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1
UNDERSTANDING THE FILIPINO CONCEPT OF NATIONALISM
A Research Proposal
Presented to the
Faculty of the Department of Political Science
School of Law and Governance
University of San Carlos
Cebu City, Philippines
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the course
POSC 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
By
DELIMA, CHAD MICHAELL G.
POWAO, JAYFORD O.
October 2014
2
University of San Carlos
Department of Political Science
Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
PLAGIARISM FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted along with the Thesis Proposal)
University of San Carlos Student Manual 2006 Edition
Art. IV Service Support Units
2.5.7 Major Offenses: Plagiarism, forgery, falsification, tampering, alteration or misuse of official school records, documents or credentials
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Name Chad Michaell G. Delima Program AB POSC PTS 4 Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
Title of Thesis Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
I, the undersigned, confirm that I understood the University policy about plagiarism and the importance of intellectual honesty. I testify that the work I submitted is wholly my own, and that any quotations or section of text taken from the published or unpublished work of any other person is duly and fully acknowledged therein. Signature of Student
Date of Submission
Oct. 21, 2014
Student Receipt ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Name of Student Chad Michaell G. Delima Title of Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis Date Received Received by (N&S)
3
University of San Carlos
Department of Political Science
Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
PLAGIARISM FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted along with the Thesis Proposal)
University of San Carlos Student Manual 2006 Edition
Art. IV Service Support Units
2.5.7 Major Offenses: Plagiarism, forgery, falsification, tampering, alteration or misuse of official school records, documents or credentials
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Name Jayford O. Powao Program AB POSC PTS 4 Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis
Title of Thesis Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
I, the undersigned, confirm that I understood the University policy about plagiarism and the importance of intellectual honesty. I testify that the work I submitted is wholly my own, and that any quotations or section of text taken from the published or unpublished work of any other person is duly and fully acknowledged therein. Signature of Student
Date of Submission
Oct. 21, 2014
Student Receipt ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Name of Student Jayford O. Powao Title of Course POSC142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis Date Received Received by (N&S)
4
APPROVAL SHEET
This research paper entitled Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
and as submitted by Chad Michaell G. Delima and Jayford O. Powao in partial fulfilment
of the requirements for POSC 142CC: Data Gathering and Analysis, has been examined
and accepted for Oral Defense.
Research Committee
Dr. Ryan C. Urbano
___________________________
Chairman
Fr. Joseph B. Anore, MAPM Arra Katrina C. Villaruel, MAAL
____________________ ________________________
Member Member
Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD
________________________________
Faculty Adviser
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University of San Carlos
Department of Political Science
Center for Governance, Leadership, and Development PoSc142CC Data Gathering and Analysis
COMPLIANCE FORM (this must be filled appropriately and submitted as scheduled; a copy must also be attached as annex to the final technical report)
Name of Researcher : Chad Michaell G. Delima and Jayford O. Powao
Title of Thesis : Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
Date of Submission : Oct. 22, 2014 Direction: Be sure to comply with the recommendations/suggestions of the defense panel. Write your action to each of the recommendations and indicate the specific page for inclusions and changes.
Comments/Recommendations
Actions Taken about
Comments/Recommendations Page No. Incorporated Completely
Incorporated but Refined
Not Incorporated
Title Page and Preliminaries
1. Provide results in the Abstract 2. Provide Executive Summary 7-8
The Problem and Its Setting
OK
Theoretical Background
1. Improve the discussion on Hechters framework of nationalism
2. Provide the details and characteristics of each type 3. Transfer in TB the exhaustive discussion of Philippine
history found in Chapter 4
20-38
Research Methodology
1. Improve the methodology to match the data required 2. Check comments given during the proposal defense
on the ff: respondents, environment, treatment of data
42-49
Results and Discussions
NEEDS REVISION 1. Improve the data presentation, provide only the
highlights 2. Where is your data analysis and presentation 3. Key points of certain facts of history 4. How are you going to do with each of the data
(treatment) (interpret) 5. More validation of the themes
53-85
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6. In every timeline, build your case (base on the matrix) 7. Distinguish reference from data source 8. Characteristics of specific era 9. Should present the findings and interpretation 10. Present the data and explain each era 11. Characteristics that make state-building, etc. 12. Provide prper transition statements to ensure
coherence 13. Title of Matrix (end ofChap 4) 14. Proper treatment of data 15. Relate communitarianism to nationalism
Conclusion and Recommendation
1. Establish claims in your conclusion 2. Provide doable recommendations 3. Be careful with the language of your
recommendations
86-90
Citation and Bibliography
1. Source of history 2. Proper citation of presented data 91-94
Language, Grammar and Choice of Words
1. Pls. consult an editor Appendices
OK
Noted By: Students Name and Signature: Chad Michaell G. Delima Jayford Powao Rejene T. Lakibul, MPMD Adviser
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Understanding the Filipino Concept of Nationalism
ABSTRACT
This study aimed to understand the Filipino concept of nationalism. As stated by
some Filipino thinkers, Filipino nationalism is more in the mind than in reality (Mercado,
1988). President Ferdinand Marcos also said that Filipinos do not really possess a clear
concept of nationalism because of its colonial experiences. Hence, the student-researchers
traced back the historical background of Filipino nationalism in order to achieve a clearer
picture of the contemporary sense of nationalism among Filipinos.
Guided by the general objective of understanding the Filipino concept of
nationalism, a qualitative style of research methodology was pursued. Key informant
interviews were conducted among the members of the academe and resource persons
from National Commission for Culture and the Arts and other institutions. Also, the
student-researchers conducted documents review of related literatures by extracting
relevant data from the previous literatures written by authoritative writers.
Communitarianism was used in the study as its theoretical background because of
its concept that fits to the description on the existence of diverse local cultures in the
Philippine society. Moreover, this study utilized four classifications of nationalism (State-
building, Irredentist, Unification, Peripheral) according to Michael Hechter in his book
Containing Nationalism (2000).
Based on the research conducted by the student-researchers, the Filipino concept
of nationalism had faced different challenges before its conception. Cultural diversity and
language barriers were among the recognized challenges of nationalism. But despite that,
Filipinos were able to sustain and further develop their quest to identify their own identity
as Filipinos. The recognized recent challenges of nationalism were globalization and
regional integrations. These concepts were considered by scholars as developers of
external influences that could hamper the development of nationalism of the younger
generations.
Despite of all those mentioned challenges, Filipino nationalism had its own
breakthroughs in Philippine society. The most popular was the eradication of the foreign
colonizers that reigned supreme in a span for several centuries. Filipinos were able to
overthrow regimes and tyrannical colonizers because of their unity and solidarity to
achieve freedom. Former President Ferdinand Marcos fell victim to Filipino nationalism
that despite his rule with an iron fist, it did not stop the Filipinos to re-claim their freedom
and regain their democractic way of life.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The general objective of this study was to understand the Filipino concept of
nationalism and was guided by the specific objectives. Firstly, it would find out the
historical background of Filipino nationalism by studying its historical influences.
Secondly, the study would identify the kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess by
utilizing Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism based on his book Containing Nationalism (2000) namely State-building, Peripheral, Irredentist and Unification.
Thirdly, it would examine the current condition of the identified kind of nationalism that
Filipinos possess. Fourthly, the study would determine the challenges encountered by the
development of Filipino nationalism and its breakthroughs in society. Lastly, the study
would theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism in Philippine society.
The study assumed that the Filipino sense of nationalism is not yet clear. It also
conformed to the hypotheses that: Filipino nationalism was shaped by colonial
experiences of the past; that Filipino nationalism is affected by present circumstances
such as cultural diversity and communitarianism; that the kind of Filipino nationalism is
dependent on the interface of both past and present circumstances; and that breakthroughs
and challenges being encountered by Filipino nationalism significantly contribute to the
theorizing of its future potentials.
The significance of the study included the attempt to contribute to the enrichment
on limited literatures about Filipino nationalism. The study could also be used as a future
reference for further study on Filipino political philosophy. As a whole, the study hoped
to contribute to the Political Theory and Systems Track of the Department of Political
Science through the giving of emphasis on the study of nationalism.
The scope and limitation of the study included the look into the evolution of
Filipino concept of nationalism and the significant factors that shaped its identity. The
problems and challenges that concern Filipino nationalism were also taken into account.
The treatment of data and discursive analysis thereof pursued Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism which are State-building, Peripheral, Irredentist,
Unification. Such classifications were analyzed in order to describe Filipino nationalism.
The theory of communitarianism was used as the theoretical framework because
based on the cultural accounts of the Philippine society, it is being composed of diverse
cultures. Also, communitarianism is a localized concept of nationalism according Dr.
Resil Mojares. Despite its diverse culture, Filipinos are perceived to have achieved unity
with one another in countering external influences, which best fits Will Kymlickas pronouncement about communitarianism: Citizens identify each other without sharing a common religion and disagree about the good life but still identify each other because
they share a sense of belonging to an intergenerational society which has some historical
reference points and a common future (Kymlicka, 2002).
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Based on historical accounts, Filipino nationalism was influenced by colonial
effects. Romeo Cruz (1975) in his book Ang Pagkabuo ng Nasyonalismong Filipino said
that Filipino nationalism is a borrowed concept implanted upon us from our past colonizers. This statement was affirmed by former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos (1980) in his book An Ideology for Filipinos. He argued that colonial influences made us confused on who we really are as Filipinos and what future we must pursue.
By utilizing Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism which were state-building, irredentist, peripheral, unification, the closest description of Filipino
nationalism was State-building nationalism. The description of a state-building
nationalism was the recognition of the presence of a multicultural population that
intended to create a united homogenous society. Homogeneous in a sense that despite of
the cultural differences people tend to unite themselves against a recognized common
enemy that threatened their culture, heritage and traditions. Based on the description,
State-building nationalism is indeed the kind of nationalism that Filipinos possess.
The student-researchers had a few recommendations in order to further develop
Filipino nationalism that the Filipinos possessed. Firstly, the student-researchers
recommend the enrichment of the limited existing literatures that expounds Filipino
nationalism. There must be a government-academe cooperation that would encourage
historians to study and re-write Philippine history in a manner that is based on a Filipino
historians perspective that could further develop the conception of nationalism among Filipinos. Secondly, there must be a reform on the Philippine educational system that
would look into the Filipino subjects by not just a mere study of the language but
performs rigid instructions that would instill the importance of Filipino nationalism to the
young students.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
TITLE PAGE 1
PLAGIARISM FORM 2
APPROVAL SHEET 4
COMPLIANCE FORM 5
ABSTRACT 7
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8
TABLE OF CONTENTS 10
1 INTRODUCTION
Rationale of the Study 12
THE PROBLEM
Statement of the Problem 13
Statement of Assumptions 14
Statement of Hypothesis 14
Significance of the Study 15
Scope and Limitations of the Study 15
DEFINITIONS OF TERMS 15
ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY 16
2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Review of Related Literature 18
Theoretical Framework 39
Conceptual Framework 41
11
3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Environment 43
Research Respondents 44
Research Instruments 47
Research Procedures 48
Gathering of Data 48
Treatment of Data 49
4 PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA 53
5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 86
BIBLIOGRAPHY 91
APPENDICES 95
A Transmittal Letters for Key Informant Interviews 96
B Questionnaires for Key Informant Interviews 103
C Answers from the Key Informant Interviews 111
D Monitoring Sheet 117
E Informants Profile 119
F Transcriptions of the Key Informant Interview 121
G Prior Informed Consent Form 137
H Curriculum Vitae 140
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Rationale of the Study
In the course of human history, states evolved because society had a practical
need for it. Societies transformed from simple pastoral communities to complex societies
which needed a government to administer the societys affairs and to maintain peace and
order in the society. With the emergence of the state, an ideology was developed which
became a principal form of self-identification and a sense of consciousness and
belongingness to the nation, together with sentiments and aspiration for the promotion of
security and prosperity of that particular nation. This ideology is called Nationalism
(Baradat, 2009). It can be inferred that through nationalism, people were provided with a
sense of importance, identity and belongingness to the state. Many states which used to
be politically divided were unified because of Nationalism. Such a concept was also
classified into four according to Michael Hechter (2000), to wit: State-building
Nationalism, Peripheral Nationalism, Irredentist Nationalism and Unification
Nationalism.
In addition, Jean-Jacques Rousseau in 1762 shocked the ruling elite of Europe by
his postulation that countries do not belong to the monarchs but to the people themselves
which eventually resulted to French Revolution in between 1789 and 1799. Nationalism
has become one of the most important powerful political ideas of the past 200 years. It
has had a great impact on every person in every modern society (Hechter, 2000).
In addition, the Philippines, a developing country having historical experiences
with colonialism and with culturally diverse population, was said to have not really
13
possessed a clear concept of nationalism. According to Leonardo Mercado (1988:9), the
concept of what is a Filipino is tied up with the concept of nationalism which is more in
the mind than in reality. However, enrichments are yet to be made on what kind of
nationalism characterizes that of the Filipinos and the several significantly defining
factors that contributed to it. To quote former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos
(1980), as an effect to our colonial experiences, we have no clear conception on who we
really are, what do we stand for, what we are dreaming for and what our world as
Filipinos is leading to. Thus, the guiding aim of this research is to come up with a
theoretical understanding of Filipino nationalism that has practical implications therein.
THE PROBLEM
Statement of the Problem
The general objective of this study was to understand the Filipino concept of
nationalism. In line with this, it would be supported by the following specific objectives:
To find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism
To identify the type or kind of nationalism that the Filipinos possess by utilizing
the classification made by Michael Hechter (2000). The following types of
nationalism according to Hechter are:
a) State-building, b) Irredentist, c) Peripheral and d) Unification
To examine the current condition of the identified type or kind of Filipino
nationalism
14
To determine the breakthroughs, limitations, and challenges of Filipino
nationalism
To theorize on the future potentials of Filipino nationalism
Statement of Assumptions
The student-researchers conformed to the assumption that the Filipino sense of
nationalism is not yet clear and that because of significant colonial interventions, our
sense of nationalism as Filipinos is more in the mind than in reality.
Statement of Hypothesis
The student-researchers were guided by the following hypotheses:
That Filipino nationalism is shaped by colonial experiences of the past
That Filipino nationalism is affected by present circumstances such as
cultural diversity, communitarianism, and individualism
That the type or kind of Filipino nationalism is dependent on the interface
of both past and present circumstances
That the breakthroughs, limitations, and challenges being encountered by
Filipino nationalism significantly contribute to the theorizing of its future
potentials
15
Significance of the Study
This study would be beneficial to the enrichment of existing literatures written
about the interface of nationalism. Considering the current trend of structuring better the
identity of Filipino political philosophy, this research would serve as a guiding reference.
Mapping out both historical and contemporary encounters of the Philippines is crucial to
any proposed systemic interventions. In addition, this research hoped to contribute to the
Political Theory and Systems track of the Department of Political Science through the
giving of emphasis on the study of nationalism. The end goal of which is to influence the
operation of the system (i.e. system on transformational leadership).
Scope and Limitations
This paper was delimited to the study of the Filipino concept of nationalism. It
would also look into the evolution of the Filipino concept of nationalism, as well as the
significantly defining factors that help shape its identity. This paper would also tackle the
challenges and problems concerning Filipino nationalism. In the discursive analysis
thereof, emphasis was accorded to the classifications of the type of nationalism put
forward by Michael Hechter (2000).
Definition of Terms
Nationalism - an awareness of ones membership in a nation in which ones highest
loyalty is to the nation; a state of mind in which it unites different people belonging to
different cultures to a single national identity; together with a desire to achieve, maintain
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and perpetuate the identity, as well as safeguard and promote the prosperity of that
nation.
Filipino a person belonging to the Republic of the Philippines
Concept an idea, notion or perception; can be synonymous to sense
Understanding the ability to perceive and comprehend the nature and significance of a
given item
Organization of the Study
This paper was composed of three (3) chapters. The first part of chapter one
discussed the rationale of the study. It included the statement of the problem as well as
the statement of assumptions and hypothesis. The end part of chapter one focused on the
significance of the study and how it could be related as a relevant discussion to the
discourse in Political Science. It attempted to answer the question, what makes the
subject matter a problem that is worthy to be researched. This end part of chapter one
also deliberately discussed the studys scope and limitations as well as operational
definition of terms.
The second chapter provided the theoretical background. It elaborated on the
important and relevant variables that the researchers have found to be significant in the
study. This chapter also showcased important literatures and case studies which may
serve as relevant references for analysis and interpretations. A conceptual framework was
created in order to simplify the presentation on how the researchers would go about
understanding Filipino concept of nationalism.
17
The third chapter discussed the methodology of the study. It provided the tools
that were used in order to gather relevant supplementary data. It included explanations on
the choice of environment, respondents, instruments, and procedures in the treatment of
data.
18
CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Review of Related Literature
Nationalism has its roots which can be traced back to ancient societies.
(Roshwald, 2006). Nationalism has emerged as one of the most important political idea
of the past 200 years according to Baradat (2009) and it has had a great impact on every
person in every modern society. Many divided countries have been united together for the
love of the nation-state. With the emergence of the nation-state, nationalism was
developed as its ideological justification. Nationalism is used as a frame of reference as
well as a yardstick by which to measure and assess people and policy. It is a principal
form of self-identification; thus, it has the power to unite the people. Nationalism is so
powerful that it has dominated almost every other idea system. Almost all of the
ideologies, the state was given a role and a dominant place.
The organization of this papers literature review would present first the
discussions on Nationalism. It would be followed by arguments building on the Filipino
concept of nationalism, its history and its conception. Finally, it would present the
synthesis of the processed literature as well as the gaps and limitations of the related
studies thereto.
There is no single definition of Nationalism. Kohn (1944) posits that nationalism
is first and foremost a state of mind and an act of consciousness. The collective or group
consciousness will strive towards creating homogeneity within the group, a conformity
and like-mindedness which lead to and facilitate concerted and common action.
19
Furthermore, McLean (1996) and Anbarani (2013), argue that nationalism is a means of
mobility of feelings and national sensation for homeland and catching political or
national economic goals.
According to Leon Baradat (2009) in his book Political Ideologies: Their Origins
and Impact, the theory of Nationalism is an abstraction. Rather than giving loyalty to a
person such as noble or a king, people were asked to commit to an idea, to a tradition, to
a history, to a notion of fraternity. Nationalism represents the union of a political
phenomenon with the identity of the human being. Nationalism focuses on the national
group as the principal political unit, and it demands that the national group be served by a
state a nation-state. Nationalism can be a unifying factor in that it demands the
subordination of all identities, values, and interests to those of the national group.
Nationalism is also exclusivist because it demands that each individual gives loyalty to
one-nation state. Emotional attachment to nationalism is so strong because nationalism
gives the individual an identity and extends that identity to something greater than the
self. Nationalism does more than simply describe a political entity. It creates a mirror in
which individuals see and define themselves. It is also a prism through which individuals
observe, assess, and react to events and to other people.
To explain why nationalism has taken such different forms in different societies,
it is better to seek a typology that is derived from analytical considerations and to help
account the normative differences between types of nationalism. Michael Hechter (2000)
in his book Containing Nationalism says that there are four types of Nationalism which
are: State-building Nationalism, Peripheral Nationalism, Irredentist Nationalism and
Unification Nationalism
20
State-building nationalism is a type of nationalism that is embodied in the attempt
to assimilate or incorporate culturally distinctive territories in a given state. It is the result
of the conscious efforts of central rulers to make a multicultural population culturally
homogeneous. This type of nationalism tries to unite cultural distinctive territories to a
one and cultural homogenous state. Since the rationale for state-building nationalism is
often geopoliticalto secure borders from real or potential rivalsthis kind of
nationalism tends to be culturally inclusive. Central rulers of a given culture can unify
their country by expelling culturally alien populations (as in the Spanish Reconquista), or
by exterminating them (often the fate of the indigenous people of North America)
(Hechter, 2000). The characteristics of this particular type of nationalism is that there
were presence of a multicultural population and that the central rulers try to maximize on
such characteristic in order to solidify the particular society despite of its diversity so that
people themselves would act against external influences and foreign excursions. With this
type of nationalism, the central government is safe from outside intervensions because its
multicultural population is supportive to the government.
Peripheral Nationalism occurs when a culturally distinctive territory resists
incorporation into an expanding state, or attempts to secede and set up its own
government. It seeks to bring about national determination by separating the nation from
its host state. The Balkan regions were first to develop peripheral nationalism. Among
them were Serbia and Greece who declared their autonomy and independence from the
Ottoman Empire which was the host state. There is a withdrawal from a central political
authority by a member unit on the basis of a claim to independent sovereign status as in
Quebec and Scotland (Hechter, 2000).
21
Irredentist Nationalism occurs with the attempt to extend the existing boundaries
of a state by incorporating territories of an adjacent state occupied principally by co-
nationals. Irredentism refers to any effort to unite national segments of a population in
adjacent countries within a common polity. Irredentist Nationalism is the least prevalent
form of nationalism. If Peripheral Nationalism or secession involves substracting a
national territory from a state, irredentist movements involve substracting the territory
from one state and adding it to another. Hitlers annexation of Sudetenland is perhaps the
most transparent recent example of Irredentist Nationalism (Hechter, 2000). The most
recent example of this nationalism was the Sabah siege. More than 200 fighter-supporters
of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III of the Sultanate of Sulu raided the island of Sabah in
Malaysia (Inquirer.net, 2013). The aim of the raid was to re-claim Sabah as part of the
Sultanate of Sulu and re-unite the particular territory under the territorial sovereignty of
the Philippine government. Most of the residents in Sabah are Muslims coming from Sulu
but decided to migrate to Sabah for greener pastures. This particular nationalism was
quiet extreme because it used armed force in order to achieve political and territorial
claims.
Finally, Unification Nationalism involves the merger of a politically divided but
culturally homogeneous territory into one state, as famously occurred in nineteenth-
century Germany and Italy that brought King Wilhem I as the king of all unified states
under his rule with the aim to solidify German and Italian populations against external
threats especially Austria. The effect of the unification made Germany to produce the
most powerful army in Europe in the 19th
century. (Hechter, 2000).
22
To sum up Michael Hechters classifications of nationalism, statebuilding
nationalism involved a multicultural population aiming to be culturally homogeneous.
Peripheral nationalism on the other hand, is a political determination by separating a part
of a nation from its host state. Irredentist nationalism is a movement that involves
subtracting the territory from one state and adding it to another and Unification
nationalism aims to unify a culturally homogeneous territory into a single state.
Moreover, Filipino nationalism is a borrowed concept and was implanted to us
from our past colonizers and that we do not have our own genuine nationalism (Cruz,
1975). The development of nationalism in the Philippines is different from Europe where
the idea germinated and its definition is contextual because nationalism has connotations
that shift according to time, place and circumstances (Agoncillo, 1974). The colonial era
of the Spanish brought misconceptions about who we really are and as time went on, the
Americans reinforced those influences which made us more confused on who we really
are (Marcos, 1980).
The problem on how we were able to develop our Filipino sense of nationalism is
expounded by Agoncillo (1974:40). He elaborated that our previous higher education
molded the evolution of Filipino nationalism despite the Jesuits style of education as
mentioned by Jose Rizal - that they were not taught love of country but only what is
beautiful and what is best.
Another instance pertained to the peoples majority support to the Philippine
governments legal actions against the intrusion of Chinese military personnel in our
territories in the Kalayaan Group of Islands. Most Filipinos backed the governments
efforts to contest Chinas actions before the International Tribunal for the resolution of
23
the dispute (Suarez, 2014:1). This mass approval is a gesture of the presence of Filipino
nationalism.
In contrasting the western and eastern concepts of nationalism, Plamenatz (1973)
said in distinction that Western nationalism is civic and the non-Western nationalism or
eastern is illiberal and oppressive. Several thinkers have made the same pronouncement
that Western nationalism is essentially rational and liberal towards the appreciation of
human rights and seeking cooperation while the eastern nationalism is focused on
ethnocentrism and grounded in tribal feelings which is motivated by feelings of
inferiority. In other words, the western nationalism is civic based while the eastern is
ethnic based (Beiner, 1999).
Another concept that can help understand nationalism is the concept of
Ubuntuism. This concept does not promote surrendering individuals rights,which means
to say that there is no sacrifice of freedom. It actually increases with the size of the group.
People are after all only fully human when recognized by others (Zandberg, 2014).
Moreover, Ubuntuism promotes that an ideal individual member of society or leader must
possess kindness, generosity, modesty, helpfulness and humility (Broodryk, 2006:21). If
only individuals possess those traits and that they treat other individuals in the society as
same as they treat themselves, there is no need to surrender the rights of people to the
state. Respect must be shown not only to other human beings, but also to the communal
environment, animals, nature and the supernatural. It is therefore possible to live in a
community where there is no external power to impose freedom (Broodryk, 2006:21).
24
Timeline of the Development of Filipino Nationalism
To be able to give a brief presentation of data, the student-researchers provided a
flowchart of events that presented the development of Filipino nationalism throughout the
time and the factors that contributed to its conception.
Opening of the Philippines to World
Commerce (1834-1873)
In 1834, Manila was opened
From 1834-1873 several ports were opened: Sual, Iloilo, Zamboanga, Cebu, Legaspi ports
The Secularization Movement
In 1862, Fr. Pedro Pelaez exposed the discrimination of Filipino clergies
The execution of: Zamora, Burgos, Gomez the three most outspoken leaders of the movement awakened the people to push
for reforms and representation.
The return of the Jesuits and Dominicans known for their scholarship and maintained a relatively high standard of instruction
and hence stimulated the progress of Philippine educational system.
The liberal regime of De la Torre (1869-1871)
The Spanish civil war in 1868 overthrew Queen Isabela II
In 1869, Governor Carlos Maria De la Torre arrived in the
Philippines and applied democratic and liberal ideas
He encouraged freedom of speech and formation of associations
25
The Propaganda Movement (1872)
Systematic efforts to spread opinion and beliefs by means of pen and tongue
The aims of the movement: 1. Integration of the colony as a regular province of Spain 2. Secularization of the parishes 3. The restoration of the representation of the Philippines to the
Spanish Cortez
4. Restoration of freedom of speech, press, assembly and religion
The 1896 Philippine Revolution
During the 19th century, colonial and feudal system of exploitation reached its fullest development and ripened.
Under the strain of increasing exploitation, the national democratic aspirations of the broad masses of the people rose.
The revolution was started by Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio which asserted sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule.
The American Era (1899-1946)
American aggression weakened the Filipino resistance but did not die out
Laws were enacted by the Americans to counter the influence of revolution (Ex. Flag Law)
Filipino liberators were labeled by the Americans as bandits to degrade their credibility and discourage other Filipinos from joining
On Nov. 30, 1930, Crisanto Evangelista founded the Communist Party of the Philippines with an orientation against US imperialism
HUKBALAHAP after fighting against the Japanese in Woeld War Two changed its name to Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan or HMB to fight with an anti-imperialist orientation against the Americans
July 4, 1946, US gave the Philippines its independence
26
The Japanese Era (1942-1945)
At the height of the World War Two, Gen. McArthur left the Philippines after losing the battles against the Imperial Army
HUKBALAHAP was formed to fight the Japanese invaders In 1944, McArthur returned and liberated the Philippine islands
against the Japanese
Post-Japanese Era
In the 1960s, Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas merged with HMB to fight in an anti-US imperialism campaign along with the growing student movements
They did not recognize July 4, 1946 as a genuine independence bestowed by the US because political machinery in the Philippines were submissive to the US because it was patterned the same as the US political system
In Dec. 26, 1968, PKP was divided because of internal politics and clashing opinions. CPP-MLM was born with the drive against US imperialism and local forms of oppression and exploitation claiming that the fight of Andres Bonifacio for independence was unfinished and it is their moral obligation to continue the cause
27
Pre-Spanish Period
Before the Spaniards came, the people of the Philippine archipelago had a semi-
communal and semi-slave social system in many parts and feudal system in some parts
especially in Mindanao and Sulu where Islam has already been established. The basic
political and economic unit in the whole archipelago was the barangay. It was headed by
the chieftain called the rajah or datu. During the pre-colonial era the people were
confined to the barangay which was the basic political and economic unit all over the
archipelago. People belonged to more than 100 ethnolinguistic communities, but the
The polarization of nationalism in 1970s With the rise of the leftist movement and the occurrences of the
Vietnam War, Filipinos became sensitive to their nationalist beliefs
As described by Dr. Mojares, nationalism at that time became an either-or situation
A mere speaking of foreign language can raise eyebrows and can be called as anti-nationalistic or pro-colonialism
The arm struggle was rising because of the leftist belief that Spanish and American independence were just a sham
1986 People Power Revolution
Nationalism shifted towards political transformations National identity is characterized towards the commitment to
freedom and democracy Important corollary notions were struggle against tyranny and
injustice
28
overwhelming majority of them belonged to the biggest ethnolinguistic communities:
Ilocano, Pangasinan, Kapampangan, Tagalog, Bisaya, Ilonggo, Waray and Maguindanao.
It was possible for the Spanish colonialists to conquer by armed force and convert some
communities to Christianity and then conscript from one locality in order to further carry
out the conquest and conversion of another locality from the late 16th
century onwards
because the native people were divided into so many independent small societies and
scores of ethnolinguistic communities (Guerrero, 2005).
According to Mastura (1984), Muslim Filipinos were the only people who had
successes in forming what could be called states prior to the Spanish arrival in the
Archipelago. The greatest achievement along this line was the Sultunate created by
Kudarat who at the height of his power presided over the most extensive political entity
governed by a native rule in the Philippines until the formation of the present republic.
There was already an existing unity in the tribe or locality headed by Sultan Kudarat.
Moreover, Mastura (1984) continued to explain that by holding the ideal espoused by
Sultan Kudarat, that all Filipinos are one whatever be their faith, origin, or station in life
acting as a symbol and agent of that unity. This contention was supported by our Key
Informant, a historian, Professor Imbong of UP Cebu he said that:
During the pre-colonial period, the people were very regionalistic. The only region that achieved unity was Mindanao.
29
Spanish Era
Throughout the long period of Spanish colonial regime, many revolts broke out
which was sporadic all over the archipelago against the tribute, corvee labor, commercial
monopolies, excessive land rent, land grabbing, imposition of Catholic faith, arbitrary
rules and other cruel practices of the colonial rulers. There were at least 200 revolts of
uneven scope and duration. These grew with cumulative strength to create a great
revolutionary tradition among the Filipino people. One of the most successful revolts in
the first century were those led by Sulayman in 1564 and Magat Salamat in 1587-88 in
Manila and by Malagat in 1596 in Cagayan. Almost simultaneously, Tamblot in Bohol
and Bankaw in Leyte raised the flag of revolt. Revolts also broke out in Nueva Vizcaya
and Cagayan respectively. The most widespread revolts that occured in the 17th
century
were those inspired by Sumuroy in the southern provinces and Maniago, Malong and
Almazan in the north provinces of the archipelago. The Sumuroy revolt started in 1649
and spread northward to Albay and Camarines Sur and southward to Masbate, Cebu,
Camiguin, Zamboanga and Northern Mindanao (Guerrero, 2005).
As Professor Imbong added,
There were many packet of revolts around the country but it was sporadic not yet really nationally united. One popular example of this was the
revolution which was led by Dagohoy at Bohol.
Jose Maria Sison on his book For Democracy and Socialism against Imperialist
Globalization wrote that:
National consciousness arose in the response to the intensification of colonial, feudal and racial oppression. The people started to realize that
they must rise up as a new nation in armed revolution in order to liberate
themselves from the foreign oppressors. National sentiment and
aspirations became defined in terms of achieving national independence
from Spanish colonialism and establishing a modern nation-state..
30
According to Prof. Churchill in his article for the National Commission for
Culture and the Arts which is entitled History of the Philippine Revolution, there was an
impact to Filipino awareness towards nationalism when the Spanish opened the
Philippines for world commerce. She wrote that,
The seeds of revolution were, in fact, sown earlier in the nineteenth century when Spain's enforced isolation of the Philippines was shattered
with the opening of the country to foreign commerce and the resulting
development of an export economy by non-Spanish foreign enterprises
(British, American, Chinese). Consequently, revolutionary and liberal movements in Europe and elsewhere, in addition to the persistence of friar
autocratic rule, brought winds of change in the political climate in the
Philippines.
Upon the opening of world commerce in the Philippines, the influx of liberal
ideas of John Locke and Jean Jacques Rosseau were very influential to the sprout of early
awareness of Filipino nationalism (Morano, 2014).
Secularization Movement and Gomburza
The secularization movement during the Spanish period which was headed by
Filipino priests Gomez, Burgos and Zamora who were the most outspoken leaders of the
movement who were accused of conspiring to overthrow the Spanish colonialism and
were garroted. They headed the movement which alleviated the plight of the Filipino
priests by insisting on the prior right of the native secular clergy to assignment in parishes
over that the friars newly arrived from Spain (Agoncillo, 2002). This also contributed to
the awareness among the people said Prof. Imbong of UP Cebu. The secularization of the
parishes which the Filipino clergymen had fought for was one of the factors that gave
color to the struggle of the Filipinos for recognition. According to Professor Churchill,
31
The public garroting of the three secular priests who were the leaders of the secular movement (in effect, nationalization) of Philippine parishes on February 17,
1872 for their supposed complicity in a military mutiny in Cavity made the Revolution
inevitable.
The return of Jesuits in 1859 followed by the Educational Decree of 1863
improved somehow the educational system of the Philippines. Teodoro Agoncillo on his
book The Revolt of the Masses further argued that,
The Jesuits, long famous for their scholarship and foresight far ahead of any other religious order, maintained a high standard of instruction and
hence stimulated the progress of the Philippines in education. Thus those
who could afford to study for a career were admitted into the Jesuit and
Dominican colleges in Manila and elsewhere, and it was these Filipino
intellegentsia that agitated reforms, calculated to improve the social and
cultural status of the people. Father Feodor Jagor adds that the old situation is no longer feasible with the social changes that time has
wrought. Every facility of communication opens a breach in the old system
and motivates reforms of a liberal nature. The more capital and foreign
ideas penetrate, the more they augment the well-being, intelligence and
self-esteem, thus making the existing evils more intolerable.
The Liberal Regime of De la Torre
Another contributing factor of the early realization of Filipino nationalism was the
liberal regime of Governor General De la Torre. Following the Spanish revolution of
September 1868, in which the unpopular Queen Isabella II was deposed, the new
government appointed General Carlos Mara de la Torre governor of the Philippines. An
outspoken liberal, de la Torre extended to Filipinos the promise of reform. In a break
with established practice, he fraternized with Filipinos, invited them to the governor's
palace, and rode with them in official processions. Filipinos in turn welcomed de la Torre
warmly, held a "liberty parade" to celebrate the adoption of the liberal 1869 Spanish
constitution, and established a reform committee to lay the foundations of a new order.
32
Prominent among de la Torre's supporters in Manila were professional and business
leaders of the ilustrado community and, perhaps more significantly, Filipino secular
priests. These included the learned Father Jos Burgos, a Spanish mestizo, who had
published a pamphlet, Manifesto to the Noble Spanish Nation, criticizing those racially
prejudiced Spanish who barred Filipinos from the priesthood and government service
(Dolan, 1991).
As an effect to the liberalization program of De la Torre, Dolan (1991) explained
that De la Torre abolished censorship of newspapers and legalized the holding of public
demonstrations, free speech, and assembly--rights guaranteed in the 1869 Spanish
constitution. Students at the University of Santo Toms formed an association, the
Liberal Young Students (Juventud Escolar Liberal), and in October 1869 held
demonstrations protesting the abuses of the university's Dominican friar administrators
and teachers.
The Propaganda Movement
One of the seeds of nationalism was the Propaganda Movement led by Filipino
intellectuals like Jose Rizal, Marcelo H. Del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena in which
Jose Rizal first used the term Filipinos in reference to the Indios or the natives of the
Philippines used by the Spanish colonizers which made Filipinos to become aware of
their national identity and not anymore as Tagalogs, Malays or Cebuanos said Prof.
Imbong. The Propaganda Movement also became an effective medium for the free
expression of the propagandists. They demanded the removal of the friars and the
secularization of the parishes, representation of the Philippines in the Spanish Cortes,
33
participation in the conduct of the government, equality before the law, freedom of
assembly, press and of speech and a wider social and individual freedom. The Ilustrados
who were the young, educated Filipino are the ones who are credited to have thought of a
Filipino community free from colonial rule (Ileto, 2008).
This claim is also supported by Teodoro Agoncillo on his book The Revolt of the
Masses that,
The Ilustrados learned that they as Filipinos were not inferior to other people, certainly not to Spaniards. This heightend consciousness led to the
dissolution of the aura of authority and the halo of grace that had bound
Filipinos to the colonial order. Realizing such injustices done to them, as
forced labor, taxes and inequality before the law, the ilustrados began to
wage a propaganda campaign aimed to make Filipinos and Spaniards
equal within the existing colonial framework: they wanted reforms not
independence. In spite of their limited aims, however, the Ilustrados are
credited with having first conceived of a Filipino national community.
As Resil B. Mojares writes in his book Brains of the Nation:
The production of modern knowledge by Filipinos was determinative in the rise of Philippine nationalism. In the late nineteenth century, Filipinos,
increasingly self-aware in their nationality, started to lay the local
foundations of such disciplines as history, anthropology, linguistics,
political science and sociology. Filipinos were engaged in cultural self-
definition in the context of anti-colonial nation-formation. Disciplines
were cultivated not as specialized, abstract systems but as instruments and
ways towards understanding and organizing society. Varied in their creative and critical practices, Filipino intellectuals worried about their
relation to the country from, of and for which they spoke and traced the
possibilities of an autonomous, critical voice in dialogue of the West.
The 1896 Philippine Revolution
Under the strain of increasing exploitation, the national and democratic
aspirations of the masses rose. As oppression heightened, the spirit of resistance among
the ruled, especially the peasant masses, increased until the Philippine Revolution of
1996 broke out. The clear revolutionary call for separation from Spain was made by the
34
Kataastaasang Kagalang-galang na Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan which was
secretly founded by leader Andres Bonifacio immediately after Rizals arrest in 1892.
The guiding ideology of the revolution was that of the liberal bourgeoisie which was
modeled upon the French Revolution. The revolution asserted the sovereignty of the
Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of the
friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule (Guerrero, 2005).
As a concept and historical force, Filipino nationality was originally a product of
the revolutionary movement of the people led by the revolutionary organization which is
Katipunan. Previously, the Spanish colonialists referred to their colonial native subjects
as indios or indigenes and to the Philippine-born Spaniards as Filipinos. The
revolutionaries categorically appropriated the term Filipino in a manifesto to refer to the
entire colonized people of various ethnolinguistic communities in the struggle for
national liberation. Previously, the Katipunan leaders and common people often referred
to themselves as Tagalog, Malay or lahing kayumanggi and the reformists in the
propaganda movement in Spain as indios bravos or noble indios. Filipino nationality was
first of all a political-revolutionary term and at the same time carried political,
socioeconomic and cultural significance and content. It denoted revolutionary will and
movement of the people to establish the first nation-state encompassing the entire
archipelago (Sison, 2006).
American Era
Amado Guerrero writes in his book Philippine Society and Revolution:
The people of Bicol continued to wage armed struggle until 1903 when their leader Simeon Ola betrayed them by surrendering. In Visayas,
35
particularly Cebu, Samar, Leyte and Panay, the Pulahanes fought fierce
against US aggressor troops and the puppet constabulary. So did the
masses of Cavite, Batangas, Laguna and Quezon even after general
amnesty was issued. In Central Luzon, a religious organization, the Santa
Iglesia, also waged armed resistance. In the Ilocos, associations that
proclaimed themselves as the New Katipunan conducte a guerilla war for
national independence against US imperialism. The most prominent of the
final efforts to continue the revolutionary struggle in Luzon was led by
Macario Sakay, from 1902 to 1906 in Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna,
Neuva Ecija and Rizal. However, the fiercest armed resistance after 1902
was waged by the people of Mindanao until as late as 1916.
The status of the Philippines as a colony continued under the US colonial rule.
The evils of the Spanish colonial regime were also carried over to the US colonial
regime. The exploitation of the people became more intensified as Philippines became a
source of raw materials and a market for its surplus products. US imperialism drew from
the country commercial crops such as sugar, coconut and hem and also raw materials
such as logs and mineral ores. The peasantry became more impoverished and the colonial
exchange of raw materials and finished products hastened which crushed local
manufacturers and which compelled the people to buy these finished goods and to
produce mainly raw materials (Guerrero, 2005).
Filipino nationalism was extremely challenged during the American era, but did
not completely vanish but instead became stronger. Our Key Informant Professor Imbong
argued that,
Due to the aggression of the Americans the resistance by the Filipinos was suppressed but the people still had a strong sense of nationalism. In
fact, despite the American aggression, there were several laws enacted by
the Americans which aims to assail the strong sense of nationhood among
the Filipinos. Among this is the Anti-Flag Law which prohibits the
Filipinos to display in public the Philippine Flag because it is a subversive
act that does not recognize the Supreme authority of the imperialist, which
was a crime punishable by death.
36
Moreover, Prof. Imbong expounded that this is one bold example of the American
Governments efforts to cut stop the nationalist feelings of the Filipinos that time. The
evils of the Spanish colonial regime were carried over the US colonial regime. The
establishment of the public school system and the adoption of English as the medium of
instruction enhanced the political and cultural indoctrination of the Filipinos which
weakened national consciousness and facilitated colonial mentality .As a response to the
growing demand for national and social liberation, the Communist Party of the
Philippines was established by Crisanto Evangelista which aimed to apply the universal
theory of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete conditions of Philippine society. Prof.
Imbong explained that in this point of history, Filipino nationalism became stronger by
supplementing the ideas of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin and relating it to the condition
of Philippine society which is characterized by foreign exploitation which necessitates for
us to wage a national-liberation movement.
The Japanese Era
When the Japanese invaded the Philippines on the Second World War,
nationalism as anti-colonialism was raised to new heights of necessity by the brutal
Japanese occupation. Ironically enough, this hatred for one colonizer only increased the
longing for the return of the other colonizer and our blind faith in his promises
(Constantino, 1984). Prof. Imbong explained that this means to say that despite our
resistance against American imperialism, Filipinos longed for a liberation aided by the
Americans against the Japanese. On March 1942, the (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon)
Hukbalahap was formed which fought against the fascist invaders and asserted the
37
sovereignty of the Filipino people. The patriotic Communists and Red fighters
demonstrated heroic feats of combat against the Japanese. These patriots awakened the
people and led them to gain a large measure of democratic power, particularly in Central
Luzon and certain areas in Southern Luzon. The Communist Party and the Hukbahalap
fought and stood out as the strongest guerilla force fiercely fighting the Japanese fascists
and their puppets. It was their total effort which successfully drove out the Japanese
forces in the country.
Marcos-Era
President Ferdinand Marcos on An Ideology for Filipinos expounded on the needs
to reform the moral consciousness of the people because he recognized that Filipinos
were disoriented and confused and were not united on what is the right future that they
must pursue. He declared Martial Law on September 21, 1972 in line with his vision to
create a new society. A society with unity and citizens that are cooperative to the
government. In this light, Marcoss true intent was not to prolong his stay in power, but
to change and discipline Philippine society. Ultimately, despite his blatant desire for
power, Marcos did too wish to instill a discipline that he believed Philippine society
lacked (Unjieng, 2009).
Growing nationalism in the Philippines was again repressed when martial law was
declared in September 21, 1972, by Marcos. Many Philippine nationalists, among them
student activists, who could not afford to flee into exile, took up arms and were arrested
by the Philippine Constabulary. They were summarily branded as communists and
executed. Many others were "silenced" by wholesale violation of their constitutional
38
rights, such as the freedom of press, of speech and of assembly as Marcos begun to rule
by decrees until the evening hours of February 25, 1986, when Marcos, his wife Imelda,
and their 60-member entourage fled the grounds of the presidential palace in Manila for
exile in Hawaii (Liu, 2003).
Thus, after declaring martial law in 1972, in order to quell the Communist
threat, which was effectively eliminated by 1976, Marcos then justified martial law as the
only means to create the revolutionary, socially just, and economically equitable New
Society he claimed to seek (Wurfel, 1977).
On Marcos Era, the character of Filipino nationalism was not anymore anti-
colonial because there was no more foreign exploitation but it was a nationalism that is
geared towards the formation of a just nation that upholds the human rights and freedoms
and a nation that champions democracy. This goal was achieved through peaceful
revolution by the people that removed the Marcos regime and restored democracy in our
country. Our Key Informant from NCCA Mr. Salazar conforms to this idea; he said that
the Martial Law had a great impact on our idea of nationalism.
Post-Marcos Era-The 1986 People Power Revolution
The 1986 Philippine People Power Movement was contributory to the expanded
moral consciousness of the Filipinos and viewed moral education as essential to social
and political transformation (Bonoan, 1994). As described by Bankoff and Weekley
(2002), the attitude that Filipino national identity is characterized by commitment to
freedom and democracy. This commitment usually includes important corollary notions
such as an ongoing struggle against tyranny and injustice.
39
Theoretical Framework
The theory used in understanding Filipino nationalism was communitarianism.
Communitarians believed that the sense of community exists in the form of social
practices, cultural practices and social understandings. Communitarianism could help
develop a sense of common national identity. Communitarians argued that states try to
develop solidarity by appealing to ideals of nationhood. Each tried to convince its
citizens that they form a nation and hence belong together to a single political
community and owe each other special obligations. Since the people who share a state are
not only co-citizens but also co-nationals, there is a natural bond of solidarity and a
natural desire to exercise self-government. The rise of nationalism valorized the people
and that nations are defined in terms of the people i.e. mass population on a territory,
regardless of class or occupation--- who become the bearer of sovereignty, the central
object of loyalty and the basis of collective solidarity (Greenfield 1992:14). Nationalism
has created the idea of single national community which encompasses all classes on the
territory. The basis of national identity need not to be a shared conception of the good but
a rather thinner and more diffuse sense of belongingness to an intergenerational society,
sharing a common territory, having a common post and sharing a common future. This
indeed is how national identities function in the western democracies. Citizens think of
themselves as American for example and identify each other Americans without sharing
a common religion or conception of the good. Americans disagree with each other about
the good life but they still recognize and identify each other as Americans, because they
share a sense of belonging to an intergenerational society which has some historical
reference points and a common future (Kymlicka, 2002). In addition, communitarianism
40
can be used in two types: first, Philosophical Communitarianism is primarily concerned
with metaphysical and epistemological issues as distinct from policy issues. It
specifically opposes classical Liberalism, that which construes communities as
originating from the voluntary acts of pre-community or atomistic individuals. It
emphasizes the role of the community in defining and shaping individuals. It believes that
the value of community is not sufficiently recognized in liberal theories of justice.
Second, Ideological Communitarianism can be seen as a radical centrist ideology (a third
way philosophy which includes the belief that, in affirming the core principles involved
on both sides of a political argument, the disagreement can be resolved or rendered
moot). It is sometimes marked by leftism on economic issues and conservatism on social
issues. Communitarians seek to bolster social capital (the value to democracy of social
networks and groups) and the institutions of civil society. It also affirms positive
rights such as state subsidized education, state subsidized housing, a safe and clean
environment, universal health care, extensive public works programs, and often even the
right to a job, and laws limiting pollution, gun ownership, etc (Mastin, 2008:1).
Communitarianism as explained by Dr. Resil Mojares author of the book, Brains
of the Nation is a localized form of nationalism. Nationalism is national in perspective
because it tries to understand the feels and clamours of society based on its national
interests. Unlike communitarianism, the theory is focused on a local perspective which
tries to understand how local communities work and influence each other in terms of
culture and political aspirations. And since the Philippines has an archipelagic setup with
more than 7,000 islands and diverse native cultures, it is challenging and effective to use
communitarianism in understanding Filipino concept of nationalism. This study put into
41
consideration the involvement of communities and how they reacted and interacted with
each other when circumstances arose that their beliefs and traditions were being
threatened thus, giving the rise of Filipino nationalism. The challenges and breakthroughs
of Filipino nationalism could also be examined through the use of communitarianism as a
theoretical framework.
Conceptual Framework
Nationalism
What is Nationalism
Types of Nationalism
Achievements
Filipino Nationalism
Historical Background
Types of Nationalism
Breakthroughs,
Limitations, and
Challenges
Communitarianism
What is
Communitarianism
Connection with
Nationalism
42
CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this research methodology was to understand the Filipino concept
of nationalism on whether it is existent or in the process of becoming or whatever its
current status is. Literatures had varying takes on the status of nationalism in this country.
In order to understand deeper, the student-researchers would be doing a review of related
literatures pertaining to Filipino nationalism and scholarly interviews with key informants
who were individuals knowledgeable in the aforementioned concept. Considerations were
made to those who came from the academe especially in the departments of History and
Philosophy and government agency such as National Commission for Culture and the
Arts in order to relate whether the pronouncements in the literatures are still relevant up
to this day and to be able to contribute something to the understanding and the discourse
of Filipino nationalism.
This chapter would present the research environment of the study and the research
respondents used in gathering important information. Also the research instruments and
the research procedures would be discussed in order to know how to handle the data
retrieved.
43
Research Environment
The locale of this study was focused on the Philippines at large. Despite the wide
range of geographical area, the student-researchers found it compelling to research about
Filipino concept of nationalism in two divisions and/or timeframes: pre-Marcos and post-
Marcos. Due to varying pronouncements of Filipino scholars about Filipino nationalism,
the student-researchers made use of the era of Ferdinand Marcos administration (1965-
1986) as the point of reference considering the late Philippine presidents vocal
contributions to the discussion on nationalism. The former President Ferdinand Marcos
(1980) once said that as an effect to our colonial experiences, we have no clear
conception on who we really are, what do we stand for, what we are dreaming for and
what our world as Filipinos is leading to.
The study focused on two timeframes in Philippine history in order to explain
Filipino nationalism. The study highlighted the Marcos-era (pre and post) because this
was the particular stage of the Philippine history that nationalism took the spotlight and
elevated itself to be admired by the world. The first timeframe was the pre-Marcos era. It
consisted the eras of early pre-Spanish, Spanish, American, Japanese and post-Japanese.
The post-Marcos era explained the concept of nationalism among Filipinos when the
former dictator was forced to leave his office after a successful bloodless mass revolution
which was commonly called the EDSA People Power Revolution. The Marcos-era of
nationalism which covers almost 20 years of leadership by President Marcos would also
be discussed in the paper.
44
Research Respondents
Respondents of this study were involved in a Key Informant Interview
(K.I.I.).These key informants were known to be knowledgeable and had specialized
training-exposures in Political Philosophy, Philippine History, Philippine Culture and
Politics. They were requested to explain the early concept and historical facts that helped
develop Filipino nationalism, to enumerate important breakthroughs and challenges being
faced by Filipino nationalism, and to further contribute to the theoretical discourse and
future potentials of Filipino nationalism.
The first type of respondents was composed of history professors whose area of
specialization was on the Filipino Culture. The selection was intended as such to be able
for the student-researchers to understand the behaviors and conducts of Filipinos which
could be attributed to nationalism. The second type of respondents consisted of
Philosophy professors who were very much oriented on the influences, dynamics, and
theoretical connotations in the parlance of Political Philosophy with regards to the
formation of Filipino nationalism. The last type of respondents composed of resource
persons from identified government agencies in charge of the preservation and promotion
of the Philippine culture. The set- up is as such for the researchers to be able to
understand the relationship between the past culture to that of the present culture of
Filipinos as well as on whether they exhibit a sense of nationalism or not. Additional key
informant interviewees were included for the same purpose of providing more
information about the subject matter. All responses were processed and cross-referenced
to the framework established by Michael Hechter (2000) so that substantial theorizing on
the possible future of Filipino nationalism would be pursued.
45
The respondents were aware of the classifications of nationalism characterized by
Michael Hechter. Their answer-contributions to the questions posed by the student-
researchers would be used to create a matrix of the characteristics that explain the type of
Filipino nationalism. In order to handle carefully the biases that might spoil the
objectivity and the prospective output of the study, the student-researchers invited
intellectuals to be the respondents for key informant interviews that are accomplished
authors and coming from different perspectives of the political spectrum which were at
the same time knowledgeable about nationalism and Hechters types of nationalism. The
student-researchers asked a key informant from the left political spectrum who considers
himself as having a Marxist political orientation. The next respondent was coming from a
liberal democratic perspective and a book author and university lecturer. Another one is
from the center of the political spectrum and knowledgeable about party politics and
communitarianism and one of the draftors of the Bangsamoro Basic Law. Also, one of
the respondents was coming from the national government agency which is the National
Commission for Culture and the Arts, which is the governments main agency in
promoting Philippine heritage, arts, development of pluralistic culture and preservation of
traditional cultures. His answers were contributory to this study in order to learn what are
the prospects and projects of the government towards promoting, preserving and
developing our nationalism.
The first respondent for the key informant interview was Dr. Resil Mojares, a
renowned book author in the fields of Philippine history and Filipino culture. One of his
published books was the Brains of the Nation which was used in this study for references.
Dr. Mojares expounded the historical facts about Filipino nationalism especially during
46
the 1970s and 1980s. He elaborated the types of nationalism existing in the Philippines
by eras. He is also knowledgeable about the possible future impacts of regional
integrations or globalization towards Filipino nationalism.
The next respondent was Prof. Regletto Aldrich Imbong, a History, Philosophy
and Political Science professor from the University of the Philippines - Cebu. He is
observed to possess the knowledge about Philippine history and Filipino culture, and the
development of Filipino nationalism. He was able to point out certain eventualities in
history that were contributorty to the development and realization of Filipino nationalism
as contextualized by the student-researchers.
Ms. Cristita Marie Giangan was our next respondent. Coming from the centrist
perspective, she was one of the founding members of the Centrist Democracy Party of the
Philippines and author of a paper entitled Institutions in the Future Bangsamoro New
Political Entity Options and Considerations which aimed to detail the options on how the
institutions of the future Bangsamoro may look like. Having obtained her Masters
degree in Public Management and Development, she possesses the knowledge about
public management and political institutions and its effects amongst many others. She
was one of the contributors of the book Kapulongan: Conversations with Cebuano
Writers which was published in 2008.
The last but not the least informant was Mr. Lawrence Salazar. Having a masters
degree in History, Mr. Salazar is currently a member of the Technical Committees on
Historical Research and National Observances of the National Commission for Culture
and the Arts. His fields of expertise are Social Sciences and History. His contributions to
the study were helpful in learning how the government recognizes Filipino nationalism
47
and what are its potential challenges and breakthroughs. He was aware of Michael
Hechters classifications of nationalism and provided useful answers as to what
classification best describes Filipino nationalism.
Research Instruments
The research instruments that were used in the conduct of this study consisted of
documents review and key informant interviews (K.I.I.). The first instrument was
intended to go over available data sources such as: books, journals and articles that
contain relevant information that could be helpful to the study. Through this method, it
would help the researchers gather and process useful information in order to answer the
specific objectives of the study.
The Key Informant Interview (KII) would be able to supplement and provide
relevant information that would support the outputs of the documents review. Interviews
were done through personal meet-ups and electronic mails.
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In addition, the researchers will follow the template provided below in their Documents
Review.
Research Procedures
Gathering of Data
The researchers used a qualitative strategy in gathering and analyzing relevant
data. The researchers reviewed related literatures such as: books, journals and articles
which were relevant to the topic that could validate and support the information gathered
from the key informant interview. The researchers formulated guide questions that would
facilitate the flow of discussion in the Key Informant Interview. These questions were
subjected to pre-testing procedures for validation. The gathering of data for key
informant interview was through personal interview and electronic mail.
Author
Year
Title
Publishing
Company
Main
Arguments
Page
Number
Critique
SOP being
addressed
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Treatment of Data
The data gathered from the Documents Review and Key Informant Interviews
were used to analyze what is Nationalism as cross-referenced with the framework
advanced by Michael Hechter (2000). The data gathered were used in identifying the
breakthroughs and challenges of Filipino Nationalism and also to develop future
discussions on Filipino Nationalism. Descriptive and qualitative research methodology
would be employed thereto.
This study was guided with specific objectives. The specific objective number one
which was to find out the historical background of Filipino nationalism was dealt with by
focusing first on documents review. After the documents review, the student-researchers
performed a key informant interview. The answers by the respondents of the key
informant interviews and the data gathered through documents review were cross-
referenced in order to get the obvious and concluding answers. Then, the student-
researchers consolidated all dominant answers in order to explain the exact historical
background of Filipino nationalism. To present the concluding data or answers, the
student-researchers created a timeline in order to highlight important facts on Philippine
history that were influential to the development of Filipino nationalism.
The second objective was to identify the kind of nationalism that the Filipinos
possess by utilizing the classifications made by Michael Hechter (2000). In order to
achieve the correct description of the kind of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers
created a matrix that comprised the characteristics of each types of nationalism along
with the findings of the key informant interviews and documents reviewed that described
Philippine society in terms of its trending actions from the past up to the present,
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converging points that resulted to common actions and the kind of society existing in the
Philippines. The findings of the KII and documents review were cross-referenced with
the characteristics of each considered types of nationalism according to Michael Hechter.
The most obvious type of nationalism would be the one which compliments unanimously
and convincingly the findings based on KII and documents review.
The third specific objective was dependent on the outcome of the second specific
objective. After establishing on what is the type or kind of nationalism that Filipinos
possess, the student-researchers tried to extract useful informations based on the
documents reviews such as journals that document the contemporary issues and
challenges that are being faced by Filipino nationalism. The student-researchers made use
of the information that was provided by the resource person coming from the National
Commission for Culture and the Arts. The commission is in-charge on the promotion and
preservation of national cultures and traditions or the nationalism as a whole. The data
that were extracted from the key informants would be beneficial in explaining the current
condition of Filipino nationalism in the contemporary times. Moreover, the informations
gathered as a response to the third specific objective would also be useful in theorizing
the future potentials of Filipino nationalism.
For the fourth specific objective which was to determine the breakthroughs and
challenges of Filipino nationalism, the student-researchers thematized the breakthorughs
and challenges based on the timelines as specified in the research environment. The
student-researchers applied documents review on the past challenges and breakthroughs
during the pre-Marcos era (pre-Spanish, American, Japanese, post-Japanese) and the
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post-Marcos era. The relevant informations gathered were cross-referenced with the key
informants in order to verify the accurateness of the gathered data.
For the fifth objective which was to theorize on the future potentials of Filipino
nationalism, the student-researchers would carefully examine the major issues that were
encountered by Filipino nationalism during the colonial eras and the recent era. Then, put
into consideration the reasons behind how nationalism countered such issues. Also, the
recent issues faced during the Marcos era and the post-Marcos eras of nationalism were
taken into consideration especially the effects of the EDSA People Power Revolution.
The student-researchers analyzed the trend on what were the major challenges faced by
Filipino nationalism and how to pre-empt such challenges so that it could not resurface in
the future.
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Research Design or Schematic Diagram
Understanding
Filipino concept of
nationalism
Historical
Background
Books, Journals, Articles,
National Commission for Culture and the Arts,
Professors from History and Philosophy
Departments of Institutions of Higher Learning
Documents Review
Elements or Characteristics interplay
of Communitarianism Nationalism
Filipino sense of
nationalism
Type or
Kind of
Nationalism
Breakthroughs,
Limitations and
Challenges
Characteristics or
Elements of
Communitarianism
Key Informant Interview
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CHAPTER 4
PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
This chapter involved the presentation, analysis and interpretation of data that
were gathered using the Key Informant Interview and Documents Review. The data
presentation was arranged according to the identified specific objectives. The next part
was the presentation of the analysis of the findings and its relevance to the specific
objectives of the study. Lastly, the student-researchers presented their interpretation of
the data gathered.
Timeline of the Development of Filipino Nationalism
To be able to give a brief presentation of data, the student-researchers provided a
flowchart highlighting only the important events which helped develop the Filipino
concept of nationalism. The student-researchers explained the concept of Filipino
nationalism in every era through thematic presentation.
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Flowchart and Description of the Development of Filipino Nationalism
The native people were divided into so many independent small societies
Ethnic communities were just concerned on their own local interests
The Propaganda Movement (1872)
Aims to:
1. Integration of the colony as a regular province of Spain 2. Restoration of freedom of speech, press, assembly and
religion
The 1896 Philippine Revolution The revolution was started by Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio
which asserted sovereignty of the Filipino people, the protection and promotion of civil liberties, the confiscation of friar estates and the elimination of theocratic rule.
The Secularization Movement
The execution of: Zamora, Burgos, Gomez the three most outspoken leaders of the movement
awakened the people to push for reforms and
representation.
Liberal ideas came to the Philippines (1863)
Liberal magazines and books written by liberal writers were brought to the country such as the works of Rousseau and
Locke,
the ideas from the American and French revolution also came in.
The liberal regime of De la Torre (1869-1871) In 1869, Governor Carlos Maria De la Torre arrived in the
Philippines and applied democratic and liberal ideas and encouraged
freedom of speech and formation of associations
Pre-Spanish Era: Regionalistic
Spanish-Era: Anti-Colonial
Opening of the Philippines to World Commerce (1834-1873)
In 1834, Manila was opened
From 1834-1873 several ports were opened: Sual, Iloilo, Zamboanga, Cebu, Legaspi ports
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Laws were enacted by the Americans to counter the influence of revolution (Ex. Flag Law)
On Nov. 30, 1930, Crisanto Evangelista founded the Communist Party of the Philippines with an orientati