sally-top John-nom what-acc read-declC said-Q [root question]‘What did Sally say that John read?’
Sally-top John-nom what-acc read-Q said [embedded question]‘Sally said what John read.’
Diagnostics of Active Gap Filling: Typing Mismatch Effect
…John-ga nani-o
yonda-to (Declarative)
yonda-ka (Q-Particle)
…John-nom what-acc read
Slowdown: Typing Mismatch Effect (Miyamoto & Takahashi 2001)
Experiment 1:Conditions
a. <SCRAM+DECLC>Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] AdvP NP-dat V-Q
b. <INSIT+DECLC>NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-DeclC] AdvP NP-dat V-Q
c. <SCRAM+Q>Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q] AdvP NP-dat V
d. <INSIT+Q>NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-Q] AdvP NP-dat V
Experiment 1: Examples
a. <SCRAM+DECLC>どの生徒に 担任は 校長が 本を 読んだと図書室で 司書に 言いましたか。
'Which student did the class teacher tell the librarian at the library that the principal read a book for?'
b. <INSIT+DECLC>担任は 校長が どの生徒に 本を 読んだと 図書室で 司書に 言いましたか。
c. <SCRAM+Q>どの生徒に 担任は 校長が 本を 読んだか 図書室で 司書に 言いました。
'The class teacher told the librarian at the library which student the principal read a book for.'
d. <INSIT+Q>担任は 校長が どの生徒に 本を 読んだか 図書室で 司書に 言いました。
Experiment 1:Design & Procedure
2 x 2 factorial design 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a
Latin Square design 48 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject
with a predicate Self-paced reading task -Moving Window - 48 native speakers of Japanese
Experiment 1: In-situ Condition
b. <INSIT+DECLC>
NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q
d. <INSIT+Q>
NP-top [NP-nom Wh-dat NP-acc V-Q] … Verb
In-situ
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Region
Rea
ding
Tim
e
DeclC
QP
F1 (1, 47) = 5.5, p <.01 F2 (1, 18) = 2.8, p = 0.09
V-DeclC/Q
Miyamoto & Takahashi’s observation is replicated.
Wh-dat
Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition
a. <SCRAM+DECLC>
Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q
c. <SCRAM+Q>
Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb.
Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition
a. <SCRAM+DECLC>
Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q
c. <SCRAM+Q>
Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb.
<GAP>
<GAP> SlowdownSlowdown
Experiment 1: Scrambled Condition
a. <SCRAM+DECLC>
Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-DeclC] … Verb-Q
c. <SCRAM+Q>
Wh-dat NP-top [NP-nom NP-acc V-Q ] … Verb.
<GAP>
<GAP>
SlowdownSlowdown
Scrambled
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Region
Rea
ding
Tim
e
DeclC
QP
F1 (1, 47) = 6.1, p <.01F2 (1, 18) = 5.6, p <.01
V-DeclC/Q
Readers also exhibit Typing Mismatch effect in the embedded clause in the scrambled conditions.
Wh-dat
Experiment 1: Results Scrambled Condition
Readers create a gap position in the embedded clause.
Wh-gap is predicted until it can be interpreted.
This finding is expected under the grammatical principle-based approach.
NP-top
VerbCP
gap
NP-nom
Verb
VP
WH-dat
gap
Our experiments show
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.
Experiment 1 & 2
Experiment 2 & 3
English Filled Gap Effect
who
Ruth
will
bring
us
My brother wanted to know
home to atChristmas
Slowdown
Stowe 1986
Readers slow down upon encountering an NPwhere a gap was expected.
Japanese Filled-Gap Effect
Position of the unexpected NP is before the verb
Second NP-dat is unexpected if the first NP-dat has already been interpreted in embedded clause.
WH-dat
NP-top
CP
gap
NP-nom
Verb
VP
NP-dat
Slowdown upon encountering an NP where a gap was expected.
Slowdown
Experiment 2:Conditions
WH-dat
NP-top
CP
NP-nom VP
WH-nom
NP-dat
CP
NP-nom
Verb
VP
NP-dat
target control
gap
VerbNP-dat
Slowdown
Experiment 2:Conditions
a. Filled
WH-dat NP-top [NP-nom Adv NP-dat NP-acc
Verb-DeclC] Verb-Q
b. Non-Filled
WH-nom NP-dat [NP-nom Adv NP-dat NP-acc
Verb-DeclC] Verb-Q
Experiment 2:Examples
a. どの子供に 母親は お手伝いさんが 台所で 父親に お弁当
を 渡したと 言いましたか。 ‘To which children did the mother tell that the
housekeeper handed a lunchbox to the father at the kitchen?’
b. どの子供が 母親に お手伝いさんが 台所で 父親に お弁当
を 渡したと 言いましたか。 ‘Which children told the mother that the housekeeper
handed a lunchbox to the father at the kitchen?’
Experiment 2:Design & Procedure
2 conditions 2 lists were created by distributing 20 paired
items in a Latin Square design 60 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject
with a predicate Self-paced reading task -Moving Window - 34 native speakers of Japanese
Japanese readers exhibit Filled Gap effect. Confirms that theyinterpret a sentence-initial wh-phrase in the embedded clause,before reaching the embedded verb (Region 7).
Filled Gap
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1200
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
filled
non-filled
F1 (1, 33) = 11.9, p <.01F2 (1, 19) = 6.4, p <.05
NP-dat
Summary: Experiment 1 and 2
Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.
Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.
NP-top
VerbCP
gap
NP-nom
Verb
VP
WH-dat
gap
Our experiments show
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.
Experiment 1 & 2
Experiment 2 & 3
English pronoun and its antecedent
To which of his children did the man give a gift?
Which of his children gave the man a gift?
?
Japanese pronoun and its antecedent
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) …
which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …
**??
Japanese pronoun and its antecedent
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) … his
which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …**??
which of his children (DAT)
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) …
which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …
Experiment 3: Gender Mismatch
the woman
the woman
Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003)
which of his children (DAT) the man (NOM) …
which of his children (NOM) the man (DAT) …
Experiment 3: Gender Mismatch
the woman
the woman
Gender Mismatch paradigm: Carreiras et al. (1996); Osterhout et al. (1997); Sturt (2003)
Experiment 3: Conditions
a. Scrambled - Gender Mismatch
Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP FEMALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc /
verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb
b. Scrambled - Gender Match
Adverb / [his / which NP]-dat / Adverb / NP MALE-nom / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-
Q / NPFEMALE-top / verb
c. Non-scrambled - Gender Mismatch
Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP FEMALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc /
verb-Q / NPMALE-top / verb
d. Non-scrambled - Gender Match
Adverb / [his / which NP]-nom / Adverb / NP MALE-dat / Adverb / NP-acc / verb-
Q / NPMALE-top / verb.
Experiment 3: Examples
a. 台所で 彼 の どの子供に 朝食後 叔母が 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 父親は 覚えていた。
b. 台所で 彼 の どの子供に 朝食後 叔父が 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 叔母は 覚えていた。
c. 台所で 彼 の どの子供が 朝食後 叔母に 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 父親は 覚えていた。
d. 台所で 彼 の どの子供が 朝食後 叔父に 急いで お弁当を 渡したか 父親は 覚えていた。
Experiment 3: Design & Procedure
2 x 2 factorial design 4 lists were created by distributing 24 items in a
Latin Square design 56 filler sentences Comprehension questions: matching a subject
with a predicate Self-paced reading task - Moving Window - 40 native speakers of Japanese
Experiment 3: Results: Scrambled conditions
Slowdown at mismatching NP is observed.
500
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Region
Readingtime(ms)
Scrambled, match
Scrambled, mismatch
F1(1, 39) = 8.6, p<.01;F2(1,23)=7.4, p<.01
± Match
his/her
Experiment 3: Results: Non-scrambled conditions
Slowdown at mismatching NP only when NP is possible antecedent.
500
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Region
Readingtime(ms)
Unscrambled, match
Unscrambled, mismatch
Fs<1± Match
his/her
Summary: Experiment 3
NP-nom
Verb
HIS-WH
gap
Binding constraint application takes place in advance of the verb.
Wh-gap is also posited in the first clause.
Summary
Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.
Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.
NP-subj
Verb
WH-dat
Exp 3gap
Summary
Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.
Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.
NP-subj
VerbCP
gap
NP-subj
Verb
VP
WH-dat
Exp 3gap
Exp 2
Summary
Further support for Principle-based theory. No need to assume parser-specific strategy.
Gap creation takes place before the verb is processed. Structure-building is not delayed in a head-final language.
NP-subj
VerbCP
gap
NP-subj
Verb-Q
VP
WH-dat
Exp 3gap
Exp 1Exp 2
Conclusion
Structure-building is driven by the need to satisfy grammatical requirements of lexical heads.
Parsing decisions may be reducible to the need to satisfy lexical requirements. Strategy-based accounts of parsing decisions may not needed.
Structure-building should be delayed in a head-final language.
Experiment 1 & 2
Experiment 2 & 3
AcknowledgmentsGerry AltmannCedric Boeckx Dianne Bradley
Marcel den DikkenJanet FodorAna Gouvea
Martin Hackl Yuki Hirose
Norbert HornsteinAtsu Inoue
Yuki KamideYoshihisa Kitagawa
Nina Kazanina Reiko Mazuka
Shigeru MiyagawaEdson Miyamoto
Leticia Pablos Mamoru Saito
Carson Schütze
Technical assistance Tomohiro Fujii,Takuya Goro, John
Matthews, Utako Minai, Yoshinori Miyazaki, Mitsue Motomura, Kaori Ozawa, Takae Tsujioka, Noboru Yamada, Masaya Yoshida
--------------------This research is funded by
NSF Grant #BCS-0196004
Human Frontiers Grant#RGY01342001
MURI Grant#01431663
Patrick Sturt Shoichi Takahashi
John TrueswellHiroko YamashitaMasaya Yoshida--------------------