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Trusting the “Look and Feel”: Situational Normality, Situational Aesthetics, and the
Perceived Trustworthiness of Organizations
Michael D. Baer Arizona State University
mikebaer@asu.edu
Lisa van der Werff Dublin City University
lisa.vanderwerff@dcu.ie
Jason A. Colquitt University of Georgia
colq@uga.edu
Jessica B. Rodell University of Georgia
jrodell@uga.edu
Kate P. Zipay University of Georgia
kzipay@uga.edu
Finian Buckley Dublin City University finian.buckley@dcu.ie
(In Press at Academy of Management Journal)
The first two authors contributed equally to this research.
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TRUSTING THE “LOOK AND FEEL”:
SITUATIONAL NORMALITY, SITUATIONAL AESTHETICS, AND
THE PERCEIVED TRUSTWORTHINESS OF ORGANIZATIONS
We conducted two studies examining how the “look and feel” of an organization shapes
newcomers’ trust in that organization. More specifically, we examined the effects of situational
normality—the degree to which the work setting appears customary, with everything in proper
order. We then introduced the construct of situational aesthetics—the degree to which the work
setting has a pleasing and attractive appearance. A field study of new accountants revealed that
situational normality and situational aesthetics had indirect effects on trust through perceived
trustworthiness, with trust going on to predict coworker ratings of learning behavior. We then
replicated those trustworthiness findings in a laboratory setting. Taken together, our results
suggest that newcomer trust formation may be shaped by aspects of the work setting that have
been heretofore ignored by trust scholars.
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“A discreet logo at the top of one of the towers is the only outward sign of having reached the European headquarters of one of the world’s largest accountancy firms… On entering the building, one encounters a lobby designed so that the head of any newcomer will ineluctably lean backwards to follow a succession of floors rising up to apparent infinity, and in the process dwell—as the cathedral-builders once invited one to do with their vaulted naves—on the respect that must be owed to those responsible for putting up and managing this colossus… Everything…appears elegant and well-maintained. There are none of the cobwebs endemic to the ordinary world. People cross the corridors and elevated walkways with purpose… To feel at home in the office is not to notice the strange silver sculpture in the lobby and to forget how alien the place felt on the first day” (from The Pleasures and Sorrows of Work by Alain de Botton, 2009).
Thousands of employees around the world are having their first day today—beginning
work in a new organization. As they do, one of the questions foremost on their minds may be,
“Can I trust this organization?” (Lind, 2001). Newcomers who develop a sense of trust in their
organization may take chances during their work day—experimenting with new skills, asking for
additional feedback, and so forth (Mayer, Davis, & Schoorman, 1995). Newcomers who do not
may struggle with their focus—monitoring what occurs around them while planning for negative
contingencies (Mayer & Gavin, 2005). Understanding newcomer trust is important because first
impressions are often surprisingly accurate (Ambady & Rosenthal, 1992) and can have long-
lasting effects on attitudes and behaviors (Human, Sandstrom, Biesanz, & Dunn, 2013). Negative
impressions can also have more immediate consequences, as one estimate suggests that 40% of
employees who quit do so within their first six months (Vaccaro, 2014). For these reasons, trust
formation remains a vital interest for trust scholars.
Unfortunately, scholars’ understanding of trust formation remains limited. Most models
in the trust literature can be classified as rational/historical models (Kramer, 1999; see also
Weber, Malhotra, & Murnighan, 2005) that emphasize the systematic gathering of
straightforwardly relevant data on trustworthiness (Jones & George, 1998; Kee & Knox, 1970;
Lewicki & Bunker, 1996; Mayer et al, 1995; McAllister, 1995). The most dominant of these is
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Mayer et al.’s (1995) integrative model, which argues that—aside from being colored by their
trust propensity—newcomers should systematically gather relevant data on whether the
organization possesses ability, benevolence, and integrity. For example, newcomers might attend
to whether promises made during recruitment are kept (Montes & Irving, 2008), whether
practices are supportive (Tan & Tan, 2000), whether rewards are appropriate (Aryee, Budhwar,
& Chen, 2002), and whether the rank-and-file are civil (Miner-Rufino & Reed, 2010).
Rational/historical models, like Mayer et al. (1995), are inconsistent with the notion that
newcomers often need to form trust perceptions before straightforwardly relevant data has been
gathered (McKnight, Cummings, & Chervany, 1998; Meyerson, Weick, & Kramer, 1996;
Wildman, Shuffler, Lazzara, Fiore, Burke, Salas, & Garven, 2012; Williams, 2001). Such models
also ignore the bulk of the stimuli at play in a newcomer’s organizational existence. For
example, any calculus about ability, benevolence, or integrity is occurring within a physical work
setting—something that has long been believed to shape employee cognitions and behaviors
(Elsbach & Pratt, 2007; Zhong & House, 2012). In terms of our opening quote, could
newcomers’ perceptions of trustworthiness be shaped by vaulted cathedral-like ceilings, a silver
sculpture in a lobby, or the sense that a new place feels “alien?” Few employers would suspect
such connections, but those aspects of the work setting could shape trust formation in important
ways.
The possibility that the work setting could help shape trustworthiness is important for
organizational scholars for three reasons. First, organizations have more direct control over the
physical setting than other potential inputs into the trust formation process. That setting could
even be used as an impression management tool, falling under the “exemplification” tactic where
the organization tries to model the ideal employer (e.g., Bolino, Long, & Turnley, 2016). Second,
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organizations spend significant sums of money on enhancements to their physical setting. Apple
is spending billions on a four-story circular building with walls fashioned with curved glass,
surrounding a green space with plant life indigenous to California (Moore, 2016). Twitter spent
millions refurbishing a downtown San Francisco building in an art deco style, while also
installing two log cabins in one of the shared spaces (Lev-Ram, 2015). Third, drawing a
connection between the physical setting and trust formation would take both literatures in new
directions. Scholarly theorizing on the physical setting has ebbed these last few decades (Elsbach
& Pratt, 2007; Zhong & House, 2012) and trust scholars have neglected the potential influence of
factors that lack an obvious relevance to ability, benevolence, and integrity.
The purpose of our investigation is to examine how perceptions of the setting shape
perceptions of trustworthiness and trust in two studies. As in the excerpt from de Botton (2009)
that opens this paper, Study 1 focuses on a sample of accountants as they begin work in their
new organization. Study 2 then moves to the laboratory in order to replicate the most central
findings in a way where causality can be inferred. The independent variables in our investigation
were inspired by one of a handful of heuristic/categorical models that emphasize the less
conscious consideration of implicit cues relevant to trustworthiness (McKnight et al., 1998;
Meyerson et al., 1996; Wildman et al., 2012; Williams, 2001). Specifically, McKnight et al.
(1998) speculated that an important element of initial trust formation was a sense of situational
normality—the degree to which the setting appears customary, with everything in proper order.
We also extend McKnight et al.’s (1998) speculation by introducing the construct of
situational aesthetics—the degree to which the setting has a pleasing and attractive appearance.
The term “aesthetics” is taken from the Greek aisthànomai, which means to perceive or feel with
the senses (Gagliardi, 2006). Although more modern treatments of aesthetics can be traced to
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Kant’s (1790/1952) work in the realm of philosophy, our work is based on empirical
perspectives from experimental and environmental psychology (for a review, see Palmer,
Schloss, & Sammartino, 2013). There the study of aesthetics focuses on the mental processes
that underlie evaluative experiences like “that’s beautiful” or “I love that.”
Our conceptual model is summarized in Figure 1. Consistent with both Mayer et al.
(1995) and McKnight et al. (1998), we control for any effects of newcomer trust propensity on
the perceived trustworthiness of the organization. Our focus is on how perceptions of situational
normality and situational aesthetics shape the development of the perceived ability, benevolence,
and integrity of the organization—cognitions that should give rise to trust among newcomers. To
lend our findings a practical consequence, Study 1 includes an outcome relevant in a sample of
accounting newcomers: learning behavior. This outcome reflects actions that help achieve
greater understanding, adaptation, and mastery (Edmondson, 1999). Learning behavior was a
natural choice for our study, given how vital it can be for newcomers in accounting (e.g.,
Bonner, Libby, & Nelson, 1997).
————————————
Insert Figure 1 about here
————————————
Our work makes a number of theoretical contributions. First, we tackle a question that
represents what Alvesson and Kärreman (2007) term a “breakdown”—a phenomenon that cannot
be explained using the dominant theoretical lenses in a literature. Instead, understanding how
newcomer perceptions of the trustworthiness of the organization are shaped by the work setting
requires the application of heuristic/categorical models that exist at the edges of the literature
(McKnight et al., 1998; Meyerson et al., 1996; Wildman et al., 2012; Williams, 2001). Second,
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those models have limited their focus to trust between and among people, whether two
newcomers in an organization (McKnight et all., 1998), multiple newcomers to a team
(Meyerson et al., 1996), trust in a new team as a unit (Wildman et al., 2012), or trust between
members of different teams (Williams, 2001). We extend such models by using their logic to
examine trust in the larger organization. In so doing, the “surface characteristics” of situational
normality and situational aesthetics become analogs for the kinds of person characteristics that
have been studied by trust scholars, including facial typicality, facial attractiveness, uniform
logos, and the like (Klapper, Dotsch, Van Rooij, & Wigboldus, 2016; Rafaeli, Sagy, & Derfler-
Rozin, 2008; Sofer, Dotsch, Wigboldus, & Todorov, 2015). Third, we introduce a new construct
to the trust formation landscape in the form of situational aesthetics. Fourth, studies of the work
setting have been rather infrequent in top organizational behavior journals (Elsbach & Pratt,
2007), despite calls for viewing the setting as a key organizational resource (Becker, 1981).
Linking aspects of the setting to trust formation answers calls to shine more light on such issues.
STUDY 1: THEORY DEVELOPMENT
Our use of the rational/historical label for the bulk of the models in the trust literature is
taken from discussions by Kramer (1999) and Weber et al. (2005). Those authors note that most
models in the literature assume that “both parties will understand the process of trust
development and its inherent risks and will choose to trust and/or to engage in a trusting act
carefully and deliberately” (Weber et al., 2005: 79) and that “Interactional histories give decision
makers information that is useful in assessing others’ dispositions, intentions, and motives. This
information, in turn, provides a basis for drawing inferences regarding their trustworthiness and
for making predictions about their future behavior” (Kramer, 1999: 575).
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Mayer et al.’s (1995) model is an exemplar of such rational/historical conceptualizations
given that it emphasizes the careful collection of data on ability, benevolence, and integrity over
time, as an input into trust perceptions. Mayer et al. (1995) illustrate the mechanics of their
model using the example of a protégé forming trust in a potential mentor. The protégé would be
expected to systematically consider several pieces of straightforwardly relevant data, including:
how knowledgeable the mentor is about the profession and company, how politically astute the
mentor is with work relationships, whether past statements and actions have been consistent,
whether the mentor feels some attachment for the protégé, and whether the mentor has been
singled out for honorable actions. Each of these pieces of data is rational to consider, and all are
based on some knowledge of the mentor’s history. Indeed, such mechanics would be indicative
of what psychologists term System 2 information processing: conscious, controlled, high effort,
and reflective consideration of rational and explicit data (Evans, 2008).
Although rational/historical models make up the bulk of the theorizing in the trust
literature, there are some models that portray trust formation differently—and in a way that is
better suited to our research question. For example, Meyerson et al. (1996) argue that new
members of temporary groups extrapolate data from the categories to which members seem to
belong, such as imbuing “an engineer” with the qualities of “engineering.” McKnight et al.
(1998) theorized that trust between two newcomers would be shaped by institutional forces—
impersonal structures that suggest or signal the presence of trustworthiness. Williams (2001)
argued that individuals imbue members of groups with the beliefs they feel for those groups,
thereby shaping trustworthiness levels. Finally, Wildman et al. (2012) suggested that new
members’ trust in their team is shaped by surface-level cues and category-based preconceptions.
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We label such models as heuristic/categorical because they are indicative of what
psychologists term System 1 information processing: less conscious, more automatic, low effort,
and perceptual consideration of heuristic and tacit data (Evans, 2008). They represent category-
based models where “trust is predicated on information regarding a trustee’s membership in a
social or organizational category—information which, when salient, often unknowingly
influences others’ judgments about their trustworthiness” (Kramer, 1999). Many of the
propositions in such models argue that “thin slices” of data—brief glimpses that lack typically
relevant details—can have powerful effects on perceptions (Ambady & Rosenthal, 1992).
Importantly, past research suggests that impressions built on such “thin slices” can wind up
being surprisingly robust and accurate (Ambady & Rosenthal, 1992).
Scholars of social cognition have proposed that even when perceptions are largely based
on heuristic processing (i.e., System 1), systematic processing (i.e., System 2) may play a
supplementary role (Chen & Chaiken, 1999; Sloman, 1996). A core tenet of heuristic–systematic
models is that people attempt to strike a balance between minimizing cognitive effort and
protecting their interests. When the setting contains relevant heuristic cues, employees are likely
to engage in low-effort, heuristic processing. If heuristic processing fails to bestow sufficient
confidence in a judgment or potential behavior, employees are likely to engage in systematic
processing to close this gap (Chen & Chaiken, 1999). Emphasizing the complementary nature of
these two processes, Garfinkel (1967: 173) suggested that heuristic processing provides a starting
point for systematic processing: “…in order for the person to treat rationally the one-tenth of the
situation that, like an iceberg appears above the water, he must be able to treat the nine-tenths
that lies below as an unquestioned…background of matters that are demonstrably relevant to his
calculations, but which appear without even being noticed.”
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The heuristic/categorical models in the trust literature all allow for the possibility that
heuristic processing is supplemented by systematic processing. For example, Wildman et al.
(2012) proposed that although swift-forming teams determine the trustworthiness of new teams
through the use of heuristics, they may supplement this process with a conscious reflection on
the available information. Likewise, McKnight et al.’s (1998) proposals are based on Garfinkel’s
(1963) work on normality, which argues that this primarily heuristic process is supplemented by
a rational process. Following this conceptual work, we focus on the heuristic processes of
situational normality and situational aesthetics while allowing for the supplementary role of
rational processing.
To date, heuristic/categorical models have been focused on explaining trust in other
people (McKnight et al., 1998; Meyerson et al., 1996; Wildman et al., 2012; Williams, 2001). In
this way, such models echo recent work on the effects of facial characteristics on perceived
trustworthiness. For example, Sofer, Dotsch, Wigboldus, and Todorov (2015) examined the
linkage between facial typicality and facial attractiveness on the perceived trustworthiness of the
person being pictured. As another example, Wilson and Rule (2015) showed that judgments
about how trustworthy criminals’ faces looked predicted sentencing decisions, even in the
presence of more seemingly relevant data (see also Wilson & Rule, 2016). Applying such
findings to a protégé forming trust in a potential mentor, the results suggest that the protégé
might be influenced by how typical the mentor’s face looks, or how attractive it seems.
Our examination of the effects of the physical work setting on newcomers’ trust in the
organization will use faces as a metaphor for the “look and feel” of the place. Just as faces can
look typical and attractive, so too can the work setting look normal and aesthetically pleasing.
Although the bulk of the trust literature has focused on trust between individuals, scholars have
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proposed that employees also form trust in their organizations as “generalized, and perhaps
anthropomorphic” entities (Whitener, 1997: 400; see also Gillespie & Dietz, 2009; Morrison &
Robinson, 1997; Robinson, 1996; Schoorman, Mayer, & Davis, 2007; Zhang, Tsui, Song, Li, &
Jia, 2008). Employees are exposed to a variety of practices, decisions, and experiences which can
not be attributed to a particular individual or group within the organization. As such, employees
distill these experiences into a global perception that is ascribed to “the organization” as a
discrete entity (Eisenberger, Huntington, Hutchison, & Sowa, 1986; Levinson, 1965; Wayne,
Shore, & Liden, 1997; Whitener, 1997). Supporting this perspective, empirical studies have
demonstrated that employees do form trust in their organizations (e.g., Lo & Aryee, 2003;
Montes & Irving, 2008; Robinson, 1996; Robinson & Morrison, 2000; Zhang et al., 2008), and
trust in the organization is distinguishable from trust in a supervisor (e.g., Aryee et al., 2002;
Colquitt, Baer, Long, & Halvorsen-Ganepola, 2014; Tan & Tan, 2000).
Of all the heuristic/categorical models, McKnight et al.’s (1998) is most relevant to our
research question given its focus on impersonal and institutional cues. One of those cues was
situational normality, which the authors described using the example of a customer walking into
a bank. The physical setting in banks is typically clean and uncluttered, often finished with wood
and marble trim. McKnight et al. (1998) argued that such cues connote both conscientiousness
and prosperity, notions amenable to the management of one’s money by a stranger. Although
McKnight et al. (1998) focused on the setting enhancing the perceived trustworthiness of a bank
employee, our theorizing would extend that notion to the bank itself, as perceived by the
employees working in it. As Garfinkel (1963) suggested, normalcy, typicality, and properness
are valued commodities for social order. In contrast, the “nastiness of surprise” can make people
feel both confused and uncomfortable (Garfinkel, 1963: 187).
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We argue that situational normality can enhance the perceived trustworthiness of the
organization for both heuristic (i.e., System 1) and systematic (i.e., System 2) reasons. Beginning
with the former, scholars note that heuristic processing relies on the activation and application of
relevant rules and shortcuts (Chen & Chaiken, 1999; Evans, 2008). Because it is less conscious
than systematic processing, it is vital in periods where cognitive capacity is strained. We propose
that newcomers are able to absorb the normality of a setting fairly quickly, with that sense
feeding into perceived trustworthiness in two ways. First, given the importance of predictability
to trust (Mayer et al., 1995), newcomers could activate and apply a “what is typical is good”
heuristic that shapes perceptions of ability, benevolence, and integrity. Second, that sense of
normalcy could feed into perceived trustworthiness through the confirmation bias (Nickerson,
1998). Here the sense that the look and feel of the organization is normal would create a self-
fulfilling prophecy that its capability, supportiveness, and character are—at least—not atypical
(McKnight et al., 1998). Although such mechanics might not foster especially high levels of
trustworthiness, they should at least prevent especially negative perceptions.
In a supplementary systematic process, newcomers could explicitly use situational
normality as data consciously relevant to the organization’s ability, benevolence, and integrity.
For example, the sense that the environment is similar to other organizations in the industry
could point to prior benchmarking efforts—signaling a certain level of ability. Alternatively,
newcomers could presume that the normality is an explicit attempt to create an environment of
psychological comfort. One could also assume that the organization had been receptive to past
complaints about unusual or atypical features. In either event, such concern or receptivity would
signal a certain level of benevolence or integrity.
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We are not aware of any tests of McKnight et al.’s (1998) situational normality construct
within organizational behavior. Findings from three other literatures are indirectly relevant,
however. First, information systems research in the area of e-commerce has shown that the
degree to which website experiences are similar to brick-and-mortar experiences predicts the
perceived trustworthiness of the vendor (Gu, Lee, & Suh, 2009; see also McKnight, Choudhury,
& Kacmar, 2002; Gefen, Karahanna, & Straub, 2003). Second, Sofer et al.’s (2015) study of
facial typicality and perceived trustworthiness revealed a strong linkage. Using composite
photography in the laboratory, the authors arranged 11 faces on a continuum ranging from
atypical and unattractive to atypical and attractive, with the typical face laying at the midpoint.
The researchers then asked participants to rate the perceived attractiveness and perceived
trustworthiness of the faces. The results revealed a curvilinear relationship, such that perceived
trustworthiness was maximized at the midpoint, with the most typical face. Third, Lau, Lam, and
Deutsch Salamon (2008) examined the effects of employee–manager demographics on the
perceived trustworthiness of the manager. Rather than trustworthiness being maximized with
shared demographics in dyads, trustworthiness was maximized when the manager had a typical
demographic profile. We expect that same “what is typical is good” effect to be seen when
evaluating the perceived trustworthiness of organizations.
Hypothesis 1. Newcomer perceptions of situational normality are positively related to the
perceived trustworthiness of the organization.
Sofer et al.’s (2015) findings for the attractiveness of faces raises interesting questions
about newcomer reactions to the work setting. Whereas perceived attractiveness increased
linearly as the faces on the continuum became more attractive, perceived trustworthiness was
lower for atypical but attractive faces than it was for typical faces. Should the sense that the
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setting is aesthetically pleasing—artistic, beautiful, and tasteful—have no influence on the
perceived trustworthiness of the organization? Do organizations only have to strive to look
typical, with no more ambitious goal for fostering trustworthiness? Returning again to de
Botton’s (2009) excerpt that opens this paper, can companies gain not just by making a setting
feel familiar rather than “alien,” but also from atmospheric elements like silver sculptures and
vaulted ceilings?
The scientific study of aesthetics focuses on the antecedents and consequences of
evaluative experiences in response to scenes, objects, and events (Palmer et al., 2013). Like
situational normality, a certain degree of subjectivity should be inherent in situational aesthetics.
Some aspects of a setting could seem more beautiful to some newcomers than to others, just as
some aspects could seem more typical to some newcomers than to others. That said, there are
some elements that reliably elicit positive aesthetic reactions, including natural decor, more
saturated colors, high quality lighting, clear and ordered arrangement of elements, and
proportions that reflect the “golden ratio” of a rectangle (Bitner, 1992; Elsbach & Pratt, 2007;
McCoy & Evans, 2002; Palmer et al., 2013).
We argue that situational aesthetics can also enhance the perceived trustworthiness of the
organization for both heuristic (i.e., System 1) and systematic (i.e., System 2) reasons. Beginning
with the former, one of the most oft-activated and applied heuristics is “what is beautiful is
good” (Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972). Studies of interpersonal reactions have shown that
more attractive people are viewed as being more intellectually competent, having more concern
for others, and having more integrity (Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani, & Longo, 1991). This
research shows that attractiveness can be used as a stereotype that impacts social cognition,
saving cognitive effort on the part of the perceiver. If newcomers use a similar heuristic for
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situational aesthetics, such judgments could color subsequent perceptions of trustworthiness
through the confirmation bias (Nickerson, 1998). Here the sense that the look and feel of the
organization is beautiful would create a self-fulfilling prophecy that its capability,
supportiveness, and character are also high.
In a supplementary systematic process, newcomers could also use situational aesthetics as
data consciously relevant to the organization’s ability, benevolence, and integrity. This
possibility is notable, as one could envision newcomers giving organizations more “credit” for
aesthetics than for normality. Indeed, the quality of the materials in an organization’s setting is
used as one marker of status (Elsbach & Pratt, 2007). Moreover, although some employees find
it difficult to verbalize aesthetic issues (Taylor, 2002), the work setting is an input into
sensemaking processes (Rafaeli & Vilnai-Yavetz, 2004; Vilnai-Yavetz, Rafaeli, & Yaacov,
2005). In this way, the sense that the environment is beautiful could point to a bigger budget for
the organization, or taking more time and care to choose talented architects or designers.
Alternatively, newcomers could presume that aesthetics are an explicit attempt to please or
inspire employees. In either case, such interpretations would support perceived trustworthiness.
Hypothesis 2. Newcomer perceptions of situational aesthetics are positively related to the
perceived trustworthiness of the organization.
McKnight et al.’s (1998) model depicts perceptions of trustworthiness as going on to
shape trust itself. More specifically, the authors argue that the sense that a trustee is competent,
benevolent, and honest will shape whether trustors intend to accept vulnerability to them. In our
context, the question becomes whether perceiving that an organization is more trustworthy
encourages newcomers to be willing to “stick their necks out” when making work decisions, to
speak candidly about work matters, and to grant the organization significant control over their
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career. Of course, that presumed connection between perceived trustworthiness and intentions to
trust is foundational to the trust literature, with Lewis and Weigert (1985: 970) noting that “we
cognitively choose whom we will trust in which respects and under what circumstances, and we
base the choice on what we take to be ‘good reasons,’ constituting evidence of trustworthiness.”
The portion of McKnight et al.’s (1998) model that connects trustworthiness to trust is
functionally similar to Mayer et al.’s (1995) model. Those authors argued that the “good
reasons” that encourage trustors to accept vulnerability to trustees tend to cluster into the
categories of ability, benevolence, and integrity. A meta-analytic test of those propositions
revealed strong relationships between those trustworthiness facets and trust levels (Colquitt,
Scott, & LePine, 2007), even when controlling for trust propensity. Those results reveal that
perceived ability, perceived benevolence, and perceived integrity remove some of the uncertainty
associated with trust, making trustors more willing to take risks (Mayer et al., 1995). More
relevant to our focus, if situational normality and situational aesthetics are able to engender
perceptions of trustworthiness, those effects should wind up increasing newcomer trust levels.
Hypothesis 3. Newcomer perceptions of situational normality have a positive indirect
effect on trust in the organization, through perceived trustworthiness.
Hypothesis 4. Newcomer perceptions of situational aesthetics have a positive indirect
effect on trust in the organization, through perceived trustworthiness.
Although McKnight et al.’s (1998) model does not include any outcomes downstream of
trust, Mayer et al. (1995) argued that trust would promote risk taking in the relationship. In this
way, the psychological state of being willing to accept risk results in the behavioral
manifestation of assuming that risk. A number of specific constructs have assumed that risk-
taking role in tests of trust theorizing, including the delegation of tasks, the disclosure of
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information, and the decision to avoid monitoring or safeguards (Colquitt et al., 2007). Our goal
was to include a form of risk taking that was relevant to a newcomer in an accounting firm—
something that would comprise an important behavioral manifestation of the trust fostered by
situational normality and situational aesthetics. Learning behavior was a natural choice, given
how vital it can be for newcomers in accounting (e.g., Bonner et al., 1997).
In describing her conceptualization of learning behavior, Edmondson (1999) noted that
knowledge and skill could be gained through an iterative process of reflecting upon and
modifying actions. For example, employees can pause to reflect on their performance, seek help
from more experienced colleagues, experiment with new approaches, and test their assumptions
about task success. Importantly, Edmondson (1999) argued that such actions bring a certain risk,
necessitating some sense that employees will not be punished or embarrassed for engaging in
them. Although Edmondson (1999) described that sense as psychological safety, it is
functionally similar to trust (Detert & Burris, 2007). Our model proposes that newcomers’ trust
gives them the comfort needed to engage in learning behavior. Such a finding would be
important given that effective learning is one of the most pivotal challenges faced by newcomers
(Ashforth, Sluss, & Harrison, 2007).
Hypothesis 5. Newcomer trust in the organization is positively related to newcomer
learning behavior.
In testing our hypotheses, we decided to include a more rational/historical antecedent to
act as a sort of baseline or control. Specifically, we included psychological contract fulfillment—
an overall evaluation of whether promises and obligation have been upheld in a work
relationship (Robinson & Morrison, 2000; Robinson & Rousseau, 1994). The degree to which a
psychological contract is fulfilled—or breached—by an organization should have implications
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for its perceived competence, character, and supportiveness. Indeed, a meta-analytic review
showed that psychological contract fulfillment has a strong positive relationship with trust (Bal,
De Lange, Jansen, & Van Der Velde, 2008). Moreover, as rational/historical antecedents go,
psychological contract fulfillment seems practical to examine among newcomers because some
promises are created in the early stages of the recruitment process. If situational normality and
situational aesthetics exerted effects even in the presence of such a variable, their conceptual and
practical relevance would be promising.
STUDY 1: METHODS
Sample and Procedure
The sample for our first study was 165 accountants from a Big Four accounting firm in
Ireland. Participants were recruited directly by the authors during an introductory training
session on their very first day of employment. They then participated in the study throughout
their 10-week training period. Participants’ age averaged 22.7 years (SD = 1.71) and ranged from
19 to 33. Fifty-two percent of the participants were female.
Data were collected across four waves, each separated by an average of 24 days. That
time lag allowed newcomers sufficient time to form and develop perceptions of our variables of
interest while also providing the temporal separation needed to minimize common method bias
(Doty & Glick, 1998; Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). Newcomers reported
their trust propensity at Time 1 on the very first day, given that no exposure to the work setting
was needed. They then reported their situational normality, situational aesthetics, and
psychological contract fulfillment at Time 2, after enough time had passed for them to gain
exposure to the work setting. Time 3 assessed newcomer perceptions of perceived ability,
benevolence, and integrity. Time 4 then assessed newcomer perceptions of trust in the
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organization. We gathered data on learning behavior using a coworker-report at Time 4. We
randomly selected those coworkers from the newcomers’ primary unit, ensuring sufficient
familiarity with the behaviors of interest.
Measures
All measures used a five-point Likert scale from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly
agree.
Trust propensity. We measured trust propensity with nine items from MacDonald,
Kessel, and Fuller (1972). Items included, “I am more trusting than a lot of people,” “I have faith
in human nature,” and “I am less trusting than the average person” (R) (α = .83).
Situational normality. Given that situational normality has not been operationalized in an
organizational behavior context, we developed a measure for our study. We first created five
items to reflect the conceptual definition of situational normality offered by McKnight et al.
(1998). Following Hinkin and Tracey (1999), we then recruited 136 undergraduates from a large
southeastern university to quantitatively evaluate the correspondence between the items and the
conceptual definition. Participants were asked to rate the extent to which the items matched the
definition of situational normality using a seven-point scale: 1 = Item is an extremely bad match
to the definition to 7 = Item is an extremely good match to the definition. The mean level of
definitional correspondence was 5.72 out of 7.00—a level that compares favorably to other uses
of this procedure (Colquitt et al., 2014; Gardner, 2005; Hinkin & Tracey, 1999; Long, Baer,
Colquitt, Outlaw, & Dhensa-Kahlon, 2015; Rodell, 2013). Newcomers were asked to consider
the setting in which their work occurs, including the physical appearance of places and things.
The items then began, “That setting….” The five validated items were “Seems normal,” “Comes
20
across as customary,” “Appears ‘in proper order,’” “Is as one would expect,” and “Strikes me as
typical” (α = .87).
Situational aesthetics. We also developed our measure of situational aesthetics, given
that we introduced that construct in this study. As with situational normality, we followed the
content validation procedure outlined by Hinkin and Tracey (1999). Students rated the
correspondence between the items and the definition of situational aesthetics, resulting in a mean
of 5.23 out of 7.00. This result also compares favorably to other uses of the procedure (Colquitt
et al., 2014; Gardner, 2005; Hinkin & Tracey, 1999; Long et al., 2015; Rodell, 2013).
Newcomers were again asked to consider the setting in which their work occurs, including the
physical appearance of places and things. The items—which began with “That setting…”—were
“Is aesthetically pleasing,” “Has parts that are beautiful,” “Is tasteful,” “Has artistic elements,”
and “Is lovely” (α = .88).
Psychological contract fulfillment. We assessed psychological contract fulfillment using
Robinson and Morrison’s (2000) five-item scale. Items included “I feel that my organization has
come through in fulfilling the promises made to me when I was hired” and “So far my
organization has done an excellent job of fulfilling its promises to me” (α = .85).
Perceived trustworthiness. Perceptions of trustworthiness were measured using Mayer
and Davis’s (1999) scales. Perceived ability was assessed with six items, including “My
organization is known to be successful at the things it tries to do,” and “I feel very confident
about my organization’s competencies” (α = .95). Perceived benevolence was measured with
five items, including “My organization is very concerned about my welfare,” and “My
organization would not knowingly do anything to hurt me” (α = .91). Finally, perceived integrity
21
was measured with six items, including “My organization has a strong sense of justice,” and “I
like my organization’s values” (α = .76).
Trust. We measured trust in the organization using Mayer and Davis’s (1999) four-item
scale. The items included, “I would be willing to let this organization have significant influence
over my career,” and “I don’t feel the need to ‘keep an eye on’ this organization” (α = .78).
Learning behavior. Learning behavior was assessed by newcomers’ coworkers using
Edmondson’s (1999) seven-item measure. All items began with “This coworker….” Sample
items included “Frequently seeks new information that leads them to make important changes,”
“Goes out and gets all the information they possibly can from others,” and “Often makes sure to
stop and reflect on their work processes” (α = .96).
STUDY 1: RESULTS
Descriptive Statistics
The descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations for our variables are shown in Table 1.
————————————
Insert Table 1 about here
————————————
Tests of Hypotheses
We tested our hypotheses using structural equation modeling in LISREL 8.72 (Jöreskog
& Sörbom, 1989). We first tested the fit of our measurement model, with item-level indicators
for our eight latent variables. That model demonstrated good fit to the data: χ2 (1238) = 1884.33,
p < .001; comparative fit index (CFI) = .96; incremental fit index (IFI) = .96; root mean square
error of approximation (RMSEA) = .05. Factor loadings had an average of .75. Moreover, our
measurement model yielded better fit than two competing models. The first collapsed situational
22
normality and situational aesthetics into one work setting factor (χ2 diff [8] = 426.271, p < .001).
The second collapsed ability, benevolence, and integrity into one perceived trustworthiness
factor (χ2 diff [15] = 694.74, p < .001).
Having found support for our measurement model, we moved on to testing the structural
model in Figure 1. We allowed the four exogenous variables—trust propensity, situational
normality, situational aesthetics, and psychological contract fulfillment—to covary, as is the
default in LISREL. We also included direct paths from situational normality and situational
aesthetics to trust. Such paths must be included to estimate the indirect effects predicted in
Hypotheses 3 and 4 (MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). The resulting
structure is shown in Figure 2 and exhibited good fit to the data: χ2 (1249) = 1998.64, p < .001;
CFI = .95; IFI = .95; RMSEA = .05.
————————————
Insert Figure 2 about here
————————————
Hypothesis 1 predicted that newcomer perceptions of situational normality would be
positively related to the perceived trustworthiness of the organization. That prediction was
partially supported, given that situational normality was significantly related to perceived ability
(β = .17) and perceived integrity (β = .14), but not perceived benevolence (β = -.01).
Hypothesis 2 predicted that newcomer perceptions of situational aesthetics would be
positively related to the perceived trustworthiness of the organization. That prediction was
partially supported, given that situational aesthetics was significantly related to perceived
benevolence (β = .26) and perceived integrity (β = .17), but not perceived ability (β = .10).
23
Hypothesis 3 predicted that newcomer perceptions of situational normality would have a
positive indirect effect on trust in the organization, through perceived trustworthiness. We tested
this prediction using LISREL’s effect decomposition statistics. Situational normality had an
indirect effect of .04 on trust through perceived ability, benevolence, and integrity, which was
not statistically significant.
Hypothesis 4 predicted that newcomer perceptions of situational aesthetics would have a
positive indirect effect on trust in the organization, through perceived trustworthiness. We tested
this prediction using LISREL’s effect decomposition statistics. Situational aesthetics had an
indirect effect of .17 on trust through perceived ability, benevolence, and integrity, which was
statistically significant (p < .05).
Hypothesis 5 predicted that newcomer trust in the organization would be positively
related to newcomer learning behavior. This prediction was supported as trust was significantly
related to that criterion (β = .22)1.
Taken together, these results illustrate that newcomer perceptions of situational normality
and situational aesthetics can predict perceptions of trustworthiness, even when controlling for
trust propensity and psychological contract fulfillment. The situational normality component of
McKnight et al.’s (1998) model was associated with two of the three facets of perceived
trustworthiness. Our addition of situational aesthetics was also associated with two of the three
1 Although not part of our formal hypotheses, our model suggests that situational normality and situational aesthetics will have serial indirect effects on learning behavior through perceived trustworthiness and trust in the organization. Supplemental analyses revealed several significant serial indirect effects: situational normality → perceived integrity → trust in the organization → learning behavior = .01; situational aesthetics → perceived benevolence → trust in the organization → learning behavior = .02; situational aesthetics → perceived integrity → trust in the organization → learning behavior = .02; p < .05, one-tailed. These results provide additional support for the practical significance of situational normality and situational aesthetics.
24
facets. Such effects wound up having practical significance given that newcomers who trusted
more also engaged in more learning behavior.
STUDY 2: THEORY DEVELOPMENT
Of course, it is possible that there are newcomer traits other than trust propensity that
influence the connections in Figure 1. There may also be unmeasured contextual variables that
could inflate some of our observed relationships. We therefore sought to replicate these findings
in a laboratory study where situational normality and situational aesthetics would be manipulated
via random assignment. Given that the effects of those variables on perceived ability,
benevolence, and integrity lay at the core of our contribution, our Study 2 focused specifically on
testing Hypotheses 1 and 2.
At the suggestion of anonymous reviewers, we also used our data collection in Study 2 to
consider two additional issues in our theorizing. The first issue concerns the connection between
situational normality and perceived benevolence, which was non-significant in both our
correlation matrix and our structural equation modeling results. In reflecting on what makes
perceived benevolence different from perceived ability and perceived integrity, we drew insights
from the negativity bias literature (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Finkenauer, & Vohs, 2001; Rozin &
Royzman, 2001). That literature has identified constructs, like morality, where the
“diagnosticity” of positive and negative information varies. Being viewed as morally good
requires always being good, whereas being viewed as immoral can occur with several mixes of
good and bad actions (Baumeister et al., 2001; Skowronski & Carlston, 1992). The same could
be true for integrity and ability, with any departure from normality in the work setting becoming
unusually diagnostic for those trustworthiness forms. Perceived benevolence does not seem to
have that quality, and also seems to be built from the commission of “extra good” actions as
25
much as the omission of bad ones. Merely being normal may not be enough to illustrate concern,
to show that employee needs and desire are important, or to signal helpfulness. We therefore
examined whether Study 2 would replicate that null result for situational normality and perceived
benevolence.
The second issue concerns the role played by psychological contract fulfillment. Given
our use of experimental manipulations with random assignment in Study 2, there is no value in
“controlling for” psychological contract fulfillment when examining the effects of situational
normality and situational aesthetics. However, it may be reasonable to expect that
rational/historical factor to interact with our heuristic/categorical antecedents. Specifically,
models of information processing argue that the relative prominence of System 2 versus System
1 processing depends on individuals’ cognitive capacities and the accessibility of relevant
heuristics (Chen & Chaiken, 1999; Evans, 2008). The less conscious, more automatic mechanics
of System 1 will loom larger when cognitive capacity is low and when access to heuristics is
high. We would argue that experiencing psychological contract breach triggers information
processing that is especially controlled and effortful. Employees who experience broken
promises must grapple with unmet expectations, with the sense that norms have been violated,
and what all that means for the employer as an entity (Robinson & Rousseau, 1994). Such
reactions should simultaneously stretch cognitive capacity while also making heuristics about
that entity more accessible. Put differently, employees’ rumination should make organization-
referenced heuristics more salient, just as the effort-saving value of those heuristics becomes
more needed. We therefore expect that psychological contract fulfillment will interact with
situational normality and aesthetics, such that the latter two variables are more impactful under
conditions of breach.
26
STUDY 2: METHODS
Sample and Procedure
The sample for our study was 1039 participants from Amazon’s Mechanical Turk
(Paolacci & Chandler, 2014). Participants’ age averaged 34.88 years (SD = 10.82). Fifty percent
of the participants were female.
The participants were asked to assume that they had just started working at a professional
services firm that offers accounting, consulting, and financial advisory services. This frame
therefore matched the sample and setting in Study 1. The participants were told that their firm
“ranks around the midpoint of its peer group in market share, profitability, and other aspects of
corporate performance. It also ranks around the midpoint in rankings that consider ‘softer’
issues, like treatment of employees, corporate social reputation, and other managerial practices.
Those rankings are offered by Fortune, Glassdoor, and Bloomberg Businessweek.” That
information was meant to provide some rational/historical data that could be relevant to
perceptions of ability, benevolence, and integrity, albeit data that would be supplemented by our
manipulations.
Situational normality, situational aesthetics, and psychological contract fulfillment were
then manipulated using a 3 (normality: low, medium, or high) x 3 (aesthetics: low, medium, or
high) x 2 (contract fulfillment: low or high) between-subjects design, with participants randomly
assigned to conditions. The manipulations were introduced by explaining that the participants
had been working at the firm for three weeks and had been struck by three things. The text of the
situational normality and situational aesthetics manipulations is shown in Tables 2a–2b. For
psychological contract fulfillment, participants were told: “The ‘contract’ that was created from
your conversations with organizational recruiters and representatives has been
27
[fulfilled/breached] so far. That is, the promises made to you by the organization have been
[kept/broken], and it has [upheld/not upheld] its ‘end of the deal.’”
————————————
Insert Tables 2a–2b about here
————————————
Measures
All measures used a five-point Likert scale from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly
agree.
Manipulation checks. We verified the efficacy of our manipulations using the situational
normality, situational aesthetics, and psychological contract fulfillment scales used in Study 1.
Their coefficient alphas were .96, .96, and .97, respectively.
Perceived trustworthiness. Perceptions of trustworthiness were again measured using
Mayer and Davis’s (1999) scales. The coefficient alphas were as follows: perceived ability (.92),
perceived benevolence (.95), and perceived integrity (.93).
STUDY 2: RESULTS
Manipulation Checks
Analysis of variance (ANOVA) yielded a strong positive main effect of the situational
normality manipulation on the normality check (F = 967.26, p < .001, M = 1.89 vs. 3.09 vs.
4.26). Similarly, ANOVA yielded a strong positive main effect of the situational aesthetics
manipulation on the aesthetics check (F = 1930.54, p < .001, M = 1.62 vs. 2.72 vs. 4.50). Finally,
ANOVA yielded a strong positive main effect of the psychological contract fulfillment
manipulation on the fulfillment check (F = 6193.54, p < .001, M = 1.59 vs. 4.55). All other
effects, including main effects of manipulations on unintended manipulation checks and
28
interaction effects on manipulation checks, were much weaker or near zero. Taken together,
these results suggest that the experimental manipulations were received as intended.
Tests of Hypotheses
Hypotheses 1 and 2 predicted that perceptions of situational normality and situational
aesthetics, respectively, would be positively related to the perceived trustworthiness of the
organization. Figures 3 and 4 show the means for perceived ability, benevolence, and integrity
across the situational normality and situational aesthetics conditions. ANOVA yielded a positive
main effect for situational normality on perceived ability (F = 12.26, p < .001) and a positive
effect on perceived integrity that approached significance (F = 2.58, p < .08). As in Study 1,
there were virtually no differences across conditions for perceived benevolence. Hypothesis 1
was therefore supported with the revised pattern. ANOVA also yielded positive main effects for
situational aesthetics on all three trustworthiness facets: perceived ability (F = 32.14, p < .001),
perceived benevolence (F = 7.90, p < .001), and perceived integrity (F = 12.53, p < .001).
Hypothesis 2 was therefore fully supported.
Turning to the results for psychological contract fulfillment, ANOVA also yielded
positive main effects on all three trustworthiness facets: perceived ability (F = 603.63, p < .001,
M = 2.88 vs. 3.86), perceived benevolence (F = 1388.86, p < .001, M = 1.95 vs. 3.53), and
perceived integrity (F = 1975.68, p < .001, M = 2.03 vs. 3.71). More relevant to our speculation
above, ANOVA also yielded two statistically significant interaction effects between the
psychological contract fulfillment manipulation and our situational manipulations. Specifically,
the results revealed a situational normality X psychological contract fulfillment interaction for
perceived ability (F = 9.18, p < .001) and a situational aesthetics X psychological contract
fulfillment interaction for perceived ability (F = 5.16, p < .01). Both interactions are shown in
29
Figure 5. The patterns illustrate that variations in situational normality or aesthetics had little
effect on perceived ability when psychological contracts were fulfilled. When such contracts
were breached, however, increases in normality or aesthetics were indeed associated with
increases in perceived ability.
DISCUSSION
The first days walking the halls of an organization can be overwhelming for any new
recruit. There is so much data to gather in hopes of gauging the organization’s trustworthiness,
from traditional business metrics to treatment of employees to supportiveness of practices to
corporate social performance. In addition, such data may be not-yet-available, ambiguous,
complex, or contradictory. This situation presents something of a puzzle for the
rational/historical models of trust formation that dominate the literature (Jones & George, 1998;
Kee & Knox, 1970; Lewicki & Bunker, 1996; Mayer et al., 1995; McAllister, 1995). Such
models rely on the systematic gathering of straightforwardly relevant data on trustworthiness—
something that may be impossible or impractical for most newcomers.
With that in mind, we built and tested theory on whether perceptions of trustworthiness
might depend, say, on the sense that a place feels “alien” or the presence of vaulted ceilings and
silver sculptures. Put differently, we argued that the “look and feel” of an organization could
help shape the perceived trustworthiness of it. Our theorizing was inspired by the
heuristic/categorical models of trust formation that lay at the edges of the literature (McKnight et
al., 1998; Meyerson et al., 1996; Wildman et al., 2012; Williams, 2001). We argued that their
focus on less conscious consideration of implicit cues—of System 1 processing rather than
System 2 processing (Chen & Chaiken, 1999; Evans, 2008)—would better match the trust
formation demands faced by newcomers. In particular, we applied McKnight et al.’s (1998)
30
concept of situational normality to a newcomer’s trust in the organization while introducing the
construct of situational aesthetics.
What stands out most from our results is that situational normality and situational
aesthetics both exhibited significant relationships with perceived trustworthiness. Having a sense
that the work setting was normal, customary, and proper, or that it was pleasing, beautiful, and
tasteful, was associated with viewing the organization as able, benevolent, and of high integrity.
Those effects occurred both in a field study of newcomers in accounting and in a laboratory
study that modeled a similar context. Those effects also occurred while controlling for trust
propensity—a construct believed to be especially pivotal for newcomers (McKnight et al.,
1998)—and for psychological contract fulfillment—a strong rational/historical driver of trust
(Bal et al., 2008). Moreover, those results had practical significance because newcomers’ trust in
the organization was associated with learning behavior—a critical outcome in accounting
(Bonner et al., 1997).
Theoretical Contributions
These results offer a number of theoretical contributions. Our focus on newcomer trust
formation uses a “breakdown” to illustrate a place where the consensus models in the trust
literature fall short (Alvesson & Kärreman, 2007). Rational/historical models, like Mayer et al.
(1995), seem unable to capture the psychological experience of oft-overwhelmed newcomers,
and cannot explain why the “look and feel” might impact trustworthiness perceptions. As a
result, our work challenges the notion that understanding trust formation only requires an
appreciation of the straightforward data collection described by such theorists. Indeed,
understanding that breakdown required leveraging heuristic/categorical models with a
combination of theory testing, theory extending, and theory building.
31
We engaged in theory testing by taking an element from McKnight et al.’s (1998)
model—situational normality—and operationalizing it for the first time in an organizational
behavior context. Past applications of the concept have been largely confined to information
systems studies of e-commerce (Gefen et al., 2003; Gu et al., 2009; McKnight et al., 2002). We
engaged in theory extending by taking the person-to-person bounding of heuristic/categorical
models (McKnight et al., 1998; Meyerson et al., 1996; Wildman et al., 2012; Williams, 2001)
and using them to understand trust in an organization. In this way, situational normality and
situational aesthetics became analogs of the facial, demographic, and other surface-level cues
used to study trust between people (Klapper et al., 2016; Rafaeli et al., 2008; Sofer et al., 2015).
We engaged in theory building by introducing situational aesthetics to the landscape of
heuristic/categorical models. Whereas situational normality could encourage trustworthiness
through a “what is typical is good” heuristic, situational aesthetics could encourage it through a
“what is beautiful is good” heuristic. In this way, both heuristics represent cases where “thin
slices” of data wind up impacting overall impressions (Ambady & Rosenthal, 1992).
Taken together, our combination of theory testing, theory extending, and theory building
results in a pattern of findings that would not be anticipated from extrapolations of existing work
on trust formation. At the same time, our work lends new areas of relevance to studies on the
physical work setting—an area that has grown largely dormant (Elsbach & Pratt, 2007; Zhong &
House, 2012). As Zhong and House (2012: 4) summarized, “So long as physical workplace
conditions do not induce negative affect…or signal the extent of organizational support (e.g., an
inhumane sweatshop), whether organizational behaviors and decisions take place in well lit or
dim rooms, cold or warm temperatures, or clean or messy offices, are largely considered
irrelevant factors by organizational scholars.” Bringing the physical setting into the trust
32
literature offers one way of rediscovering the relevance of this domain, especially given the
money and attention that organizations devote to it (Lev-Ram, 2015; Moore, 2016).
Suggestions for Future Research
Those contributions promise to open up fertile new directions for trust scholars. For
example, scholars might explore whether situational normality and situational aesthetics effects
are completely heuristic, or whether there is some rational element to the influence of the work
setting. For example, an experience sampling methodology study could employ verbal protocol
analysis (Barber & Wesson, 1998) to ask newcomers to “think out loud” about how the work
setting is influencing their trust formation. Discussions of benchmarking efforts, budgets,
designer choices, and company intentions would be indicative of a rational, System 2-style
process. Cases where newcomers could not articulate any influence but the data again revealed
relationships could be indicative of a heuristic, System 1-style process.
Future studies should also examine interactions between rational and heuristic
trustworthiness antecedents. Our additional analyses in Study 2 revealed that situational
normality and situational aesthetics had stronger effects on perceived ability when psychological
contracts were breached. It may be that there are pivots between System 1 and System 2
processing during trust formation, with those pivots depending on combinations of rational and
heuristic factors. We speculated that such pivots would be a function of individuals’ cognitive
capacities and the accessibility of relevant heuristics. Different conceptualizations of dual
processing paint different pictures of how System 1 and System 2 interrelate (Evans, 2008),
making this an important area for future work.
Future work should also explore whether the rational vs. heuristic underpinnings of
trustworthiness vary across its three facets. Meta-analytic data reveals high correlations between
33
perceived ability, perceived benevolence, and perceived integrity (Colquitt et al., 2007).
Moreover, some antecedents seem equally relevant to all three. For example, our results for
psychological contract fulfillment suggest that broken promises can signal incompetence,
unsupportiveness, and poor ethics. It may be, however, that heuristic predictors allow for more
between-facet differences in effects. Our non-significant correlational and direct effects of
situational normality on perceived benevolence suggests some difference in mechanics for
judging that facet versus perceived ability and integrity. Being “atypical” may not be as
diagnostic for judging benevolence, or it may be that viewing organizations as especially caring
requires something “extra” that normality does not convey.
We focused on situational normality and situational aesthetics as heuristic predictors of
trust in order to draw attention to the oft-ignored role of the work setting in employee cognitions
and behaviors (Elsbach & Pratt, 2007; Zhong & House, 2012). Yet, these are certainly not the
only heuristic predictors of trust that newcomers may experience early on in the organization.
Indeed, their experiences with other members of the organization may also be extrapolated to the
organization as a whole. For example, the friendliness of the reception staff or the courtesy
shown by people in the elevator may act as a heuristic predictor of the organization’s
benevolence. These relational dynamics are reflected in several heuristic/categorical models of
trust (i.e., McKnight et al., 1998; Meyerson et al., 1996; Wildman et al., 2012), yet remain
untested. Future research should empirically examine whether these relational-type heuristic
predictors are ultimately more important to early trust formation than heuristics that stem from
the physical setting. This research should also consider whether the relative importance of
heuristics fluctuates over time. For example, do more “relational” heuristics formed from
experiences with the reception staff wane as employees gather more concrete data on their
34
colleagues, with the heuristics formed from the physical setting persisting given their more
permanent nature?
Finally, research is needed that assumes the perspective of management. To what degree
do executives in charge of physical setting decisions consider the impact of those decisions on
employee reactions? Do they indeed view the physical setting as a tool for impression
management—for exemplification (Bolino et al., 2016)—by seeking to become more typical
and/or beautiful? It may be that such considerations are rare, currently, and there may even be a
risk of “going overboard” if organizations take them too far. One could envision attempts to
improve aesthetics that wind up giving employees “too much of a good thing,” or seeming like a
poor use of funds with high opportunity costs. Alternatively, one could envision a physical
setting being created that falls out of step with the the people who inhabit it. After all, it seems
likely that heuristic/categorical processes could simultaneously consider situational
normality/aesthetics and the typicality/attractiveness of salient employees. Examining the
relative effects of such stimuli becomes another interesting research direction.
Strengths and Limitations
The two studies described here have a number of strengths. Our field study followed new
accountants from the very first day of their employment to the end of their 10-week training
period. That allowed us to study trust formation during the very days and weeks that it was at its
most intense. Our use of four different time periods and two different sources also allowed us to
combat common method bias through temporal and source separation (Doty & Glick, 1998;
Podsakoff et al., 2003). We also gathered data to validate our new measures of situational
normality and situational aesthetics, with both exhibiting favorable content validity (Hinkin &
Tracey, 1999). In addition, our use of random assignment in Study 2 allowed us to control for
35
newcomer differences other than trust propensity (Kerlinger & Lee, 2000). Of course, the
marriage of the two studies—and the consistency of their results—allows us to have more
confidence in the robustness and generalizability of our findings.
In terms of limitations, the linkage between trust in the organization and learning
behavior in the field study was not temporally separated. Although source separation allays
concerns about common method bias, that test lacks the temporal precedence between presumed
cause and presumed effect that is desirable in hypothesis tests (Shadish, Cook, & Campbell,
2002). Attrition across time periods and sources also resulted in a limited sample size in Study 1.
We addressed that issue in Study 2, however, by ensuring that our laboratory design had strong
statistical power. Another potential limitation is that our measurement of situational normality
and situational aesthetics in Study 1 occurred approximately 3 weeks after newcomers’ first day
on the job, with this time lag designed to allow newcomers time to form and develop perceptions
of situational normality and situational aesthetics. It is possible that measuring these perceptions
sooner—in the first few days or hours on the job—would have altered our results. Yet, our
results in Study 2, which measured perceptions of trustworthiness only minutes after exposure to
the organization’s situational normality and situational aesthetics, were very similar to our results
in Study 1. This suggests that the timing of the measurement would not substantially affect our
conclusions. However, future research should address these temporal dynamics.
Practical Implications
Our findings offer a number of practical implications. First and foremost, organizations
should more carefully consider how to leverage the work setting to foster employee perceptions
of trustworthiness. The value of such actions is easy to defend given all the practically
meaningful outcomes than can be linked to trust. Whereas our studies focused on learning
36
behavior and intentions to accept a job offer, meta-analyses have linked trust to a variety of
performance-related behaviors (Colquitt et al., 2007). Perhaps the first step should be to ensure
that the work setting does not look too atypical. In this regard, construction, remodeling, and
redecorating decisions could more carefully consider benchmarking data from relevant peers—
the kinds of peers that help define “normal.” Alternatively, vendor decisions could be based on
whether the vendor has serviced relevant peers and not just on vendor pricing.
Fostering situational aesthetics is likely to be more challenging than fostering situational
normality, given the subjectivity involved in aesthetic judgments (Palmer et al., 2013). One
helpful finding in that regard is the moderately positive correlation between situational aesthetics
and situational normality in our field study. That result suggests that “not being strange” is the
first step towards being aesthetically pleasing. Once that is accomplished, however, survey
efforts could be used to gather data on employee preferences with respect to relevant aesthetics
issues, such as lighting, colors, textures, spatial forms, internal organization, and dividing
surfaces (McCoy & Evans, 2002). Such efforts could ensure that construction, remodeling, and
redecorating decisions are made in a way that pleases the maximum number of people.
Alternatively, such decisions could be guided by the maxims that are most universal in the study
of aesthetics, such as a preference for natural decor, high-quality lighting, and an ordered
arrangement of internal elements (Bitner, 1992; Elsbach & Pratt, 2007; McCoy & Evans, 2002;
Palmer et al., 2013). If neither of those approaches is feasible, then organizations could consider
giving newcomers more freedom to tailor their work setting to their aesthetic preferences—
something that would be especially practical in closed office environments. The mere gesture of
such freedom could have its own effects on perceived trustworthiness, apart from the heuristic
value of an elevated sense of aesthetics.
37
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TABLE 1
Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Study 1 a
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Trust propensity 3.53 0.55 .83
2. Situational normality 4.03 0.53 .00 .87
3. Situational aesthetics 3.47 0.73 .29* .17* .88
4. Psychological contract fulfillment 4.20 0.67 .09 .18* .24* .85
5. Perceived ability 4.42 0.55 .21* .28* .26* .45* .95
6. Perceived benevolence 3.73 0.66 .21* .13 .34* .46* .42* .91
7. Perceived integrity 3.92 0.54 .22* .24* .28* .54* .67* .67* .76
8. Trust in organization 3.59 0.57 .19* .09 .14† .20* .29* .51* .48* .78
9. Learning behavior 3.94 0.70 .12† -.02 .13 .09 .10 .14† .15* .18* .96 a n = 165. Coefficient alphas are on the diagonal.
† p < .10; * p < .05; two-tailed.
48
TABLE 2A
Manipulation Passages for Situational Normality
Situational Normality
High
The setting is very normal—being quite typical when compared to other professional services firms that you’re familiar with. The decor is as expected for this kind of firm and the atmosphere is very customary for this kind of firm. As you walk around the setting, it’s clear that things are very standard.
Medium
The setting has some more normal aspects and some less normal aspects. It has things that are typical of professional services firms you’re familiar with and things that are atypical of such firms. In terms of the decor and the atmosphere, some things are as expected and others are uncustomary. As you walk around the setting, it’s clear that things lay somewhere between standard and “non-standard.”
Low
The setting is not very normal—being quite atypical when compared to other professional services firms that you’re familiar with. The decor is very unusual for this kind of firm and the atmosphere is very uncustomary for this kind of firm. As you walk around the setting, it’s clear that things are very “non-standard”.
49
TABLE 2B
Manipulation Passages for Situational Aesthetics
Situational Aesthetics
High
The setting is very aesthetically pleasing—being quite beautiful in your view. The decor is very artistic and the atmosphere is very tasteful, to your eye. As you walk around, you see many aspects of the setting that are very pleasing and very lovely, relative to your tastes.
Medium
The setting is aesthetically “fine”—being neither beautiful nor unattractive in your view. In terms of the decor and the atmosphere, things are generally “okay” to your eye. As you walk around, you see many aspects of the setting that are “fair” or “so-so,” relative to your tastes.
Low
The setting is very aesthetically “un-pleasing”—being quite unattractive in your view. The decor is very bad looking and the atmosphere is very ugly, to your eye. As you walk around, you see many aspects of the setting that are very uninviting and very unappealing, relative to your tastes.
50
FIGURE 1
Conceptual Model
Risk Taking inRelationship
Trust inOrganization
.28*
TrustPropensity
PerceivedTrustworthiness
PerceivedBenevolence
PerceivedAbility
PerceivedIntegrity
The Work Setting
SituationalAesthetics
SituationalNormality
51
FIGURE 2
Structural Equation Modeling Results for Study 1
* p < .05, two-tailed.
52
FIGURE 3
Means Across Experimental Conditions for Situational Normality
Perc
eive
d A
bilit
y
2.75
3
3.25
3.5
3.75
Situational Normality
Low Medium High
Perc
eive
d B
enev
olen
ce
2.25
2.5
2.75
3
3.25
Situational Normality
Low Medium High
Perc
eive
d In
tegr
ity
2.25
2.5
2.75
3
3.25
Situational Normality
Low Medium High
53
FIGURE 4
Means Across Experimental Conditions for Situational Aesthetics
Perc
eive
d A
bilit
y
2.75
3
3.25
3.5
3.75
Situational Aesthetics
Low Medium High
Perc
eive
d B
enev
olen
ce
2.25
2.5
2.75
3
3.25
Situational Aesthetics
Low Medium High
Perc
eive
d In
tegr
ity
2.25
2.5
2.75
3
3.25
Situational Aesthetics
Low Medium High
54
FIGURE 5
Interactions between Situational Variables and Psychological Contract Fulfillment
Perc
eive
d A
bilit
y
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
Psychological Contract FulfillmentLow High
Low Normality Medium Normality High NormalityPe
rcei
ved
Abi
lity
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
Psychological Contract FulfillmentLow High
Low Aesthetics Medium Aesthetics High Aesthetics
55
Michael D. Baer (mikebaer@asu.edu) is an assistant professor in the Department of Management & Entrepreneurship at Arizona State University’s W. P. Carey School of Business. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Georgia’s Terry College of Business. His research interests include trust, organizational justice, and impression management. Lisa van der Werff (lisa.vanderwerff@dcu.ie) is a lecturer in human resource management and organizational psychology at Dublin City University Business School. She received her Ph.D. from Dublin City University, Ireland. Her research interests include trust, motivation, and workplace transitions. Jason A. Colquitt (colq@uga.edu) is the William Harry Willson Distinguished Chair in the Department of Management at the University of Georgia’s Terry College of Business. He received his Ph.D. from Michigan State University’s Eli Broad Graduate School of Management. His research interests include organizational justice, trust, team effectiveness, and personality influences on task and learning performance. Jessica B. Rodell (jrodell@uga.edu) is an associate professor in the Department of Management at the University of Georgia’s Terry College of Business. She received her Ph.D. and MBA from the University of Florida’s Warrington College of Business. Her research interests include employee volunteering, justice, and emotions. Kate P. Zipay (kzipay@uga.edu) is a doctoral student in the Department of Management at the University of Georgia’s Terry College of Business. Her research interests include the interface between work and leisure, employee well-being, and organizational justice. Finian Buckley (finian.buckley@dcu.ie) is an associate professor of organizational psychology at Dublin City University Business School. He received his Ph.D. from Dublin City University, Ireland. His research interests include trust, self-regulation, and emotion regulation.