ያገሩን ሠርዶ ባገሩ በሬ [YAGÄRUN SÄRDO BAGÄRU BÄRE]: ZAR SPIRIT

POSSESSION AMONG THE AMHARA AND THE ROLE OF

MUSIC

TIMKEHET TEFFERA

Abstract: This study aims at discussing the zar spirit possession cult practiced among the

Amhara inhabiting the Ethiopian highland regions. A general overview to social, cultural,

historical and religious aspects of the ritual will be given, while special emphasis is given to

music and dance and their role in possession ceremonies.

Keywords: zar, spirit possession, gurri, trance, Amhara, Ethiopia

Introduction

Spirit possession cults are practiced in many part of the world designated as holle

hori/holey, rab, kèkè, ndep, orisha, vodun, basangu, hàù bóng, ğin/jinn, bori, sar/zar,

ğar, yaro and daro1 (Africa, Asia, and Latin America) just to mention but a few. A

common trait of spirit possession is that a person is influenced by a supernatural power

that would make him/her experience an out-of-body flight for a certain period of time.

This is the moment during which the invisible spirit and the visible medium get

connected. Hence, the medium often experiences an altered mental condition that can be

taken care of within the frame of the social and cultural context of the respective

community where certain learned and adopted behaviour is expected. Besides other

activities undertaken during possession rituals, music is omnipresent to accompany the

entire ceremony and to trigger dance and stimulate the participants.

Since time immemorial, humans have been practicing healing rituals believing in

demons, black magic, devils, sorcery, witchcraft, evil eyes, and possessing spirits.

Music and dance are in most cases be part of such rituals. It is assumed that these

supernatural forces control their subjects, obliging them to behave in a manner in which

they would not behave in ordinary life.

Spirit possession and exorcism already existed prior to the Christian era, e.g. in ancient

Babylonia, Egypt and among the Greco-Romans. It was and still today is not only about

fighting demons or evil spirits but also about relief and enjoyment one gets through

trance moments. Ancient Greco-Romans, for example, embraced the idea of being

1 This refers to the countries listed as follows: Niger, Senegal, Gulf of Guinea, Brazil, Zambia, Vietnam,

Egypt, Nigeria, Somalia, Ethiopia, Yemen, Sudan

influenced by invisible spirits. They used to call upon Dionysus, the God of wine,

fertility and drunkenness. Among others, they desired to realize the trance state through

music and dance2.

The zar possession ritual is part of the everyday life of many Ethiopian communities

irrespective of cultural and religious backgrounds and boundaries (Natvig 1987, 669).

According to Edwin Fuller Torrey (1967, 216), three major zar syndromes are observed

in Ethiopia which he calls conversation, seer and group therapy zar. Torrey thoroughly

describes each zar type and suggests that mediums, locally known as yä zar färäs

meaning zar horse, may either reflect only one or a mix of two types. Denoting the vast

canvas of spirit possession, Lewis (1966, 308) suggests that “….spirit possession

occupies a central position in comparative religion and theology, in religious

phenomenology, in the sociology of religion, and in psychology.”

One of the Ethiopian regions known for zar practices is Gondär, located within the

Amhara Administrative Region (figure 1), where the Christian Orthodox religion is

strongly represented. Gondär is often identified through its 44 churches, each of them

erected in honour of a Christian saint, e.g. St. Michael, St. Gabriel and St. Mary.

Figure 1: Amhara Administrative Region3

2 In Dionysian (also bacchanalia) ceremonies, largely women participated in the communal drinking and

dancing. Dionysus was offered the first wine, while hymns were sung in his honor. The trance-like

movements accompanied by the rhythmic music and singing made the believers long for the state of

trance by benevolent spirits. Animal sacrifice marked the event’s climax and eating the meat was

believed to make the participant become one with the spirit/s and the natural forces they represent. 3 Source: http://www.idp-uk.org/Resources/Maps/Administrative%20Regions/ET-Amhara.pdf (last

retrieved 13.08.2015.

Gondär was and to some extent still today is home for the Ethiopian Jews4 who

practiced/practice the zar ritual. Between the 1980s and early 1990s a large number of

this community was airlifted to Israel following the agreement of the Ethiopian and

Israeli governments. Consequently, the number of those residing in Gondär today is

presumably relatively small. Irrespective of religious affiliations, possession cults are

also observed in a number of Ethiopian regions and localities.

Research State and Materials

In the past few decades the zar practice has been given scholarly attention. Scientific

works published between 1949 and 2012, are reviewed for this study, among which the

works of Dorothea Hecht (1996), Wolf Leslau (1949), Edwin Fuller Torrey (1967),

Simon Messing (1958) and Yael Kahana (1985) may be mentioned. These works

deliberate with various aspects of zar, e.g. historical, socio-cultural, folkloristic,

ethnological, anthropological, linguistic, religious, gender-related and

medicinal/clinical.

During the 1970s, the Dorothea Hecht (1996, 10), a longstanding staff of the Institute of

Ethiopian Studies of the Addis Ababa University, conducted fieldwork in the Amhara

village of Jehur (former province of Shewa), among others, focussing on the zar ritual.

As a result of her intensive participatory observations accompanied by interviews and

audio recordings of possession rituals, Hecht describes how residents deeply belief in

the existence of supernatural forces or invisible spirits. She compares this phenomenon

with similar practices that existed in Ancient Greece and consequently notes that

humans invented this practice and developed it the course of time with the major aim to

gain knowledge about their destiny. Whether such practices are just aimed at getting

clear vision about the unknown future is, of course, to be discussed.

Other written sources refer to observations made among Ethiopian diaspora

communities, for instance, among the Ethiopian Jews today living in Israel. These

works study patients who suffer under the zar syndrome they brought to their new

residential area and how this problem caused inconsistency between the traditional

(Ethiopian) and the Western (Israeli) perceptions, the diagnosis of the symptom and

challenges occurring during treatment. An example is the investigation of Witztum &

Budowski (1996, 217) that attempts to gain insight on the clinical zar syndromes of

patients treated in the hospital who couldn’t be healed. One of the major problems was

the difference between patients and physicians in terms of culture and mentality.

Consequently, in order to avoid the worsening of physical and psychiatric distress, it

4 The Ethiopian Jews lived/live around the Täkäze River extending from the town of Qwara to the north of

Gondär, Dämbiya, Bäläsa, Wägära, the Sämen Mountains up to Tsälämti, Wälqayət and Šəre (Təgray

region). Their airlifting to Israel took place between 1977 and 1993 in several operations, the largest

being ‘Operation Solomon’ between 1991 and 1993 (see detailed description in Spector 2005: 148-160).

was pivotal to apprehend the cultural-traditional background and the socio-

psychological source of the syndrome into consideration and apply methods appropriate

to ease the problem. One of such measures focussed on encouraging patients and their

families to treat the syndrome in the manner they applied back in Ethiopia, for instance,

a simple traditional coffee ceremony, singing and dancing. This experiment had a

positive outcome hence epitomizing the notion of the Ethiopian proverb “The weed of

the land (should be ploughed) by the oxen of the same land”, a proverb I chose as a title

of this study (ebd. 224). The optimistic effects the traditional healing should definitely

be considered as operative measures in search of the desired temporary relief.

Unlike the so far mentioned scholarly studies, zar music (songs) and dance have not

been given enough attention. One main reason could be the lack of musicological and

ethnomusicological investigations. The article entitled “The Azmari Performance during

Zar Ceremonies in Northern Gondär, Ethiopia…” (2012) of the anthropologist, Itsushi

Kawase’s may be considered as a rare observation made on zar rituals of the Amhara.

This scholarly work refers to the town of Gondär and adjacent localities, where Kawase

carried out extensive fieldworks over a long period of time, including on zar rituals. In

doing so, Kawase predominantly attempts to portray the role of the traditional azmari

(wandering musician, vocalist and instrumentalist) which he observed on several zar

ceremonies. As all-round talents, the azmaris are capable of performing songs matching

to every event including zar songs (pp. 60). Accordingly, Kawase’s investigation

incorporates the analyses of song lyrics.

Based on her research result made in Cairo and its suburbs, Laurie Eisler (19955) writes

the lack of investigations dealing with music (often ensemble performances) performed

during spirit possession events “….which is surprising, since music is perhaps the most

crucial element to the dancers themselves.” Eisler adds that in Egypt “zar is often

referred to as the daqq, meaning “drum beat” (ebd.). This fact, in my opinion, indicates

the important role music plays in such rituals. Likewise, Arthur Simon (1983, 286-287),

who made thorough inquiry on possession rites in various regions of Sub-Saharan

Africa. Therefore, I strongly believe that music is one of the main catalysts to instigate

the gurri dance which enables the dancer to reach the transcendental state. As to

Amhara communal zar events, the dynamic songs accompanied by instruments (mostly

the dəbbe drum) and hand clapping, lyrics and their messages will stimulate both

dancer/s and participants.

For comparison and theoretical interpretation, it was significant to review a small

amount of scholarly works discussing music and dance during spirit possession rituals

in other Sub-Saharan African cultures. Among them, the outcomes of the researches of

Artur Simon made in Sudan (1983), Kwabena Nketia in Ghana (1957), and John

5 See http://thebestofhabibi.com/vol-14-no-4-fall-1995/zar/; last accessed 19th February, 2015

Blacking among the Venda people of South Africa (1975), provide relevant

information.

Focussing on possession dances, Nketia (1957, 5) conducted researches among several

Ghanaian communities. He points out that whether it is for the “… gods or deified

ancestors possession takes place as an organized activity” and that “it is integrated with

music and dancing, because even though possession and dancing are inseparable, the

state of possession can be quickly induced and sustained by means of special music

closely correlated with specific forms of bodily action”, i.e. head rotation and swinging

back and forth with the upper body that is intensified as the ceremony continues. At a

certain point the medium may achieve the trance moment. Thus “…opportunities are

sought to call to the spirits, while the dancing continues, assuming that they will

‘possess’ the dancer/s as they are emotionally prepared to receive them” (ebd.).

With reference to the role of music during possession rites of the Venda people,

Blacking (1995, 176) argues that “…music can be profoundly moving by means of the

resonances that people can establish between the tone-stress, ideal motion of music, the

nervous tension and the motor impulse of their bodies. But no music has power in itself.

It has no effect on the body or consequences for social actions, unless it sounds and the

circumstance can be related to a coherent set of ideas about self and other and bodily

feelings. There can surely be no direct connection between the sounds of music and

people’s emotional responses to them.” Therefore, whether accompanied by music or

not, the experience of being possessed can merely take place, if the medium is mentally

fully receptive and readily available to give soul and mind to the transcendental state

(Messing 1958, 1120).

I conducted fieldworks in Gondär and Addis Ababa in 1997, 2000 and 2010 to collect

material about zar. As a result I was able to note the different perceptions and attitudes

people have abouts zar. Many have a garbled perception that may derive from

misinformation and misinterpretation. The majority of Christians considers the zar

practice as evil, demon-struck, sinful and/or irreligious so that people inflicted by a

spirit generally fear neglect and segregation (Kawase 2012, 67). Hence, it is generally

not always easy to get access to zar practitioners. In the process of an investigation, a

researcher should first of all develop trust to the respected contacts and raise awareness

of the significance of collecting data, undertaking relevant studies and preserving

culture about zar. And yet recording film or taking pictures during zar rituals generally

make people feel uncomfortable, suspicious and reluctant to share their stories and

experiences about zar. During my fieldworks, I was only able to make audio recordings

under inconvenient circumstances. Consequently, a large part of it is inaudible due to

surrounding noises that have immensely reduced its quality. Supplementary information

are interviews and dialogues with various individuals, among them, zar mediums and

members of zar communities (Destaw Abaynew 2014, 4).

Other materials I was fortunate enough to access and examine are films recorded by two

scholars during zar rituals that were accompanied by singing and dancing. The first is

the Japanese anthropologist and filmmaker Itsushi Kawase who allowed me to examine

several films he recorded in Gondär and adjacent towns/villages between 2001 and

2010. The second scholar, who provided me with a film material recorded in 2014, is

the ethnomusicologist David Evans. His film displaying a zar ritual was recorded in

Ambo Meda, a small village located in Addis Zämän (Wällo).

Cosmology and Socio-Cultural Perception of Zar

There is a great lack of reliable oral and written accounts conferring about the origin of

zar, but many scholars assume it might be Ethiopia. For instance, Natvig (1987, 675-

678) mentions about missionaries who travelled to the Ethiopian highland regions

probably made the first written notes on zar in early 19th century. In the course of

history, the ritual may have spread by Ethiopian slaves who were taken to the Horn and

Northeast Africa as far as the Middle East6 (figure 2). Zars have some basic similarities

in many Ethiopian cultures. But spirit types, the extent of their belief and the details of

practices including music and dance may at times vary locally, regionally and even from

one zar groups to another within one and the same locality (Young 1975, 570; Natvig

1987, 669, Aspen 2001, 3).

As to the history of zar we also find different versions. One of them links zar with the

Garden of Eden. Eve hid fifteen of her beautiful children (out of thirty) from God by the

time he visited her. Consequently, God punished her by cursing these children to be

invisible, appear at unexpected times and influence their human subjects. The remaining

fifteen children however, were blessed by God to become the forefathers of mankind

(Leslau 1964, Edelstein 2002, Kawase 2012, 67-68). As an outcome of his intensive

fieldworks made in Libo Kemkem district, near Gondär, Abaynew (2004, 12) notes that

people belief that it is indeed God who sends the zar spirits to humans to protect and

support them to have a life full of joy and happiness, forecast their futures, prepare

rituals with coffee ceremonies as well as with singing and dancing etc. Contrary to this,

other peoples consider zar spirits are demons living under the sea and on earth. These

demons are made of flesh and blood that eat, drink, marry and eventually die like

ordinary humans. The only difference is that they are invisible and can affect humans

who must satisfy their demands.

6 Torrey 1967, 216; Lewis 1966, 315; Kapteijns/Spaulding 1996, 172; Simon 1983, 284; Kaplan 2010,

185; Natvig 1987, 672; Abaynew 2004, 13.

Figure 2: Georgraphic distribution of zar in North/Northeast Africa and the Middle

East7

Zar rituals take place either on regular basis, sporadically and/or seasonally being

celebrated communally (more than one medium) or in private (only one medium).

Seasonal events are, for instance, the eve of the Ethiopian New Year (ənqutatash),

Epiphany (təmqät), The ‘Finding of the true cross of Jesus Christ (mäskäl)8. Mäskäl and

ənqutatash holidays mark the end of the rainy season during which no zar ceremonies

are held, because spirits “hate” gloomy seasons (Leslau 1964, 204). During a ritual, it is

important to have people around who are experienced in treating the medium by

participating in different activities in order to serve its purpose: therapeutic, religious or

witchcraft-oriented (Simon 1983, 285).

There are male or female zar spirits, commonly believed to inflict the opposite sex. In

former times the ethno-centric Ethiopian feudal society classified zar spirits as “rich

man’s” and “poor man’s” zar. In doing so, Christian zars were considered to have a

higher social status than Muslim or pagan spirits (Messing 1958: 1122). This superior

7 https://www.google.de/maps/search/africa+and+the+middle+east/@23.7830961,43.4420112,5z, last

retrieved 13.08.2015. 8 ənqutatash is celebrated on September 11; təmqät on January 19 and mäskäl on September 27th/28th

(depending on leap year). The Ethiopian Orthodox church dedicates each day of the month to a holy

saint, e.g. Virgin Mary/Mariam, St. Gabriel and St. George.

rank of Christians was not only reflected in the religious domain, but also in the

political arena since church power meant state power for several centuries (4th AD-

1974).

Scholars bring to mind that Amhara women are much more vulnerable to zar spirits

than men. The reason for this assumption, it is imperative to look at women’s role and

status in society in a greatly male-dominated. Women are not only child bearers and

nurturers, but also fieldworkers, household managers. They often suffer under

dissatisfaction with life, social insecurity, unhappy marriage or divorce, miscarriage,

infertility etc. (Kawase 2012, 66; Aspen 2001, 29-30). So, one means to get temporary

relief from life’s burdens is to become a member of a zar community. Hence, problems

(mental) can be easily solved within such groups based on the shared common interest,

whereas particularly unstable and fragile individuals realize that they accepted and

protected. During communal zar events, the medium is the main actor and the centre of

attention during the entire ceremony. Particularly in the state of trance, the medium

often feels free to discuss any issue including taboos. Some of the topics may otherwise

not be discussed or mentioned in ordinary life. Hence, this is the start of the therapy that

would lead to the process of healing (Aspen ebd.). Young (1975, 567-568) elucidates

spirit mediums [mainly women] as those belonging to socially deprived groups within

the larger society seeking attention and recognition. He writes that such patients may be

“transformed into “nice psychopaths” capable to behave and operate successfully in the

larger society” when they become mediums. Their deep faith in the existence of

possessing spirits often urges them to become zar community members. Important is

that zar or other spirit possession syndromes should be taken care of within the given

cultural setting in order to achieve the predictable effect (Simon 1983, 284).

Unlike malevolent spirits that are traditionally exorcised by experienced specialists

(Aspen 2001, 3), zar spirits are mostly benevolent. But irrespective of the type of spirit

a medium accommodates, important is that one has to accept its cravings

unconditionally (Feriali 2009, 43) and adjust his/her life. If so, the spirit becomes an

enduring companion that protects its subject by controlling his/her thoughts, emotions

and activities until the end of his/her life.

Another point worth mentioning is the use of argots during zar rituals, a ‘secret

language’ (here Amharic) primarily used when the medium is possessed (trance). Wolf

Leslau (2001, 206) attempted to examine the vocabulary of argots he encountered

during a ritual. The vocabulary consists of words, word sets and loanwords. Based on

his findings “the argots make use of paraphrastic expressions, i.e. of metaphors,

comparisons, ‘expressive’ words or phrase; abstract ideas are expressed by concrete,

general action by particular ones….”.

Argots (also called wodaja) are generally not understood by those who lack of in-depth

experience with zar and its connotation. The use of secret language in zar rituals may

similarly exist in other Ethiopian cultures. Some literatures (Hecht 1996, 3 and Rouget

1985, 13/14) mention argots used in Amhara zar rituals. Argots are also applied in

songs. One of the often used contents during rituals including in song lyrics is the

beautified portrayal of the possessing spirit. Since it is commonly believed that

possession spirits dwell in bushes, in forests and on trees, in deserts and caves, such

areas are narrated in song lyrics in relation with spirit described as brave warriors,

heroes and a fearless hunters etc. Thus, metaphors like, yäbärähawu daña or

yäbärähawu arbegna, yä chakawu anbässa, täqwašu, wändu, gädäl ayfäre = lit. = the

judge; the warrior of the desert; the lion of the jungle; the skilled shooter; the hero;

he/she who don’t fear a cliff (see also Leslau 2001, 207).

Despite the general notion of zar and its link with the Garden of Eden, the Ethiopian

Orthodox Church is completely against its practice. Hence, the irreverence and

immorality of zar is preached on every religious occasion. So, for the majority of

Christians who is unconditionally obedient to the religion, the belief in zar is

intolerable. My informant Shegaw Belay (2000) told me a story of a very devout

Christian man who suffered under a zar spirit for years. Holding to his Christian faith,

the man never accepted the existence of zar. But as time went by, his mental and

physical condition deteriorated and he eventually became bed ridden for a long period

of time and ultimately died. It is imaginable in what a conflicting situation the man must

have been victimized for years fearing neglect from society and hiding his ailment. This

incident shows that zar is only believed to be a supernatural power and not a mental

disorder that can be treated. Despite this fact, for some Christian Amhara communities,

zar is an integral part of the everyday life. Accordingly, people believe that behind

every bad luck, ailment, failure …etc. there is a dissatisfied spirit (Leslau 1964, 204)

waiting for its craving to be satisfied. If so, the patient will be healed and protected

(Abaynew 2004, 33). Contrary to this, other community members have an aversion to

the zar belief/practice being aware of its mental, physical and financial injury it causes

to believers and practitioners.

As stated earlier, there are both Muslim and Christian zar spirits. As a rule, people with

Christian faith are possessed by Christian spirits, while the same serves for Muslim

mediums. But sporadically a Christian may accommodate a Muslim spirit and vice

versa. There are also mediums who worship two or more spirits (Christian and Muslim).

In Abaynew’s (2004) work the origin and special characteristics of selected Christian9

and Muslim10

zar spirits, widely known in Gondär, have been portrayed.

9 The following names are familiar for Christian male/female zars in Gondär: Abba Zənjär, Abba Worqe,

Abba Säbbär Gange, Yäneta Bərru, Sumal, Gragn Abba Gugsa, Abba Lafa, Wässän Gäfi, Seifu

Tschängär, Amor Chəlatu, ənqulal (male) and Täkolašə Iyassu, Šašitu and Rahelo (female). 10 The following designation are given for Muslim male/female zars in Gondär: Sheiks Abbadər, Adäm,

Anbässa, Abdalla, Näbro, Bərre Alänga, Dämä Mänzər, Däm Qälbu, Adal Sumale, Seyd & Kädər,

Gudale, Dirra, Wossen Sägäd (male), Golämšit, Šanqit, Astina Alawuya (female).

Ethiopia has a huge rural-urban gap. People residing in urban centres have better access

to education and a better level of consciousness unlike rural inhabitants. Therefore, the

mainstream in urban centres is not critically vulnerable to zar spirits. It also depends on

the individual state of consciousness and the extent of one’s mental stability. In such

cases, we may even find people with good educational background who however deeply

believe in zar and take active part in rituals.

Zar Events and Music Analysis

Zar practitioners, called balä zar, balä wuqabi, balä qolle, balä awäliya11

, serve as a

bridge between the invisible and visible world and to channel the mystical power of

both benevolent and malevolent spirits to this world. Because of their special abilities,

they enjoy respect from the zar community. In search for clarity, relief and cure from

different problems and ailments people suffer from, clients - from near and afar – flock

to visit these renowned balä zar. In such venues, zar rituals may often take place on

daily basis along with therapeutic treatments and healings often accompanied by group

singing and dancing.

Zar songs are principally performed in groups mainly arranged in a call-response style,

i.e. lead singer versus chorus group. Songs are often accompanied by dancing, hand

clapping and beating the dəbbe drum. During such events the feeling of togetherness

and the shared identity are expressed through music. A song may last for 20, 30 or more

minutes depending on the general atmosphere of the ritual. Due to their cyclic or

repetitive melodic structures zar songs may often sound monotonous which is generally

the case of a large number of Amhara traditional secular songs. Therefore, attention is

mostly given to the message of lyrics, which can instigate participants to enjoy and

contribute their part to the performance (Kawase 2012, 69).

It is common that a medium wears special clothes and accessories during his/her zar

ceremony. Quite often animals are slaughtered as a sacrifice for the spirit. Different

types of spirits require variously coloured hen, sheep or goats to be sacrificed. It is quite

a problem for the victim’s family to get these at times unaffordable items. But because

of fear that the patient would be punished for disobeying these needs, they make

everything possible for the event hence, ruining themselves financially (Abaynew 2004,

13).

Zar Ritual in Ambo Meda: Here the outcome of David Evans’ film recorded in Ambo

Meda will be examined and discussed. The host of the possession ritual is a woman

called Addisse Tekle’s who is inflicted by a zar since she was 8 years old. Having dealt

11 In this paper I will use the term balä zar.

with the zar since her early childhood, Addisse became a zar expert and witch since her

early thirtieth. Today she is about 50 years old (Evans 201512

).

Though zar rituals are frequently carried out in Addisse’s house including important

seasons of the year which she has to take into consideration, since otherwise she will

become ill. As a recognized balä zar, Addisse also prepares and prescribes medicine

through the power of her spirit. One of her medicine for her patients is holy water

(called täbäl). The water comes from the stream and is blessed by the spirit hence

changing to medicine instantly. The use of the holy water proves the close link of zar

with the Christian religion. Ethiopian Orthodox believers have a deep faith in blessed

water and in its healing power13

.

For the occasion, Addisse wears a traditional dress with cross embroidered motif and a

multi-coloured striped scarf that is predominantly worn by zar patients not only during

rituals, but also everyday (see Addisse in figure 7). As the ceremony proceeds, she

changes another scarf (figure 9) that is commonly worn by Muslim women, for

instance, by Harari women. Handcrafted silver and stone necklaces including a black

thread necklace hang on her neck. The cross and cord (called matäb) are an emblem of

the Christian faith14

, while the other necklaces may serve to mark the zar ritual.

Evans (2015) informed me that Addisse believed to be blessed by the ‘mother’ and the

‘father’ of zar who live in the forest or in the desert eating only leaves. In this relation,

Abaynew (201515

) informed me that the ‘mother’ of zar known throughout Gondär is

called Astina Aläwäya, while the ‘father’ of zar is most probably Seifu Tschängär. The

spirit visits Addisse in her dreams. Even though Addisse represents Astina Aläwäya in

her role as a balä zar, the zar possessing and controlling her is Berie, a male spirit.

The film recorded in Addisse’s house begins with her sitting in one corner of the room

and singing and beating the dəbbe (figure 7). In this moment, she acts as the lead singer

being accompanied by the chorus group (figure 8). When the atmosphere became

livelier and the music more intense, Addisse interrupts the singing and drumming,

stands up, takes a whip and a flywhisk in each hand, and starts dancing the gurri in the

centre arena. An elderly man overtakes the singing and drumming hence keeping this

sparkling musical performance alive. Addisse’s trance journey begins here. As Gilbert

Rouget (1985, 133) points out music is the basic tool to “guarantee continuity during the

shamanic journey.” After Addisse performed the gurri in solo for a while, a female

12 E-Mail correspondence 9th February, 2015 13 Similarly Eliana Pili (2009, 341) proposes the following about the holy water: “People go to the täbäl

for a large variety of diseases (skin problems, infertility…), but also to find solutions to personal and

social problems. Some of them have already been cured in private clinics or hospitals, or maybe by a

traditional healer who suggested they should use the holy waters. Moreover many people go to the täbäl

only to pray and meditate, to find spiritual comfort and relief, especially during particular times of the

year like Lent (kudade)”. 14 According to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church cords (matäb) are put around a person’s neck immediately

after the baptism (boys = 40; girls = 80 days after birth) ceremony in the church. 15 E-Mail correspondence 10.08.2015.

worshipper who as well seems to be possessed by a spirit, joins her and both women

now continue shaking and moving their bodies synchronic. Addisse’s companion also

wears traditional attire and a silver cross necklace (see figures 9).

It is obvious for me that the overall atmosphere, the group singing, the drum beats and

hand claps including the increasing song tempo triggers hyperventilation. Here Addisse

and her companion dance and simultaneously repeat conjuring phrases, rhythmic

exclamation of words, emphatic shouts, verbal utterances and hisses while concurrently

dancing intensively with very short interruptions. The oxygen supply is thereby greatly

increased hence provoking the state of trance (Natvig 1987, 671). Sporadically the

ladies suggest poems (praising the spirit) that are immediately repeated by the lead

singer. A few of them are shown below:

Amharic script translation

ጥርሱ እንደቀለበት የሚያብረቀርቀው His teeth shining like a (‘diamond’) ring ዓይኑ እንደ ግራር የሚሰነጠቀው His eyes tear tearing up like the acacia tree እንኳን መሐይሙን ነብዩን ጨነቀው He leaves the prophet astonished (by his grace), let alone

an illiterate ነብዬ ነብዬ ነብዬ ትልቁ My seer (my forecaster), the great diviner የኑር ሸማ ለብሰው አንድ ጊዜ ይዝለቁ Please come again once, wearing šämma (trad. cloth) ዋሜ አባላፋ ሸማኔ ኖረሃል Wame Abba Lafa (spirit’s name), I didn’t know you are a

weaver የፈረሰ ገላ ይሰራል ይሉሃል I overheard them saying that you even fix a fragmented

body; i.e. that you (even) breathe life on the dead

In terms of their melodic and metro-rhythmic and lyrical arrangements, the songs

performed in Addisse’s house represent a mixture of Gondär and Wollo traditional

singing styles. Also the dance movement and the emphatic shouts show striking

similarities with the traditional Amhara secular songs. An exception is the lyrical

message which, of course, should match the ceremony.

At a certain point and after an exhaustive gurri, Addisse is ‘connected’ to her spirit.

Now, her female companion sits down to have some rest. Addisse now tells fortunes

and discusses various matters. She wishes all those possessed by zar/s well-being and

safety. In between the dialogues a number of short phrases are uttered by her in a

relatively fast tempo. Although I do not fully understand these utterances (see also

Hecht 1996, 14), they are used whenever the medium worships and/or calls her spirit/s:

Argots Phonetic expression

አማን አማን ጀባ (2x) Aman, aman jäba (2x) ውዴታ ጀባ Wudetawu jäba ፈረጃ ጀባ Färäja jeba ግራጃ ጀባ giraja jäba ዛሬ መጀን Zäre mägän አለቃ አዱኛ መጀን Aläqa Aduña mägän

አለቃ ዛሬ መጀን aläqa Zäre mägän በተዘራችሁ ያላችሁ Bätäzärachihu yalachihu የጡማው ገብርኤል Yätumawu gäbriel የስኒው በረኛ Yäsiniwu bäräña የፋርጣው ዘበኛ ጀባ Yafartawu zäbäña jäba

Zar Ritual in Qalitti: Experienced balä zars not only invite people to their possession

rituals, but also visit patients, who may for instance be newcomers to a zar world. It is

common that their close family members yearn for the advice and help of the balä zar. I

was able to examine a similar incident in 1997 in Qalitti, a small town in the outskirts of

Addis Ababa. The balä zar, Amarech Adane (ca. 60) who was invited to the home of a

female customer. I was told by the host that Amarech’s enduring mystical experience in

the visible and invisible world has gained her respect not only among members of the

zar-practicing community, but in the entire neighbourhood,as well. People seeking her

help are exclusively women, who believe to be influenced by zars. After a warm

welcome, Amarech was led to a deliberately darkened room and took a seat on a

mattress16

, where the host has already placed the stimulant drug, chat (cata edulis),

cigarettes17

, and aräqe18

. The traditional coffee ceremony began to take place, step by

step; roasting of coffee beans, grinding, boiling and finally serving it in three rounds.

Burning of incense and myrrh (ətan and kärbe) and joss sticks (sändäl) fill the house

with scented smoke. The smoke is believed to chase any evil spirits away and attract the

zar. Amarech started chewing the fresh chat leaves, heavily smoking cigarettes, and

drinking aräqe (home-brewed hard liquor). After some time, the by-product of the chat

was put in boiling water and drunk like tea (auza).

In the background, Sheik Mohammed Awol’s mänzumat19

are played from a cassette

player. Mänzumat (plural of mänzuma) are musical and poetic religious praise songs

practiced among Ethiopian Muslim communities. After a short while, Amarech started

humming a melancholic melody and later on singing a song to praise her spirit for

whom she uses words and metaphors such as adagn /adagnu’(the hunter) or yäbärähaw

adagn (hunter of the desert), ‘Adal’ and/or ‘Adal Mote’, Allah, wändu (the brave), yä

Gragn bäre (Gragn’s oxen = Gragn’s soldier). The word Adal denotes to the Muslim

Afar people of the north eastern desert region of Ethiopia. History reveals that during

16 Worshipers also prepare a prayer room or extra house for zar rituals and related purposes only. 17 In many Ethiopian cultures, smoking is an absolute taboo, particularly for woman. But during some zar

rituals, smoking is apparently tolerated, since it is regarded as a demand of the spirit. I often observed

women smoking during zar sessions, but not on ordinary days and if this is the case then this would

never happen in public. 18 Aräqe is a distilled local alcoholic beverage in many traditional households 19

Sheik Mohammed Awel is a mänzumat performer who is widely known as the ‘King of mänzuma’.

The term mänzuma is also known as zikri/zekära, baahroo, sarmade and nazme among various Islamic

communities of Ethiopia. Mänzumat are arranged on both solo and group as well as in fixed or free

metre. See details Teffera 2014, unpublished.

the time of Ahmed ibn Ibrahim Al-Ghazi (nicknamed as Ahmed the Left-handed 1506-

1543), the Adals (Afar) attacked and Islamized the population including parts of the

Amhara region. Ever since there have been contacts of the two populations particularly

trade and culture. Aspen (2001, 65) notes a number of attributes of the spirit possession

rituals “can be traced directly to Afar traditions”.

In the case of Amarech, we may encounter the syncretic religious nature of the zar

(Eisler 1995; Kamal Feriali 2009, 41; Simon 1983, 291). In her ordinary life, Amarech

confesses to Christianity. She practices her deep faith by visiting the church on daily

basis. However, during her zar session she cites, adores and worships her apparently

Muslim spirit. An extract of the lyric is shown below:

Extract of zar song performed by Amarech Adane during a zar ritual, recording: T.

Teffera, Ethiopia 1997

Amharic script Translation

አርግልኝ ያልኩህን አረግህልኝ ወይ? Have you honored your words by doing what I asked

you? እራሷን ወደ ታች እግሯን ወደ ላይ to put her head down and her legs up

20

አንተን ያመነ እና ጉልበቱን ያመነ Those who believe in you (the spirit) and their might ተቋቁሞ ነበር ፍርዱ የማን ሆነ? .. did stand against the odds -now what’s your verdict? አዳኙ እያጉረመረመ ጋራዉን ዞረ Howling and humming, goes the hunter around the hills ወደ ቤት መጣ መቼ አደረ ..he came back home,but spent the night out የዛር ፈረስና ሰባራ ማድጋ A ‘zar horse’ and a broken clay pot ዝንት ዓለም ይኖራል ጎኑ እንደተወጋ

. . .remain fragile for eternity.

እያቅበጠበጠኝ ቅጡን እያጣሁት Overwhelmed with restlessness and nervous behaviour እኔስ ያላባት ነው ዛሬስ የመጣሁት ..here I am - back to you without “a father” ጫቱን ከማን ጋራ ጫቱን ከማን

ጋራ? Who can one have a chat session with!?

የሚወዱት ሁሉ ሲሆን ባለጋራ If all those you trust become enemies!?

This free rhythmic and melismatic solo song belongs to the əngurguro (lamentation)

style that is also used in Amhara traditional secular songs. Its melody applies 5 notes

(few of them are repeated one octave higher) with a tonal range stretching to more than

one octave. The intervallic relations of the five notes represents one of the four Amhara

traditional modes (qəñət), here the bati qəñət21

. The song’s melismatic character is

among others in lines 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 9 where the syllable ə moves between several

different notes (music example 1). Zar əngurguros display distinct similarities with

mänzuma əngurguros (pl. = mänzumat). Their similarities are based on their unmetrical

free rhythmic arrangement and the use of melismas with large tonal ranges stretching to

more than an octave. Of course, mänzuma chanting is a purely Islamic tradition being

20 Unclear whom she means, but it is apparently a female rival who should be punished by the spirit 21 The other three being tizita, anchi hoye läne and ambassäl

performed by knowledgeable Muslim clerics. In their contents, they praise Allah and his

Prophet (tawaṣolāt and madḥ an-nabī), preaching the oneness of God (tawhid)…etc.

Therefore, there is no syncretism in the notion of mänzuma as in the case of the zar

rituals that incorporate both Islamic, Christian and/or other components.

Singing multiple notes on a single syllable is common in both secular and sacred

Amhara music repertoires. In lines 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 9 of the notation represented in music

example 1, the initial note is the lowest tone C’-sharp, from which the melody rises up

to note E’’, the highest pitch of the melody. Then it gradually descends ending on F’-

sharp, E’ or C’-sharp (all pitches are relative and non-tempered). The quarter rests put at

the end each line indicate vocal (breathing) gaps. The exact duration of rests has not

been written down, because the singer at times takes very long gaps between each line

singing in a very relaxed mood. The main purpose of this notation is to show how the

lines are melodically and metro-rhythmically arranged and how they are associated with

one another (in terms of their similarities and differences). Furthermore, it intends to

give a glimpse about the role and function of each note that plays as a central, initiating

and cadential pitch (line-ending pitch) in each line.

After performing for about 40 minutes, while simultaneously going deeper into the

world of trance, Amarech started swinging her torso and shaking her head until she was

“connected with her spirit”, a moment called zar wärädä (literally ‘the zar came down’).

Amarech calmed down, but her voice became slightly low (nearly masculine). She

began speaking on behalf of the spirit. At first she blessed the two women, who were

conducting the coffee ceremony. Then, she turned to her host and started with a

conversation in a bid to solve the problems the host claims to be bothered with. The host

raised questions about a certain female figure that she described as her arch enemy. In

between the dialogues, Amarech sang one or two verses and got back to the

conversation, asking and answering questions, sharing pieces of advice, while

forecasting happenings of the near and far future. Subject matters considered in such

moments can vary; i.e. from everyday life to prophecies, from worships to possessing

spirits, divine natures and more. Questions about oracles are also part of the ritual.

Worshippers firmly believe that their problems can be solved through the spirit’s

blessings. Kawase (2012, 67) notes that zar ceremonies are held for several reasons,

among which we can mention healing purposes upon “the request of an ailing person, in

an attempt to find lost items, to enhance a student’s low grades, and to settle disputes

(see also Hecht 1996, 14).

Music Example 1: Zar song (solo); singer: Amarech Adane; Recording: T. Teffera, Qalitti, 1997

Zar Ritual in Gondär: In Kawase’s ethnographic film “When Spirits Ride Their

Horses”, the zar ritual takes place in on the eve of the Ethiopian New Year22

in the

house of the balä zar, Malem Mahmoud, a woman possessed by the powerful male

spirit, Seifu Tchängär23

. Besides zar ceremonies held at different times of a year, the

Ethiopian New Year eve is one of the important days for Malem and numerous

mediums. The film starts by showing Malem, sitting quietly in her house around the

evening time chewing chat leafs, drinking coffee, smoking cigarettes, praying and

meditating. Visitors, seeking her advice come and go.

Around evening time, Malem changes her special traditional cotton dress, trimmed with

colorful embroidery to start with the ceremony. Her hair is a fresh braid, because Seifu

Tschänger wants to have it like that. Incense, herbs and special sticks are burning for

purification and peacefulness and to protect the house from evil spirits. Malem goes

around spraying perfume on the female participants24

. The house is packed with a

number of worshippers, partaking in the ceremony and enjoying the songs of the azmari

accompanied by the fiddle masinqo and the dəbbe. Like the zar cult, Gondär is also one

of the Amhara regions with a strong azmari music culture. Among Azmari music

performances are primarily observed in traditional pubs (azmari bet), but the singers

also go from place to place and perform their music, with hopes to impress their

audience and earn additional income. In addition, azmariwoc (plural of azmari) are

observed at wedding ceremonies, baptisms, annual church celebrations, as well as the

zar rituals, regularly observed place in Gondär during the entire year. Taking the vast

song repertoire of the azmariwoc into consideration, there is no doubt that they have

music that fits every occasion. They are known to possess an exceptional skill of

creating lyrics impromptu.

An azmari performs music either as a solo musician or together with a female

companion, i.e. a sister, friend or a partner/wife. The female azmari often entertains the

audience with singing and dancing. Kawase (2012, 69) writes: “…the role of the azmari

is to be the conductor of sensorial and corporeal resonance, based on his frequent

interaction with participants. Spirits must be enticed to enter the medium’s body

through loud music with praise poetry and the dances of participants, which are all led

by the musicians”.

At Malem’s zar ceremony, only one azmari performed songs accompanied by the

participants, the dəbbe and hand clapping. As evening time approaches, the intensity of

the music increases, and so does the mood of the partakers. Two of the women start to

perform the trance dance, the gurri, joined by Malem a little later. At first, her body

22 According to the Ethiopian calendar, the New Year is celebrated on September 11th. 23 In the film, Malem describes Seifu Tchängär as the most popular, powerful and merciless spirit, if one

does not obey his commands. Seifu Tchängär is well-known spirit in Gondär and neighbouring areas. 24 I observed such a scene during a zar ritual in Addis Ababa in 1997 where the host (a woman) put

perfume on her female guests upon their arrival as a gesture of welcome. Later, when she was

possessed, she repeated the same procedure blessing everyone.

movement was focused on shaking the shoulders and shoulder blades that resembled the

traditional əskista dance. Like Amhara secular songs, rhythmic zar songs are very

communicative and entertaining. Particularly their poetic messages play a pivotal role in

terms of triggering a body movement that is synchronized with the beat of the music.

Consequently, Malem intensely shakes her head in circular and frenzied jerking. After

this exhaustive body movement, the peak moment signalling the occurrence of the spirit

sets in.

The music is now on hold. Malem takes over the stage to speak on behalf of her spirit,

Seifu Tchängär, who makes her talk like a child. Walking up and down in the midst of

the worshippers sitting around her, Malem forecasts fortunes, talks about private issues

and also blesses everyone wishing them health and wealth in the New Ethiopian Year

by saying “…may the 44 arks of covenant and the Almighty God protect you and fulfil

your wishes; may St. Mary, Mother of God listen to your prayers” etc. in the zar

language. The participants listen to her with great attention, at times, conversing with

her, asking questions or making comments on various matters.

Before Malem’s zar spirit forced her to convert into Islam, she used to be Christian.

Based on the past story, she used to live in a cave in eastern Ethiopia for about six

years. Although she never harmed anyone, people regarded her as insane, threw stones

at her and insult her. She had to endure through all this, prior to starting with her new

life, thus accepting her fate as a messenger a powerful spirit. Although, Malem, as her

name indicates, is a Muslim, she calls for both Christian and Muslim saints such as Aba

Jiffar (Kawase 2012).

Another film Kawase provided me with comprises a compilation of several zar

ceremonies is entitled “Zar in Gondär” (2002-2004). One of the scenes was in the town

of Azäzo (near Gondär). Here, a woman performs the gurri in the centre area

surrounded by a group of celebrants. An azmari performs songs being accompanied by a

chorus group. On another zar ritual, several azmariwoc entertain the attendees playing

their masinqos in unison. So, the involvement of azmariwoc during zar rituals is

apparently very common Gonder unlike other Amhara regions like Wällo and Gojjam,

where the azmari music culture also exists. Therefore, Kawase’s film may perhaps be

exceptional feature of zar in Gondär. This could probably have become possible,

because he was primarily studying the azmari culture for a long time and they might

have provided him access to zar rituals.

The zar songs mentioned earlier are rooted in the traditional secular music of the

Amhara. They are primarily arranged in call-response style. The main difference

between traditional secular and zar songs only lies in their contents. It is very common,

that the new text is added to existing melodies intended to be performed on various

occasions. Important are the number of syllables (often 12) that should fit in the melodic

structures. Also, the many Amhara songs (including zar songs) are arranged in triple

meter that is accentuated by drum and hand clapping. At the beginning of the ceremony

in Malem’s house, the azmari performs a song containing a single phrase repeated again

and again, arranged in call-response style (azmari versus participants; music example

2). Spirits’ names, including Seifu Tchängär, are mentioned, coupled with affectionate

terms such as hodəye (my sweetheart), yäne aläm (my world), getəye or yäne geta (The

Superior/ My Lord) ….etc. inserted at the given spot of the verse. Below only two verse

lines (Kawase 2012, 70):

ኧረ ጌትዬ ሰላም ሙላ የኔ ዓለም ሞልተህ ግባ

ኧረ ጌትዬ ሰላም ሙላ ሆድዬ ሞልተህ ግባ

Translation:

Oh Lord, give us plenty of peace; you, my world, bring lots of joy

Oh Lord, give us plenty of peace; you, my Lord, bring lots of joy

Music Example 2: Zar song performed in call-response style; Source: Film “When

Spirits Ride their Horses” (Itsushi Kawase, 2012)

[c.g. = choir group; d. = drum; h.c. = hand clapping]

The drum pattern shown in the score is very common in song accompaniment not only

in Amhara zar songs, but also in secular music. The instrument is played with both

hands. One hand beats the edge of the stretched membrane (high pitch), the other beats

the centre (low pitch). In the score, the single notes with stems up indicate the high

pitches (tak-tak), whereas the duple notes with downward stems denote the low pitches

(dum-dum). The resulting pattern will thus sound like this: tak-dum-dum, tak-dum-

dum…etc

Another drum pattern refers to a duple beat within the common triple metre as shown

below together with hand beating pattern. Here, again the stressed beat of the drum falls

together with the hand clapping (music example 3).

Music Example 3: Second version of drum pattern

Basing the above discussed three zar rituals (Gondär, Ambo Mäda, Qalitti) the

following may be pointed out:

Each of the women (mediums) is possessed by a male spirit: Berie, Adal Mote and

Seifu Tchängär. This justifies the theory that spirits often inflict the opposite sex. The

medium is center of attention during an entire ritual. The main purpose of the ritual is to

worship and appease the spirit and get connected with it through trance. The moment of

trance serves the medium to tell fortunes; find solutions to problems prescribe medicine

for those in need. The first two mediums, Addisse and Adanech, are devout Christians

in their ordinary life, while Malem has converted to Islam, as explained earlier.

Coffee ceremony is inseparably connected with a possession ceremony. It is one of the

most important activities taken care of by close friends, neighbors and/or family

members.

Music is in most cases an integral part to decorate the ceremony, but also to enhance the

gurri until the spirit is connected with the medium. In group performances, drumming

and hand clapping play a vital role.

The syncretic character of the zar is clear in all three ceremonies. In doing so, specific

elements of Christianity and Islam are blended to a harmonized entity. Hence, words,

symbols and certain actions are expressed to create a link between the human and

spiritual world, i.e. between the spirit and medium as well as between the medium who

speaks on behalf of the spirit and the devotees. Syncretistic expressions are exclusively

used particularly while the medium is in trance, not in normal life.

Figure 3: Roasting coffee beans; Figure 4: Pounding roasted coffee in a wooden mortar;

Figures 5-6: Traditional coffee pot (ğäbäna), coffee cups and incense burning25

25 See: https://aboutaddisababa.wordpress.com/2013/02/23/savor-addis-ababas-world-class-coffee/; and

http://bunnaethiopia.net/coffee_ceremony.html

Figure 7: Zar ritual in Ambo Meda; balä zar Addisse Tekle wearing a multi-coloured shawl

sitting in a corner and prepared to perform music

Figure 8: Zar ritual celebrants beating the dəbbe drum; the drum is positioned between the

drummer’s legs; it is beaten with both hands in seated position

Figure 9: Addisse and her female companion performing the gurri in the midst of the attendees

who are actively participating in the musical performance26

Figure 10: Female medium dancing the gurri during a zar ceremony in the town of Azäzo, near

Gondär; an azmari is singing accompanying himself with the masinqo, others beating two

drums, a chorus group, hand clapping and dancing 27

26

Figures 7-9: Photos: Courtesy of D. Evans, 24.09.2014, Ambo Meda (Addis Zämän) 27 Photo: Courtesy of Itsushi Kawase, Azäzo, Gondär

Figure 11: Preparing a zar possession ceremony on Ethiopian New Year’s eve 2012, Gondär;

the lady smoking a cigarette (right) is Malem Mahmoud, host of the ritual is seen smoking

cigarette (right); the lady burning joy sticks (left) is one of the assistants of the zar ritual

Figure 12: Zar possession ceremony on Ethiopian New Year’s eve 2012, Gondär; Malem

Mahmoud during the gurri dance

Figure 1328: End of the zar ceremony on Ethiopian New Year’s eve 2012, Gondär; Malem

Mahmoud’s total exhaustion and collapse after an approximately seven-hour intensive singing

and dancing; end of the ritual

Conclusion

In this discussion, I have attempted to portray the Amhara zar spirit possession ritual

and its various aspects, with particular attention on music and dance. My presentation,

though, was just a fraction of a job that requires a lot more thorough work in the future.

Hence, more research studies, data collection, documentation and analysis should be

conducted to achieve in-depth insight of the melodic, rhythmic and metric structures of

songs, the impact of lyrics, the role of musicians, i.e. singers and instrument players

including the trance dance, along with its dramatic aspects and aesthetic values.

Furthermore, the holistic link of music and dance with types of arts, as well as its

relation with language, custom/tradition, culture and society are equally important

features that need to be taken care of in future scholarly investigations.

Acknowledgement

I would like to acknowledge and thank Dr. Itsushi Kawase and Prof. David Evans for

their kind cooperation in sharing their collected materials and research findings. David

Evans’ recordings and fieldwork were assisted by Destaw Abaynew and Molla Adane.

My special thanks goes to all contacts/informants who provided me access to zar

ceremonies.

28 Figures 11-13: see Itsushi Kawase’s ethnographic film When Spirits Ride their Horses. Ethnographic

film recorded in Gondär (watch also film extract under https://vimeo.com/36193659)

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Informants

Abaynew, Destaw (2015). I was able to exchange several e-mail correspondences about

the zar ritual and its practice in Gondär. As student of the Bahr Dar University

(BDU), Abaynew conducted field researches on the zar possession ritual particularly

focussing on the community residing in Libo Kemkem district, near Gondär.

Adane, Amarech (1997). Then, a 60 year old women balä zar; resident of the small town

of Qalitti. She performed zar songs during a private ritual which I was able to record

(audio).

Evans, David provided me with a film he recorded on a zar ritual held in the village

Ambo Meda, Wollo/Northeast Ethiopia.

Kawase, Itsushi provided me with two ethnographic films of zar ceremonies he

recorded in Gondär and adjacent regions: a) “When Spirits Ride their Horses”

(2012); b) “Zar in Gondär” a collection of short films made between 2002 and 2004.

Belay, Shegaw (2000). Resident of Bahr Dar shared his experiences about the zar and

its practice in different parts of Ethiopia, particularly among the Amhara