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12 January 2011- Wednesday, 8:55 am

Persecution of Minorities in

Pakistan

Prudent Injeeli

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The Creation of Pakistan

Pakistan came into being on the 14th of August 1947. Ironically, Pakistan came into “being” before India which already existed, though under the British colonial rule. The division of India is said to be on religious lines, that is to say that the country was created in the name of religion just like Israel. Both states claim to be founded on ideological basis. However, to this day, Pakistanis as a nation still have to figure out the very purpose or the rationale of the creation of the country.

The Two-Nation Theory

The Two-Nation Theory is the ideology that the primary identity of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent is their religion, rather than their language or ethnicity, and therefore Indian Hindus and Muslims are two distinct nationalities, regardless of ethnic or other commonalities. The Two Nation Theory was a founding principle of the Pakistan Movement (i.e. the Ideology of Pakistan), and the Partition of India in 1947.The ideology that religion is the determining factor in defining the nationality of Indian Muslims is also a source of inspiration to several Hindu nationalist organizations, with causes as varied as the redefinition of Indian Muslims as non-Indian foreigners in India, the expulsion of all Muslims from India, establishment of a legally Hindu state in India, prohibition of conversions to Islam, and the promotion of conversions or reconversions of Indian Muslims to Hinduism.

There are varying interpretations of the Two-Nation Theory, based on whether the two postulated nationalities can coexist in one territory or not, with radically different implications. One interpretation argued for sovereign autonomy, including the right to secede, for Muslim-majority areas of the Indian subcontinent, but without any transfer of populations (i.e. Hindus and Muslims would continue to live together). A different interpretation contends that Hindus and Muslims constitute "two distinct, and frequently antagonistic, ways of life, and that therefore they cannot coexist in one nation." In this version, a transfer of populations (i.e. the total removal of Hindus from Muslim-majority areas and the total removal of Muslims from Hindu-majority areas) is a desirable step towards a complete separation of two incompatible nations that "cannot coexist in a harmonious relationship".

Opposition to the theory has comes from two sources. The first is the concept of a single Indian nation, of which Hindus and Muslims are two intertwined communities. This is a founding principle of the modern, officially-secular, Republic of India. Even after the formation of Pakistan, debates on whether Muslims and Hindus are distinct nationalities or not continued in that country as well. The second source of opposition is the concept that while Indians are not one nation, neither are the Muslims or Hindus of the subcontinent, and it is instead the relatively homogeneous former provincial units of the subcontinent which are true nations and deserving of sovereignty

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The Founder’s Vision of Pakistan

On August 11, 1947 Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, addressing the members of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, said,

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed — that has nothing to do with the business of the State... We are starting

with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State... I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in due course

Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political

sense as citizens of the State.”

Pakistan Ideology has been hijacked by the same people who opposed its creation. Had Jinnah's ideals been sacred then this speech should have received the status of our Magna carta, our spirit and soul as a nation. Tragically, that was not to happen and the nation went in the completely opposite direction. The very opponents of the idea of the creation of Paksitsan, the religious groups and parties have now taken almost full control of the fate and future of this bleeding hapless nation. Let’s look at another quote of the Quaid about the state of Pakistan as he had envisaged.

Categorical Declaration of Quaid-e-Azam The Quaid-e-Azam made a categorical declaration in Muslim League convention in Dehli on April 11, 1946 that: - 

"Let us understand in clear terms what our war is about. What is our goal? Please remember our goal is not theocracy. We do not want a theocratic state." 

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After establishment of Pakistan, in February 1948, as Governor General of Pakistan, he said in a broadcast to the American people: - 

'In Pakistan, there will be no theocracy-a system in which the government is turned over to religious establishment for fulfilling its self-appointed divine mission".  

After sixty plus years of its creation, the debate on the purpose of the creation of Pakistan has not ceased, as a matter of fact it has gained monstrous proportions. The moderates claiming that, in the light of the quotes of the Quaid (whom they view as a secular politician) it is quite obvious that Pakistan was not meant to be a playing field for the religiously charged fanatics. Whereas, the other side claiming that if the Quaid was indeed a secular man, why on earth would he demand a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. So, the question is, was the creation of Pakistan, owing to religious reason or was it because the Quaid wished to see Muslims have a land where they could make progress in terms of financial and cultural scenario. The answer again lies in the quotes stated above. But is that enough? Certainly, not to the religious hardliners.

THE following excerpts beg comments from all those who have been or are now occupying the power seats of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

From Mohammad Ali Jinnah`s presidential address at the All-India Muslim League session in Delhi in April 1943: “The minorities are entitled to get a definite assurance or to ask: `Where do we stand in the Pakistan that you visualize?` That is an issue of giving a definite and clear assurance to the minorities. We have done it. We have passed a resolution that the minorities must be protected and safeguarded to the fullest extent, and as I said before, any civilised government will do it and ought to do it. So far as we are concerned, our own history and our prophet have given the clearest proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but generously.” (Rizwan Ahmed, ed., Sayings of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah , Karachi: Pakistan Movement Center, 1986, p. 30.)

While discussing Pakistan in an interview given to a representative of the Associated Press of America on November 8, 1946: “Hindu minorities in Pakistan can rest assured that their rights will be protected. No civilised government can be run successfully without giving minorities a complete sense of security and confidence. They must be made to feel that they have a hand in government and to this end must have adequate representation in it. Pakistan will give it.”

(Ahmed, Sayings , p. 65.)

In Jinnah`s interview given to a Reuters correspondent on May 21, 1947, he assured the minorities of Pakistan “that they will be protected and safeguarded. For they will be so many citizens of Pakistan without any distinction of caste or creed.” He had no doubt in his mind that they “will be treated justly and fairly and the collective conscience of parliament itself will be a guarantee that the minorities need not have any apprehension of any injustice being done to them.”

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(Sailesh Bandopadhaya, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the Creation of Pakistan , New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1991, p. 326.)

From Jinnah`s address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947: “We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community — because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on, and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis and so on — will vanish. Indeed if you ask me, this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free people long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls, in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time, but for this. Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed, that has got nothing to do with the business of the state…. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state. The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the government of their country, and they went through that fire step by step. Today, you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist; what exists now is that every man is a citizen, an equal citizen of Great Britain and they are all members of the nation. Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state.” ( Dawn , Independence Day Supplement, August 14, 1999.)

Jinnah`s interview with a Reuter`s correspondent on October 25, 1947: “Every citizen is expected to be loyal to the state and to owe allegiance to it. The arm of the law should be strong enough to deal with any person or section or body or people that is disloyal to the state. We do not, however, prescribe any schoolboy tests of their loyalty. We shall not say to any Hindu citizen of Pakistan: if there is war would you shoot a Hindu?” (Ahmed, Sayings , p. 42.)

Jinnah`s broadcast to the people of Australia on February 19, 1948: “The great majority of us are … members of the Muslim brotherhood of Islam in which we are equal in right, dignity and self respect. Consequently we have a special and a very deep sense of unity. But make no mistake: Pakistan is not a theocracy or anything like it. Islam demands from us the tolerance of other creeds and we welcome in closest association with us all those who, of whatever creed, are themselves willing and ready to play their part as true and loyal citizens of Pakistan.” (Ahmed, Sayings , p. 69.)

So, what do we conclude, was Pakitan created for Isam or for Mulims?

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The Root of the Problem: The objective Resolution

The Objectives Resolution was a resolution adopted on 12 March 1949 by the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. The resolution, proposed by the Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, proclaimed that the future constitution of Pakistan would not be modelled entirely on a European pattern, but on the ideology and democratic faith of Islam.

The Objectives Resolution proclaimed the following principles:

1. Sovereignty belongs to Allah alone but He has delegated it to the State of Pakistan through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him as a sacred trust.

2. The State shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people.

3. The principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed.

4. Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teachings of Islam as set out in the Qur'an and Sunnah.

5. Adequate provision shall be made for the minorities to *freely profess and practice their religions and develop their cultures.

6. Pakistan shall be a federation.7. Fundamental rights shall be guaranteed.8. The judiciary shall be independent.

*The word freely was deleted in the latter documents

Though, prima facie nothing seems to be wrong with what the Objective Resolutions declares, its spirit set the new born state on a trajectory that was in a different direction as to the views of the father of the nation. The Objective Resolution is included in the Annex of the current Constitution of Pakistan by virtue of Article 2A of the Constitution. The Objective Resolution, indeed became the turning point in the very early and immature stage of the history of Pakistan. Had the Quaid been alive at that stage, things might have been different.

Key Facts:

The current population in Pakistan is an estimated 184 million people from different backgrounds that follow different faiths. Here are some estimates of the religious breakdown in the country:

• Islam: 173,000,000 (97%) (the majority are Sunni Muslims, 5-20% are Shi’a)

• Hinduism: 3,200,000 (1.6%)

• Christianity: 2,800,000 (1.6%)

• Sikhs: 20,000 (0.001%)

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• The remaining are Parsis, Ahmedis, Buddhists, Jews, Bahá’ís, and Animists (mainly the Kalasha of Chitral).

Nationally recognized religious holidays:

• Eid-ul-Azha (Feast of the Sacrifice of Abraham)

• Muharram (Islamic New Year)

• Ashura

• Eid-i-Milad-un-Nabi (Birthday of the Prophet Muhammad);

• Ramadan commencement

• Eid-ul-Fitr (end of Ramadan)

• Christmas (December 25)

* Muslim holidays are observed nationally, and Christian holidays are elective for Christians only. However, 25th of December is also the birthday of the Quid-e-Azam, thus a national holiday

A Brief Political History of PakistanThe political history of the nation began with the birth of the All India Muslim League in 1906 to protect Muslim interests, amid fears of neglect and under-representation of Muslims, in case the British Raj decided to grant local self-rule. On the 29 December 1930, Muhammad Iqbal called for an autonomous state in "northwestern India for Indian Muslims".The Muslim League rose to popularity in the late 1930s. Muhammad Ali Jinnah espoused the Two Nation Theory and led the Muslim League to adopt the Lahore Resolutionof 1940, demanding the formation of independent states for Muslims in the East and the West of British India. Eventually, a united Pakistan with two wings - West Pakistan and East Pakistan - gained independence from the British, on 14 August 1947. Modern-day Pakistan came in existence in 1971, after a civil war in the distant East Pakistan and emergence of an independent Bangladesh.

Independence from the British Raj witnessed unprecedented and prolonged communal riots eventually resulting in millions of Muslims migrating to Pakistan and millions of Hindus and Sikhs migrating to India. The Hindu Maharaja of princely state of Kashmir which itself is a Muslim-majority region was hesitant to accede to India or Pakistan although negotiations continued between Maharaja and both India and Pakistan. Pakistan sent its irregular forces, Pashtun tribal militia, into Kashmir in October 1947, to instigate rebellion and capture Kashmir by force from Maharaja. Maharaja requested India for forces to help crush the rebellion however India refused to send forces until Maharaja decided on accession. On 25 October the tribals were close to the capital Srinagar hence Maharaja signed instrument of accession with India. Based on

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instrument of accession Kashmir became part of India and on 26 October the Indian forces were airlifted to Srinagar to defend it from foreign militia. Since the armed rebellion was unlikely to succeed in face of Indian army Pakistan decided to send it regular forces starting the 1947 war that culminated in a United Nations' brokered armistice and an unresolved Kashmir dispute. The 1965 War and the Kargil War were started by Pakistan and also focused on Kashmir. LOC demarcation done in 1949 stopped till point NJ 9842 shot of marking position around the Siachen Glacier. In 1984 India sent forces in Siachen Glacier while Pakistan took control of Baltoro Glacier.

Pakistan declared itself an Islamic republic on adoption of a constitution in 1956, but the civilian rule was stalled by the 1958 military coup d'etat by Ayub Khan, who ruled during a period of internal instability and a second war with India in 1965. Economic grievances and political dissent in East Pakistan led to violent political tensions and army repression, escalating into civil war followed by the third war with India. Pakistan's defeat in the war ultimately led to the secession of East Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh.

Civilian rule resumed from 1972 to 1977 under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, until he was deposed by General Zia-ul-Haq, who became the country's third military president. Pakistan's secular policies were replaced by the Islamic Shariah legal code, which increased religious influences on the civil service and the military. With the death of Zia-ul-Haq in 1988, Benazir Bhutto, daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was elected as the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan. Over the next decade, she alternated power with Nawaz Sharif, as the country's political and economic situation worsened. Military tensions in the Kargil conflict with India were followed by a 1999 coup d'état in which General Pervez Musharraf assumed executive powers. This occurred due to the defeat of Pakistan by India in Kargil and the economic hardship that followed after the Kargil conflict.

In 2001, Musharraf named himself President after the resignation of Rafiq Tarar. In the 2002 Parliamentary Elections, Musharraf transferred executive powers to newly elected Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali, who was succeeded in the 2004 by Shaukat Aziz. On 15 November 2007 the National Assembly completed its term and a caretaker government was appointed with the former Chairman of The Senate, Muhammad Mian Soomro as Prime Minister. Following the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, that resulted in a series of important political developments, her husband Asif Ali Zardari was eventually elected as the new President in 2008.

Religious Demography

The country has an area of 310,527 square miles and a population of 173 million. Official figures on religious demography, based on the 1998 census, showed that approximately 97 percent of the population was Muslim. Groups comprising 2 percent of the population or less include Hindus, Christians, and others, including Ahmadis. The majority of Muslims in the country are Sunni, with a Shi'a minority of approximately 20 percent. According to the Ministry of Minorities Affairs, Sikhs have approximately 30,000 adherents and Buddhists 20,000. The number of Parsis (Zoroastrians), according to a Parsi community center in Karachi, dropped to 1,822 in 2009 as compared to 2,039 in June 2006. The Baha'i claimed that the number of Baha'is is growing in

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Pakistan, with approximately 30,000 adherents. The number of Ahmadis living in Pakistan, according to Jamaat-e-Ahmadiyya, is nearly 600,000, although it is difficult to establish an accurate estimate because Ahmadis, who are legally prohibited from identifying themselves as Muslims, generally choose to not identify themselves as non-Muslims. Some tribes in Balochistan and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) practiced traditional animist religious beliefs; other religious groups include Kalasha, Kihals, and Jains.Less than 0.5 percent of the population, as recorded in the 1998 census, was silent on religious affiliation or claimed not to adhere to a particular religious group. Social pressure was such that few persons would claim no religious affiliation.No data were available on active participation in formal religious services or rituals. Religious beliefs often played an important part in daily life. Most Muslims offered prayers on Fridays, Islam's holy day. Many prayed daily. During the month of Ramadan, even less observant Muslims fasted and attended services. Approximately 70 percent of English-speaking Roman Catholics worshiped regularly; a much lower percentage of Urdu-speaking Catholics did so. Attendance at Hindu and Sikh religious services increased during festivals.

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In Search of Jinnah’s Pakistan

Is this Jinnah’s Paksitan?

by Murtaza Razvi on 12 , 25th, 2010 (Dawn.com)

While the whole episode is outrageous, yet another outrage brews elsewhere in the land of the pure, with a victim who is twice disadvantaged – being a woman and that too from a minority community. Aasia Bibi as the latest blasphemy accused, a poor Christian woman from a village in Punjab who’s on death row in a Lahore prison. Would the mullahs of all hues, Barelvi, Debandi, Ahl-i-Hadis, Shia and what have you, who are now demanding her death have been able to rally for their ‘cause’ at the birth of Pakistan?

Remember how they had stood discredited in the public eye on the eve of the creation of Pakistan, which they had opposed, as Jinnah unequivocally charged the Constituent Assembly at Karachi with framing a constitution for his country, declaring that “Religion will have nothing to do with the business of the state”?

Then, are Ahmadis free to assemble and worship in Pakistan today? Jinnah would be turning in his grave if he knew that we created a minority out of a community that was Muslim in his Pakistan up until 1974. The entire Ahmadi population of the city of Rabwah in Punjab, with a population of 70,000, has a gagging order against them to assemble and pray as they wish, in a country where Jinnah had assured all that they were free to go to their “mosques… temples and any other place of worship”.

If there was a Pakistan Ideology, it was given to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan by Jinnah himself on the eve of independence, that is why he had to die before a new Objectives Resolution could be passed by his deputies in the same assembly in 1949.

This was the starting point of introducing religion into the business of the state, and upon which Z.A. Bhutto and General Ziaul Haq built the entire edifice of their controversial process of Islamisation, with the result that today Islam itself has become controversial, with Sufi shrines and mosques of rival sects being bombed by the puritans, and innocent citizens being killed because they are not Muslim enough. It was about such people that Jinnah had said: “[Pakistan] will not be a country ruled by mullahs with a divine mission;” and that, “The British parliamentary system should be the model before us.” Both the ideals have since been severely compromised.

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Jinnah’s Pakistan was as much in the name of Islam as the independent state of Bosnia in our own times. Pakistan was created for the welfare of the Muslim-majority provinces of British India just as Bosnia was created for safeguarding the interests of the Muslim majority of that region of the former Yugoslavia. Following partition of India, Indian Muslims were advised by the Quaid to remain loyal to their country; it is they who have heeded Jinnah’s call while we in Pakistan have created our own distortions and deviations from his ideals.

Here in a nutshell is a very secular rationale for the creation of Pakistan: Muslims of the even Muslim-majority provinces of a united India, in the face of the denial of any affirmative action in their favour by Congress in 1947, could not have been able to safeguard their socioeconomic interests. Non-Muslims were better qualified to take up most jobs and lucrative vocations, which in their absence fell to Muslims in what we call Pakistan today.

The Quaid was more than willing to keep India in one piece provided he was able to extract an affirmative action plan in favour of the very backward Muslims at the time of independence; this means that even before Pakistan became a reality on the map, Mr. Jinnah had revisited and reviewed his Two-Nation Theory. Never was he to invoke it again even to unite East and West Pakistan, which saw the language riots in Dhaka right at the outset.

The leader and the lawyer Jinnah understood well the distinction between creating a country for disadvantaged Muslims or one in the name of Islam. That fine line was later blurred by his deputies after his death and it was removed altogether by ambitious politicians and military dictators to perpetuate their own rule.

In Jinnah’s Pakistan, we would have been saved many a Ms. Faruqui in the government; instead, an Aasia Bibi, on the back of ballot, could have become the head of state without endangering Islam or trading off nuclear secrets. These two feats today are the exclusive privileges of Pakistani Muslims alone.               

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Freedom of Religion in Pakistan?Freedom of religion in Pakistan has come into conflict with sharia law. Pakistan came into existence in 1947, and has subsequently become an Islamic republic. It is estimated that 95% of Pakistanis are Muslims (75% Sunni and 20% Shia), while the remaining 5% includes Christians and Hindus. Constitutional position

The original Constitution of Pakistan did not discriminate between Muslims and non-Muslims. However, the amendments made during Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization led to the controversial Hudood Ordinance and Shariat Court. Later, Nawaz Sharif's government tried to enforce a Shariat Bill, passed in May 1991. After the incident of 9/11, Pervez Musharraf government took steps to curtail the religious intolerance among different factions of Islam and non-Muslims.

Blasphemy lawsThe Pakistani government does not restrict religious publishing per se. However, it restricts the right to freedom of speech with regard to religion. Speaking in opposition to Islam and publishing an attack on Islam or its prophets are prohibited. Pakistan's penal code mandates the death penalty for anyone defiling the name of Muhammad, whom Muslims view as a prophet. This penal code mandates life imprisonment for desecrating the Koran, and up to 10 years' imprisonment for insulting another's religious beliefs with intent to outrage religious feelings.

Pakistan's blasphemy laws are considered to be relatively strict, and have been the source of controversy in recent years. It has been alleged in some cases that Muslims who have engaged in public debate about their religion have been prosecuted for blasphemy.

Christian scriptures and books are available in Karachi and in travelling bookmobiles. Hindu and Parsi scriptures are freely available. Foreign books and magazines may be imported freely, but are subject to censorship for religious content.

The Ahmadi positionThe Pakistan government does not ban formally the public practice of the Ahmadi Muslim sect, but its practice is restricted severely by law. A 1974 constitutional amendment declared Ahmadis to be a non-Muslim minority because, according to the Government, they do not accept Muhammad as the last prophet of Islam. However, Ahmadis consider themselves to be Muslims and observe Islamic practices. In 1984, under Ordinance XX the government added Section 298(c) into the Penal Code, prohibiting Ahmadis from calling themselves Muslim or posing as Muslims; from referring to their faith as Islam; from preaching or propagating their faith; from inviting others to accept the Ahmadi faith; and from insulting the religious feelings of Muslims. This section of the Penal Code has caused problems for Ahmadis, particularly the provision that

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forbids them from "directly or indirectly" posing as Muslims. The Ahmadis must not use the standard Muslim greeting form and must not name their children Muhammad. The constitutionality of Section 286(c) was upheld in a split-decision Supreme Court case in 1996. The punishment for violation of this section is imprisonment for up to 3 years and a fine. It has been alleged that this provision has been used extensively by the Government and anti-Ahmadi religious groups to target and harass Ahmadis. Ahmadis also are prohibited from holding any conferences or gatherings.

Electoral process for non-MuslimsIn 1980s Zia ul-Haq introduced a system under which non-Muslims could vote for only candidates of their own religion. Seats were reserved for minorities in the national and provincial assemblies. Government officials stated that the separate electorates system is a form of affirmative action designed to ensure minority representation, and that efforts are underway to achieve a consensus among religious minorities on this issue. But critics argue that under this system Muslim candidates no longer had any incentive to pay attention to the minorities. Pakistan's separate electoral system for different religions has been described as 'political Apartheid'. Hindu community leader Sudham Chand protested against the system but was murdered. In 1999, Pakistan abolished this system.

On June 28, 2001, the Supreme Court ruled that non-Muslims may vote for any candidate at the Union Council level for seats reserved for mayor, deputy mayor, laborers, farmers, and women. However, non-Muslims still are barred from voting for Muslim candidates who run for general seats. Three of the five rounds of elections already had occurred prior to this ruling. Few non-Muslims are active in the country's mainstream political parties. Christian and Hindu leaders conducted a boycott to protest against the system of separate electorates during the local elections. In October 2000, a coalition of Christian non-governmental organizations sent a petition to Pakistan's president, Pervez Musharraf, requesting a dialogue between the government and minority religious leaders on the controversy. The government did not acknowledge receipt of this petition.

Legal and personal freedom for non-MuslimsThe judicial system encompasses several different court systems with overlapping and sometimes competing jurisdiction, reflecting differences in civil, criminal, and Islamic jurisprudence. The federal sharia court and the sharia bench of the Supreme Court serve as appellate courts for certain convictions in criminal court under the Hudood Ordinances, and judges and attorneys in these courts must be Muslims. The federal sharia court also may overturn any legislation judged to be inconsistent with the tenets of Islam.

The Hudood Ordinances criminalize non-marital rape, extramarital sex, and various gambling, alcohol, and property offences. The Hudood Ordinances are applied to Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Some Hudood Ordinance cases are subject to Hadd, or Koranic, punishment; others are subject to Tazir, or secular punishment.

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Although both types of cases are tried in ordinary criminal courts, special rules of evidence apply in Hadd cases, which discriminate against non-Muslims. For example, a non-Muslim may testify only if the victim also is non-Muslim. Likewise, the testimony of women, Muslim or non-Muslim, is not admissible in cases involving Hadd punishments. Therefore, if a Muslim man rapes a Muslim woman in the presence of women or non-Muslim men, he cannot be convicted under the Hudood Ordinances.

Sexual freedomThe Penal Code incorporates a number of Islamic law provisions. The judicial system encompasses several different court systems with overlapping and sometimes competing jurisdictions that reflect differences in civil, criminal, and Islamic jurisprudence. The Federal Shari'a Court and the Shari'a bench of the Supreme Court serve as appellate courts for certain convictions in criminal court under the Hudood Ordinance, which criminalizes rape, extramarital sex, property crimes, alcohol, and gambling; judges and attorneys in these courts must be Muslim. The Federal Shari'a Court may overturn any legislation judged inconsistent with the tenets of Islam. In March 2005, however, the Supreme Court Chief Justice ruled that the Federal Shari'a Court had no jurisdiction to review a decision by a provincial high court even if the Federal Shari'a Court should have had initial appellate jurisdiction.

For both Muslims and non-Muslims, all consensual extramarital sexual relations are considered a violation of the Hudood Ordinances. If a woman cannot prove the absence of consent in a rape case, there is a risk that she may be charged with a violation of the Hudood Ordinances for fornication or adultery. The maximum punishment for this offence is public flogging or stoning. However, there are no recorded instances of either type of punishment since the law was introduced.

According to a police official, in a majority of rape cases, the victims are pressured to drop rape charges because of the threat of Hudood adultery charges being brought against them. A parliamentary commission of inquiry for women has criticized the Hudood Ordinances and recommended their repeal. It also has been charged that the laws on adultery and rape have been subject to widespread misuse, and that 95 percent of the women accused of adultery are found innocent in the court of first instance or on appeal. This commission found that the main victims of the Hudood Ordinances are poor women who are unable to defend themselves against slanderous charges. According to the commission, the laws also have been used by husbands and other male family members to punish their wives and female family members for reasons that have nothing to do with perceived sexual impropriety. Approximately one-third or more of the women in jails in Lahore, Peshawar, and Mardan in 1998 were awaiting trial for adultery under the Hudood Ordinances. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated that this ratio remained unchanged during the period covered by this

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Ministry of Religious AffairsThe Ministry of Religious Affairs, which is entrusted with safeguarding religious freedom, has on its masthead a Koranic verse:

"Islam is the only religion acceptable to God."

The Ministry claims that it spends 30 percent of its annual budget to assist indigent minorities, to repair minority places of worship, to set up minority-run small development schemes, and to celebrate minority festivals. However, religious minorities question its expenditures, observing that localities and villages housing minority citizens go without basic civic amenities. The National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) of the Catholic Bishops' Conference, using official budget figures for expenditures in 1998, calculated that the Government actually spent $17 (PRs 850) on each Muslim and only $3.20 (PRs 16) on each religious minority citizen per month.

2009 Report on International Religious Freedom http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127370.htm

Pakistan

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and LaborInternational Religious Freedom Report 2009October 26, 2009

The country is an Islamic republic. Islam is the state religion, and the Constitution requires that laws be consistent with Islam. The Constitution states that "subject to law, public order, and morality, every citizen shall have the right to profess, practice, and propagate his religion;" in practice the Government imposes limits on freedom of religion. Freedom of speech is constitutionally, "subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam."The Government took some steps to improve its treatment of religious minorities during the reporting period. The democratically elected Government appointed a Roman Catholic as Federal Minister for Minorities Affairs and upgraded his position to a cabinet minister. The Government allocated a 5 percent quota for religious minorities in all federal jobs, and directed provincial governments to implement the same at the provincial level. The Government also

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decided to celebrate Minorities' Day on August 11 every year nationwide. Despite these steps, serious problems remained. Law enforcement personnel abused religious minorities in custody. Security forces and other government agencies did not adequately prevent or address societal abuse against minorities. Discriminatory legislation and the Government's failure to take action against societal forces hostile to those who practice a different religious belief fostered religious intolerance, acts of violence, and intimidation against religious minorities. Specific laws that discriminate against religious minorities include anti-Ahmadi and blasphemy laws that provide the death penalty for defiling Islam or its prophets. The Ahmadiyya community continued to face governmental and societal discrimination and legal bars to the practice of its religious beliefs. Members of other Islamic sects also claimed governmental discrimination.Relations between religious communities were tense. Societal discrimination against religious minorities was widespread, and societal violence against such groups occurred. Non-governmental actors, including terrorist and extremist groups and individuals, targeted religious congregations. A domestic insurgency led by Sunni Taliban elements increased acts of violence and intimidation against religious minorities and exacerbated existing sectarian tensions. An extremist insurgency increased its efforts to impose its extremist religious views on the majority. Extremists demanded that Muslims with progressive views, particularly women, follow a strict version of Islam and threatened dire consequences if they did not abide by it. The U.S. Government discusses religious freedom with the Government as part of its overall policy to promote human rights. During the reporting period, U.S. Embassy officials closely monitored the treatment of religious minorities, worked to eliminate the teaching of religious intolerance, and encouraged amendment of the blasphemy laws.Section I. Religious DemographyThe country has an area of 310,527 square miles and a population of 173 million. Official figures on religious demography, based on the 1998 census, showed that approximately 97 percent of the population was Muslim. Groups comprising 2 percent of the population or less include Hindus, Christians, and others, including Ahmadis. The majority of Muslims in the country are Sunni, with a Shi'a minority of approximately 20 percent. According to the Ministry of Minorities Affairs, Sikhs have approximately 30,000 adherents and Buddhists 20,000. The number of Parsis (Zoroastrians), according to a Parsi community center in Karachi, dropped to 1,822 in 2009 as compared to 2,039 in June 2006. The Baha'i claimed that the number of Baha'is is growing in Pakistan, with approximately 30,000 adherents. The number of Ahmadis living in Pakistan, according to Jamaat-e-Ahmadiyya, is nearly 600,000, although it is difficult to establish an accurate estimate because Ahmadis, who are legally prohibited from identifying themselves as Muslims, generally choose to not identify themselves as non-Muslims. Some tribes in Balochistan and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) practiced traditional animist religious beliefs; other religious groups include Kalasha, Kihals, and Jains.Less than 0.5 percent of the population, as recorded in the 1998 census, was silent on religious affiliation or claimed not to adhere to a particular religious group. Social pressure was such that few persons would claim no religious affiliation.No data were available on active participation in formal religious services or rituals. Religious beliefs often played an important part in daily life. Most Muslims offered prayers on Fridays, Islam's holy day. Many prayed daily. During the month of Ramadan, even less observant Muslims fasted and attended services. Approximately 70 percent of English-speaking Roman Catholics worshiped regularly; a much lower percentage of Urdu-speaking Catholics did so. Attendance at Hindu and Sikh religious services increased during festivals.

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Section II. Status of Government Respect for Religious Freedom

Legal/Policy Framework

The Constitution establishes Islam as the state religion. It also declares that adequate provisions shall be made for minorities to profess and practice their religious beliefs freely; however, the Government imposes limits on freedom of religion, particularly on Ahmadis.A 1974 constitutional amendment declares that Ahmadis are non-Muslims. Section 298(c), commonly referred to as the "anti-Ahmadi laws," prohibits Ahmadis from calling themselves Muslims, referring to their religious beliefs as Islam, preaching or propagating their religious beliefs, inviting others to accept Ahmadi teachings, or insulting the religious feelings of Muslims. The punishment for violation of the Section is imprisonment for up to three years and a fine. Other religious communities were generally free to observe their religious obligations; however, religious minorities are legally restricted from public display of certain religious images and, due to discriminatory legislation and social pressure, are often afraid to profess freely their religious beliefs.Freedom of speech is subject to "reasonable" restrictions in the interest of the "glory of Islam." The consequences for contravening the country's blasphemy laws are death for defiling Islam or its prophets; life imprisonment for defiling, damaging, or desecrating the Qur'an; and 10 years' imprisonment for insulting another's religious feelings. Some individuals bring charges under these laws to settle personal scores or to intimidate vulnerable Muslims, sectarian opponents, and religious minorities. Under the Anti-Terrorism Act, any action, including speech, intended to incite religious hatred is punishable by up to seven years' imprisonment. Under the act, bail is not to be granted if the judge has reasonable grounds to believe the accused is guilty; however, the bail provision of the law is selectively applied.Any speech or conduct that injures another's religious feelings, including those of minority religious groups, is prohibited and punishable by imprisonment. In cases in which a minority group claimed its religious feelings were insulted, however, the blasphemy laws were rarely enforced, and cases were rarely brought to the legal system. A 2005 law requires that a senior police official investigate any blasphemy charge before a complaint is filed. According to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), this law was not uniformly enforced.The Penal Code incorporates a number of Islamic law (Shari'a) provisions. The judicial system encompasses several different court systems with overlapping and sometimes competing jurisdictions that reflect differences in civil, criminal, and Islamic jurisprudence. The Federal Shari'a Court and the Shari'a bench of the Supreme Court serve as appellate courts for certain convictions in criminal court under the Hudood Ordinance, which criminalizes rape, extramarital sex, property crimes, alcohol, and gambling; judges and attorneys in these courts must be Muslim. The Federal Shari'a Court may overturn any legislation judged inconsistent with the tenets of Islam. In March 2005, however, the Supreme Court Chief Justice ruled that the Federal Shari'a Court had no jurisdiction to review a decision by a provincial high court even if the Federal Shari'a Court should have had initial appellate jurisdiction.

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Criminal law allows offenders to offer monetary restitution to victims and allows victims to carry out physical retribution rather than seeking punishment through the court system. The "Qisaas and Diyat" law calls for either providing retribution for murder and other violent crimes (Qisaas) or compensation money to the victim of the crime (Diyat). Religious minorities claimed that the amounts of monetary restitution were far higher for minority offenders and far lower for minority victims than for Muslims. The 2006 Women's Protection Bill amended the Hudood Ordinance and moved cases of rape and adultery to secular rather than Shari'a courts. Previously, the Hudood Ordinance often relied on harsh and discriminatory interpretations of Qur'anic standards of evidence and punishment that applied equally to Muslims and non-Muslims. If Qur'anic standards are used, Muslim and non-Muslim and male and female testimony carry different weight. Approximately 2,500 women have been released from prison since former President Musharraf ordered the release of all women imprisoned under the Hudood Ordinance. Many were unable to return to their homes because of social ostracism. A few others remained in custody, and most were housed in government-run shelters. The women, who were originally arrested under the Hudood Ordinance on charges of fornication, adultery, and possession of liquor, are now having their cases heard under the Women's Protection Bill. According to the Society for Human Rights and Prisoners Aid, the number of adultery-related cases against women considerably dropped during 2008-09.The Government designates religious affiliation on passports and requests religious information in national identity card applications. A citizen must have a national identity card to vote. Those wishing to be listed as Muslims must swear their belief that the Prophet Muhammad is the final prophet and denounce the Ahmadiyya movement's founder as a false prophet and his followers as non-Muslims, a provision designed to discriminate against Ahmadis. As a result, Ahmadis continued to boycott elections. The Constitution provides for "freedom to manage religious institutions." In principle, the Government does not restrict organized religious groups from establishing places of worship and training members of the clergy. In practice, however, religious minorities suffered from restrictions of this right. District-level authorities consistently refused to grant permission to construct non-Muslim places of worship, especially for Ahmadiyya and Baha'i communities, citing the need to maintain public order. There is no official restriction on the construction of Ahmadiyya places of worship; however, Ahmadis are forbidden from calling them mosques. District governments often refuse to grant Ahmadis permission to hold events publicly; therefore, they hold their meetings in members' homes. The Government can shut down these gatherings if neighbors report hearing the recitation of Qur'anic verses.The Government provides funding for construction and maintenance of mosques and for Islamic clergy. The provincial and federal governments have legal responsibility for certain religious properties belonging to minority communities that were abandoned during the partition of Pakistan and India in 1947. Minority communities claimed the Government did not spend adequate funds on the protection and upkeep of those properties. The Government collected a 2.5 percent tax (zakat) on all Sunni Muslims and distributed the funds to Sunni mosques, madrassahs, and charities. No similar requirement was imposed on other religious groups.Government policies do not afford equal protection to members of majority and minority religious groups. The Ministry of Religious Affairs, Zakat, and Ushr, which is primarily responsible for organizing participation in the Hajj and other Islamic religious pilgrimages, in addition to safeguarding religious freedom, claims it spends 30 percent of its annual budget to assist indigent minorities, repair minority places of worship, establish minority-run small

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development projects, and celebrate minority festivals. Religious minorities questioned these figures, observing that localities and villages that are home to minority citizens go without basic civic amenities. The Ministry has on its masthead a Qur'anic verse: "Islam is the only religion acceptable to God."The Ministry of Minorities Affairs, a stand-alone ministry since 2004, has the "aim to protect the rights of minorities as envisaged under the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan." In November 2008 Shahbaz Bhatti, a Roman Catholic, was appointed Federal Minister for Minorities' Affairs in a move the Christian community and other religious groups throughout Pakistan welcomed. This was the first time the position had received the stature of a cabinet minister; in the past, the portfolio for minorities was entrusted to a lower-ranking official working under another federal minister. The Government observes Islamic holy days as national holidays.The Constitution safeguards "educational institutions with respect to religion." No student can be forced to receive religious instruction or participate in religious worship other than his or her own. The denial of religious instruction for students of any religious community or denomination is also prohibited.Islamiyyat (Islamic studies) is compulsory for all Muslim students in state-run schools. Although students of other religious groups are not legally required to study Islam, they are not offered parallel studies in their own religious beliefs. In some schools non-Muslim students may study Akhlaqiyyat, or Ethics.The Constitution specifically prohibits discriminatory admission to any governmental educational institution solely based on religious affiliation. Government officials stated that the only factors affecting admission to government educational institutions were students' grades and home provinces; however, students must declare their religious affiliation on application forms. This declaration is also required for private educational institutions, including universities. Muslim students must declare in writing that they believe that the Prophet Muhammad is the final prophet, another measure that singles out Ahmadis. Non-Muslims must have their religious affiliation verified by the head of their local religious community.Parents may send children to religious schools, at the family's expense. Private schools are free to teach or not to teach religious studies as they choose.Islamic schools, or madrassahs, are traditional institutions for Muslims seeking a purely religious education. In many rural communities, madrassahs are the only form of education available. In recent years some madrassahs have taught extremist doctrine in support of terrorism. In an attempt to curb the spread of extremism, the 2002 Madrassah Registration Ordinance requires all madrassahs to register with one of the five independent boards (wafaqs), cease accepting foreign financing, and accept foreign students only with the consent of their government. Approximately 15,725 madrassahs had registered by the end of the reporting period; however, many civil society organizations and education experts disputed the statistics on the number of registered and unregistered madrassahs.A 2005 framework for cooperative registration of madrassahs, including provision of financial and educational data and a prohibition on the teaching of sectarian or religious hatred and violence, remained stalled due to political upheaval and jurisdictional battles within the previous government. The Government and the independent madrassah boards had agreed to a phased introduction to all madrassahs of secular subjects, including mathematics, English, and science. The civilian government that took office in 2008 listed madrassah reform as a priority.

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The Government announced, but has not approved, a uniform curriculum for madrassahs, with a more secular tone. The Chief Secretary of the Federal Madrassah Board (Wafaq-ul-Madaris), Maulana Mohammad Hanif Jalandhri, opposed this policy in April 2009, stating that no interference by the Government would be tolerated and no revision of madrassah curriculum would be accepted without consultation and approval of the Board.All wafaqs continued to mandate the elimination of teaching that promoted religious or sectarian intolerance, and terrorist or extremist recruitment at madrassahs. Inspectors mandated that affiliated madrassahs supplement religious studies with secular subjects. Wafaqs also restricted foreign private funding of madrassahs. Examination concerns remained under active discussion with the Government. Some unregistered and Deobandi-controlled madrassahs in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Karachi, and northern Balochistan continued to teach extremism. Similarly, the Dawa schools, run by Jamaat-ud-Dawa, a charitable front for the banned Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, continued such teaching and recruitment for Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, a designated foreign terrorist organization. Following the November 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India, attributed to Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, the government of the province of Punjab took over management of several Jamaat-ud-Dawa institutions.In an effort to end Taliban violence in the Swat valley, the NWFP government, led by the Awami National Party (ANP), concluded a peace deal in February 2009 with extremist organization Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM) that included a commitment to implement the Nizam-e-Adl Regulation (NAR) in the Malakand division of the NWFP. In April 2009 President Asif Ali Zardari signed the NAR, making it effective. Based on previous attempts in 1994 and 1998 to establish Shari'a (interpreted locally as "swift justice"), the NAR establishes limits for deciding civil and criminal cases, re-creates qazi (religious judges) chosen by the state, and establishes a local appeals court whose judges are selected by the Peshawar High Court. Civil society in general and the minority religious community in particular expressed concern about the effects of creating an alternative religious-based system of justice in Swat. NAR defenders pointed out that, under the Constitution, all laws must already conform to Islam. In this respect the NAR is not a new regulation. The deal was signed with the expectation that local militants would disarm in return for the implementation of Shari’a through the NAR. After the President signed the NAR, however, the militants refused to disarm, and extended their patrols to Buner District of the Malakand Division. Amid growing incidents of violence by the militants, the army launched a military operation on April 26, 2009, resulting in the largest mass migration in the country's history since partition and clearing much of the territory claimed by the Taliban. At the end of the reporting period, the army was completing operations in Malakand, and the area was back in the control of the NWFP government, but the NAR had not yet been implemented. The Government does not restrict religious publishing in general; however, the sale of Ahmadi religious literature is banned. The law prohibits publishing any criticism of Islam or its prophets or insults to another's religious beliefs.The Government, at its most senior levels, continued to call for interfaith dialogue and sectarian harmony to promote moderation, tolerance, and minority rights. The Government does not prohibit, restrict, or punish parents for raising children in accordance with religious teachings and practices of their choice, nor did it take steps to prevent parents from teaching their children religious instruction in the privacy of the home.

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There are no legal requirements for an individual to practice or affiliate nominally with a religious group; however, the Constitution requires that the President and Prime Minister be Muslims. All senior officials, including members of Parliament, must swear an oath to protect the country's Islamic identity. Government employees are not prohibited from displaying or practicing any elements of their religious beliefs.Missionaries (except Ahmadis) are permitted in the country and can proselytize, as long as there is no preaching against Islam and the missionaries acknowledge they are not Muslim. Missionaries are required to have specific visas valid from two to five years and are allowed one entry into the country per year. Only "replacement" visas for those taking the place of departing missionaries were available, and long delays and bureaucratic problems were common. In accordance with the Anti-Terrorism Act, the Government banned activities of and membership in several religious extremist and terrorist groups. The Anti-Terrorism Act allows the Government to use special streamlined courts to try violent crimes, terrorist activities, acts or speech designed to foment religious hatred, and crimes against the state; however, many of the groups that the Government banned remained active.The Government does not recognize either civil or common law marriage. Marriages are performed and registered according to one's religious group. The marriages of non-Muslim men remain legal upon conversion to Islam. If a non-Muslim female converts to Islam, and her marriage was performed according to her previous religious beliefs, the marriage is considered dissolved. Children born to Hindu or Christian women who convert to Islam after marriage are considered illegitimate unless their husbands also convert. The only way the marriage can be legitimated and the children made eligible for inheritance is for the husband to convert to Islam. The children of a Muslim man and a Muslim woman who both convert to another religious group are considered illegitimate, and the Government can take custody of the children.

The Government did not restrict the formation of political parties based on a particular religious group, religious belief, or interpretation of religious doctrine. The Government monitored the activities of various Islamist parties and affiliated clergy due to prior links to terrorist and extremist organizations. There are reserved seats for religious minority members in both the national and provincial assemblies. The seats are allocated to the political parties on a proportional basis determined by their overall representation in the assembly. The National Assembly has 10 members of minority religious groups, and minorities are represented in most tiers of local government, including union councils, tehsil councils, and district councils. Minorities were also elected to the provincial assemblies: three non-Muslims in the NWFP, eight in Punjab, nine in Sindh, and three in Balochistan.

Restrictions on Religious FreedomThe Government generally enforced existing legal restrictions on religious freedom.Since 1983 Ahmadis have been prohibited from holding public conferences or gatherings and from holding their annual conference. Ahmadis are banned from preaching and were prohibited from traveling to Saudi Arabia for the Hajj or other religious pilgrimages. Ahmadiyya publications are banned from public sale, but they published religious literature in large quantities for a limited circulation. The Constitution guarantees the right to establish places of worship and train clergy, but in practice these rights were restricted for Ahmadis. According to media reports, authorities

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continued to conduct surveillance on Ahmadis and their institutions. Several Ahmadiyya mosques reportedly were closed; others reportedly were desecrated or their construction was stopped.Public pressure routinely prevented courts from protecting minority rights and forced judges to take strong action against any perceived offense to Sunni orthodoxy. Discrimination charges against religious minorities were rarely brought before the judiciary. According to several NGOs, cases against Christians and Ahmadis continued to increase during the reporting period; however, the judiciary, even at the lower levels, acted more judiciously in dealing with these cases as compared with previous reporting periods. NGOs reported that cases against both the local Christian and Hindu communities continued but to a lesser degree and that social discrimination remained at high levels. There was generally a long period between filing a case and the first court appearance. Lower courts were frequently subject to intimidation, delayed issuing decisions, and refused bail for fear of reprisal from extremist elements. Original trial courts usually denied bail in blasphemy cases, arguing that defendants facing the death penalty were likely to flee. As with the majority of cases in the country, many defendants appealed the denial of bail, but bail was often not granted in advance of the trial.In contrast to previous reporting periods, there were no reports of district governments restricting the distribution and display of certain religious images, such as the Holy Trinity and Jesus Christ. Such images were openly displayed and sold in Christian communities. Religious belief or specific adherence to a religious group was not required for membership in the ruling party or the moderate opposition parties. All political parties, except religious parties, had a separate minority wing.Foreign books must pass government censors before being reprinted. Books and magazines were imported freely but were subject to censorship for objectionable sexual or religious content.The Government sometimes funded and facilitated Hajj travel but had no similar program for pilgrimages by religious minorities. Due to the passport requirements to list religious affiliation and denounce the Ahmadi prophet, Ahmadis were restricted from going on the Hajj because they were unable to declare themselves as Muslims. Due to the fact that the Government does not recognize Israel, religious believers regardless of religious affiliation were unable to travel to Israel on pilgrimage. This especially affected Baha'is, since the Baha'i World Centre, the spiritual and administrative heart of the community, is located in northern Israel. Although discrimination continued to exist, particularly against Hindus, during the reporting period, there were no reports of discrimination against Ahmadis and Christians when they applied for entry to universities and medical schools. During this period, Shi'a leaders said they were not subjected to discrimination in hiring for the civil service or admission to government institutions of higher learning.Promotions for all minority groups appeared limited within the civil service. These problems were particularly acute for Ahmadis, who contended that a "glass ceiling" prevented their promotion to senior positions and that certain government departments refused to hire or retain qualified Ahmadis. The Government discriminated against some groups, such as Ahl-e-Hadith and Barelvi, in hiring clergy for government mosques and faculty members for Islamic government colleges. Members of minority religious groups volunteered for military service in small numbers, and there were no official obstacles to their advancement; however, in practice non-Muslims rarely rose above the rank of colonel and were not assigned to politically sensitive positions. A

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chaplaincy corps provided services for Muslim soldiers, but no similar services were available for religious minorities. The public school curriculum included derogatory remarks in textbooks against minority religious groups, particularly Ahmadis, Hindus, and Jews, and the teaching of religious intolerance was widespread. The Government continued to revise curriculum to eliminate such teachings and remove Islamic overtones from secular subjects. Officials used bureaucratic demands and bribes to delay religious groups trying to build houses of worship or obtain land. Although Ahmadis were prevented from building houses of worship, Sunni Muslim groups built mosques and shrines without government permission, at times in violation of zoning ordinances and on government-owned lands.

Abuses of Religious FreedomPolice reportedly tortured and mistreated those in custody and at times engaged in extrajudicial killings. It was usually impossible to ascertain whether adherence to particular religious beliefs was a factor in cases in which religious minorities were victims; however, both Christian and Ahmadiyya communities claimed their members were more likely to be abused. Non-Muslim prisoners generally were accorded poorer facilities than Muslim inmates, including lack of access to spiritual resources. Conversion to other minority religious groups generally took place in secret to avoid societal backlash.Ahmadiyya leaders claimed the Government used sections of the Penal Code against their members for religious reasons. Authorities often accused converts to the Ahmadiyya community of blasphemy, violations of anti-Ahmadi laws, or other crimes. The Government used anti-Ahmadi laws to target and harass Ahmadis. The vague wording of the provision that forbids Ahmadis from directly or indirectly identifying themselves as Muslims enabled officials to bring charges against Ahmadis for using the standard Muslim greeting and for naming their children Muhammad. According to the Rabwah-based Jamaat-e-Ahmadiya, as of April 2009, 88 Ahmadis faced criminal charges under religious laws or because of their religious beliefs: 18 under blasphemy laws, 68 under Ahmadi-specific laws, and two under other clauses.According to data provided by Ahmadiyya leaders, at the end of the reporting period, 12 Ahmadis were in prison, of whom one was facing life imprisonment, three were facing death sentences, five had been arrested under blasphemy charges, and three others were awaiting trial. Most of the arrests took place in Rabwah, Kotli, Nankana Sahib, Kotri, and Sargodha. The Ahmadiyya community claimed the arrests were groundless and based on the detainees' religious beliefs. Several criminal cases, ranging from killings to destruction of property, were filed against prominent members of the Ahmadiyya community during the reporting period. The cases remained unprosecuted, and the accused were allowed to post bail.On June 30, 2009, a fistfight erupted into an alleged incident of blasphemy that sparked a mob attack on a Christian community in the district of Kasur, Punjab, prompting 700 persons to flee their homes. Federal Minister for Minorities Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti offered compensation to the affected families. Several NGOs remained concerned about the incident. On June 23, 2009, Compass Direct News reported that police imprisoned Arshad Masih, a Christian man from Gujranwala, in Sialkot jail and abused him in custody. Reportedly, police abused Masih because his father was a Christian preacher. Although he was officially charged with robbery, he was later granted bail on the strength of testimony that he was not among the

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robbers. Due to the physical abuse he suffered in custody, he was sent to the Allama Iqbal Memorial Hospital. According to Compass Direct News, authorities allegedly ordered him to be silent about the abuse.On May 28, 2009, Mian Laiq Ahmad, an Ahmadi trader in Faisalabad, died after unknown assailants brutally attacked him. According to Jamaat-e-Ahmadiyya, he was the fifth Ahmadi killed in 2009 and the 101st killed since anti-Ahmadi laws were introduced in 1984. In May 2009 two students of a seminary in Chakwal, Punjab, entered the home of an Ahmadi, Mubashir Ahmed, and tried to behead him. Neighbors intervened and saved his life, but he was severely injured. One student was caught and brought to a local police station and the other escaped. Police booked a case and were trying to find the other assailant.On April 17, 2009, authorities released from prison Catholics James Masih and Buta Masih, who were convicted of blasphemy and sentenced to 10 years in prison in November 2006 for allegedly burning a Qur'an. On March 4, 2009, 15 Ahmadis were charged under Section 298c of the Penal Code for calling their place of worship a mosque and for offering Eid prayers there. They were also charged with posing as Muslims. According to reports, the arrests were the result of a business dispute.A 17-year-old student, Naveed Aziz, and Pastor Shafiq Masih were accused of blasphemy in January 2009 when a fellow student noticed "blasphemous material" in Aziz’s bag.In January 2009 police arrested four Ahmadi teenagers and an adult in Layyah, Punjab, on charges of blasphemy. Because there was no supporting evidence, the accused were not indicted; however, they remain incarcerated more than five months after their arrest. Some local clerics reportedly attempted to incite communal tensions following the incident. Allegedly, a local Member of the National Assembly from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz party, Saqlain Shah, provided political support for the agitation. At the federal level, the Ministry of Minorities Affairs tried to win the release of the teenagers but had not succeeded by the end of the reporting period.In January 2009 police arrested Hector Aleem in Rawalpindi on charges of sending a blasphemous text message from his cell phone. After a hearing by an antiterrorism court, Aleem, who is a member of an agency that works for Christians' rights, was cleared of the blasphemy charges but not of abetting a crime. A government official told Compass Direct News the decision was heavily influenced by religious extremists telling the judge, "If you release him (Aleem), then we will kill him outside."

In January 2009 an Ahmadi shopkeeper, Saeed Ahmed, was shot and killed in Kotri, Sindh Province. Ahmed was killed because of his faith, a spokesman for the Ahmadiyya community claimed in a press release.

In September 2008 authorities arrested 10 Ahmadis under Ahmadi-specific sections of the Penal Code. On October 11, 2008, eight more Ahmadis were arrested using the same case number and under the same sections of the code.

The Punjab provincial government permitted Muslim religious leaders to hold an anti-Ahmadi conference in Rabwah on September 7, 2008, on the anniversary of the constitutional amendment that declared Ahmadis as non-Muslims.

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In 2008, an antiterrorism court acquitted five persons who were arrested for the 2005 attack on Ahmadi worshippers in Mandi Bahauddin, Punjab that resulted in the killing of eight and injuring of 20. In March 2008, police arrested Ahmadi Altaf Husain in Kabeerwala on charges of desecrating the Qur'an. Altaf Hussain was released in July 2008 by a District Court in Khanewal, Punjab.There was no update in the January 2008 arrest of an Ahmadi in Wazirabad, Punjab, on charges of distributing Ahmadi-related pamphlets. He was granted bail in March 2008 and forced to leave the area after receiving numerous death threats. In January 2008 police in Nankana Sahib, Punjab, charged an Ahmadi businessman, Manzur Ahmed, with destroying pages that included religious inscriptions. At the end of the reporting period, he remained behind bars for destruction of holy material. In September 2007 police accused Mumtaz Ali, an Ahmadi, of subscribing to, receiving, and subsequently distributing the newsletter of the local Ahmadiyya community. He was taken into police custody for 10 days and released because of his age. He died in October 2007, but police refused to drop the charges and threatened his family with imprisonment if the household continued to receive the newsletter. The family has left Rajan Pur, Punjab, and moved to a different city.

In November 2007 three Ahmadis were arrested in Sargodha, Punjab, on charges of proselytizing when they invited other locals to their places of worship. They were given bail in mid-February 2008. There was no update on this case at the end of the reporting period.In December 2007 Larkana police arrested 21 Ahmadis on charges of gathering and worshipping like Muslims after neighbors told the police that they heard Islamic verses being recited in the home of one of the members. All involved were released by the end of the reporting period.Authorities routinely used blasphemy laws to harass religious minorities and vulnerable Muslims and to settle personal scores or business rivalries. Authorities detained and convicted individuals on spurious charges. Judges and magistrates, seeking to avoid confrontation with or violence from extremists, often continued trials indefinitely.According to the National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP), in 2008 at least 75 persons were victimized in 24 cases registered under the blasphemy laws. Punjab had the largest share, with 67 percent of the blasphemy allegations and cases registered; 21 percent of the cases were reported in Sindh. Of the 75 persons, 26 were identified as Muslims, six Christians, and two Hindus. The number of Ahmadis is unknown. In addition to the Ahmadis charged in 2008, police charged the entire Ahmadi populations in Rabwah and Kotli with blasphemy in June 2008 for celebrating 100 years of Caliph-ship and constructing a mosque for the community. The NCJP stated: "Generally we do not request bail because of security. Blasphemy suspects are often safest in prison under police protection." On June 18, 2008, Mohammad Shafeeq Latif was sentenced to death for blasphemy after he allegedly defiled the Qur'an and used derogatory language to refer to the Prophet Mohammad. Shafeeq was arrested in 2006. He remained jailed in Sialkot, Punjab. In June 2008 six Ahmadis were arrested and charged with blasphemy in Kotri, Sindh. The arrests took place after a dispute over construction of an Ahmadiyya prayer center and protests from mullahs of Tahaffuz Khatam-e-Nabuwwat, an anti-Ahmadiyya religious clerical group. According to Compass Direct News, in May 2008 police arrested Robin Sardar, a Christian, after a mob attacked his home in Punjab because he had allegedly committed blasphemy. Sardar, who denied the charges, was held in Punjab's Gujranwala Central Jail. His wife and six children

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abandoned their home for fear of new attacks. According to reports, local Islamist groups threatened to kill Sardar if he was acquitted. On November 4, 2008, Sardar was released after his accuser indicated there had been a misunderstanding. In May 2008 Muslims filed a blasphemy case against Pastor Frank John when he was conducting a religious convention at Green Town Christian Colony, Lahore, Punjab. When Christians gathered for the convention, local Muslims stated that no one would be allowed to use the speakers for prayers. The police filed a first information report (FIR) against the pastor on May 3, 2008. Pastor John was not arrested, although tensions between the Christian and Muslim communities remained. In April 2008 in the Karachi Korangi Industrial Area, employees beat to death Jagdesh Kumar, a Hindu employee, after he allegedly made blasphemous comments against Islam. Factory guards attempted to save Jagdesh by taking him into protective custody, and a small contingent of police was called. The Karachi police superintendent later suspended the police officers after it was determined they did not take the appropriate actions to save the employee's life.By the end of the reporting period, a case had been registered against Abdul Malik, a resident of Burewala, Punjab, for making derogatory remarks against the Prophet Muhammad in September 2007, but he had not been arrested. Islamic organizations staged several protests throughout Lahore, demanding that Malik be arrested and punished for the alleged blasphemy. Younis Masih, a Christian, remained under a death sentence on blasphemy charges for allegedly insulting the Prophet Muhammad during a dispute with a Muslim cleric about loud music accompanying a nighttime religious ceremony. In May 2007, the district court in Lahore sentenced Masih to death. The case was on appeal at the end of the reporting period. At the end of the reporting period, Sattar Masih, a Catholic Christian beaten by a mob and arrested by police in 2007 for allegedly writing blasphemous words against the Prophet Muhammad, remained in prison. Police reportedly tortured him in prison to obtain a confession. At the end of the reporting period, Salamat Masih remained in prison and his family in hiding after officials accused him and four members of his family, all Christians from Toba Tek Singh, of desecrating papers bearing the Prophet Muhammad's name in 2007. In March 2007 a mob of Muslims attacked Amanat Masih, a Christian, for allegedly desecrating the Qur'an. Police arrested Masih for blasphemy. At the end of the reporting period, he remained in prison.In September 2006 police arrested five Ahmadis working for an Ahmadiyya publication, Al Fazl, on blasphemy charges. According to Jamaat-e-Ahmadiya, all were released but police gave them strict warnings to stop publishing. The provincial and district governments were pressured to shut down the publication activities of all Punjabi Ahmadis after this case.In July 2006 courts released on bail Hafiz Afzal Rehman and Haji Latif, who had been held in a Lahore prison on blasphemy charges since 2004. Their trials were pending, and both men were on bail with no hearings set at the end of the reporting period.Minority communities claimed the Government was complicit in seizures of their property by Muslims and that the policy of dismantling illegal slum settlements disproportionately targeted minority communities. These groups also accused the Government of inaction in cases of attacks by extremist groups on places of worship that belonged to minority groups.There were no updates on the July 2007 case of a Chinese Uighur Muslim who was reportedly detained and forcibly returned to China. There were no reports that the individual was arrested because of his religious beliefs. There were credible reports that the Government of China has tortured and executed Uighur Muslims who have been forcibly returned.

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The Government did not subject individuals to forced labor or enslavement based on religious beliefs; however, minority community leaders charged that the Government failed to take adequate action to prevent bonded labor in the brickmaking and agricultural sectors. Christians and Hindus were disproportionately victims of this illegal practice.

Forced Religious ConversionForced and coerced conversions of religious minorities to Islam occurred at the hands of societal actors. Religious minorities claimed government actions to stem the problem were inadequate. Representatives of the Hindu community in Sindh claim 15 to 20 Hindu families per year were subject to forced conversion (usually related to familial debts). Human rights groups highlighted the increased phenomenon of local actors kidnapping young Hindu women, particularly in Karachi and other parts of Sindh, forcing them to convert to Islam, and then forcing them to marry their kidnappers.

In September 2007 Muhammad Ramzan abducted Tahira Salamat, a Christian from Multan, forced her to convert to Islam and then to marry him. At the end of the reporting period, Salamat was living with Ramzan, and the Lahore High Court had closed the original case against Ramzan. According to the NCJP, the case was withdrawn after Salamat submitted statements that she had willingly converted and was living with her husband without any pressure.In April 2009 a minority minister in the Sindh Assembly claimed 18 Hindu women had been abducted and forced to convert to Islam, and that one of them was allegedly killed. According to NCJP, several cases of forced conversion and abduction were reported in Punjab Province in Faisalabad, Lahore, and Gujranwala. Of the 39 women who were abducted and forced to convert in 2008, 34 cases occurred in Lahore alone, as recorded by the NCJP. A majority of these women were Christian, and two were Hindus.On March 29, 2009, Sana, a Christian woman, was abducted, raped, and forcibly converted to Islam in Sainwala, Punjab.There were no reports of forced religious conversion, including of minor U.S. citizens who had been abducted or illegally removed from the United States or who had not been allowed to be returned to the United States.Abuses by Rebel or Foreign Forces or Terrorist OrganizationsThere were several incidents involving the abuse of religious groups by individuals or organizations designated as terrorist organizations by the U.S. Secretary of State under Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act and by armed sectarian extremist groups with strong links to such organizations.Sectarian violence continued in different parts of the country during the reporting period, with attacks on the Shi'a minority, particularly in D.I. Khan, Quetta, Tank, D.G. Khan, Gilgit, and Kurram Agency. Throughout the reporting period, attacks, threats, and violence by Islamic extremists increased across the country, especially in the NWFP.

More than 300 Sikh families left the Malakand and Swat valley area in the wake of ongoing military operations. Most of the displaced families took refuge in Gurdwara Punja Sahib in Hasanabdal. There are approximately 6,000 Sikhs in Swat, the second largest minority (after Christians) in the restive valley.

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Targeted assassinations of clergy remained a key tactic of several groups, including banned sectarian organization Sipah-i-Sahaba (SSP), terrorist organization Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ), and sectarian organizations Sunni Tehrike (ST) and Sipah-i-Mohammad Pakistan (SMP). SSP and LJ targeted both Shi'a and Barelvis, whereas ST and SMP targeted Deobandis. Throughout the reporting period, there were numerous reports of Islamic militant attacks on barber shops and stores selling music in the NWFP and FATA.

LJ continued attacks on houses of worship and religious gatherings during the reporting period.Al-Qa'ida-linked organizations maintained networks in the country, and its supporters periodically issued anti-Semitic statements.

On June 12, 2009, a suicide bomber attacked a mosque in Nowshera during Friday prayers, killing 10 and injuring 100 persons. On the same day, Dr. Mufti Sarfraz Naeemi and five others were killed in a suicide bomb blast at Jamia Naeemia in Lahore. Seven others were injured in the attack. According to news reports on the cleric’s killing, Naeemi’s followers believed he was targeted because of his vocal support of military operations against the Taliban whom he publicly opposed.

On June 5, 2009, a suicide attack at a mosque in Upper Dir killed 42 and injured 70 persons.

On June 2, 2009, Lashkar-i-Islam imposed a fee on all Sikhs, Hindus, and Christians of approximately $12 (1,000 rupees) per year.

On April 15, 2009, the Supreme Court granted bail to Maulana Aziz, brother of Red Mosque leader Abdul Rashid Ghazi and prayer leader at the time of the 2007 confrontation between militants and the army. Aziz was awaiting trial on 27 charges ranging from abetting terrorists to illegally occupying a building. On May 2, 2009, media reported that the Capital Development Authority (CDA) allotted 12 acres of land in Islamabad for reconstruction of the Jamia Hafsa seminary, which had been demolished during the military operation in 2007. In July 2007 the Red Mosque (Lal Masjid), in Islamabad, became the focus of a bloody confrontation between the army and militants inside the mosque. The mosque leaders and thousands of male and female students in adjacent seminaries declared imposition of Shari’a as their main aim and occupied a school library. Through a series of unlawful activities, they challenged the authority of the “un-Islamic” government and called for jihad against authorities. The militants kidnapped brothel owners, policemen, and foreign massage parlor workers and announced the set-up of Islamic courts. Fighting erupted when militants fired upon security forces attempting to cordon off the mosque, resulting in the deaths of 10 security personnel and approximately 79 militants, including the mosque's leader, Abdul Rashid Ghazi. The military operation prompted the Government to renew its efforts to curb the teaching of extremism in madrassahs across the country. The Supreme Court ordered the mosque to be reopened in October 2007 and also ordered reconstruction of the madrassah. In April 2009 the Taliban began to extort money under the guise of a jizya tax (traditionally a tax on non-Muslims paid in exchange for government protection) in Orakzai Agency, FATA. In response to extortion and attacks, some members of the Sikh community fled the area after paying approximately $240,000 (20 million rupees) as jizya tax after the Taliban forcibly occupied their homes and kidnapped a Sikh leader, Kalyan Singh.

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On April 22, 2009, a mob attacked a Christian locality, Tiaser Town, in Karachi, Sindh, after threatening signs were posted on the walls of a church stating that Christians should either convert or pay the jizya tax. One person, Irfan Masih, was killed and three others injured in the attack; several houses belonging to Christians, shops, and three churches were ransacked. The attacks came amid fears of growing Talibanization in Karachi, where minority groups had been subjected to violence in the past.On April 11, 2009, militants occupied and closed to the public a shrine of Sufi saint Pir Baba in Buner, NWFP.

On March 13, 2009, the anti-terrorism court in Karachi released five Lashkar -i-Jhangvi activists, including Mohammad Atif, Mohammad Arshid, Mohammad Asif, and Zubairuddin Shahjeel, who had confessed to assassinating seven Christian staffers of the Committee for Justice and Peace in 2002, including Edwin Moon, its former director.

On March 5, 2009, militants blew up a 17th-century shrine of a Sufi saint and highly respected Pashto poet, Abdul Rahman Mohmand, commonly known as Rahman Baba, at Hazarkhwani, Peshawar, NWFP. No one was injured in the blast, but the grave and mausoleum of the Sufi saint sustained severe damage. Caretakers said they had received a warning letter from purported Taliban militants three days before the attack threatening to blow up the mausoleum if women continued to visit.

On March 2, 2009, a mob attacked a Presbyterian church in Songo, Punjab, where congregants had gathered for prayers. The attack left one woman dead and 28 persons injured.

In February 2009 an official security agency in Punjab issued a warning that terrorists planned to attack 365 religious centers and business enterprises of Ahmadis in the province.

On February 20, 2009, a suicide blast at a Shi'a funeral procession in D.I. Khan, NWFP, killed more than 31 persons and injured several others.In December 2008 Father Sohail Patrick, a Catholic parish priest in Kohat, NWFP, received a threatening letter and telephone calls. On October 7, 2008, local Taliban blew up the Convent Girls School in Swat, NWFP, run by (Sri Lankan) Apostolic Carmelite Sisters. According to the media, the school building was destroyed. There was no loss of life because the school and the convent had been closed and vacated a few days before. In October 2008 St. Joseph's High School, Kohat, NWFP, received a letter from religious extremists that contained insulting remarks against Christianity. The sender also accused the school administration of "enforcing" Christianity on the Muslim students and teachers. According to the NCJP, in January 2009, the Taliban allegedly kidnapped a Hindu student at St. Joseph's High School and demanded a ransom of approximately $247,000 (20 million rupees).In October 2008 Mardan, NWFP, police rescued a Hindu boy, Omraj, whom the Taliban had kidnapped on August 26, 2008. The Taliban had demanded a ransom but released the boy after intervention by local influential tradesmen.Relations among religious communities remained tense. Violence against religious minorities and between Muslim sects continued. Most believed a small minority was responsible for attacks; however, discriminatory laws and the teaching of religious intolerance created a

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permissive environment for such attacks. Police often refused to prevent violence and harassment or refused to charge persons who committed such offenses.Mobs occasionally attacked individuals accused of blasphemy and their families or their religious communities. When blasphemy and other religious cases were brought to court, extremists often packed the courtroom and made public threats against an acquittal. Religious extremists continued to threaten to kill those acquitted of blasphemy charges. High-profile accused persons often went into hiding or emigrated after acquittal.Ahmadi individuals and institutions long have been victims of religious violence, much of it organized by religious extremists. According to a spokesman for the Ahmadiyya community, since the promulgation of anti-Ahmadi laws in 1984, 101Ahmadis have been killed on religious grounds. According to the press section of the Sadr Anjuman Ahmadiyya, 1,033 anti-Ahmadiyya statements were printed in Urdu national newspapers in 2008, an increase of 59 from the previous year.On March 14, 2009, unknown assailants killed two Ahmadi doctors, husband and wife, at their residence in Multan. According to reports, both showed signs of physical abuse, and none of their belongings were taken from their home. The Ahmadiyya community claimed the killings were religiously motivated.On October 29, 2008, a man attacked Dr. Muhammad Aslam, an Ahmadi, at his clinic in Haripur, NWFP. According to reports, the attacker stabbed the doctor four times before being apprehended. The doctor survived.In September 2008 a former federal minister and host of a popular religious television show declared on air that killing Ahmadis was the "Islamic duty of devout Muslims;" at least two Ahmadis were killed in Sindh within 48 hours of this declaration. Dr. Abdul Mannan Siddiqui, district president of the Ahmadiyya community in Mirpur Khas, Sindh, was killed on September 8, 2008, at his hospital in Mirpur Khas. He was attending to patients when two assailants shot him. The other victim, Seth Muhammad Yousuf, district amir of the Ahmadiyya community Nawab Shah, Sindh, was killed in broad daylight in a local bazaar. Taking serious note of the killings, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) called for urgent action to protect minorities and to stop hate-preaching in the media. At the end of the reporting period, the the government continued to stall investigation into the deaths.In September 2008 extremist elements at Kunri, Sindh, mounted a sustained campaign of agitation and persecution against Ahmadis that resulted in angry processions and attacks on Ahmadi homes. The agitators urged police to register blasphemy cases against Ahmadis. Two Ahmadis were arrested and remained incarcerated at the end of the reporting period.

An Ahmadi pharmacist, Sheikh Saeed Ahmad, was shot and killed, reportedly by religious zealots, on September 1, 2008, in Manzoor Colony, Karachi, Sindh. He died on September 13, 2008. On September 10, 2008, an Ahmadi, Daud Ahmad Joyia, was fired several weeks after his appointment as a lecturer at Cadet College, Kallar Kahar, Punjab, when the college administration learned of his beliefs. In September 2008 the Tehrik-e-Khatme Nabuwwat, based in Toba Tek Singh, Punjab, issued a Ramadan calendar that devoted nearly 70 percent of the space to hate propaganda characterizing Ahmadis as infidels, cursed, and apostates.

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On June 5, 2008, the principal of Punjab Medical College (PMC) expelled 15 female Ahmadi students and eight male students accused of preaching Ahmadiyyat at the university. The same day, students at the school had gone on strike, demanding the expulsion of all Ahmadi students. The college formed a committee to resolve the case. In October 2008 the Health Department of Punjab permitted 15 of the 23 Ahmadi students to continue studies at the PMC. At the end of the reporting period they were attending the college, and the female students resided in a hostel. The Government, with approval of the Punjab Chief Minister, issued a notification for the eight other students, three male and five female, to be transferred to other colleges. No case was registered against any of the non-Ahmadi students or teachers who precipitated the strikes and riot. In September 2008 the annual Anti-Ahmadi, Khatam-e-Nabuwwat (End of Prophethood) Conference was held in Lahore, Punjab, where clerics declared their drive against Ahmadiyyat would continue until it was eliminated from the country.Violence against and harassment of Christians continued during the reporting period.On April 9, 2009, the Session Court, Sargodha, ordered the arrest of a Muslim man accused of raping the daughter of one of his Christian tenants at gunpoint in a small village in Sargodha District, Punjab, on November 6, 2008. In another case, on April 6, 2009, police arrested four of six assailants accused of attacking Christians in Cheecha Watni, Punjab, in January 2009. The perpetrators had ransacked Christian and Muslim houses in Cheecha Watni and gang-raped a 14-year-old Christian girl in front of her family. The arrests came after the victims' Muslim employer, brick kiln owner Muhammad Akram Khan, filed a lawsuit against the suspects. Khan vowed to bring to justice the two remaining suspects. Police recovered the stolen items and returned them to the Christian families.

In April 2009, at a district court in Nankana Sahib, Punjab, police cleared three men accused of raping a 13-year-old Christian girl despite eyewitness accounts and medical evidence. The girl was reportedly twice abducted and raped by Waqas Sadiq and Yousaf Sadiq with the help of Mohammad Shahbaz, and was threatened with death if she revealed the attack to authorities. Lawyers representing the victim accused the suspects' relatives of bribing police.

In May 2008, a Christian, Adeel Masih, was reportedly tortured and killed in Hafizabad by the family of a Muslim girl with whom he allegedly had a relationship. In July 2008 police arrested her father and uncle for murder, but on April 1, 2009, the Gujranwala Sessions Court cleared the suspects of all charges. A March 2009 attack on a church and the surrounding neighborhood in Sangu-Wali, a village in Gujranwala, Punjab, left a woman dead. The attack was believed to be prompted after a Christian filed a robbery complaint against a local Muslim who, along with his friends, indiscriminately preyed on the community. In June 2008 two sisters, ages 13 and 10, were kidnapped in Multan on their way to visit a relative. Reportedly, one of the kidnappers married the older girl and requested custody of both girls, alleging that both had willingly converted from Christianity to Islam. The older sister testified before the Lahore High Court that she was 17 years old and had converted and accepted the marriage willingly, despite her parents' assertion of her age. In September 2008 the judge decided to grant custody of the younger girl to her Christian parents and to allow the older one to make her own decision. She chose to remain with her new husband. In October 2008, the

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younger sister stated they had been raped and forced to convert to Islam. While traveling to and from the court in Lahore, the three lawyers who represented the family were threatened.Hindus faced societal violence, often directed at temples, during the reporting period. In April 2009 Dawn newspaper reported that extremists attacked a Hindu religious festival, Holi, not far from the border with India, setting fire to a Hindu temple and destroying several shops. Societal violence was due in part to bias against Indians and those perceived to be of Indian origin.The Hindu community living in Sindh Province reported they were increasingly the target of kidnappings for ransom; however, the incidence of abductions has risen exponentially throughout the country. Criminals targeted Hindu businessmen for abductions, particularly in Karachi, Sindh. Hindus claimed they were forced to pay ransom because police did little to recover kidnapping victims. Despite recent attacks against Sikhs in the FATA, societal violence against the Sikh community remained comparatively rare. Ismailis reported they were the objects of resentment of Sunni Muslims due to their comparative economic well-being. Ismailis reported they frequently faced societal pressure to adopt conservative Islamic practices or risk being socially ostracized.Anti-Semitic articles were commonly found in the vernacular press, especially tabloid newspapers, although there were no known Jewish communities in the country. Some Sunni Muslim groups published literature calling for violence against Ahmadis, Shi'a Muslims, other Sunni sects, and Hindus. Some newspapers frequently published articles that contained derogatory references to religious minorities, especially Ahmadis, Hindus, and Jews.

Discrimination in employment based on religious affiliation appeared widespread. Christians had difficulty finding jobs other than those involving menial labor, although Christian activists stated that the situation had improved somewhat in the private sector in recent years.Section IV. U.S. Government Policy

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The Blasphemy Law and the Minorities

UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Article 18. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes

freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom

to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

Blasphemy laws in Pakistan Offenses relating to religion: Pakistan Penal code

295-B Defiling, etc, of copy of Holy Quran. Whoever will fully defiles, damages or desecrates a copy of the Holy Quran or of an extract therefrom or uses it in any derogatory manner or for any unlawful purpose shall be punishable for imprisonment for life.

295-C Use of derogatory remarks, etc; in respect of the Holy Prophet. Whoever by words, either spoken or written or by visible representation, or by any imputation, innuendo, or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the sacred name of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine.

298-A Use of derogatory remarks, etc..., in respect of holy personages. Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representation, or by any imputation, innuendo or

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insinuation, directly or indirectly defiles a sacred name of any wife (Ummul Mumineen), or members of the family (Ahle-bait), of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), or any of the righteous caliphs (Khulafa-e-Rashideen) or companions (Sahaaba) of the Holy Prophet description for a term which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both.

298-B Misuse of epithet, descriptions and titles, etc. Reserved for certain holy personages or places.

1. Any person of the Qadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves Ahmadis or by any other name) who by words, either spoken or written or by visible representation:

a. refers to or addresses, any person, other than a Caliph or companion of the Holy Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), as "Ameerul Momneen", "Khalifat-ul-Momneen", "Khalifat-ul-Muslimeen", "Sahaabi" or "Razi Allah Anho";

b. refers to or addresses, any person, other than a wife of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH), as Ummul-Mumineen;

c. refers to, or addresses, any person, other than a member of the family (Ahle-Bait) of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH), as Ahle-Bait; or

d. refers to, or addresses, any person, other than a member of the family (Ahle-Bait) of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH), as Ahle-Bait; or

e. refers to, or names, or calls, his place of worship as Masjid; shall be punished with imprisonment or either description for a term which may extend to three years, and shall also be liable to fine.

2. Any person of the Qadiani group or Lahore group, (who call themselves Ahmadis or by any other names), who by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, refers to the mode or from of call to prayers followed by his faith as "Azan" or redites Azan as used by the Muslims, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine.

298-C Persons of Qadiani group, etc, calling himself a Muslim or preaching or propagating his faith. Any person of the Qadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves Ahmadis or any other name), who directly or indirectly, posses himself as a Muslim, or calls, or refers to, his faith as Islam, or preaches or propagates his faith, or invites others to accept his faith, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representation or in any manner whatsoever outrages the religious feelings of Muslims, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years ans shall also be liable to fine.

The Islamic Republic of Pakistan uses its Penal Code to prohibit and punish blasphemy against Islam. The Criminal Code provides penalties for blasphemy ranging from a fine to death.

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An accusation of blasphemy commonly subjects the accused, police, lawyers, and judges to harassment, threats, and attacks. An accusation is sometimes the prelude to vigilantism and riotinghe constitution

By its constitution, the official name of Pakistan is the "Islamic Republic of Pakistan." More than 96% of Pakistan's 167 million citizens (2008) are Muslims. Among countries with a Muslim-majority, Pakistan has the strictest anti-blasphemy laws. The first purpose of those laws is to protect Islamic authority. By the constitution (Article 2), Islam is the state religion. By the constitution's Article 31, it is the country's duty to foster the Islamic way of life. By Article 33, it is the country's duty to discourage parochial, racial, tribal, sectarian, and provincial prejudices among the citizens.

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F r o m : HUMAN RIGHTS FEATURES

http://www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/

Time to put Pakistan’s blasphemy laws on trial

Blasphemy laws in Pakistan – some of the harshest in the world – have often been used to discriminate against, isolate or otherwise harm minority groups. Amended in 1996 with the insertion of section 295C in the Penal Code, The definition of blasphemy is now applied as follows:

“Use of derogatory remarks, etc; in respect of the Holy Prophet. Whoever by words, either spoken or written or by visible representation, or by any imputation, innuendo, or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the sacred name of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine”.

On 7 July 1991, President Zia-ul-Haq promulgated Ordinance XXI amending section 295A of the Penal Code and the Code of Penal Procedure. The maximum prison sentence for outraging the religious feelings of any group was increased from 2 to 10 years.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on 10 December 1948 at Palais de Chaillot, Paris.

Pakstan had become a member of the UN on 30th September 1947. Thus, as a member, is bound to implement the UN charter of Human Rights, both in its spirit and practice. And if this charter of Universal Human Rights contradicts with Pakistan’s Islamic ideology, it shouldn’t have signed it, in the first place. But now since it has, it must abide by it, and the UN must make sure it does to maintain its own integrity and credibility.

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1992 marked the lowest point in the development of the blasphemy laws of Pakistan. Through a bill adopted by the Senate, the death penalty was made mandatory upon conviction on charges of blasphemy.

The definition of blasphemy under section 295C is relatively open-ended, and the arrest of a person reported to have committed blasphemy requires no warrant. No preliminary investigation is required before the filing of the First Information Report (FIR) by a local police officer. Once “the testimony of a reliable man” has been registered, the FIR is filed and the person arrested.

Following considerable pressure from Catholic and human rights groups, President Musharraf announced, on 21 April 2000 at the Convention on Human Rights and Human Dignity in Islamabad, that he would amend the blasphemy laws in order to end its abuses and to promote equality. The proposed reform would have amended the procedures related to the filing of the FIR and specifically provided for preliminary investigation and scrutiny by the Deputy Commissioner prior to filing an FIR. This would have guaranteed a non-trivial protection against arbitrary arrest and greater independence from local authorities who are often subject to local, religious and political pressures. 

However, on 16 May 2000, following pressure from Islamic fundamentalists and threats of a three-day nationwide strike, Musharraf backtracked on his assurance and declared at a press conference:

“As it was the unanimous demand of the ulema [Islamic clerics] and the people, therefore, I have decided to do away with the procedural change in registration of FIR under the blasphemy law”.

Some sections supported Musharraf’s about-face purportedly on the ground that the automatic detention of people accused of blasphemy was an effective way of protecting the accused from “popular justice” which would exact a worse “punishment”. However, if those accused of blasphemy face threats to their lives after being released, the solution should surely be better protection from the State and not the application of measures that further curtail individual rights. Furthermore, the absence of an impartial inquest system opens the door to the use of blasphemy laws to settle personal quarrels, business disputes, land rights issues or the like. These laws also serve as easy and destructive tools in the hands of religious extremists. 

An especially appalling aspect of the blasphemy laws is that they cover not only intentional but also unintentional blasphemy. This element subverts the principle that a criminal act requires a criminal intention. It also indicates the exceptional scope of these laws and the ease with which they can be used arbitrarily.

In 2000, the National Commission for Justice and Peace recorded 16 blasphemy cases against Christians and Hindus and at least 36 against Muslims. Although no death sentences have been carried out – most being overturned by the courts – dozens of people spend years in jail waiting for appeals to come through.

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Details of offences are also rarely, if ever, made public, since under Pakistani law, the reiteration of the words that constitute the offence can, in itself, be a legal offence.

Another group facing highly discriminatory laws is the Ahmadi community. The Ahmadis consider themselves Muslims but differ from Pakistan’s majority Sunni Muslims on the finality of the word of Prophet Mohammed. Nevertheless, in 1974, a constitutional amendment declared the Ahmadis a non-Muslim minority. Under the separate electorate system, therefore, the community was effectively excluded from the political process.

Since 1984, the legal apparatus in Pakistan has actively tried to criminalise the Ahmadis’ faith. Ahmadis suffer from numerous restrictions on religious freedom and widespread societal discrimination, including violation of their places of worship, banning of burial in Muslim graveyards, denial of freedom of faith, speech, and assembly, and restrictions on their press.

In 1993, the Supreme Court ruled against the Ahmadis in a case on the constitutionality of Section 298(c), which forbids Ahmadis from professing to be Muslims and from using Muslim practices in their worship or in the propagation of their faith. The Court held that Islamic phrases are in essence a copyright of the Islamic religion. The use of Islamic phrases by Ahmadis was deemed equivalent to copyright infringement, an offence under the Trademark Act of 1940. The judgement also reiterated that the use of certain Islamic phrases by Ahmadis was equivalent to blasphemy.

The status of the Ahmadi community has remained unchanged. No government has made a serious attempt to discard or even change these discriminatory laws.

In one case, reported by Amnesty International, four Ahmadis – Riaz Ahmed, Basharat Ahmed, Qamar Ahmad and Mushtaq Ahmad – accused of blasphemy spent more than four years in Mianwali jail before their bail applications were heard and granted. In another case, Ayub Masih was arrested on 14 October 1996 and was sentenced to death two years later. His appeal was pending for two-and-a-half years in the High Court without any hearing. On 24 July 2001, the Multan bench of the Lahore High Court confirmed the death sentence. An appeal against the sentence has been filed in the Pakistan Supreme Court. Ayub’s is also the first case in which the death sentence has been confirmed at the level of a High Court bench.

In view of the progressive mood of the times, President Musharraf would do well to take his reformist agenda further. Laws that restrict freedom of expression – and worse, provide for the death penalty in case of an inadvertent expression of irreverence – are incongruous in a nation on a democratic path.

If the Pakistani government is not ready for a fundamental change in the laws, it can begin by ensuring that the legal procedure on blasphemy respects the minimum guarantees of a fair trial.  

Finally, although the death penalty has not been applied so far in a blasphemy case, it must be done away with as a matter of priority. Such practices violate the spirit of the Pakistani

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Constitution as well as fundamental rights guarantees enshrined in international human rights instruments.

- Human Rights Features

For more on the abuse of blasphemy law, chrckout the following websites:

1. ^ "Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination considers report of Pakistan". Press Release. United Nations. 20 February 2009. http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/91CEF59BA2FEB79FC125756300751700?opendocument. Retrieved 2009-06-27.

2. ^ http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/part1.html3. ^ http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/legislation/1860/actXLVof1860.html4. ^ "Section 295C Pakistan Criminal Code". Report on the Situation of Ahmadi Muslims in

Pakistan. Persecution.org. 4 November 1994. http://www.thepersecution.org/archive/10_c.html. Retrieved 28 June 2009.

5. ^ a b "Swearing by reforms: Time to put Pakistan's blasphemy laws on trial". HRF/52/02. South Asian Human Rights Documentation Centre. 15 February 2002. http://www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/hrfeatures/HRF52.htm. Retrieved 2009-06-28.

6. ^ a b "Pakistan: Use and abuse of blasphemy laws". AI Index: ASA 33/008/1994. Amnesty International. 27 July 1994. http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330081994?open&of=ENG-390. Retrieved 19 February 2010.[dead link]

7. ^ Mughal, Aftab Alexander (12 January 2011). [http://continentalnews.net/persecuted-christians/prime-minister-of-pakistan-rejects-pope%E2%80%99s-call-on-islamic-blasphemy- laws-4684.html "Prime Minister of Pakistan rejects Pope's call on Islamic blasphemy laws"]. Continental News. http://continentalnews.net/persecuted-christians/prime-minister-of-pakistan-rejects-pope%E2%80%99s-call-on-islamic-blasphemy- laws-4684.html. Retrieved 12 January 2011.

8. ^ a b c d e f "Petition To: United Nations Working Group On Arbitrary Detention — in the Matter of Ayub Masih, Citizen of Pakistan v. Government of Pakistan". Freedom Now. 8 October 2001. http://www.freedom-now.org/masih_pet.php. Retrieved 2009-06-26.

9. ^ a b c d e f Ahmed, Akbar S. (19 May 2002). "Pakistan's Blasphemy Law: Words Fail Me". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&node=&contentId=A36108-2002May17&notFound=true. Retrieved 2009-06-28.

10. ^ "Pak SC rejects petition-challenging death as the only punishment for blasphemy". PakistanNews.net. 22 April 2009. http://www.pakistannews.net/story/492878. Retrieved 28 June 2009.

11. ^ a b c d e f "Annual Report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom May 2009". Pakistan. United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. May 2009. http://www.uscirf.gov/images/AR2009/pakistan.pdf. Retrieved 2009-06-24.

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12. ^ United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (8 October 2008). "Asma Jahangir". United Nations. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/opinion/articles1920_iccpr/docs/experts_cvs/Jaghanfir%20bis.doc. Retrieved 2009-06-27.

13. ^ a b c d "Christian Cleared of Blasphemy Charges Fired from Job, Facing Death Threats". International Christian Concern. 22 February 2008. http://www.persecution.org/suffering/newsdetail.php?newscode=7202. Retrieved 2009-06-27.

14. ^ "Pakistan to monitor Google and Yahoo for 'blasphemy'". BBC News. 25 June 2010. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/10418643.stm. Retrieved 21 July 2010.

15. ^ a b c "Christians often victims under Pakistan's blasphemy law". The Evangelization Station. FIDES/CWNews. 13 May 2005. http://www.evangelizationstation.com/htm_html/Around%20the%20World/Pakistan/christians_often_victims_under_p.htm. Retrieved 2009-06-22.

16. ^ Mughal, Aftab Alexander (13 December 2010). "Islamic Parties’ camping against amendment in Blasphemy Laws". Continental News. http://continentalnews.net/christian-news/pakistan-islamic-parties%E2%80%99-camping-against-amendment-in-blasphemy-laws-3525.html. Retrieved 13 December 2010.

17. ^ Khan, M Ilyas (23 July 2010). "Mentally-ill Pakistan 'blasphemer' is released". BBC. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-10739623. Retrieved 23 July 2010.

18. ^ "Pakistan city tense after 'blaspheming' Christians shot". BBC. 20 July 2010. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-10696762. Retrieved 21 July 2010.

19. ^ [http://www.faithfreedom.org/features/news/pakistani-christians-are-under-threat-after-murder-of-two-christian-brothers-outside- court/ "Pakistani Christians are under threat after murder of two Christian brothers outside court"]. 21 July 2010. http://www.faithfreedom.org/features/news/pakistani-christians-are-under-threat-after-murder-of-two-christian-brothers-outside- court/. Retrieved 21 July 2010.

20. ^ "After Gojra, 3 'blasphemy' killings in Pak Punjab for 'desecrating Quran'". Thaindian News. 5 August 2009. http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/south-asia/after-gojra-3-blasphemy-killings-in-pak-punjab-for-desecrating-quran_100227891.html. Retrieved 16 August 2009.

21. ^ "'Blasphemy' claims three more victims". Daily Times. 5 August 2009. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009%5C08%5C05%5Cstory_5-8-2009_pg1_10. Retrieved 20 August 2009.

22. ^ The Associated Press (1 August 2009). "6 Pakistani Christians die in riots with Muslims". Toronto Star. http://www.thestar.com/news/world/article/675167. Retrieved 1 August 2009.

23. ^ "Pakistan: Christians Burned to Death in Islamist Attacks". Compass Direct News. 1 August 2009. http://www.compassdirect.org/. Retrieved 1 August 2009.

24. ^ Maqbool, Aleem (12 August 2009). "Sectarian violence hits Pakistani town". BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8196013.stm. Retrieved 12 August 2009.

25. ^ "The Evil Face of Shahbaz Sharif: Kids in Illegel Detention for Blasphemy". Sherryx's Weblog. 8 May 2009. http://sherryx.wordpress.com/2009/05/08/the-evil-face-of-shahbaz-sharif-kids-in-illegel-detention-for-blasphemy/. Retrieved 28 July 2009.

26. ^ "Filing of blasphemy charges against 5 Ahmadis in Layyah district". 1–2 February 2009. http://www.thepersecution.org/hrcp/layyahfact.html. Retrieved 1 August 2009.

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27. ^ Compass Direct News (20 May 2008). "PAKISTAN: DOCTOR JAILED ON 'BLASPHEMY' CHARGES :Police rescue Christian from angry mob". mychristianblood.blogspirit.com. http://mychristianblood.blogspirit.com/archive/2008/05/20/pakistan-doctor-jailed-on-%E2%80%98blasphemy-charges-police-rescue-c.html. Retrieved 28 July 2009.

28. ^ United Nations Human Rights Council (28 February 2008). A/HRC/7/10/Add.1 "Report of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, Asma Jahangir". A/HRC/7/10/Add.1. United Nations. http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G08/112/28/PDF/G0811228.pdf?OpenElement A/HRC/7/10/Add.1. Retrieved 2009-06-28.

29. ^ Mohabbat, Pervaiz (22 May 2009). "Blasphemy Victim Released". Pakistan Christian Post. http://www.pakistanchristianpost.com/headlinenewsd.php?hnewsid=1157. Retrieved 28 June 2009.

30. ^ Felix, Qaiser (10 May 2007). "84-year-old Christian accused of blasphemy to force him to sell land". AsiaNews.it. http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=en&art=9226. Retrieved 9 November 2009.

31. ^ "International Religious Freedom Report 2007: Pakistan". U.S. Department of State. 2007. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2007/90233.htm. Retrieved 9 November 2009.

32. ^ Becket Fund (25 January 2009). "Pakistan: Christians Cleared of "Blasphemy" Amid Violence". Internation Religious Freedom News (IRFN). http://becketinternational.wordpress.com/2009/01/25/pakistan-christians-cleared-of-%e2%80%9cblasphemy%e2%80%9d-amid-violence/. Retrieved 28 July 2009.

33. ^ "Pakistan bans Da Vinci Code film". BBC News / South Asia. 4 June 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/south_asia/5045672.stm. Retrieved 2006-06-04.

34. ^ "Man gets death sentence for blasphemy". Daily Times. 19 June 2008. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008%5C06%5C19%5Cstory_19-6-2008_pg7_7. Retrieved 4 September 2009.

35. ^ "Writer in Pakistan given life for "blasphemy"". National Secular Society. 27 July 2007. http://www.secularism.org.uk/writerinpakistangivenlifeforblas.html. Retrieved 2009-06-21.

36. ^ "Document - Pakistan: Fear for safety/ Prisoner of Conscience (POC), Mohammed Younus Shaikh". Amnesty International. 19 August 2005. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA33/023/2005/en/dc8bb567-d4b7-11dd-8a23-d58a49c0d652/asa330232005en.html. Retrieved 2009-06-21.

37. ^ "KARACHI: Writer of sacrilegious book gets life term". Dawn the Internet Edition. 12 August 2005. http://www.dawn.com/2005/08/12/local4.htm. Retrieved 2009-06-21.

38. ^ Svensson, Karin (15 June 2004). "Plea for Anwar Masih's bail". Letters to the Editor. Dawn the Internet Edition. http://www.dawn.com/2004/06/15/letted.htm. Retrieved 2009-06-27.

39. ^ Mansell, Hannah (15 June 2004). "Young Christian man accused of blasphemy killed". Religious Intelligence. http://www.religiousintelligence.co.uk/news/?NewsID=93. Retrieved 18 August 2009

40. ^ "Muslim Police Constable Murders Christian in Hospital Accused of Blasphemy". Article 14510. Barnabas Fund. 10 June 2004. http://www.strategicnetwork.org/index.php?loc=kb&view=v&id=14510&fto=4408&. Retrieved 20 August 2009.

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41. ^ McCarthy, Rory (20 August 2001). "Blasphemy doctor faces death". The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,539348,00.html. Retrieved 2009-06-19.

42. ^ "Mukto-mona special News: Younus Shaikh Free!". Mukto-mona. 23 January 2004. http://www.mukto-mona.com/news/shaikh_free.htm. Retrieved 2009-06-19.

43. ^ "Blasphemy Prisoner Acquitted After Six Years in Prison". International Christian Concern. 16 August 2002. http://persecution.org/news/Press_Releases/PR_2002/press2002-08-15.html. Retrieved 2009-06-27

44. ^ "Blasphemy Prisoner Acquitted After Six Years in Prison". International Christian Concern. 15 August 2002. http://persecution.org/news/Press_Releases/PR_2002/press2002-08-15.html. Retrieved 2009-06-26

45. ^ Olsen, Ted (8 August 2002). "Pakistan frees Christian prisoner as country mourns attacks". Christianity Today Magazine. http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2002/augustweb-only/8-12-51.0.html. Retrieved 2009-06-26.

46. ^ "Blasphemy Laws and Intellectual Freedom in Pakistan". South Asian Voice. August 2002. http://members.tripod.com/~INDIA_RESOURCE/ifpakistan.html. Retrieved 2009-06-21.

Court accepts petition not to change Islamic blasphemy law, Aftab Alexander Mughal

The blasphemy lawsQuite a few sections of Pakistan's Criminal Code consist of blasphemy laws. § 295 forbids damaging or defiling a place of worship or a sacred object. § 295-A forbids outraging religious feelings. § 295-B forbids defiling the Quran. § 295-C forbids defaming the prophet Muhammad. Except for § 295-C, the provisions of § 295 require that an offence be a consequence of the accused's intent. Defiling the Quran merits imprisonment for life. Defaming Muhammad merits death with or without a fine. (See below Sharia.) If a charge is laid under § 295-C, the trial must take place in a Court of Session with a Muslim judge presiding.

§ 298 states:

Whoever, with the deliberate intention of wounding the religious feelings of any person, utters any word or makes any sound in the hearing of that person or makes any gesture in the sight of that person or places any object in the sight of that person, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to one year, or with fine, or with both.

§ 298-A prohibits the use of any derogatory remark or representation in respect of Muslim holy personages. § 298-B and § 298-C prohibit the Ahmadiyya from behaving as Muslims behave, calling themselves Muslims, proselytizing, or "in any manner whatsoever" outraging the

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religious feelings of Muslims. Violation of any part of § 298 makes the violator liable to imprisonment for up to three years and liable also to a fine.

No legal execution of a person charged with blasphemy has yet taken place in Pakistan. However, several accused have been murdered in cold blood either after being acquitted by a court or even facing a court.

Article 45 of the Constitution says, "The President shall have power to grant pardon, reprieve and respite, and to remit, suspend or commute any sentence passed by any court, tribunal or other authority."

However, in the present situation, the religious extremists have warned the president of dire consequences if he makes any gesture f pardoning the Christian woman languishing in a district jail after being accused of blasphemy.

The only law that may be useful in countering misuse of the Blasphemy law is PPC 153 A (a), whoever “by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representations or otherwise, promotes or incites, or attempts to promote or incite, on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, caste or community or any other ground whatsoever, disharmony or feelings of enmity, hatred or ill-will between different religious, racial, language or regional groups or castes or communities” shall be fined and punished with imprisonment for a term that may extend to five years.

Sharia (the religious law) The Federal Shariat Court (FSC) is a religious body which rules on whether any particular law is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam. If a law is repugnant to Islam, "the President in the case of a law with respect to a matter in the Federal Legislative List or the Concurrent Legislative List, or the Governor in the case of a law with respect to a matter not enumerated in either of those Lists, shall take steps to amend the law so as to bring such law or provision into conformity with the Injunctions of Islam" (Constitution, Article 203D). In October 1990, the FSC ruled that § 295-C was repugnant to Islam by permitting life imprisonment as an alternative to a death sentence. The Court said "the penalty for contempt of the Holy Prophet . . . is death." The FSC ruled that, if the President did not take action to amend the law before 30 April 1991, then § 295-C would stand amended by its ruling.

Promptly after the FSC's ruling in 1990, Bishop Dani L. Tasleem filed an appeal in the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which has the power to overrule the FSC. In April 2009, the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court considered the appeal. Deputy Attorney-General Agha Tariq Mehmood, who represented the federal government, said that the Shariat Appellate Bench dismissed the appeal because the appellant did not pursue it. The appellant did not present any argument on the appeal because the appellant, according to reports, was no longer alive.

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Consequently, it appears to be the law in Pakistan that persons convicted under § 295-C must be sentenced to death with or without a fine.

VigilantismThose who are accused of blasphemy may be subject to harassment, threats, and attacks. Police, lawyers, and judges may also be subject to harassment, threats, and attacks when blasphemy is an issue. Those accused of blasphemy are subject to immediate incarceration, and most accused are denied bail to forestall mob violence. It is common for those accused of blasphemy to be put in solitary confinement for their protection from other inmates and guards. Like those who have served a sentence for blasphemy, those who are acquitted of blasphemy usually go into hiding or leave Pakistan.

United NationsPakistan's opposition to blasphemy has caused Pakistan to be active in the international arena in promoting global limitations on freedom of religion or belief and limitations on freedom of expression. In March 2009, Pakistan presented a resolution to the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva which calls upon the world to formulate laws against the defamation of religion.

Internet censorshipIn May 2010, Pakistan blocked access to Facebook because the website hosted a page called Everybody Draw Muhammad Day. Pakistan lifted the block after Facebook prevented access to the page. In June 2010, Pakistan blocked seventeen websites for hosting content that the authorities considered offensive to Muslims. At the same time, Pakistan began to monitor the content of Google, Yahoo, YouTube, Amazon, MSN, Hotmail, and Bing.

Selected casesPakistani authorities charged 647 people with offences under the blasphemy laws between 1986 and 2007. Fifty percent of the people charged were non-Muslim (3% of the national population). 20 of those charged were murdered.

In November 2010, Asia Bibi was sentenced to death by hanging on a charge of blasphemy; the case that has yet to be upheld by the Lahore High Court has sparked international reactions. Punjab Governer Salman Taseer was shot dead by his security guard on supporting Asia Bibi. Salman Taseer visited Asia Bibi in Jail and held a press conference with her. He told media that Asia Bibi will be released soon and President of Pakistan will soon demolish his death sentence. Mass protests in Pakistan were held in Pakistan against his support to Asia Bibi. Many religious scholars said that Salman Taseer has defiled Mohammad and he should also be sentenced to death

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On December 12, 2010, during a press conference major Islamic parties in Pakistan launched a campaign for upholding the sanctity of Muhammad against the proposed amendment in the blasphemy laws.

In July 2010, the Lahore High Court ordered the release of Zaibun Nisa, a woman who was jailed in 1996 on a charge of blasphemy when police were investigating a complaint that a Quran had been defiled. Nisa's lawyer reported, "There was no evidence linking her to the crime."[

In July 2010, a trader in Faisalabad complained that one of his employees had been handed a pamphlet which contained disrespectful remarks about Muhammad. According to the police, the pamphlet appeared to have the signatures and addresses of Pastor Rashid Emmanuel and his brother Sajid, who were Christians. While the police were escorting the brothers from a district court, gunmen shot and killed both. Allama Ahmed Mian Hammadi, a Pakistani Muslim cleric, has claimed that Shahbaz Bhatti, Pakistan's Federal Minister for Minorities has himself committed blasphemy by branding the recently murdered Christian brothers as victims of Pakistan blasphemy laws.

Bhatti had spoken out about the murder last week of Rashid Emmanuel, 30, and his brother Sajid, 27, by unidentified masked gunmen inside a courthouse in Faisalabad. The brothers had been accused of blaspheming Muhammad earlier this month, a charge that they had both denied.

According to Mr Hammadi's statement, published in Daily Jasarat, a Pakistani Urdu daily newspaper, the Muslim cleric said that Muslims cannot tolerate blasphemy against Muhammad.

"It is not a cruelty to kill blasphemers, rather blasphemy itself is such an enormous brutality that the one who commits it neither has got a right to live in this world nor is there any pardon for the blasphemer," Daily Jasarat quoted Mr Hammadi as saying.

"Muslims won't tolerate even a slightest blasphemy against Prophet Muhammad. If Shahbaz Bhatti committed blasphemy he would be beheaded."

"Christians say that the murder of two Christian men is the result of the negligence of police and the local government authorities and bias attitude of the Punjab government towards religious minorities. Many media reports say that the Punjab government of Pakistan Muslim League has reportedly closed connections with banned militant organizations. The Punjab government has never categorically condemned or denounced extremists’ ideology from any platform. Apart from that still there are many sympathizers of extremists are part of the police and establishment which encourage them to attack on religious minorities," Aftab Alexander Mughal writes for FaithFreedom.org

On 4 August 2009, a Muslim mob attacked a factory-owner by the name of Najeebullah and others at Sheikhupura in the Punjab. The mob killed Najeebullah and two others, and set fire to the factory. The mob complained that Najeebullah had placed an outdated calendar, which contained verses from the Quran, on a table. For that offense, a worker accused Najeebullah of blasphemy. The workers may have been in a dispute with Najeebullah over wages.

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On 30 July 2009, hundreds of members of Sipah-e-Sahaba, a banned Muslim organization, torched Christian homes and killed Christians in the Punjabi city of Gojra and in the nearby village of Korian. The professed reason for the violence was that a Christian had defiled a Quran. Christian mobs retaliated. Fighting between Muslim and Christian groups went on through 1 August 2009.

On 28 January 2009, the police in Punjab arrested a labourer and four students for blasphemy. All those arrested were Ahmadi. The accusation against them was that they wrote "Prophet Muhammad" on the wall of a toilet in a Sunni mosque. The senior superintendent of police investigated and reported to the Ministry of the Interior at the end of March 2009 that the accusation was baseless.

In May 2008, Punjabi police jailed Robin Sardar, a Christian physician, upon an accusation of blasphemy from a Muslim street-vendor who wanted to install himself in front of Sardar's clinic.

In February 2008, Special Rapporteurs of the United Nations Human Rights Council reminded Pakistan's representative of the matter regarding Raja Fiaz, Muhammad Bilal, Nazar Zakir Hussain, Qazi Farooq, Muhammad Rafique, Muhammad Saddique and Ghulam Hussain. According to the allegations received, the men were members of the Mehdi Foundation International (MFI), a multi-faith institution utilizing the mystical principles of Ra Gohar Shahi. They were arrested on 23 December 2005 in Wapda Town. The police confiscated posters on which Gohar Shahi was shown as "Imam Mehdi." On 13 July 2006, the Anti-Terrorism Court No. 1 in Lahore sentenced each accused to five years of imprisonment, inter alia, under § 295-A for having outraged others' religious feelings. Since 27 August 2006, the seven men have been detained in Sahiwal Jail, Punjab, where they were forced to parade naked, and were suspended from the ceiling and beaten. The prisoners' records were posted outside the cell and falsely indicated that they had been sentenced under § 295-C.

For this reason, they were constantly threatened and intimidated by prison staff as well as by other detainees. One MFI member was targeted by several other inmates and sexually assaulted. Subsequently, other staff members sexually abused him and pushed burning cigarette butts into his anus.

On 28 October 2007, the police arrested Muhammad Imran of Faisalabad under § 295-B for allegedly setting fire to a Quran. For three days, the police kept Imran in a torture-cell where they tortured him. Then the police sent him to a jail where other inmates attacked him. His jailers put Imran into solitary confinement without attending to his injuries. On 14 April 2009, an Additional Sessions judge released Imran.

On 9 May 2007, Raja Riaz, a servant, accused his master, Walter Fazal Khan Khan, 84, a Christian, of burning a Quran at his house. The police arrested Khan under § 295-B. Kahn's family and others said Riaz's accusation was part of a plot to take Khan's valuable house and land from him.

I say, no sane man in his normal state f mind would do such a thing as burning the Quran, especially from a minority community, knowing very well the consequences he would face and

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the wrath his community or fellow believers would face in a milieu of extreme intolerance and bigotry in the country.

In April 2007, upon a charge of blasphemy, the police in Toba Tek Singh jailed five Christians: Salamat Masih, his son Rashid, and their relatives Ishfaq, Saba, and Dao Masih. The allegation against the Christians was that they desecrated pieces of paper that bore Muhammad's name. On 25 January 2009, the authorities released the Christians, and Muslim clerics agreed to issue a fatwa which declared that the accusation of blasphemy was unsound.

On 3 June 2006, Pakistan banned the film, The Da Vinci Code and the Culture Minister Ghulam Jamal said: "Islam teaches us to respect all the prophets of God Almighty and degradation of any prophet is tantamount to defamation of the rest."

The ground realities however portray a different picture. The Muslims in Pakistan take pleasure in mocking and ridiculing the non-Muslims and using derogatory remarks against Christians and the followers of other faiths. A Christian, no matter how educated and noble, is called as a “saiee chura” which means a very low class sweeper or cleaner of gutters and sewerage.

Two Christians, both elderly men from Faisalabad, Punjab, were acquitted by the Lahore High Court in April 2009. In November 2006, the two had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for allegedly burning pages from the Quran. The allegation arose apparently out of a dispute over land.

In March 2006, the police arrested Shafeeq Lateef for making derogatory remarks about Muhammad and for desecrating a Quran. On 18 June 2008, a District and Sessions court sentenced Lateef to death for his alleged remarks and demanded that he pay a fine of 500,000 rupees for desecrating a Quran. Arshed Masih, 38, is still fighting for his life in Holy Family Hospital in Rawalpindi, a city not far from Pakistan’s capital. With the help of police, Muslim extremists last Friday set him on fire for refusing to convert to Islam and raped his wife, local sources told AsiaNews.it. The incident occurred in front of a local police station.

In 2005, Masih and his wife began working for a wealthy Muslim businessman, he as driver and she as his wife’s maid. Recently, the two fell out of favour with their employer and his family because they insisted on remaining Christian.

During the incident, Masih’s wife, Martha, “was raped by police agents,” local sources said. The couple’s three children, ranging in age from 7 and 12, were forced to watch their parents being brutalised. No action taken by the Government.

On 11 August 2005, Judge Arshad Noor Khan of the Anti-Terrorist Court found Younus Shaikh guilty of defiling a copy of the Quran, outraging religious feelings, and propagating religious hatred among society. Shaikh's conviction occurred because he wrote a book: Shaitan Maulvi (Satanic Cleric).

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The book said stoning to death (Rajam) as a punishment for adultery was not mentioned in the Quran. The book said also that four historical imams (religious leaders) were Jews. The judge imposed upon Shaikh a fine of 100,000 rupees, and sentenced him to spend his life in jail.

On 20 November 2003, the police arrested Anwar Masih, a day labourer, a Christian, a married father of four (at that time), a resident of Shahdara, a town next to Lahore. The police charged Masih under § 295-B. The charge arose out of an encounter that Masih had with a neighbour who had grown a beard. The neighbor disclosed that he had converted from Christianity to Islam. Masih and the neighbour exchanged harsh words. The neighbour reported to the police that Masih had insulted Muhammad. The Lahore High Court acquitted Masih on 24 December 2004.

In August 2005, Masih took a job in a factory. In November 2007, he lost the job when his employer was threatened for employing a "blasphemer." Masih went into hiding.

In August 2003, the police arrested a Christian, Samuel Masih, for allegedly defiling a mosque by spitting on its wall. While in prison, Masih contracted tuberculosis. The authorities transported him to a hospital. There, on 24 May 2004, a police constable used a hammer to kill Masih. The constable said it was his duty as a Muslim to kill Masih.

In October 2000, Pakistani authorities charged Younus Shaikh, a physician, with blasphemy on account of remarks that students claimed he made during a lecture. The students alleged that, inter alia, Shaikh had said Muhammad's parents were non-Muslims because they died before Islam existed. A judge ordered that Shaikh pay a fine of 100,000 rupees, and that he be hanged. On 20 November 2003, a court retried the matter and acquitted Shaikh, who fled Pakistan for Europe soon thereafter.

In 2000, a court sentenced Naseem Ghani and Mohammed Shafiq to seven years imprisonment upon allegations that they had burned a Quran.

The police arrested Ayub Masih, a Pakistani Christian bricklayer for blasphemy on 14 October 1996 and jailed him for violation of § 295-C. Muhammad Akram, a Muslim neighbor to Masih, complained to the police that Masih had said Christianity was right, and Masih had recommended that Akram read Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses.

The same day that Masih was arrested, Muslim villagers forced the entire Christian population of Masih's village (fourteen families) to leave the village. Masih's family had applied under a government program that gave housing plots to landless people. Local landlords resented Masih's application because the landlords had been able to oblige landless Christians to work in the fields in exchange for a place to live. Masih's application gave him a way out of his subservience to the landlords. Upon Masih's arrest, the authorities gave Masih's plot to Akram.

Akram shot and injured Masih in the halls of the Session Court at Sahiwal on 6 November 1997. Four assailants attacked Masih in jail. The authorities took no action against Akram or against the other assailants.

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On 20 April 1998, Judge Abdul Khan sentenced Masih to death and levied a fine of 100,000 rupees. Two judges of the Lahore High Court heard Masih's appeal on 24 July 2001. Shortly thereafter, the judges affirmed the judgment of the trial court. On 16 August 2002, the Supreme Court of Pakistan set aside the judgment of the lower courts.

The Supreme Court noted Akram's acquisition of Masih's property and concluded the case had been fabricated for personal gain. The court also noted other breaches in the law of due process.

Judge Arif Iqbal Hussain Bhatti was assassinated on 19 October 1997 in his Lahore office after acquitting two people who were accused of blasphemy.

Riaz Ahmad, his son, and two nephews (Basharat Ahmad, Qamar Ahmad and Mushtaq Ahmad), all Ahmadis, were arrested and jailed on 21 November 1993. They were detained for having "said something derogatory." Local people in Piplan, Mianwali District, said that rivalry over Ahmad's position as village headman was the real motivation for the complaint against him. The Sessions Court rejected the bail applications of the accused. The Supreme Court granted bail in December 1997.

In February 1993, Anwar Masih, a Christian from Samundri in Punjab, went to jail upon a Muslim shopkeeper's allegation that, during an argument over money, Masih had insulted Muhammad.

In November 1992, Gul Masih, a Christian, was sentenced to death after having remarked to his neighbor Mohammad Sajjad, a Muslim, he had read "that Mohammed had 11 wives, including a minor."

The Gojra Incident The 2009 Gojra riots were a series of attacks targeting Christians in Gojra town in Punjab province of Pakistan. These resulted in the deaths of eight Christians including four women and a child. Background

Christians make up 1.6% of Pakistan's predominantly Sunni Muslim population of 160 million people. Gojra, which is located in the Toba Tek Singh District of Pakistan's Punjab province, has a relatively high number of Christians. Although the two communities generally live peacefully, Muslim militants have intermittently targeted churches and Christians. Minorities also face intimidation at the hands of discriminatory laws, including a blasphemy law that carries the death penalty for using derogatory language against Islam, the Qur'an and the Muhammad. The law is often misused to settle personal scores and rivalries. These attacks came less than a month after a mob attacked 100 houses belonging to Christians in Kasur District of Pakistan, destroying many

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of them and injuring many people after a blasphemy charge. According to Nadeem Anthony, a member of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, there is a link between violence against Christians and the US-led war in Afghanistan. Joseph Francis of the Christian Nationalist Part stated that the Muslim mob in Gojra had been incited with hate-speech that called Christians "America's dogs", he added since "9/11, we've felt a lot more at risk. Islamic militants in Pakistan target other minority groups as well, including Shias and Ahmadiyya Muslims, groups they consider heretics. According to Minority Rights Group International, Pakistan had the world's highest increase of threats against minorities last year and was ranked the sixth most dangerous country for minorities overall. Pakistan was ranked after Somalia, Sudan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Burma and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

AttacksThe attacks were triggered by reports of desecration of the Qur'an. It was reported that Mukhtar Maseeh, Talib Maseeh and his son Imran Maseeh had desecrated the papers inscribed with Qur'an verses at a wedding ceremony. District Police Officer Inkisar Khan said a case had been registered under section 295-B of the Pakistan Penal Code against Mukhtar Maseeh, Talib Maseeh and Imran Maseeh without any arrest. Forty houses and a Church were set ablaze by a mob on August 1, 2009. Most of the houses were burnt by youths who had their faces covered with veils. The victims were all burnt alive. 18 others were injured. Televised footage showed burning houses and streets strewn with blackened furniture and people firing at each other from their rooftops. The dead were identified as Hameed Maseeh, 50, Asia Bibi, 20, Asifa Bibi, 19, Imamia Bibi, 22, Musa, 7, Akhlas Maseeh, 40, and Parveen, 50. According to Rafiq Masih, a resident of the predominantly Christian colony “They were shouting anti-Christian slogans and attacked our houses.” Residents said that police stood aside while the mob went on the rampage. “We kept begging for protection, but police did not take action,” Masih said. According to Pakistan government they had received information that a group of armed ‘miscreants’, with masked faces had come from Jhang.

AftermathLaw minister Rana Sanaullah, who is also responsible for security matters of Punjab, condemned the attack and ordered an inquiry. A contingent of Pakistan Rangers was sent to the city on orders of federal government. He stated that a preliminary investigation showed there was no desecration of the Qur'an. "It was just a rumor which was exploited by anti-state elements to create chaos," he said. President Asif Ali Zardari expressed grave concern over the incidents and directed federal minister for minority affairs Shahbaz Bhatti to remain in Gojra until the situation becomes normal and also asked him to take steps for the security of people's life and property. Police lodged cases against 17 known and 783 unknown suspects following these attacks. Chief Minister of Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif announced US$ 6,000 for each bereaved family. According to Shahbaz Bhatti, the federal minister for minorities, the attackers belonged to Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, a banned militant group which has carried out attacks against security forces and bombings in recent years. This group was originally an anti-Shiite organization and was funded

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in the past by Pakistan's intelligence services to wage war in Kashmir. Police arrested more than 65 people for their alleged involvement in the violence under anti-terrorism laws. The arrested men include Qari Abdul Khaliq Kashmiri, a leader of the banned Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan.

Following the riots relatives of the slain protested by blocking the Multan-Faisalabad railwayline for six hours, which passes through Gojra, by placing coffins of those killed on the tracks. On Sunday representatives of the protesters met with government ministers in talks to end the protests.

The blockade of the railway only ended when provincial minister Kamran Michael showed the protesters a copy of a First Information Report (FIR) apportioning blame onto the District Coordination Officer and the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) for negligence.

Kamran Michael, the provincial Minister for Minority Affairs, who himself is Christian, said that there "is too much fear among the Christians", he added that "the situation is tense in the city, but security has been enhanced to keep the situation under control." Christian schools closed for three days to mourn the victims of these attacks. Christians in Gojra will mark August 11, traditionally celebrated as Pakistan's minority day, as a "black day" of mourning.

According to Iqbal Haider, co-chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, the attacks are an indication of the unchecked growth of religious extremism in Pakistan. "This has to be a wake-up call for the government. The Gojra tragedy is just the latest, this is a direct consequence of the religious fanaticism that is rampant now all over Pakistan. These extremists are hell-bent upon killing every person who does not support their religious views," he said.

On August 4, Punjab CM Shahbaz Sharif visited the city and, speaking to the media from a church in the city, strongly condemned the acts of violence and promised that members of the Muslim League will stay in the area for rehabilitation.

After these attacks Prime Minister Gilani hinted that Pakistan may review its Blasphemy laws.

Reaction

Domestic  Pakistan: On August 4, Punjab CM Shahbaz Sharif visited the city, speaking to the

media from a church in the city he strongly condemned the acts of violence and promised that members of the Muslim League will stay in the area for rehabilitation. President Asif Ali Zardari took serious notice of the incident and was concerned about the wrong done to the victims of violence as well as the wrong signals it sent about the image of Pakistan and society to the international community.

Altaf Hussain of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement strongly condemned the attacks and called upon the government to quickly arrest the culprits.

Sherry Rehman of Pakistan Peoples Party calling for repeal of the blasphemy laws stated “Pakistan Peoples Party has always sought to protect the minorities, but it is General Zia’s black

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laws that are used to target innocent civilians on trumped-up ruses. Nobody should demonize what is sacred to another, and Islam is clear on this issue, but nobody must be allowed to exploit and misuse laws, such as the Blasphemy Law, which were ordered into law by a dictator, who politicized religion to make up for his own lack of legitimacy.”

Newspapers The Dawn newspaper, Pakistan's oldest and most widely read English newspaper, stated

in an editorial on 4 August argued that it was time to repeal the blasphemy laws - arguing that its existence run counter to that of a "democratic society that treats all its members, regardless of faith, equitably".

International reaction Italian foreign minister Franco Frattini condemned the violence against Christians as "a

very grave and unjustifiable attack against human rights and in particular against the inalienable right to religious freedom."

 Vatican City: Pope Benedict XVI deplored the riots describing it as a 'senseless attack' that he was 'deeply grieved' to hear about.

On the Gojra Incident

‘Dear Irfan,

Somebody sent me your email. Working as I was in villages, I hardly read newspapers. However, at this time I am based in Bangkok working as regional coordinator of Caritas Asia. It is part of the whole global Caritas Internationalis with its headquarters in the Vatican….

‘You must have heard of all that has happened in Gojra…. At a Christian village in Korian Chak 362 JB, Gojra tehsil, district Toba Tek Singh (places I have worked for a long time), kids got hold of some social studies and Urdu textbooks and cut pages to throw in welcome to the groom coming to the village. News spread that an Arabic text was also cut up. Talib Masih, father of one of the boys, was called before the baraderi. He explained everything and how illiterate children had done it to welcome the party. He apologised. The matter ended there.

‘Rumours still were spreading and some armed groups came and attacked the two chapels in the village, torched them and burnt the Christian houses. That was bad enough. Federal and provincial ministers came. Only one Muslim officer came to assess the damage. That was all. He too did not condole for the loss. Instead he asked others who came to leave for security risks. They answered: we will die with our people.

‘Two or three days later, a mob came and attacked the Christians in the town of Gojra. Seven died. They used whatever they had to defend themselves, including rifles used for hunting. They ran out of ammunition. Houses were gutted.

‘The police would not register the FIR.

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‘Funerals could not be held. People said first register the FIR, the police wanted to dilute the case and then register the FIR without the names of those identified by the Christians.

‘The funerals could not be held. Pressure kept growing. The people took the coffins and kept them on the rail track. Rail tracks were blocked. People sat on the railway lines. In the end the FIR was registered. The funeral was done by Bishop Joseph Coutts at 9.30 pm on Sunday.

‘People wanted Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif to come. He was busy giving awards to students. They were given Rs300,000 each. The victims only Rs500,000 each. Life is cheap, it seems.

‘The sad part is that the police were warned and allowed this to happen.

‘Thank you for your continual support.

Fr Bonnie Mendes’

Reading these details, I could imagine the anguished screams of the people being burned alive and the helpless fury of families unable to help sons, brothers and fathers.

I am often sent emails by readers claiming to be ‘proud Pakistanis’. How can one be proud to be a Pakistani when incidents like the one at Gojra occur with such sickening regularity? Recently, several houses belonging to Christians were torched in Kasur. I have little doubt that soon another tragedy involving one minority community or another will play itself out on the national stage. Politicians will wring their hands, some official will be made the scapegoat, and so on till the next tragedy.

Ever since the blasphemy laws were imposed on Pakistan by Gen Zia nearly three decades ago, our country has become an increasingly dangerous place for non-Muslims. Hundreds of cases have been registered against hapless Christians and Hindus. Ahmadis have not only been declared non-Muslims, they have been actively persecuted for their beliefs.

If Muslims in the West were treated as we treat non-Muslim citizens of Pakistan, there would be loud accusations of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim discrimination. And despite this widespread and rampant discrimination against our minorities, we have the gall to lecture the world about our peaceful values.

One recurring theme in the media commentary about the Gojra tragedy is how Zia’s blasphemy laws have encouraged the persecution of the minorities. Anybody with a grudge to settle or some property to grab can swear he saw a non-Muslim desecrate the Quran. Inflaming a mob of bigots is an easy matter for the local mullah who is often in on the scam.

What most commentators have not said is that this pattern has continued unchecked because nobody is ever punished for these crimes. I, for one, am unaware of any mullah or a member of a lynch mob who has been successfully prosecuted for his role in barbaric acts like the ones at

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Gojra. Often, as now, the police do register a case, but once the media spotlight has been turned elsewhere, life returns to its grim norm for the minorities.

While the dilatory tactics employed by the law and order agencies as well as our lower courts are par for the course, civil society has not played its role either. Although the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan maintains a record of anti-minority crimes as well as other violations, the fact is that the media’s and the public’s attention span and memory are very limited.

If we are serious about protecting our minorities, we will need to get serious about prosecuting those responsible for incidents like Gojra. But both our politicians and our Bonapartes fear religious parties and militias too much to actually throw their leaders in jail. The fact that Musharraf as well as his civilian predecessors and successors have lacked the will and the courage to undo the blasphemy laws is a sad comment on the grip the religious right has on our jugular.

The Minorities:

The HindusHindus are the third religious group, after Muslim and Christians, and Hinduism is considered the indigenous religion of the sub-continent by local and international historians, which is not far from the truth.

There are over 40 Hindu temples across Pakistan, and in Sindh alone there are almost 30 temples in Karachi and interior Sindh.

Many Hindu families are indigenous to the land and some claim to have been for centuries. Over the centuries, empire after empire, some families facing persecution converted to Islam but others have remained Hindus.

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“The Hindu community is not protected here,” said Dr. Raj Motwani, a general physician who sits as the Vice President for Shree Ratneshwar Mahadev Welfare Shewa Mandly, a committee for the Hindu community in Karachi.  “I remember that Lee Market, Bolton Market, Nagam Colony, and Food Street belonged to Hindu families that lived there for decades before Pakistan’s existence.”

“We never left this land – people migrated here,” he said. “We are still here – fighting for what we deserve as humans.”

During the 1947 partition, almost 15 million Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims left Pakistan for India and vice versa but some families stayed behind because they considered the land in Pakistan their home. More than half a million people died during the migration.

“Everyone knows the truth, but we cannot speak it out loud,” he said. “The minute that we speak up – we are automatically accused of being part of an enemy intelligence agency and we can get questioned without any legal support.”

Most Hindus families come from lower class backgrounds and those that live in rural areas like interior Sindh are forced into bonded labour by influential landlords. In the past few years, kidnappings have increased among the Hindus, for ransom and women, who are kidnapped and then convert to Islam, have been reported but with no real legal repercussions from the local government.

“The Hindu community is not protected here,” repeated Dr. Motwani. “The converting is explainable; once a girl is kidnapped the men have their way with her and she knows that she won’t be accepted back into her community so she converts and becomes a servant- girl for the men or the family that kidnapped her – tragic but the culture in interior Sindh is traditional, especially when it comes to women.”

The constitution clearly states that religious minorities have many rights and freedom however in the political system Hindus, Christians and Sikhs are still treated as second-class citizens.

After General Pervez Musharraf took power, he wanted to remove the separate electorate system put in place by the former dictator General Ziaul-Haq.

The separate electorate system limited non-Muslims to only vote for candidates from their own religion – the government had a reserved number of seats for minorities in the provincial and national assemblies.

General Musharraf and many others felt that it limited Muslim candidates from reaching out to minority groups to solve the major problem in their communities. He was thwarted in his efforts and many minorities felt that the removal of the policy would not have made a difference in their communities.  

“I have friends of all faiths in Pakistan – friendships made up of decades,” mentioned Dr. Motwani. “But that is not the problem – the system is the problem; a small example, the Hindu

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Gymkhana has finally been given back to us after so many years spent in court yet the management is Muslim and we still do not have a safe place to congregate and celebrate our holidays. Who do I go to for help? a MPA or an MNA – not possible.”

Since the recent attack on the Shah Ghazi Shrine, the security at mandirs across Karachi has tightened but it has not stopped Hindu worshippers from making their offerings to their gods and goddesses who wait patiently for their prayers of better days ahead.

Sikhs in PakistanDAWN.COM January 5, 2010By Abdul Sami Paracha

Sikh boys look out from a compartment of a train to Pakistan at Amritsar railway station April 11, 2010. The first batch of Sikh pilgrims left for Pakistan to celebrate the Baisakhi festival at the shrines of Panja Sahib and Nankana Sahib, the birthplace of Sikh faith founder Guru Nanak Dev. Baisakhi is the beginning of the New Year in the Indian state of Punjab and is also a harvest festival. – Reuters Photo

KOHAT: On a sunny day in October, Charan Singh, a Sikh, returned to his home and community in the Orakzai Agency after spending twenty long months in a camp tent. 

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Singh belongs to one of the 56 families that were forced to leave their centuries old abodes in the Feroze Khel area after Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan’s (TTP) leader Hakeemullah Mehsud demanded jizya, an ancient tax collected from non Muslims living in an Islamic state, in 2009. “Life has never been so tough. When TTP stormed the area we considered it impossible to come back to the land our forefathers. But Pakistan army gained control of Orakzai Agency and we are very happy to be back. Although we have lost everything but hope that government will compensate us so that we can reconstruct our shops and houses to begin a new life,” said a delighted Singh. In December 2008, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan enforced a strict version of Islamic law in divergence of enviously guarded distinctive tribal culture in Orakzai Agency. Less than a month a later, a decree for jizya was imposed and had to be paid by all minorities if they want protection against local criminal gangs or that they had to convert to Islam.

Orakzai Agency is the only region in Pakistan where a strong religious balance has been present since the British Rule due to the equally powerful Shia and Sunni population who have divided the area to avoid different tribal conflicts. One of the major reasons TTP has not been successful is because local Shia tribesmen have challenged their writ from time to time. But the Sikh community has not been politically strong for many decades in the region.

For a Sikh, Pakistan is not just any country – it is practically sacrilegious land – their version of Mecca, the holy city for Muslims.

In the fifteenth century, Guru Nanak Dev, the founder of Sikhism, was born in the village Talwandi now known as Nankana Sahib, right outside of Lahore. After his demise, there were ten other appointed Gurus, two of which were also born in present-day Lahore.

The Sikhs became powerful after they defeated the Mughals under the rule of Maharaj Ranjit Singh, who conquered Punjab and declared himself the Emperor of Punjab in 1799. The Sikh empire fell in 1801 at the hands of the British Raj. The history of the Sikh in Pakistan, before the partition, is deep and full of sacrifices. After the partition, many left for India but others stayed in their indigenous land in Pakistan.

Today there are more than 50 gurdwaras, a place of worship for Sikhs, all across Pakistan.

But just as they had struggled in the past for a place in the region – the Sikh minority in Orakzai would have to struggle once again.

About 160 elders of the Sikh community gathered to discuss a payment of Rs.15 million as jizya before the April 29, 2009 deadline. But a dispute erupted among them when half of them declined to bow to the TTP pressure and opted to migrate to Shia dominant areas.

The other group however agreed to raise and pay Rs.10 million.

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“The TTP men looted Rs 6.6 million from our homes and shops although we had conveyed to them that we were ready to pay the money annually in installments,” remembered Charan Singh.

Instead, the TTP ambushed and burnt 11 of their homes every day before the deadline.

Singh disclosed that the political administration called two Sikh representatives, Sardar Singh and Arwel Singh, to discuss the matter one week after the demand for jizya was made, but the representatives were not assured of any guarantee for safety of the Sikh community from Taliban.

The TTP had released two Sikhs from the clutches of tribal dacoits but later kidnapped them from Khyber Agency and beheaded them in Orakzai Agency because they refused to convert to Islam. Later, officials confirmed that two beheaded dead bodies of Jaspal Singh and Mohan Singh were recovered from a deserted area in adjoining Hangu district.

The target killings of tribal elders and suicide attacks at jirgas continued and soon forced the tribesmen to realise that there was no government support.

This proved to be a turning point for the Sikh community who decided to leave the area.

It was a black day in tribal history bringing arduous change in the lives of the more than 200,000 tribesmen, including the Sikh community, who were forced to migrate from their salubrious and cold dwelling to a hot and miserable life in tents in Kohat and Hangu for next two years.

The tribesmen are considered to be endowed with an impenetrable soul; their values, customs and laws had never bowed to any power to safeguard their indigenous system of self rule. But the Taliban tribesmen were much more ferocious, deceitful, and wealthy with support from influential landlords, drug barons and political administration to match.

The decision to impose a strict version of Islamic law in the Orakzai Agency was taken by a shura comprising TTP members from North and South Waziristan, Bajaur Agency, Momand Agency and semi autonomous tribal area of frontier region of Kohat. Muhammad Aslam Farooqui a die hard member of the defunct Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan later to be known as Lashkar e Jhangvi, had been waiting impatiently for a chance after making a failed attempt in 1995, to enforce Islamic law in Orakzai Agency. He immediately approved and joined TTP along with its’ army of 7,000 men. Announcements were made through loudspeakers from mosques in Dagar Hangarpur, Kandi, Mishti, Ghunda Khel, entire area of Aa Khel tribe and Ghiljo on the orders of the local chief Hakeemullah Mehsud about the enforcement of Shariah Law. Soon after, the TTP began imposing strict restrictions on the daily life of the women by confining them to their homes; whereas before they used to work in fields and helped outside their homes without wearing burqa for centuries. Many of them were put before the firing squad along with men.

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 The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan established their second biggest headquarters in the Orakzai Agency with leaders from all the tribal areas and remnants of Al-Qaeda started giving punishments to the criminals, hashish sellers, hashish growers, and banned deforestation for the next several months. Sikh elder S. Singh said, “The TTP could have been stopped from demanding jizya from the Sikh community by the local administration if it had the courage to interfere and enforce its writ. Because the TTP can not ask for jizya from the non Muslims in the presence of an elected government and fully functional tribal administration. We protest the acts of terrorism by the Taliban against us and also condemn the criminal silence of the government over the whole issue.”

“It was not easy to fight with such a large army and both the government and the tribesmen had to leave the area. It was not before October 2010 when the security forces gained controlled over 90 per cent of the tribal area after seven month long operation and paved the way for the return of the IDPs,” said Sikh elder Singh He said that if the situation did not improve then, “we will prefer to live in Punjab if the government promises us compensation and permanent shelter.”

Sikh girls Rajendra and Inderjeet who have been missing their friends and local school after leaving Orakzai Agency expressed their joy on their return, “The Taliban burnt our homes and looted shops but now we have returned voluntarily under the protection of army,” they said in a heavy Pushto accent in Urdu. Little Rajendra, whose cheeks had turned into the color red blood pomegranates due to long journey from Peshawar complained that their school in Feroze Khel had been damaged during the operations and they must travel two miles to study at another school.

The return of the Sikh community in the Orakzai Agency is filled with bittersweet memories and mixed feelings of not knowing the future and starting their lives all over again.

Persecution of Ahmadis

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The Persecution of Ahmadis is the religious persecution of Ahmadi Muslims as a consequence of professing their faith. They have been subject to various forms of persecution and discrimination since the movement's inception in 1889. The Ahmadiyya faith emerged from the Sunni tradition of Islam and its adherents believe in all the five pillars and articles of faith required of Muslims.

The Ahmadis are active translators of the Qur'an and proselytizers for the faith; converts to Islam in many parts of the world first discover Islam through the Ahmadis. However, in many Islamic countries the Ahmadis have been defined as heretics and non-Muslim and subjected to persecution and often systematic oppression.

With 4 million Ahmadis in Pakistan, persecution of Ahmadis has been particularly severe and systematic in Pakistan, which is the only state to have officially declared the Ahmadis to be non-Muslims. Here they are prohibited by law from self-identifying as Muslims, and their freedom of religion has been curtailed by a series of ordinances, acts and constitutional amendments. In applying for a passport, Pakistanis are required to declare that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is an impostor prophet and that his followers are non-Muslims.

As a result, persecution and hate-related incidents are constantly reported from different parts of the country, and Ahmadis have been the target of many attacks led by various religious groups. Madrasahs of all sects of Islam in Pakistan prescribe reading materials for their students specifically targeted at refuting Ahmadiyya beliefs.

As a result of the cultural implications of the laws and constitutional amendments regarding Ahmadis in Pakistan, persecution and hate-related incidents are constantly reported from different parts of the country. Ahmadis have been the target of many attacks led by various religious groups. All religious seminaries and madrasahs in Pakistan, belonging to different sects of Islam, have prescribed essential reading materials specifically targeted at refuting Ahmadiyya beliefs.

In a recent survey in Pakistan, pupils in private schools of Pakistan expressed their opinions on religious tolerance in the country. The figures assembled in the study reflect that even in the educated classes of Pakistan, Ahmadis are considered to be the least deserving minority in terms of equal opportunities and civil rights. In the same study, the teachers in these elite schools showed an even lower amount of tolerance towards Ahmadis than their pupils.

1953

In 1953 at the instigation of religious parties, anti-Ahmadiyya riots erupted in Pakistan, killing scores of Ahmadi Muslims and destroying their properties. There were severe agitations against the Ahmadis in which street protests were held, political rallies were carried out, and inflammatory articles were published. These agitations led to 2,000 Ahmadi deaths. Consequently, martial law was established and the Pakistan's Federal Cabinet was dismissed by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad.

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1974 riots and constitutional amendment

In 1974 a violent campaign, mainly led by the Jamaat-e-Islami, was started against the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Pakistan on the pretext of a clash which took place between Ahmadis and non-Ahmadis at the railway station of Rabwah. This campaign resulted in several Ahmadi casualties and destruction of Ahmadiyya property, including the descretation of mosques and graves.

As a result of pressure from this agitation, legislation and constitutional changes were enacted to criminalise the religious practises of Ahmadis by preventing them from claiming to be Muslim or from "behaving" as Muslims. Pakistan's parliament adopted a law declaring Ahmadis to be non-Muslims; the country's constitution was amended to define a Muslim “as a person who believes in the finality of the Prophet Muhammad”.

Ordinance XX

On 26 April 1984, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the President of Pakistan, issued the anti-Ahmadiyya Ordinance XX, which effectively prohibited Ahmadis from preaching or professing their beliefs. The ordinance, which was supposed to prevent "anti-Islamic activities," forbids Ahmadis to call themselves Muslim or to "pose as Muslims." This means that they are not allowed to profess the Islamic creed publicly or call their places of worship mosques. Ahmadis in Pakistan are also barred by law from worshipping in non-Ahmadi mosques or public prayer rooms, performing the Muslim call to prayer, using the traditional Islamic greeting in public, publicly quoting from the Qur'an, preaching in public, seeking converts, or producing, publishing, and disseminating their religious materials. These acts are punishable by imprisonment of up to three years. Ordinance XX and the 1974 amendment to the constitution effectively gave the state the exclusive right to determine the meaning of the term "Muslim" within Pakistan.

Many Ahmadis were arrested within days of the promulgation of this ordinance, and it gave way for widespread sanctioned as well as non-sanctioned persecution.

Shab Qadar incident

The Shab Qadar incident was a public stoning of two members of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in the town of Shab Qadar, in the North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan in April 1995. Dr. Rashid Ahmad and his son-in law, Riaz Ahmad Khan, were attacked as they were about to attend a court hearing in Shab Qadar. As they entered the court premises, a violent mob incited by local clerics attacked the men with sticks and stones. Riaz Khan was stoned to death and his dead body stripped and dragged through the town on a rope. Dr. Rashid Ahmad was taken to a hospital in Peshawar with serious injuries. A third Ahmadi, advocate Bashir Ahmad, escaped unhurt. This murder took place in front of the police. Riaz Khan even asked a police officer for help, but instead of helping, the officer pushed him away. According to Amnesty International, the police "stood and watched", and "later pleaded that it could not have intervened in a situation like that". No one was detained or criminally charged for the killing.

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The victims — senior members of Ahmadiyya Community from Peshawar — had come from the provincial capital in order to file a bail application on behalf of another Ahmadi Muslim, Daulat Khan. Daulat Khan had been harassed following his conversion to the sect; local Muslim clergy had reportedly called for his death. Daulat Khan had been arrested and imprisoned on 5 April 1995 under sections 107 (abetment) and 151 (disturbing the peace by joining in unlawful assembly) of the Penal Code. After the lynching of Rashid Ahmad and Riaz Ahmad Khan, Daulat Khan remained in custody and was further charged with posing as a Muslim and preaching Ahmadiyyat (section 298 C of the Penal Code) and insulting the religious sentiments of Muslims (section 295 A).

Urdu novelist Mustansar Hussain Tarar made a reference to this event in his novel Raakh ("Ashes").

Events of 30 October 2000

On 30 October 2000, gunmen opened fire at an Ahmadiyya prayer meeting in the Pakistani province of Punjab, killing at least five worshippers and wounding another seven.

Events of 7 October 2005Main article: 2005 attack on Ahmadi mosque in Mandi Bahauddin

On 7 October 2005, masked gunmen with Kalashnikov rifles stormed a mosque belonging to the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in a village called Mong in District Mandi Bahauddin, shooting dead eight people and wounding 14.

2009

During the year 2009, eleven Ahmadis were killed, while numerous others became victims of attempted killings, according to a report titled "Persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan during the year 2009" published by Nazarat Umoor-e-Aama Sadr Anjuman Ahmadia Pakistan. The report claimed that the actions of “Ahmadi opponents” had been encouraged largely by the prejudiced attitude of the authorities, and alleged that the federal government had been in denial of the human rights and religious freedom of the Ahmadis, especially the governments of Punjab and Azad Jammu and Kashmir.

1 April 2010

Around 10 pm on 1 April 2010, three Ahmadis were returning home in their vehicle from their jewellery and cloth shops situated in Rail Bazaar in Faisalabad. As their car approached the Canal Road near Faisal Hospital, four or five unidentified militants in a white car ambushed them. The three Ahmadis were seriously injured when the men opened fire at them. The attackers managed to flee from the scene. The three men died before they reached the hospital.]

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Events of 28 May 2010

On May 28, 2010, two mosques in Lahore belonging to the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community were attacked by the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan Punjab Wing. The attacks were carried out nearly simultaneously at Mosque Darul Al Zikr, Garhi Shahu and Mosque Bait Al Noor Lahore Model Town, 15 km apart. More than 90 people were killed and 108 were injured in the incident. One attacker was killed; another was captured by worshipers.

Events of 31 May 2010

On May 31, 2010, an Ahmadi was stabbed to death and his son seriously injured when an activist climbed the wall of their house with a dagger and attacked them. The son later died in hospital from serious wounds. The attacker escaped. Residents say that the assailant threatened to not leave any Ahmadi alive after having found motivation to kill them through a sermon given by a local fanatical sunni cleric.

Prisoners of conscienceby Guest on 06 11th, 2010 |

How many of us have experienced prejudiced discrimination and prejudice first hand?

Post 9/11, Pakistanis are often subjected to random security checks, prolonged questionings and distrusting stares at international airports, not to mention an unspoken, unwritten “discouraging policy” for visa applicants wishing to study or travel abroad, despite legitimacy of the applications.  Being misjudged and misunderstood abroad has become the norm and we complain, we point fingers at the unfairness of the system and we sit back disgruntled and frustrated, unable to change anything.

Here, we’re touching the surface of the iceberg that symbolises the disillusionment Ahmedis have to live with, in every walk of life. Saying you’re Ahmedi elicits a reaction one would expect to get if they just confessed harbouring a contagious disease. It begins with school where your first run-ins with blatant discrimination and ill treatment are with misguided students and misinformed teachers who sadly make no effort to question the archaic laws of the state and instead skip over religious questions regarding Ahmedi beliefs and even accomplishments of Sir Zafrullah Khan or Dr Abdus Salam absent from Pakistan studies textbooks.

I still remember samples from the buffet of reactions I have received over the years, “my parents say you’re really nice but my grandmothers scared about you influencing or brainwashing me so I think its best if we keep a distance.” As you get older the rebuttals aren’t as polite or restrained. Young boys often have to put up with insults, derogatory remarks and unbearable comments from immature colleagues at schools and colleges. Young women cite the “in-laws don’t want me associating with Qadianis” and break off childhood friendships and associations after marriage. Personal disappointments might sound trivial but they represent a much larger social disease.

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Unwritten rules are enforced in governmental jobs and institutions particularly the armed forces where its acceptable to have an Ahmedi soldier or general lead from the front, risk or lose his life, but not acceptable to award due promotions or accolades, but instead early retirements are encouraged by posting Ahmedi servicemen to ‘sideline’ positions till they are left with no other choice. They are sent home with pats on the back by supportive seniors who say, “We wish things could have been different, no one deserved it more than you”.

One cannot even begin to understand the enormity of the security threat Ahmedi families are faced with everyday. All it takes is one trigger-happy lunatic or a group of narrow-minded opportunists and we hear the announcement at Friday prayers about another Ahmedi arrested or slain. A large portion of the Hindus and Christians have fled from Pakistan for safer pastures and yet some of the obstinate ones, including Ahmedis, choose to remain. Some might say it’s foolish on their part to expect any different from a repressed and misdirected society others might admire their steadfastness. Either way those who remain after each murderous attack and unjust conviction, make a choice; a choice to stand their ground to be recognised by the people, by the state for what they believe in.

Almost all repressed factions in countries world-wide react, often militarily, against the aggressors and the state.  There are estimated to be more Ahmedis in Pakistan than there are Jews in Israel and Kurds in Iraq. The Jews since as far back as we can remember have never shied away from defying every international law and human rights directives to achieve its goal in establishing its homeland at the cost of thousands and thousands of Palestinian lives, but are plagued with the unending Hamas problem. The Kurds on the other hand have been dealt massive blows by multiple regimes, the British, the Iranians and the Iraqis and in spite of various attempts to reach a workable compromise they sporadically return to a military resistance upon failure of talks. The point is, based on religious differences history is filled with plenty of examples where the suppressed have either taken on arms or been a constant threat to the stability of their own nation or peaceful existence of others. Can Ahmedis be found guilty of either?

It would be foolish to assume that the writ of the opportunistic religious parties will not lose steam in the years to come. The attitude of the people in power towards the religious ones changes as often as the power tariffs in Pakistan. As global factors evolve so shall we, beyond the war on terror, beyond the economic and civic regression we are trapped in, beyond the baseless jihadists who either need to be absorbed or expelled from our soil.

In the meantime, Ahmedis will continue to bury their own and conform to the laws of the state while maintaining their own dignity and self-preservation. While the rest of the educated enlightened lot should ask themselves, each time they shy away from discussion with an Ahmedi acquaintance afraid to unravel years of misunderstandings, each time they sign the infamous box on the passport form (a practice that exists in no other country might I add) and each time they find themselves thinking there must be something wrong with them, to incur this kind of wrath. To the ill-advised neighbour who hurled and shouted hurtful derogatory remarks at me not too long ago at a children’s park about the founder of my community, I ask, as a prisoner of conscience in the country I was born in and plan to die in, mine is clean, how about yours?

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Zainab Mahmood contributed for Dawn.com - 20 January 2011

Life after the attacksby Guest on 06 14th, 2010 |

Life in the neighbourhood, where two Ahmedi places of worship in Lahore were attacked by terrorists on May 28, goes on but under a shadow of fear.

The presence of gun-toting policemen and other community members (including the Ahmedis) guarding the gates of the places of worship in Garhi Shahu and Model Town’s C Block, indicates the level of fear in the neighbourhood. The Jamaat-i-Ahmedi centre, Darul Zikr is located on one end of Garhi Shahu and although bunkers have been placed in front of the main entrance, people are still terrified to enter.

The observance of the death anniversary of Dr. Sarfaraz Naeemi on Saturday (June 12) was a grim reminder of the terrorist attacks the area has witnessed in the past one year. Dr. Nameei, the principal of Jamia Naeemia madressah was killed on June 12, 2009 in a suicide attack at the seminary’s office. A section of the road leading to the madressah was cordoned off as police and volunteers frisked each person before allowing them to enter to pay their respects.

“We are sitting on gunpowder,” said Shahzad, the supervisor of Faizan Filling Station located near the main entrance of Darul Zikr. Shahzad said the filling station remained safe during the attack because of pure luck. “But I shudder to think the extent of damage the fuel station could cause if it came directly under attack,” he said.

Sales have declined considerably as people avoid coming near the vicinity of Darul Zikr, mindful of another potential attack. “We have no choice because this is our source of livelihood.”

Malik Mehmood owns a rent-a-car business in a plaza across from Darul Zikr. Mehmood was witness to the attacks and claims how apprehensive everyone in the community has become. Usman lives in the street adjacent to where the attacks took place. According to him, people are now using alternate routes to avoid going near Darul Zikr. He said fear escalated particularly on Friday June 11, as the Ahmedi community gathered for prayers. “The street remained deserted almost the entire day,” he said.

Those living within the barricaded streets are subjected to scrutiny by armed guards at the street entrance. Faqir Mohammad, a chowkidar at a house adjacent to the place of worship, talked from behind a small window in the huge gate but before doing so, he carefully scrutinised this reporter. “We are safe here,” he said. “Our children do not go out.” he snapped. In the background, a few guards with guns could be seen.

An employee (wishing to remain anonymous} of an office set up in a house at the corner of the street said that the police allowed entries to the company vehicles whose registration numbers they knew. He wondered whether life was safe anywhere else in the city – Lahore has been

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subjected to at least four terrorist attacks (safe houses of security agencies were the earlier targets) in the past year.

The place of worship in Garhi Shahu is located next to huge parks (between blocks C and D).  But the attacks have not deterred the children from playing; matches were being held on the two cricket grounds and preparations were underway for a football game in the third ground when this reporter visited the area.

“Yes, these are hard times. But life must go on, we cannot continue living in fear,” said the gardener of the football field.

Intikhab Hanif contributed for Dawn.com 20 January 2011

Ahmedi massacre: who is to blame?by annie on 06 9th, 2010 |

The date was May 28, 2010. At least seven men, including three suicide bombers, attacked two Ahmedi worship places in Lahore’s Model Town and Garhi Shahu neighbourhoods. The attacks resulted in the deaths of over 80 worshippers. Later on, a Jamaat-i-Ahmediya Pakistan spokesman put the toll at 95. Countless others were injured. As for the attackers, cohering together the various accounts, two of them reportedly fled, two were captured, one attacker was killed during clashes while the three suicide bombers blew themselves up when police tried to enter the place of worship.

The dead have now been buried while the injured struggle to hold on.

Officials in the Lahore police instantaneously suggested a “possible Indian hand” in the attack, while media reports stated that the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan’s Punjab wing, also known as the Punjabi Taliban, had claimed responsibility for the slaughter. Later on, during interrogation, a suspect revealed that the militants were associated with the TTP. However, Interior Minister Rehman Malik stated that the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ) was involved.

A claim of responsibility has been found; it is the typical chain of events, similar to the very many previous attacks that we have come to understand as the militants’ standard modus operandi. This time, however, the question of assigning responsibility is not as simple as it seems, but instead requires a detailed investigation rather than conclusions drawn on the basis of immediate circumstantial evidence.  Following are the facts surrounding the incident, which although seemingly lie outside of it but are extremely pertinent.

Fact 1: Punjab is currently under the administration of Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, also President Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N). The PML-N has been widely critiqued in recent months for failing to take a strong stance against terrorist attacks and extremist ideology.

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Fact 2: The provincial administration and the police failed to foil the attacks against Ahmedi worship places. The federal interior ministry had sent two security alerts to the Punjab government (on May 13 and May 26) regarding the possibility of terrorist attacks on religious minorities. Separately, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and Ahmedi community leaders had repeatedly approached the Punjab government requesting enhanced security for the community as they were continually receiving threats of attacks. Regardless of these alerts, requests and warnings, the militants managed to stage an attack of immense magnitude. It was in this situation that Chief Minister Punjab sprang to the defence of the local police and failed to admit that there was indeed a serious security lapse that facilitated the attackers.

Fact 3: Interestingly enough, the only prominent government representative to visit the Ahmedis at one of the attacked worship places was Interior Minister Rehman Malik. While the offices of the Prime Minister and the President issued typical condemnatory statements, there were no immediate, vehement denunciations. Within Punjab, neither of the Sharif brothers visited a hospital treating the wounded or the targeted worship places. Some suggest it was not so politically viable in this case — even for the chief minister under whose watch the slaughter was carried out.

Fact 4: This weak reaction has reminded the public of Shahbaz Sharif’s recent mercy appeal to the Taliban and his declaration of PML-N’s affinity with certain aspects of militant ideology.

Fact 5: Even the PML-N’s fearless conversationalist of a provincial minister, Rana Sanaullah, failed to call the attack for what it was, and continues to deny that things have begun to rot in the province of Punjab. His stance is not without a backdrop of its own: the minister was on the forefront of forging an alliance between the PML-N and the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), a fervently anti-Shia banned outfit, for the Jhang by-polls. Logically, he rejected the interior ministry’s suggestion for an operation against militants in southern Punjab. Even if one overlooks an alarmed interior ministry, minority sects and religious groups are bound to find the PML-N’s ties with SSP rather ominous and doubt the Punjab government’s commitment to fighting terrorism.

Fact 6: To ensure that people knew how far the PML-N-led Punjab government could go to preserve and nurture the party’s vote bank, it allowed the display of, and in some cases, even sponsored, banners and billboards inciting hatred against “Ahmedis, Christians and Jews”. Even after all the violence that was meted out to the already marginalised Ahmedis on May 28, the banners were not removed. But the Punjab government did have a defence: speaking to a private television channel, advisor to the Punjab Chief Minister, Zaeem Qadri, argued how the banners could not be removed for fear of “adverse reaction against the government”.

Fact 7: Coupled with this has been PML-N’s Senator Sajid Mir’s fresh call for removing all Ahmedis from key positions. The call was made soon after the massacre, during a Khatme Nabuwat conference in Sargodha. This was a clear violation of Article 27 of the 1973 Constitution, which functions as a “safeguard against discrimination in services”. Unfortunately, it went unheeded and unaddressed by the Punjab administration. The PML-N also failed to discipline the party member for his offensive speech at an all-too-sensitive time.

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Given such worrying circumstances, are the calls for immediate action against militants operating from south Punjab unwarranted? The CM seems to think so, and has labelled suggestions for anti-terror operations in the region as attempts at “fanning provincialism”.  Reactions of this nature seem to be a perverse form of politicking, aimed at distracting the public from the crucial issue at hand – that of militant outfits based in Punjab. The poverty levels in south Punjab have turned the region into a fertile ground for breeding militants. But this is old news and alarm bells have been raised by political and defence analysts for over a year. Nevertheless, it seems that Shahbaz Sharif is out to guard his turf and will not be intimidated by some federal minister “speaking someone else’s mind”. On the other hand, Nawaz Sharif has finally managed to call the Ahmedis the ‘brothers’ of Muslims. But with all that has been said and not done, what will it take for the Punjab government to take action against militant groups that have wreaked havoc in the province with repeated attacks on civilians? Will the terrorists that have bled Punjab finally be punished? Will the PML-N make up its mind? And will politics allow it?

Qurat ul ain Siddiqui is a Desk Editor at Dawn.com

A sad place, indeedby Guest on 06 8th, 2010 |

I have to start with the drama fast unfolding in the honourable Supreme Court, and the reaction to it that one meets on the street and on the Internet.

I wonder how conversant My Lords are with cyberspace, especially when one sees the utter abandon with which the Lahore High Court first ordered Facebook banned and a few days later restored.

In the interim Pakistan was made to look like a foolish country with foolish people who did not have any idea about what was good for them and what was not.

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But surely, some of them will know what is going about on the Internet, particularly from bloggers from Sindh and Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa about the ethnic makeup of the Supreme Court.

I say what I am saying with extreme humility, and as a good friend and supporter, nay as a loyal servant of an independent judiciary. I merely point out what I do to caution My Lords that parallels are being drawn between the present court and the hanging bench that despatched another Sindhi, that time the brilliant Zulfikar Ali Bhutto via the hangman’s noose: the four Punjabis on the bench convicting and the three non-Punjabis acquitting.

A noose that should never have been used according to Nasim Hassan Shah, one of the hanging judges, in several interviews he has given over the last five or so years.

What is the parallel you might well ask? ZAB, an elected leader of great note within the country, and of world renown abroad on the one hand, and the much-maligned Asif Zardari on the other? But this is the whole point, is it not? When the smaller provinces feel badly done by — Bhutto’s judicial murder; Nawab Akbar Bugti’s cold-blooded and targeted killing; the disappearance of many Baloch and Sindhi activists — the seeming relentlessness of Asif Zardari’s pursuit does not enter the equation.

This is what people in positions of authority in this poor and fraying federation must understand, and the sooner the better. Incidentally, the whole argument about ethnicity is just that: ethnicity and not the province in which someone or other resides or is domiciled.

One more time might I suggest too, that in order to demonstrate that they are not only interested in the laying low of the federal government in particular, and politicians and parliament in general, that My Lords step back to give and take some respite, and call other weighty matters before them in suo motu actions as well? At the top of which very long list is the matter of the disappeared which is really attaining alarming proportions.

Critically, it seems an absolute exercise in futility to have a retired judge heading a tribunal of inquiry on the disappeared when a bench of the Supreme Court itself cannot (will not?) summon an army officer above the rank of colonel before it.

To revert to the terrible atrocity perpetrated on our Ahmedi brothers and sisters, first off, my deep gratitude to the Pakistan Army for burying with full military honours the well-considered Maj-Gen (retd) Nasir Ahmed Chaudhry, a 90-year old gentleman who was gunned down in cold blood with the worshippers. Well done, my army, and may this spirit of loyalty and fairness and rectitude guide the high command in other matters too. Today I am a proud former soldier.

My piece of last week was more a personal journey in time: remembering old friends and recalling a time when there was no distinction between Sunnis and Shias and Ahmedis and Bohris and Aga Khanis and what have you, each worshipping his God in his own way, but all equal citizens of the state. This week we must look at the reaction of the state to the killings of Ahmedis as compared to that which is put on display when others are similarly butchered by people who cannot abide those who do not subscribe to their own, narrow beliefs.

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For, it is a sad fact that others, whether they be Shias or Sunnis of this or that sect and creed and belief, all have been targets of the obscurantist killers of humanity. Indeed, our Christian and Hindu and Sikh brothers and sisters have likewise been targeted by cruel murderers. But every time that some outrage has taken place, political leaders have bestirred themselves and visited the homes of those killed. Why not this time?

The Ahmedis might be considered non-Muslim by the state; surely they are still Pakistani? Surely, then, all of the protections and succour that a state should provide its citizens are to be extended to them too?

Far more than this, please note that the compensation which is announced immediately for those killed or injured as a result of such wanton acts in the case of others, was announced five days after the event in the case of the Ahmedis (Rs500,000 and 100,000 respectively for those killed and injured). Indeed, look at the language used while announcing compensation: “Jo maraygaey” for those who were killed. Surely there are kinder terms that could have been used, such as “Jo jaan bahak huay”; “Jo halaak huay”; even “Jo faut huay”!

Why are we so cruel towards the poor Ahmedis, can some one please tell me?Let me add in passing that my Ahmedi friends tell me that the reply of their community to the offer of compensation is that the community is well placed to look after its own, thank you very much, and that the compensation which is to be paid should be transferred to the people of Hunza-Gojal for the relief work which is ongoing and which will surely increase as the disaster widens.

Pakistan is a sad, sad place my friends; a twisted and pitiless and heartless caricature of what our founding fathers had in mind. I am heartbroken. Kudos, however, to Nawaz Sharif for openly saying that the Ahmedis are our brothers. Of course, it is another matter that the obscurantist elements have jumped down his throat! More strength to him I say.

Kamran Safi is a columnist for Dawn newspaper and can be reached at kshafi1@yahoo.co.uk

Blackenedby Nadeem F. Paracha on 06 4th, 2010

Kudos to television journalist, Talat Hussain, for surviving the audacious Israeli attack on the Freedom Flotilla, and returning home to tell the tale.

Now, if only our brave media personalities could exhibit exactly the same kind of commitment and guts in condemning all the gore and tragedies that take place in the name of faith in our own country …

That would be asking for a bit too much, wouldn’t it? After all, they know that if they were to do so, not only would they suffer labels of being ‘liberal extremists,’ or ‘western/Indian/Zionist agents,’ but no prominent government functionary would dare or bother receive them as heroes either.

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The way certain frontline members of the present government received Talat (as if he had just returned after liberating Palestine from the clutches of the aggressive Zionist state), the question arose (at least in some cynical minds), where exactly were the same ministers and elected politicians (from both the PPP and PML-N), when the Ahmadi community was picking up the bodies and limbs of their dead ones slaughtered by extremists on the May 28?

Not a single leading member of the ruling cabinet and the opposition (except Interior Minister Rehman Malik) bothered to visit some of the injured Ahmadi men, women and children at a hospital in Lahore.

But interestingly, prominent ruling functionaries and their counterparts in the opposition were ready with rose garlands and flying accolades for the returning three Pakistanis (yes, that many) from the tribulations on the Turkish ship.

Late Benazir Bhutto in her book ‘Islam and Reconciliation’ insists that democracy and democrats are the nation’s best defence against extremist thought and organizations. This makes sense – but in theory only.

Because never mind the obnoxious reactionary claptrap that is gleefully spouted by the lunatic fringe present in shape of religious parties, certain TV personalities and ‘security analysts,’ have our (more sober) elected representatives sounded any better?

Subdued lip service and worn out statements of condemnation were all that the country’s prime minister and the chief minister of Punjab had to offer to the loved ones of those mutilated by the extremists. But what else could they have said?

They are all products of a constitution penned by elected parliamentarians (in 1973); a constitution a part of which actually gives vent to the views and demands of Sunni Islamic parties known for their unabashed hatred for ‘heretics’ and minorities.

So what can one expect even from elected parliamentarians whenever the country is faced by a situation in which groups of self-righteous majority Muslim sects pounce upon every opportunity to practice their hateful fantasies of religious cleansing and the genocide of ‘heretics.’  Does not certain section of the glorious 1973 constitution give them this divine right?

No wonder the prime minister seemed more concerned about a single TV journalist, and as usual the leaders of the main opposition party, the PML-N, are still struggling to condemn the terrorists by name.

Punjab CM, Shahbaz Sharif, called them ‘criminals.’ In Sindh and Karachi, dear sir, we call gangsters in the slums of Lyari and dacoits in the forests of Dadu and Moro, criminals. But those who explode themselves in market places and worship grounds and hurl grenades at unarmed civilians in the name of Allah and Islam; we call them Islamic extremists – or more clearly, the Taliban and their sectarian foot soldiers in the shape of the supposedly defunct Sipah Sahaba, Lashkar-e-Taiba, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, etc.

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Shahbaz remained numb and mum even when the Punjab’s chapter of the Thereek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) – also called the ‘Punjabi Taliban’ – proudly owned the gruesome attack on the Ahmadi’s places of worship.

What’s more, when Rehman Malik suggested that there should be an armed operation against the ‘Punjabi Taliban,’ the Punjab CM erupted with anger, accusing Malik of ‘creating division between provinces and ethnicities.’

Ah, if only Mian Shahbaz Sharif is willing to show similar anger and concern about armed religious extremists running wild. Easy to bad mouth the Ppresident and his interior minister, but not so much the monsters that spill innocent blood?

Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s vision and wish of a tolerant, modern and democratic Muslim Pakistan today is not only being held hostage by the extremists and the legacy of a long reactionary dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq, many democrats too are being held captive by their own religious biases and a clearly flawed and lopsided constitution.

Recently, only a handful of PPP, ANP and MQM’s women legislators in the national assembly were willing to openly condemn the killing of the Ahmadis. It was after the initiative taken by these brave women that some of their male colleagues decided to join in.

But Pakistan’s military dictators, religious parties and parliamentarians aren’t an exception. More than ever they are becoming a stark reflection and echo of many Pakistani Muslims, most of whom too were left scratching their heads when confronted by the tragic sight of scores of Ahmadi men, women and children being slaughtered by the extremists.

Of course the ‘liberal extremists’ were first to register their outrage (on the net), but the majority of Pakistani Muslims remained awkwardly quiet. And why not! Their understanding of Islam and Pakistan is riddled with glaring theological misconceptions and historical half-truths. Though they may never sound as obviously rabid as, say, the Nazis of Germany did (in their hatred against anything non-Aryan’), but by their silence and denials in the context of the rising incidents of intolerance, sectarian chauvinism and audacious acts of holy terror, haven’t we become silent but willing agents of the fascist Islamist agenda?

Many Pakistani Muslims, even of the ‘moderate’ stock, do not realize that they too would become instant victims of the extremists if these monsters succeed in imposing their wicked fantasy of a supposed ‘Islamic state.’

This ‘Islamic state’ that the  reactionaries – ranging from conventional religious parties such as Jamat-i-Islami and Jamat Ahle Hadith, to terror and extremist outfits like the Taliban and its many sectarian lashkars are advocating – has absolutely nothing whatsoever to do with any of the Quran’s central themes like justice, equality and mercy.

Keeping in mind the hatred spouted by some religious parties and the violence imposed by the terror groups is enough to understand that the vision of this so-called holy state that each one of these men and groups want to enforce is about violently eliminating not only non-Muslms and

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those belonging to non-Sunni Muslim sects in Pakistan, but also those Sunni Muslims considered as ‘moderate.’

Now imagine a state such as this that is also blessed with nuclear weapons.

History teaches that the charisma, appeal and dynamism of any version of fascism are squarely depended on a continuous need for violence, aggression and war. The fascists would first eliminate their obvious opponents, and then turn their guns against perceived enemies of the state and their ideology. These may be minority communities who do not fit into the puritanical worldview of the fascists. Fascists would use them as scapegoats to whip up ‘unity’ among the majority and to explain the state’s economic and political failings. Finally, the guns and bombs would be aimed at the world at large, because according to the fascists, the outside world could not tolerate the ‘progress,’ ‘might’ and ‘piety’ of the fascist republic.

Simply put, any kind of fascism is a recipe for a bloody disaster. Once a fascist ‘Islamic state’ has gotten rid of all non-Muslims, ‘heretics’ and people from minority Islamic sects, it is then bound to lead its people to a kind of war that might mean their complete and final obliteration.

That’s why when extremists and their supporters in Islamic parties and among the many half-literate middle-class sections talk about the ‘supremacy of Islam’ and the need to implement the shariah law, they are actually talking about reaching and implementing a parasitical state of nihilism.

In conclusion I would like to share a queer observation: The Shias constitute the largest ‘minority Muslim sect’ in Pakistan (about 20 to 25 per cent of the population). This community has for many years been at the receiving end of violence and hatred unleashed by a number of militant Sunni sectarian organizations. Hardly has one seen certain frontline Shia organizations such as the Imamia Students Organization (ISO) vehemently protest against such violence. But ironically, ISO is always out in force whenever Arab Muslim organizations such as the Hezbollah and Hamas come under stack from Israeli state aggressors.

Same is the case with a majority of Sunni religious parties and a number of urban middle-class Pakistanis. They are likely to protest and make a loud noise if Muslims come under sigh in Guatemala or Sisley, but would remain tight-lipped and inauspicious when Muslims, non-Muslims and so-called heretics are attacked and murdered by those who claim to be the only true and good Muslims.

Nadeem F. Paracha is a cultural critic and senior columnist for Dawn Newspaper and Dawn.com.

A muted response to minority killingsby Sana Saleem on 06 1st, 2010 |

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Incomprehensible. That is the only word I can use to express my feelings about the indifference of people, the authorities, and the media towards the attacks against the Ahmadi community in Lahore on Friday. Attacks that were carried out in broad daylight, killing over 90 people and injuring many others. Attacks that turned into a hostage situation with over 1500 people at risk of being killed or fatally injured.

I am disappointed that there is no one to protest and lament the killings, especially since the Ahmadi community seems to have been silenced by years of discrimination and persecution. I was six years old and attending a Quran class when the maulvi sahib blatantly refused to teach two of my friends, Maham and Rija. I remember his words, his eyes flaming with hate as he refused to let them sit in his class, or even touch ‘their’ Quran. I did not understand why no one protested, why they had chosen to leave the room silently, as if the hate and discrimination was expected. I found myself in the same dilemma on Friday, when after one of the largest attacks against them in the history of Pakistan, this was the only o fficial statement issued on behalf of the Ahmadi community:

Despite what has happened no Ahmadi has taken to the streets in protest; no Ahmadi has displayed anything but patience. Instead we have turned towards God and prayed for the victims, for their bereaved relatives and for the long term peace and prosperity of Pakistan. We will continue with this example no matter what is thrown at us in the full certainty that God is with us and always will be.

The only reality check regarding this horrifying episode has come from a woman who was attending to one of the people wounded in Friday’s attacks. She refused to accept a bouquet from Interior Minister Rehman Malik, and went on to lambast him for inadequate security provisions at the sites of worship. It was indeed ironic to see dozens of security guards accompany the interior minister to his trip to the hospital to visit the survivors of Friday’s attacks. If only half of those were present to guard the two sites that came under attack, this incident could have been prevented, or, if nothing else, casualties could have been minimised. There is thus absolutely no justification for this act of negligence.

Meanwhile, the social networks have also been abuzz with outrage. Twitter, in particular, was flooded with messages of condemnation, shock, and horror. Many were disgusted by the way in which media outlets were describing the sites that were attacked as ‘worship places’ instead of ‘mosques.’ Others accused the media of downplaying the casualties. Someone remarked how a popular news channel’s comments suggesting ‘worship places should have their own security’ were derogatory and inhumane. There were debates on whether the media channels will count those killed as ‘martyrs,’ and if not, then why not?

Here’s the thing: I do not care whether those killed on Friday will be labeled martyrs or not. It does not make a difference to me whether the authorities have traced the terrorist outfit responsible for this attack. I remain enraged that most of us refuse to recognise the attacks as a human rights issue, and, most importantly, as a violation of minority rights. And by ‘most of us,’ I am referring to those of us who are neither politicians, scholars, clerics, or media personnel. I have lived in Pakistan long enough not to expect the authorities to be sensitive towards the real issues of the people. But the public framing of Friday’s attacks is about the underlying hate,

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discrimination, and religious bigotry that has been suffocating us for years. This is about those of us who  choose to use religion to justify inhumanity despite the gory images showing attacks on innocent civilians.

There is no justification for killing unarmed civilians – no religion or legal system allows a bunch of people to take  the law in their hands and carry out barbaric acts of terror.

Today, I must confess that I am scared of the uncertainties the future holds. I fear that this attack might be one of many to come. And most of all, I fear that another attempt will be similarly downplayed and labeled an act of terrorism, rather than a violation of minority rights. The stabbing of an Ahmadi man at Narowal on Monday further strengthens my fears, especially as the threats of the assailant to “not leave any Ahmadi alive” serve as uncanny reminders of state-sanctioned discrimination against the Ahmadi community.

I feel that in our attempts to prove ourselves so-called pious Muslims and patriotic Pakistanis we have left humanity far behind. Our sympathies have become political, and our humanity has been compromised. Somewhere in our tussle to become pioneers of Islam and the darling of the West, we have stopped being human. For every atrocity that unfolds around us, we have a home-made conspiracy theory, a religious justification, or a history lesson with which to identify the culprits. But amid this information overload, the atrocities go ignored, priorities remain distorted, and the massacre continues.

For every one who witnessed the horrendous killings of Ahmadis this past week, I have one question: how many Garhi Shahos and Gojras will it take for us to stop abusing religious beliefs to justify killing innocent people?

Sana Saleem is a Features Editor at BEE magazine and blogs at Global Voices, Pro-Pakistan

Pakistan’s culture of intoleranceby Sadef on 06 10th, 2010 |

Ayesha Jalal, a prominent sociologist and historian, explains the social and political effects of creating religious restrictions on citizens supported by a government, in light of the recent Ahmedi massacre in Lahore. Jalal , a Mary Richardson Professor of History at Tufts University in the US, is best known for her publications on the history of the subcontinent, the most recent being “Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia,” and “The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan.”

In reading the Constitution’s preamble, Pakistan allows freedom of religion to all citizens. If that is the case, then does that technically nullify the 1974 Ordinance defining what a Muslim is? Does it contradict the restrictions placed on Ahmedis in 1984? Why or why not?

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Declaring Ahmedis a minority undermined the principle of equal and inclusive rights of citizenship that is the basis of all modern nation-states. So in principle yes, the 1974 Ordinance and the restrictions on them after 1984 are unconstitutional. But you are talking about a country that has excelled in making what is unconstitutional, constitutional.

Without the political will and popular support, the glaring contradiction between an inclusive conception of citizenship and the appalling treatment of Ahmedis in Pakistan cannot be addressed, far less redressed.

Historically, what role has Sharia law played in the lives of minorities in Pakistan?

The issue of the enforcement of the Sharia has remained a contentious one even among different Muslim sects and been made worse for the minorities by the blasphemy laws and restrictions on the freedom of religion.

In and of itself however, the Sharia has not been the primary cause of the problems faced by minorities insofar as it has never been enforced to cover all aspects of life in Pakistan. It is the rhetoric surrounding the enforcement of the Sharia that has had detrimental effects on how the more bigoted sections of the Muslim community view the rights of religious minorities.

Regardless of the Sharia, discrimination against religious minorities, Ahmedis in particular, was legalised the moment the state caved in to political pressure parading as religious zeal and defined a ‘Muslim’ – something the Munir Report of 1953 had warned against in explicit terms.

Given: If all Ahmedis completely adhere to the current laws of Pakistan, then what should be the government’s responsibility towards them?

As citizens of Pakistan, Ahmedis are entitled to the protection of their lives and property. Indeed, they are entitled to all the protections a state normally offers its citizens. But then the Pakistani state has come to take pride in its exceptionalism!

After the Lahore massacre, there were small groups that protested against the attacks. But when Israel attacked the flotilla in Gaza – the world, and most of Pakistan shouted their condemnations. What are the ramifications of this social behavior? What can be predicted?

The prognosis is not at all hopeful for the Ahmedis given the seriously misconceived notions of Islam many Pakistanis have come to imbibe through state sanctioned ideological indoctrination over the past 36 years. The concerned citizens of Pakistan need to mobilise support against the legal and political culture of discrimination that hangs like a sword of Damocles’ over all Pakistanis, and not just Ahmedis alone.

Will Pakistan ever be able to stop discrimination among themselves, religious and ethnocentric prejudice? If so, how?

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They will have to if they wish to remain part of the international community of nations – not to do so is to court even greater disasters than those already threatening Pakistan and will prove fatal for the survival of the country.

A firm ‘no’ to all forms of bigotry and discrimination – religious, ideological, regional and sectarian – is an imperative. What Pakistanis need most to alter their present course to outright disaster is a change of mind. A thorough overhaul of the educational system is a prerequisite for Pakistan to return to the fold of moderate nations.

It is up to Pakistanis to stand up and strongly oppose the culture of intolerance that has been allowed to flourish in their country, ostensibly in the name of religion but in actuality, for petty worldly advantage.

Sadef A. Kully is an  Reporter/Associate Producer for Dawn.com.

COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS

Fifty-fifth sessionItem 11 (e) of the provisional agenda

CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS, INCLUDING THE QUESTION OF:RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE

Joint written statement submitted by Franciscans International, a non-governmental organization in general consultative status, the Commission of the Churches on

International Affairs of the World Council of Churches, a non-governmental organization in special consultative status, and the World Alliance of Reformed Churches,

a non-governmental organization on the Roster

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The Secretary-General has received the following written statement, which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31.

[11 January 1999]

The Government’s bill to adopt the 15th Amendment (Sharia Law)

11. On 28 August 1998, the Government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif introduced a bill calling for an amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan (15th Amendment or the Sharia Bill), according to which the Holy Koran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him) shall be the supreme law of the land. The Prime Minister has subsequently been quoted as advocating the adoption of Taleban-style justice as a model of swift punishment and effective deterrence to end violence, crime and corruption in Pakistan.

12. While we acknowledge the Government’s declared intention to control corruption through the introduction of the Sharia bill, we remain seriously concerned that in the present climate of intolerance and religious extremism in Pakistan, the passage of the bill will add further to the sense of insecurity of the minorities and will give rise to further sectarian strife within society, leading to more conflict and violence. We therefore ask the Government to withdraw its bill on the 15th Amendment.

13. Further, we, Franciscans International and the Dominicans, the Commission on the Churches and International Affairs and the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, join with the Conference of Catholic Bishops, the National Justice and Peace Commission, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and the inter-religious group, the National Christian-Muslim Coordination Commission, to ask the Commission on Human Rights to urge the Government of Pakistan to protect and promote more strongly the legitimate rights of the religious minorities of Pakistan. Specifically the Commission should urge:

(i) The Government of Pakistan to abolish the system of separate electorates, which is discriminatory in nature and promotes divisions in society on the basis of religion;

(ii) The Government of Pakistan to repeal the Blasphemy Laws, especially 295 B and 295 C of the Pakistan Penal Code;

(iii) The Government of Pakistan to take practical and concrete measures to instil values of religious tolerance in society by removing prejudicial parts of the education syllabi;

(iv) The Government of Pakistan to discontinue on government controlled media any religiously biased programmes that incite to hatred and intolerance;

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(v) The Special Rapporteurs on religious intolerance and on the independence of judges and lawyers to undertake visits to Pakistan at the earliest possible opportunity and submit reports to the Commission;

(vi) The Government, for peace and harmony in Pakistan, to withdraw its bill to approve Amendment 15 to implement the Sharia Law as the law of the land.

High-profile blasphemy cases in the last 63 years

DAWN.COM December 8, 2010

Pakistan’s Penal Code Section 295, better known as the Blasphemy Law, was first introduced to a pre-partition India in 1860. Back then, the law was applicable to every religion and any person with a maximum punishment up to two years with bail. And any disturbance of any religious gathering was also in violation of the law. There have been an estimated 1,274 people charged under the blasphemy laws between 1986 till 2010 according to reports.

1927:

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• There was an amendment made after the loss of a controversial case defended by India’s leading lawyer M.A. Jinnah. The Indian legislature cautioned against using the words “intentional outrage” or “attempted outrage” for their vagueness and instead chose to use words such as “deliberate” or “malicious intent.”

1980-1986: 

• Five amendments are made to Section 295; additions for derogatory remarks in respect to holy passages, defilement of the Holy Quran, and derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet.

1990:

• The Federal Shariat Court amends the life imprisonment sentence to include the option of the crime to be punishable by death. The FSC stated that the option for life imprisonment would expire on April 30th 1991 unless the National Assembly takes action before the expiration date.

1991:

• The National Assembly does not take action on life imprisonment as an option therefore the death penalty becomes mandatory punishment for in violation of Section 295.

1992:

• The Senate Standing Committee on Law and Justice proposes the deletion of “or life imprisonment” from section 295 but members felt that the section 295 was vague and needed to be defined by the Council of Islamic Ideology before any action is taken. The proposal for deleting an alternative punishment in sections 295 is opposed by the parliamentarians and PML government removes the bill from the agenda and the phrase “or life imprisonment” remains.

• Eighty-year-old philanthropist Akhtar Hamid Khan, a Muslim, is arrested for allegedly committing blasphemy during an interview with an Indian journalist. Later Khan was arrested again for blasphemy because he wrote a children’s poem that was interpreted as insulting the Prophet and his family. The case went through the court system for more than year despite persist demands from the intellectuals and other government officials.

1993:

• Salamat Masih, 11, Manzoor Masih, 38, and Rehmat Masih, 44, are accused of writing blasphemous remarks on a wall belonging to a mosque. Although the mother of Salamat Masih said that her son did not know how to read.

1994:

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• Manzoor Masih is gunned and killed outside the District and Sessions Court after exiting a hearing in April. Salamat and Rehmat Masih are injured but survive. Bishop John Joseph  speaks out against the attack

• In August, the Masih case grants leave for appeal on the condition that the investigation is continued.

1995:

• Salamat Masih 14, and Rehmat Masih 46, get the death penalty in February.

• On February 23rd, Lahore High Court acquits Rehmat Masih and Salamat Masih based on the objectionable material since Christians were not familiar Arabic, they would not know how to write the name of Allah (swt) in Arabic. The bench included Justice Arif Iqbal Hussain Bhatti and Justice Chaudhry Khurshid Ahmad.

• A country-wide strike takes place by milli Yakjehti Council, which umbrellas many different religious, groups in May. Major cities such as Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, Chitral, Quetta, and Rawalpindi observed the strike.

1997: 

• Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti is assassinated in his chambers at Lahore High Court.

1998:

• Ayub Masih is sentenced to the death penalty for making blasphemous remarks in April but is sentencing is suspended by the LHC.

• The Ayub Masih’s case receives international attention after Bishop John Joseph commits suicide on May 6th  in front of parishioners at the court house in protest of the death penalty handed to Ayub Masih.

• The killer of Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti was captured and said the killed the judge because he was on the bench that acquitted two Christian men, Salamat and Rehmat Masih in a blasphemy case.

2000:

• Younus Shaikh, a physician, with blasphemy on account of remarks that students claimed he made during a lecture. A judge ordered that Shaikh pay a fine of 100,000 rupees, and that he be hanged.

2003: • Samuel Masih, a Christian, for allegedly defiling a mosque by spitting on its wall. While in

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prison, Masih contracted tuberculosis and was transported to a hospital. While in police custody Masih was killed by a police offifer, who used a hammer to kill, and claimed that it was his duty as a Muslim to kill Masih.

• Police arrested Anwar Masih, a Christian and charged under Section 295. A neighbour reported to the police that Masih had insulted the. The LHC acquits Masih in 2005, and he goes into hiding..

• A court retried the matter and acquitted Dr. Younus Shaikh, who later fled Pakistan for Europe soon thereafter, in November.

2006:

• Christians and Muslims condemn Dan Brown’s novel The Da Vinci Code as blasphemous. The film is banned the film.

2009:

• Two Christians, both elderly men from Faisalabad, Punjab, are acquitted by the Lahore High Court in April. In 2006, the two men were sentenced to 10 years in prison for allegedly burning pages from the Quran, the allegation arose from a dispute over land.

• In July, members of Sipah-e-Sahaba, a banned Muslim organization, torched Christian homes and killed Christians in Gojra and Korian. The reason for the violence was that a Christian had defiled a Quran.2010:

• In July, the Lahore High Court ordered the release of Zaibun Nisa, a woman who was jailed in 1996 on a charge of blasphemy – a complaint that the Quran had been defiled – because of the lack of evidence.

Amnestty International Report page 199- 200

2010 PAKISTAN

ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF PAKISTANHead of state: Asif Ali ZardariHead of government: Yousuf Raza Gilani

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Death penalty: retentionistPopulation: 180.8 millionLife expectancy: 66.2 yearsUnder-5 mortality (m/f): 85/94 per 1,000Adult literacy: 54.2 per cent

Discrimination – religious minorities

Members of religious minorities suffered increasing abuses, including abduction, murder, intimidation, and harassment, as state officials failed to protect them and adequately prosecute perpetrators. The Taleban imposed jizia, a tax payable by non-Muslims living under Muslim rule, on Sikhs, Hindus and Christians, or in some cases expelled them outright. Sectarian violence between the Sunni and Shi’a communities increased in Kurram Agency as Sunni Taleban exerted their control.

At least 14 members of the Ahmadiyya community, including children, were arrested on charges of blasphemy which carries the mandatory death penalty. At least 11 Ahmadis and nine Christians were killed for their faith in separate incidents.

On 29 January, five Ahmadis, including one minor, were detained on spurious charges of blasphemy in Layyah district, Punjab Province, with no evidence or witnesses to support the charges against them. They were released on bail. In Gojra, Punjab, over 1,000 people attacked the Christian quarter on 1 August, burning six people alive, including a seven-year-old child. Seventeen others were injured, one of whom died later. The attack was a response to rumours that Christians had torn pages of the Qur’an in neighbouring Korian. A judicial inquiry, ordered by the Punjab Chief Minister, submitted its findings to Punjab authorities in early September; they were not made public. Of 42 people arrested on charges stemming from the attack in Gojra, 35 were released on bail.

PAKISTANI CHRISTIAN WOMAN SENTENCED TO DEATHAasia Bibi, a Pakistani Christian woman, has been sentenced to death under the country’s blasphemy laws.

On 8 November, the 45-year-old mother of five children was found guilty of blasphemy and sentenced to death under Section 295B and 295C of Pakistan’s Penal Code, for insulting the Prophet Muhammad, by a court in Nankana, around 75km (45 miles) west of the city of Lahore in Punjab province.

Aasia Bibi, a resident of Ittanwali, was arrested in June 2009. She was working as a farm

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labourer and was asked by a village elder’s wife to fetch drinking water. Some other female Muslim farmhands reportedly refused to drink the water, saying it was sacrilegious and “unclean” to accept water from Aasia Bibi, as a non-Muslim. Aasia Bibi took offence, reportedly saying: “are we not human?” which led to an argument between them. The women allegedly complained to Qari Salim, the local cleric, that Aasia Bibi had made derogatory remarks about the Prophet Muhammad. The cleric informed local police who arrested and charged her with insulting the Prophet Muhammad.Aasia Bibi denies the allegations and her husband, Ashiq Masih, claims her conviction was based on “false accusations”. However, the trial judge, Naveed Iqbal, “totally ruled out” the possibility of false charges and said that there were “no mitigating circumstances”. Aasia Bibi has now filed an appeal against the judgment in the Lahore High Court. She has been detained in prison and held in isolation since June 2009. She has claimed that she has not had access to a lawyer during her detention and the final day of her trial.

International Plea:

Put an end to Pakistani minority illiteracy

Equitable learning for all in Pakistan

The PetitionOn the Pakistan High Commission website it has been highlighted that Britain is to increase it's International Development fund for Pakistan to £665m.   The British Pakistani Christian Association petitions the UK Government to ensure that effective accountability and traceability of the usage of these funds is guaranteed.   

We commend the Government’s fund towards overall holistic improvements to the Pakistani Education system.  However, we petition the Government of the UK to ensure that a portion of these funds from the educational reform segment of the grant are utilised towards eradicating the disparity of educational and employment opportunity for minority faith groups in Pakistan. 

Only 7% of Minority faith groups in Pakistan are literate, compared with 50% of the majority Muslim community.  Minority faith groups in the main live in impoverished communities and over 85% of them work as domestic labour.  

Ways to improve learning and encourage more learners form minority communities could include:

1.  Removing Islamis studies and creating a fairer religious studies course uniformly throughout all schools.  This would eradicate the fear of prosletysing of young people.

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2.  Providing options for Undergraduate course in mixed religious studies and particular specialisation other than, and including Islamic studies.

3. Making it mandatory that Children should remain in School till at least 16 years of age.

 

Stop persecuting minority groups in Pakistan

The PetitionBritish Pakistani Christian Association:

We the undersigned petition the Prime Minister to: 'Set a demarche for the Pakistani Government detailing the need for, peace, justice and equal human rights for all - irrespective of faith or any other diversity.

The blasphemy Law of Pakistan section 298A and 295B&C is being used to settle personal vendettas, which in the last 2 months has seen over 14 incidents of violence meted out against Christian Communities. In Gojra Pakistan a mob of 3000 Muslims burnt down 2 churches and 70 homes killing 9 people. We ask that the Blasphemy law either provides universal protection to all faiths, with better auditing of authorities involved in it's practical application or that the law be abrogated in its entirety.. 

Produced by Wilson Chowdhry Vice Chairman of the BPCA

Doctor arrested for blasphemy: policeAFP 12 December 2010

KARACHI: A doctor has been arrested for insulting the Prophet Mohammed in Pakistan, police said on Sunday, in a second high profile case throwing the spotlight on the country’s controversial anti-blasphemy laws.

Naushad Valiyani was detained on Friday following a complaint by a medical representative who visited the doctor in the city of Hyderabad.

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“The arrest was made after the complainant told the police that Valiyani threw his business card, which had his full name, Muhammad Faizan, in a dustbin during a visit to his clinic,” regional police chief Mushtaq Shah told AFP.

“Faizan accused Valiyani of committing blasphemy and asked police to register a case against the doctor.”

Shah said the issue had been resolved after Valiyani, a member of Pakistan’s Ismaili community, apologised but local religious leaders intervened and pressed for action.

“Valiyani had assured Faizan that he did not mean to insult the Prophet Mohammed by throwing the visiting card in the dustbin,” Shah said, adding that the police had registered a case under the Blasphemy Act.

A Pakistani court last month sentenced to death Aasia Bibi, a Christian mother-of-five found guilty of blasphemy.

Bibi was arrested in June 2009 after Muslim women claimed that she made derogatory remarks about the Prophet Mohammed. She was set upon by a mob, arrested by police and sentenced on November 8.

The government attempted to pardon Bibi after an international outcry over the case, but a Pakistani court prevented it from granting her a swift pardon.

She can be executed only if the Lahore high court upholds her sentence on appeal. No date has yet been set for the appeal hearing.

Most of those convicted of blasphemy in Pakistan have their sentences overturned or commuted on appeal through the courts. – AFP

Muslims Severely Beat, Sodomize Christian Barber

http://www.compassdirect.org/english/country/pakistan/18035/

Brother of Muslim who insisted on having beard cut, seven others, break hair-cutter’s bones.SARGODHA, Pakistan, April 28 (CDN) — A Christian barber in this Punjab Province city is still recovering from broken bones and other injuries sustained earlier this month after eight Muslims allegedly beat and sodomized him for cutting the beard of a Muslim.

Marwat Masih, 29, initially refused the request of 19-year-old Qandeel Cheema to cut his beard in Sargodha’s Gulshan-e-Bashir town on April 13, knowing that area Sunni Muslims believe the

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Quran prohibits it. But Cheema, a high school student, told Masih that he had lived and studied in Lahore and therefore wanted a more modern look, the bed-ridden and feeble Masih told Compass.

“I refused to shave his beard, but he showed me his packed bags and said that he would leave the town straight after the shave, and so no one would ever know that I had shaved his beard,” Masih said.  

Eyewitnesses told Compass that as Masih was cutting Cheema’s beard, the client’s older brother – local radical Muslim land owner Shakeel Cheema – was returning by tractor from his fields and, noting the family Jeep in front of the Marwat Hair Stylist shop, stopped in.

“When Shakeel Cheema saw me shaving his younger brother’s beard, he became angry and started vandalizing mirrors, the sound system and chairs, and he desecrated a wooden cross perched on the top of the front mirrors,” Masih said. “He also started beating my head with his shoes.”

Eyewitnesses told Compass that Shakeel Cheema shouted orders to his companions to tie Masih up and throw him into the wagon attached to his tractor, and that he ordered his younger brother to leave for Lahore at once.

Masih said that he was blindfolded with a black cloth and taken to an unknown place where he was locked in a room. An hour later, Shakeel Cheema and seven others arrived and began striking him with clubs, breaking his ribs, a wrist and leg bones.

“Shakeel Cheema said, ‘Now we are going to teach you a real lesson for shaving the beard of a Muslim man,” Masih said, and after a long, pained pause he related how Cheema and the seven others sodomized him. “I started bleeding and fell unconscious.”

His father, Laal Masih, older brother Hassrat Masih and other relatives had begun searching for him, and after midnight that night they found him lying half-naked and unconscious off the main street of Gulshan-e-Bashir town, his father told Compass. They immediately took him to Rural Health Centre, where doctors kept him under observation for two days and treated him for internal bleeding and the broken ribs, leg bones and wrist.

“We submitted an application to the Saddr police twice, but they took no action against Shakeel Cheema and his accomplices,” Laal Masih said. The family is appealing to Christian ministers and parliamentarians for assistance.

Still receiving threats of harm if they do not leave the area, family members also said they cannot afford the fees of a standard physician and have resorted to help from lesser trained doctors.

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Police have refused to file a First Information Report against Cheema and his accomplices, who all remained at large at press time.

A shopkeeper next to Masih’s barbershop told Compass that the barber deserved the abuse.“He deserves such punishment, as he did something that is forbidden according to the teaching of the Quran and the sunna [arabic word for the sayings or habits of Muhammad, the prophet of Islam],” said Muhammad Maqsood, who has a long, white beard. “Marwat Masih paid for his crime.”

Masih’s 36-year-old brother Hassrat Masih emphasized that Gulshan-e-Bashir town is inhabited mainly by radical Muslims.

“Therefore, almost all of them are against shaving, especially the beard,” Hassrat Masih said. “Having a beard is seen as holy practice because it is a standard prescribed for all Muslims in the sunna, or teachings or actions of the prophet of Islam.”    

Assia Bibi Case

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The real blasphemy

Pakistan's law not only threatens people like Asia Bibi, it strengthens radicals and the Taliban.

Op-Ed

January 05, 2011|By Saroop Ijaz

In June 2009 in Punjab, Pakistan, Asia Bibi, a mother of five and a farmhand, was asked to fetch water. She complied, but some of her Muslim co-workers refused to drink the water, as Bibi is a Christian and considered "unclean" by them. Arguments ensued, resulting in some co-workers complaining to a local cleric's wife that Bibi had made derogatory comments about the prophet Muhammad. A mob reportedly stormed her house, assaulting Bibi and her family.

However, the police initiated an investigation of Bibi, not her attackers. She was arrested and prosecuted for blasphemy, under Section 295C of the Pakistan Penal Code. She spent more than a year in jail. On Nov. 8, she was sentenced to death by hanging; she has since filed an appeal.

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There is a need for broad legal and social reforms in Pakistan, and it can start with the repeal of this law. But the assassination Monday of Salmaan Taseer, the governor of Punjab, by one of his official security guards shows how difficult that will be. The alleged assailant reportedly gave a statement after his arrest expressing no remorse as he was ostensibly "protecting Allah's religion." Taseer was perhaps Pakistan's most brave, vocal and liberal statesman. He had met with Bibi in prison and subsequently lent his support to the campaign calling for the repeal of the blasphemy law.

Section 295C was introduced into the Pakistani legal system in the 1980s by the military dictator Gen. Zia ul-Haq as part of his broader effort to Islamize laws in Pakistan. It stipulates that "derogatory remarks, etc., in respect of the Holy Prophet … either spoken or written, or by visible representation, or by any imputation, innuendo or insinuation, directly or indirectly … shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine."

Bibi is far from the first person from a minority community in Pakistan to be sentenced to death for blasphemy. Although no person has yet been executed under the blasphemy law, at least 32 people have been killed while awaiting trial or after they have been acquitted of blasphemy charges. In 2009, 40 houses and a church were set ablaze by a mob of 1,000 Muslims in the town of Gojra, Punjab. At least seven Christians were burned alive. The attacks were triggered by reports of desecration of the Koran. The local police had already registered a case under Section 295C against three Christians for blasphemy. Hence a conviction or even an accusation under this law is often a death sentence.

The blasphemy provisions were an important component of a social engineering campaign devised and implemented by Zia during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in the 1980s. The ostensible objective was to Islamize the Pakistani state. But the goal was also to tailor the social and legal system of the country to aid the mujahedin (loosely, the contemporary Pakistani Taliban) by making them appear to be indigenous freedom fighters.

The infamous discriminatory Hudood Ordinance, supposedly based on the Koran, was put into effect. It sought to charge women who were raped with adultery if they could not bring forth four pious male Muslims who were witnesses to the rape. Zia also undemocratically amended the constitution to implement Sharia, or Islamic law. The school curriculum was modified to make it more Islamic. Female television anchors were ordered to cover their heads on the air; heavy censorship was exercised on the print and electronic media to safeguard the glory of Islam.

But it is not only Pakistan that has been adversely affected.

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Zia's Islamization efforts played a significant role in today's global war on terrorism because of his social engineering, aimed to deliberately introduce ethno-centrism and intolerance into the moral fabric of Pakistani society. This, in turn, aided in the rise of the Taliban in the region, particularly the Pakistani Taliban.

It is almost an accepted fact now that the war on terrorism, both globally and in Pakistan, cannot be won by military might alone. Stopping Al Qaeda is still important, but the Taliban has become the top priority. We must isolate the Taliban, and not only geographically. It must also be stripped of all moral authority and public sympathy. That is hard to achieve with provisions like the blasphemy law in place. Institutionalized biases influence human behavior.

Legal and social reforms in Pakistan are imperative not only to save many like Asia Bibi but to provide a long-term, sustainable solution to the growing threat of extremism inside and outside Pakistan.

Pakistan and its democracy are in a state of ethical and political uncertainty, and the coalition government is too fragile to address the crisis without internal and external help. A tolerant and secular Pakistan is crucial for eradication of global Islamic fundamentalism. And the international community is well placed to demand change, given Pakistan's extraordinary reliance on foreign support.

Bibi needs to be saved, and the laws perpetuating these barbaric practices need to be repealed.

Saroop Ijaz is a lawyer and human rights activist based in Lahore, Pakistan.

The Blasphemy Laws 295 B and 295 C of the Pakistan Penal Code

7. The Blasphemy Laws in their present form have become a source of victimization and persecution of minorities in the country. Minorities suffer all manner of humiliation through false accusations made under these laws. In the present climate of hate, intolerance and violence in Pakistan, the Blasphemy Laws have become a major tool in the hands of extremist elements to settle personal scores against members of religious minorities, particularly Christians. The Laws themselves provide only a vague definition of blasphemy, yet blasphemy carries a mandatory death sentence in some cases. There are also serious problems with the mechanisms to implement the Laws. Since the mandatory death sentence was introduced as a result of Amendment Act No. III (1986) to Section 295-C, many innocent people have lost their lives, including some accused persons who had not been brought to trial. For example, Niamat Ahmer, Tahir Iqbal and Manzoor Masih were killed even before the courts could hear the cases registered against them. Many victims of the Blasphemy Laws have had to seek safety and sanctuary in countries abroad and others are forced to live in hiding within the country.

8. In the present context, lawyers who appear in court on behalf of accused persons in blasphemy cases are the targets of intimidation and threats. The retired Judge of the Lahore High Court, Arif Iqbal Bhatti, who set aside the death sentence passed by the Session Courts in the case of

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Salamat Masih, and Rehmat Masih was shot and killed by an Islamic extremist. His killer, like that of Manzoor Masih, has not been brought to justice. In view of continuing threats and intimidation, it has become increasingly difficult to engage the services of lawyers to defend cases registered under the Blasphemy Laws. In May 1998, Roman Catholic Bishop John Joseph of the Diocese of Faisalabad took his life to protest against the Blasphemy Laws.

9. In the climate of intolerance which prevails and in view of threats and intimidation and the pressures brought on the judiciary, it has become nearly impossible to obtain a fair hearing in Pakistan for those charged under the Blasphemy Laws. In these circumstances, the lower judiciary has often been constrained to accuse and convict persons without proper study of the evidence placed before it. In one case, the Sessions Judge convicted Gul Masih, who was charged under the Blasphemy Laws, and imposed the death sentence on him on the grounds "that the complainant had an outlook of a good Muslim, that he was a college student and that he had a beard". A number of cases are pending under the Blasphemy Laws, including cases against Ayub Masih, Nelson Munawar Rahi, and Catherine Shaheen. In addition, two Islamic religious organizations have announced a prize of PRs. 1.3 million for the killing of Salamat Masih, and Rehmat Masih who are at present living in exile.

10. The Pakistan representatives to the Commission on Human Rights stated that the Government was extremely conscious of the dangers of the Blasphemy Laws and has instituted measures and appropriate safeguards against their misuse. However, recent cases of blasphemy at Gojra, Alipur Chatta (Gujranwala district) and at Toba Tek Singh prove that the procedure for the registration of such cases has not been changed nor have any measures been introduced to eliminate the injustice of the laws. This raises the question of the Government’s commitment to real change. The reality is that the police continue to harass accused persons and their families.

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Asia Bibi, the first Christian woman to be sentenced to death by hanging on a charge of blasphemy. The case has yet to be upheld by the Lahore High Court and has sparked international reactions.

Asia Bibi (also spelled Aasiya; real name Asia Noreen) is a Pakistani Christian woman who has been convicted by a Pakistani court of blasphemy, receiving a death sentence by hanging. The verdict, which would need to be upheld by a superior court, has received worldwide attention. If executed, Bibi would be the first person in Pakistan to be lawfully killed for blasphemy. The case

In June 2009, Asia Bibi, a farm hand from the village of Ittan Wali in Sheikhpura District, was asked to fetch water; she complied, but some of her Muslim fellow workers refused to drink the water as they considered Christians to be "unclean".Apparently some arguments ensued. There had already been a running feud between Bibi and a neighbour about some property damage. Later some coworkers complained to a cleric that Bibi made derogatory comments about Muhammad. A mob came to her house, beating her and members of her family before she was rescued by the police. However, the police initiated an investigation about her remarks resulting in her arrest and prosecution under Section 295 C of the Pakistan Penal Code. She spent more

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than a year in jail. In November 2010 Naveed Iqbal, judge at the court of Sheikhupura, Punjab, "totally ruled out" that there was any false implication, saw "no mitigating circumstances", and sentenced her to death by hanging. Additionally, a fine of an equivalent of $1,100 was imposed.

Bibi's husband, Aashiq Fauji, who is also her brother-in-law (she is his second wife, his other being her older sister), plans to appeal the verdict, which has to be upheld by the Lahore High Court.

According to accounts from witnesses heard by the Pakistani court, Asia Bibi drank from the glass of two Muslim children who then stopped drinking. Angered, it was alleged that Bibi verbally abused the two, their religion, and the Islamic prophet Muhammad. The owner of the farm where the incident occurred forwarded the incident to the village Imam who forwarded it in turn to the village council ('panchayat'). Asia reaffirmed that she had uttered remarks against Muhammad and then restated her remarks in front of the council. She argued in defense of her remarks and made no attempts at an apology.

The matter was then forwarded to the Pakistani Police and an FIR (First Investigative Report) was filed according to the newer reformed version of the “Blasphemy Law” under the government of President Musharraf. According to the reformed law, a senior police officer with at least the rank of “Superintendent Police (SP)” was required to investigate. Senior “Superintendent Police (SSP)” Anis investigated the FIR and Bibi again admitted to the comments and then discussed with other female prisoners while in custody that she was "proud" of her remarks.

During the trial, she did not repeat her comments but never denied uttering them. A team of ten lawyers defended Bibi in a country where it is rare for someone of her economic status to be able to afford even one lawyer. Many from her village (in fact, almost her entire village council) testified against her as to having heard her make the remarks and reaffirmed them twice. The exact words allegedly used by Bibi, although central to the accusation, remain unknown as, under Pakistani blasphemy law, to repeat them, even in accusation, would be to commit the same offense.

The deadly date: Late Governor Taseer meets Asia in the district jail

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International responseThe decision received international attention and has been denounced. The visiting Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini indicated that he will discuss the matter with Shahbaz Bhatti, head of the Pakistani Ministry of Minorities. However, three days after the death sentence of Bibi, Bhatti received notice that his ministry might be abolished.

Human Rights Watch spokesman Ali Dyan indicates that "(t)he blasphemy law is absolutely obscene and it needs to be repealed in totality". In his opinion the law is used to exploit vulnerable minority groups and encourages Islamist extremism. It has been questioned why there should be blasphemy laws at all. Pope Benedict XVI prayed for Bibi and her family and requested her release.

The case has been viewed with the background that Pakistan has presented a resolution against "Defamation of Religion" at the Human Rights Council of the United Nations that would ban "blasphemy" worldwide.

Possible presidential pardonAccording to the Governor of Punjab who investigated the affair for the President Asif Ali Zardari Bibi is likely to be pardoned if the High Court does not suspend the sentence. However, the local imam threatened that if she is pardoned or released, some people would "take the law into their own hands".Her family received threats and went into hiding.

Governor killed for his comments on Bibi

On January 4, 2011, at Kohsar Market of Islamabad, the Governor of Punjab, Salmaan Taseer, was assassinated by a member of his security team, identified as Malik Mumtaz Hussein Qadri, in Islamabad reportedly for his comments on Asia Bibi and opposition to the blasphemy law. Taseer was reportedly outspoken in his criticism of the law and the verdict in the Asia Bibi case. Malik Mumtaz accepted responsibility for the murder. The Pakistani media was extremely critical in its denouncement of the murder, while wondering if there was some hidden hand behind the murder, which used Malik Mumtaz as a 'cloak to create political instability'. Thousands of Muslims rallied in support of the blasphemy laws in Pakistan after the murder.

FacebookSince gaining international attention, numerous Facebook pages have been created in support of Asia Bibi and freedom of speech, and in opposition to arcane blasphemy laws and intolerance of religious minorities.

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Asia Bibi’s family, now in hiding

Freedom for Asia Bibi

Opened on November 10, 2010

Petition by,

Wilson Chowdhry Vice Chairman of the "British Pakistani Christian Association"

Asia Bibi an innocent Christian woman caught up in the injust and unequal society of Pakistan has been given an historical death sentence (by hanging) from the Sheikupura Court of Pakistan.  The malevolent Blasphemy Law of Pakistan is a constant threat to people from minority faiths residing in Pakistan.  

The BPCA calls for the British Government to urge the president of Pakistan to act by bringing an anullment to this unjust legal decision. 

We urge the UK Pakistani Embassy to seek justice for this victim and to urge a repeal of the judicial decision by President Zirdari. We express our complete horror that such a decision has caused turmoil and perplexity to an innocent mother and her family.

The British Pakistani Christian Association has, been working tirelessly for the last 2 years, trying to improve the situation for those Christians living in Pakistan. To describe every incident of persecution would require completion of a dossier. However for the purposes of this exercise, we will in brief, describe some of the case studies that are within our knowledge.

Gojra:

In a small town called Gojra (near Faisalabad) on August 1st 2009 a Christian community was attacked for a purported desecration of the Quran at a wedding – it was said that torn shreds of

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the Quran were used for confetti. Eight people were burnt alive, as 60 homes and a church were razed to the ground.

The attack was instigated by a local imam who preached hatred against the local Christians after a reported Quaran desecration was received via a local Muslim.

The aftermath was filmed by BBC South Asia showing the empty shells of burning homes.

Police confirmed after investigation that the allegations were false and several arrests were made. However no-one was brought to justice and little compensation was given to this beleaguered community.

Shazia Bashir:

On the 19th January 2010 Shazia Bashir a domestic servant of only 12 years, was presented to Jinnah Hospital, Lahore by her employers - she was pronounced dead on arrival. An initial medical report indicated she died gradually from a mix of; blows from a blunt instrument, wounds from a sharp-edged weapon, misuse of medicines and malnourishment. It is alleged that the landlord a Muhammed Naeem - former Lahore Bar Association President, offered 30,000 rupees to the family for their silence and informed them that she had an accident falling from the stairs.

Prior to her death Shazia’s parents had been given little access to their daughter and the parents have said on record, the one time they were allowed to see her during her employment she complained that the landlord and his were committing rape. Shazia is also said to have complained that the mother and sisters regularly beat her, that she was often unfed and that she was working excessive hours.

When the parents confronted Mr Naeem, they were thrown out of Mr Naeem’s house under threat of violent repercussions. Their daughter was dragged away by her hair.

When trying to lodge a complaint to local Police they were informed that a case could not be registered against anyone from the legal fraternity. 3 months later they received the offer for their silence.

A court hearing was scheduled in Lahore Session Courts for the 26th January 2010 and was stormed by Muslim lawyers. 300 rampaging lawyers scuffled with journalists and policemen as they embraced Mohammed Naeem, despite a significant Police presence? The judge was unable to proceed with the legal requirements of the case and had to adjourn the hearing.

On 13th February 2010 Muhammed Naeem was granted bail after purportedly fabricated evidence indicated that Shazia Bashir had died of “old wounds”. Muhammed Naeem has now absconded from a scheduled High Court hearing and is a fugitive.

Waris Pura siege:

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On the 2nd July 2010 Sajid and Rashid Masih were arrested in Waris Pura (near Faisalabad), for a purported blasphemy. It was alleged that prior to the arrest a hand written leaflet containing offensive writings about Islam and about the Prophet Mohammed, was circulated in the area. The leaflet brought angry reaction among Muslims. The two brothers were accused of writing the leaflet (of which only 1 copy was ever produced). The Court ruled differently and acquitted them from the charge on 19th July 2010. The two brothers were exiting the court in celebration of the justice they had received, when they were shot down by unknown, masked gunmen.

The shooting occurred directly in front of the law courts from which they had only hours earlier, been found not guilty of blasphemy. Police protection was large and ample yet this incident occurred without any arrest made. To date no-one has been brought to justice.

As a consequence of the attack a peaceful protest for justice was held by Christians in Waris Pura. In retaliation the Muslim majority subjected Christians to a night long siege, unable to sleep or relax as gunshot rang around them. Many Christians were chased from their houses and businesses, and beaten in the streets. Prompt Police action prevented this incident becoming a more severe atrocity, however, on return to their homes and places of work, the victims discovered that they had been looted and subjected to vandalism.

Asia Bibi:

The case of Asia Bibi calls for consideration; Mrs. Bibi is a 45-year-old mother of five from Ittanwali (near Lahore) in Punjab province and has become the first Christian woman to be convicted under Pakistan’s blasphemy law. She has four daughters, one of whom is disabled, and a son.

Mrs. Bibi has spent the last year-and-a-half in gaol following an argument on 19th June 2009 with other women who were working with her in a field near Lahore. The Muslim women had refused to drink water that Mrs. Bibi had fetched because she was a Christian and they considered her and referred to her as “filth”. The refusal led to a discussion about religion, during which she is said to have compared the relative merits of Christianity and Islam. It is also said that the women had put her under pressure to renounce her Christian faith and embrace Islam.

No derogatory remarks were made regarding the Prophet Muhammad, apart from her observation that Muhammad was not crucified for their sins like Jesus Christ. Mrs. Bibi then asked what Muhammad had done for them. Such discussions amongst the adherents of different religions are an essential part of freedom of expression, as well as freedom of religion.

The women became very angry and began to beat Mrs. Bibi. She was locked in a room and her children were attacked by an angry mob. Some Christians informed the local police and had her put into protective custody. Later that evening, a blasphemy case under section 295C of the Pakistan Penal Code was registered against her after pressure was placed on the police by local Muslim leaders.

Mrs. Bibi was tried and sentenced to death by hanging by the Sessions Court in Sheikupura on 7th November 2010. The court also fined her £728, which is equivalent to two-and-a half years’

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salary for an unskilled worker. A Pakistani Government minister said last week that an initial inquiry into the case found that Mrs. Bibi had not committed blasphemy, but was falsely accused after a quarrel. Following international pressure, Mrs. Bibi’s execution was stayed. She appealed her sentence and requested a pardon, but the Lahore High Court barred President Asif Ali Zardari from pardoning Mrs. Bibi on Monday, 29th November in response to a petition filed by a Pakistani citizen. On Monday, 6th December 2010 the Lahore High Court barred the Federal Government of Pakistan from making any amendments to the blasphemy laws until the Court gives its verdict on the petition in this case.

The British Pakistani Christian Association considers her to be a prisoner of conscience. They created an online petition that was delivered to the Prime Minister and the Pakistani Embassy on Thursday, 18th November. The petition attracted 2,662 signatures in just 8 days. There has been an international outcry about the case and the Pope has asked for clemency.

Until the Pakistan People’s Party implements its manifesto pledge and honour it’s commitment to these freedoms, evidenced in its ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on 23rd June 2010), by abolishing the blasphemy law and the intolerable abuses that are made of it - the occurrence of persecution of minority communities will continue to increase in intensity and frequency.

Above we have listed 4 of the worst cases of Christian persecution, however on March 22nd 2010 a Rashid Masih was axed to death by six Muslims in Miah Channu (Punjab), after refusing to recant the Christian faith and adopt Islam. It is reported that the men who attacked him were jealous of the success of his potato fields. The perpetrators of the crime have escaped justice by absconding and have still not been located.

A Trainee Nurse Magdalene Ashraf at 23 years of age, was purportedly raped and thrown from a hospital window at Ali Jinnah Hospital, Karachi. She was said to have been locked in Doctor Abdul Jabbar Memon’s offices and subjected to 2 days of debauchery. Nurse Magdalene recently refused to identify Dr Memon in a court hearing – after significant threats, that led to his release on Bail on Friday 10th December 2010.

Much of the inequality and prejudices in Pakistan are ingrained and a consequence of the often extremist theocratic society that has developed in the region. In fact when Pakistan was afforded independence it was as a result of a direct campaign by Mohammed Ali Jinnah to create a Muslim nation state. One of the key problems when tackling inequality of Pakistan is the presence of the legal bias created by the Blasphemy Law of Pakistan. The law protects only the prophet Mohammed and the Quran. This renders people of all other faiths second class citizens.

The blasphemy law was originally introduced during British rule, but has been misused a great deal since the fundamentalist dictatorship of Zia-ul-Haq in the 1980s, when it took its present form under pressure from extremists. There is now a mandatory life sentence for desecrating the Qur’an and a mandatory death sentence for “blaspheming” Muhammad. Unlike the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006 (UK), which prohibits people from stirring up hatred against religious groups or individuals on religious grounds, the Pakistani blasphemy law protects the Islamic scriptures and the person of Muhammad from criticism or insult. Pakistan’s population of 170

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million are subject to the blasphemy law, with religious minority groups making up about 4% of that number.

Members of minority groups such as Christians and Ahmadis are often convicted of the offence of “blasphemy” on scant evidence, including mere hearsay to effect personal revenge or to settle unrelated disputes, such as property ownership. Although convictions for blasphemy are common, the death sentence has never been carried out. Nonetheless, vigilantes have often taken matters into their own hands and killed those who were accused of the offence.

The Pakistani Constitution states that: “no person can be deprived of life or liberty, save in accordance with law” it goes on to state: “that on arrest or detention in custody, person is to be told grounds for such action & has the right to consult and be defended by legal practitioner of his/her choice.” And adds: “arrested person is to be produced before the Magistrate within 24 hours of arrest; any detention beyond this period without the Magistrate’s authority is illegal.”

Time after time, evidence surfaces of illegal imprisonments on all people and especially in cases placed upon Christians. Sentences are commonly above the stipulated 24 hrs quoted above and access to legal representation is frequently denied.

Moreover legal representatives have often been prevented access to their clients at court hearings due to threats and physical attack. Evident recently in the case of Shazia Bashir listed above in our case studies.

In Shazia’s case the victims family, friends and Christian Lawyers assigned to prosecute on Miss Bashir’s behalf, were prevented access to the courts by unruly mobs. This prevented effective prosecution and reciprocally justice.

Robert Danish was arrested on 11th September 2009 after it was said that he pushed a local Muslim girl returning from Quranic studies. The momentum from the shove was purported to have resulted in her Quran falling to the ground near a drain, where it was soaked and irreparably damaged. Mr Danish was later found dead in prison on the 15th September 2009 after a false blasphemy charge was placed on him on 11th September 2009.

His arrest occurred after he gave himself up to rescue his father who had been illegally arrested in his place after a violent attack in his home town of Sumbrial near Sialkot. People were beaten by sticks and forced from their homes which were looted. A postmortem stated he had committed suicide yet his body was covered in scars and welts. His family protested that he had been killed in prison to no avail.

Article 11 states: “slavery, all forms of forced labour and trafficking of human beings are prohibited” and that: “no child under 14 can work in a factory or a mine or any other hazardous employment.”

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In the case of Shazia Bashir we hear that her parents tried to obtain her freedom and were prevented from taking their daughter from the house of the man that raped her and forced her to work in his home.

Basic freedoms are listed in articles 15 -19 of the constitution. Those most pertinent for the purposes of this discussion include;

“all citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law”.

I refer you to the initial contact made with the Police in the case of Shazia Bashir. Police involvement was a consequence of a visit from the Minister of Minorities and his subsequent call for action. The Minority Minister Shabhaz Bhatti’s visit was triggered on behest of the President of Pakistan- only after details of the case surfaced on international social networking sites, creating wider media attention.

Amnesty International has made several statements with regards to the persecution of Pakistani Christians. Incidents of persecution have increased on Christian minorities significantly since the war on terror. Many Muslims view the war on terror as a jihad or holy war and believe that Christians are the perpetrators. Innocent victims in Pakistan are an easy target and an opportunity for many to vent their frustrations.

In addition to persecution the BPCA advises that a number of wider inequalities exist in Pakistan. A number of surveys have highlighted that only 7% of people form minority groups attain literacy. As a consequence of this and significant cultural prejudice 80% of Christians work as domestic labour or as sanitary workers. Low paid employment of this type and limited access to good careers for those that are educated, have led to Christian Communities living in poorer regions and subject to the whims of feudal landlords and persecution from the wealthy and powerful. No more evident then in the case of Shazia Bashir and Nurse Magdalene.

We have tried to describe the situation in Pakistan as best we can. There are numerous other incidents of persecution we could have added - all gathered within a short 2 year period. The fact remains that despite the lack of Western knowledge of the situation in Pakistan, persecution has significantly increased for Pakistani Christians and other minority faiths. Only in January the world was shocked when it was revealed that 2 Sikhs had been beheaded by the Taliban in the North West Frontier Provinces.

Aasia Bibi’s case featured on BBC’s International News, has revealed to a much wider audience the concerns that the Christian minorities in particular, have been subjected to in Pakistan. Yet Pakistani Christians and other minorities escaping persecution to the UK are still deported due to a purported lack of evidence.

A way forward

Reading the above it might seem that peace in Pakistan is an impossibility. Such notions themselves are incorrect when you study how our society her in the UK evolved over a long

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period of time. It will need strong Governments, leaders and communities to make the change but in time all is feasible.

Some suggestions the BPCA have alreday suggested to various parties include:

A national committment to remove the disparity in education for students from minority groups. Research by CAFOD indicates that only 7% people of minority descent attain an adequate level of literacy. The first priority for the Government should be to introduce measures to level the balance. Issues pertaining to such improvement include:

• A need for better subsidised education for the extremely poor. • Return of Christian Schools sequestered during the term of Nawaz Shariff (Hitherto they provided significant discount - supported via external funding) • Removal of Islamic Studies in favour of broad based religious studies; this not only promotes harmony by teaching that which links faiths and removing myth, but also prevents intentional educational neglect from parents fearing proselytisation. • Sponsoring development for higher level Christian/other faith educational courses. Currently only Islamic under and post-graduate courses exist.

With respect to learning more must also be done to create a higher level of literacy throughout the country. Only 40% of the Muslim majority have attained an adequate level of literacy if Government statistics are to be believed. The BPCA believes that this figure has probably been exaggerated. Nevertheless, it still highlights the need for a concerted approach to tackle overall literacy in the country. It is a commonly held belief amongst people of all faiths that the lack of education in Pakistan, has made the general population naïve to the precepts of their faith. This fuels a chronic lack of discernment between good and bad or truth and lies and creates a malleability to the radical preaching’s of extremist religious leaders. Compulsory community cohesion courses and inclusive religious education with better educational facilities and opportunity would fuel a more erudite, conscientious and harmonious society.

The BPCA have been calling for reform of the blasphemy law for the preceding two years. As advocates for change we have endorsed the following points as a framework for improved procedure in Pakistan:

Return of the Blasphemy Law of Pakistan to the pre-islamicised version introduced by the British in 1927, after a Lahore High Court judgment, the British Government introduced section 295-A (to the then Indian Penal Code, 1860) which provided for punishment for “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs.” It was thought that it would take care of acts, among other things, of insult to the person of the Holy Prophet that should be deemed to be covered under the umbrella of acts intended to outrage religious feelings. This act was universally applicable to all faiths providing protection to all and was subject to little abuse. In fact until 1986 when the Blasphemy law was islamicised only 10 cases were tried in court. I should emphasise here that our overall aim is to see the abolition of the act in its entirety due to its breach of international freedom and equality conventions.

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We would also like to see appropriate sentencing under section 153a of the Pakistan Penal Code. Which provides punishment for acts (words, either spoken or written or by visible representations, or otherwise) that promoted feelings of enmity or hatred between different classes.

We are also calling for more scrutiny for Ulema Council’s (Muslim Scholarly boards) preventing the radical indoctrination of mass communities and public calls for persecution of minorities.

The BPCA seek the removal of faith labelling within passports, and Shanakti Cards (ID Cards) as we maintain that this allows for pre-screening for minority groups, preventing access to employment and educational opportunity. Moreover that act itself creates a sense of second class citizenship and flies in the face of international protocol.

http://www.petitionbuzz.com/petitions/justice4asia

Blasphemy’ death sentence controversy another wakeup call for Pakistan government

From Amnesty International http://livewire.amnesty.org/2010/11/30/%E2%80%98blasphemy%E2%80%99-death-sentence-controversy-another-wakeup-call-for-pakistan-government/

Pakistani Christians protesting Asia Bibi's death sentence ©Demotix/Hussain Jan

By Sam Zarifi, Amnesty International Programme Director for the Asia-Pacific

The international outcry over Asia Bibi, the Christian Pakistani woman sentenced to death for blasphemy, has set off an internal backlash against perceived Western influence in Pakistan.  This has put the government in a difficult position – but one of its own making.

The Lahore High Court has ruled that the country’s president can’t yet pardon Asia Bibi, as her case is still being appealed. The government had been making moves towards a pardon, but the ruling has taken place amid pressure from conservative political parties and the street, including protests calling for Asia Bibi’s immediate execution.

The more international condemnation Pakistan faces for discriminatory laws or persecution of religious minorities like Shi’as, Ahmadis, and Christians, the more these cases fuel the anti-Western mood – and from there they can take on a life of their own, in which no-one can predict the outcome, either inside or outside Pakistan.

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The religious extremists are no longer even limiting themselves to attacking religious minorities – they have also turned on Sunnis whom they view as insufficiently extreme, such as various Sufi groups that have been part of the region’s variegated religious culture for centuries.

Out of wariness of provoking religious extremists against the government, and desire to avoid making clear decisions either way, the Pakistan government has procrastinated on dealing with the blasphemy laws.  But this has just meant that they have failed to prevent patently outrageous injustices that ‘go international’ like the Asia Bibi case: a festering human rights problem that generates terrible PR and can only be solved through – yes – clear decisions.

How can the Pakistani government get away from this destructive dynamic?  The Zardari government holds the solution, but has been sitting on its hands, much like its predecessors in General Musharraf’s military government.

After the burning alive of at least seven Christians and the destruction of Christian homes the town of Gojra in August last year, carried out by extremists under pretext of outrage at an alleged act of blasphemy, the Prime Minister announced he would have a committee review “laws detrimental to religious harmony”.  A welcome announcement, but so far there have been no concrete results.

The Zardari administration needs to ally with human rights friendly forces within the government and civil society, who have also been embarrassed, if not outraged, by the recent surge in attacks on minorities, ranging from the Asia Bibi case to bomb attacks against Sufis and assaults on girls’ schools and women’s health care clinics.  They too are calling for the fulfilment of promises made on the blasphemy laws.  Pakistan needs to amend or abolish them, particularly section 295C of the Pakistan Penal Code which carries a mandatory death penalty for anyone found guilty of blasphemy.

The vaguely formulated and arbitrarily enforced blasphemy laws are typically employed to harass and persecute religious minorities.  For example, in January this year, five Ahmadis, including one minor, were detained on spurious charges of blasphemy in the Layyah district, with no evidence or witnesses to support the charges against them.  Even a Pakistani government minister has already said that Asia Bibi’s charges appear to have resulted from a petty squabble at the community well.

As so little evidence is required, blasphemy accusations tend to be unfounded, and too easily motivated either by petty conflicts or mendacious reasons. Although no-one has been executed under the blasphemy laws, there have been unlawful killings of blasphemy suspects in prison, allegedly by guards or other prisoners.

Asia Bibi’s case is yet another wakeup call for the Pakistani government to deal with the religious extremism that is blowing great holes in the country.  But with attacks on minority targets escalating in recent years, like this year’s Lahore bombings of a famed Sufi shrine and an Ahmadi mosque, the Pakistan government has received wakeup call after wakeup call.  When will it stop sleepwalking toward disaster, and fix the country’s shameful blasphemy laws?

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Amnesty urges release of Pakistani Christian womanNov 192010

ISLAMABAD: International human rights advocate Amnesty International has joined calls for the release of Pakistani Christian woman Asia Bibi who has been sentenced to death under the country’s blasphemy laws.

Amnesty International on Friday also called on Pakistan to revise the law under which mother of five Asia Bibi was convicted this month.

The case stems from a dispute between Bibi and a group of Muslim women over the use of a water bowl. The other women accused her of making derogatory remarks against the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). She has been in prison for one-and-a-half years and her case has been appealed.

Pope Benedict XVI on Wednesday urged Pakistan to release Asia.

The case has drawn attention to blasphemy laws, which critics say are used to persecute religious minorities.

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Late Governor Salman Taseer

Born May 31, 1944Died January 4, 2011 (aged 66)

Killed on January 4, 2011 by one of his bodyguards, Malik Mumtaz Qadri, who shot him 26 times with a submachine gun. His crime- he spoke in support of the minority rights in Pakstan

They never die who die for a noble causeThe Assassin

The assassin Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri is from Punjab, was part of the security detail provided to him by the Elite Police. After the shooting, Qadri threw his weapon down and put his hands up when one of his colleagues aimed at him. He reportedly pleaded to be arrested. Qadri reportedly said he killed Taseer due to the latter's vocal opposition of the blasphemy law in Pakistan. Notably, Taseer made headlines when he appealed for the pardon of a Christian Pakistani woman, Asia Bibi, who had been sentenced to death for blasphemy. It was suspected that this was the main reason for his assassination. According to a report in Dawn, the assailant was associated with Dawat-e-Islami, a religious organisation associated with the Barelvi movement. Supporters of Mumtaz Qadri blocked police attempting to bring him to the Anti-Terrorism Court in Rawalpindi, and some supporters even showered him with rose petals.

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Blasphemy law claims another life

From the Newspaper January 5, 2011 (2 weeks ago)By Munawer Azeem and Syed Irfan Raza

ISLAMABAD: Salman Taseer, the flamboyant and high-profile Governor of Punjab, was gunned down here on Tuesday by one of his security guards.

The guard, Mumtaz Qadri of the Punjab Elite Force, yelled out ‘Allah-o-Akbar’ and emptied two magazines of an SMG on the governor in the Kohsar Market before surrendering himself.

He later explained that he had killed Mr Taseer because of his recent criticism of the blasphemy law.

The governor had arrived here in the morning. After visiting the Presidency and Information Minister Qamar Zaman Kaira, late in the afternoon, Mr Taseer, who was staying with a relative in Sector F-6/3, went to Kohsar Market which is home to some of the city’s popular cafes.

He was accompanied by over a dozen guards, including nine personnel of the Elite Force.

According to a police officer, the governor went into a restaurant and when he came out after having a meal Qadri shot at him.

The guard is said to have fired at Mr Taseer from the back when he was going to the parking area.

According to police, he emptied his gun, loaded it with another magazine and fired a second round of 30 bullets at the governor.

The governor fell on the road and, by most accounts, died on the spot. The guard put his gun down on the ground and was taken into custody.

Kohsar police reached the spot soon afterwards and took all the guards and the security squad into custody.

Dawn has learnt that police are searching for a man Mr Taseer had met in the market. He went missing after the assassination.

The governor was taken to the Federal Government Services Hospital, but was pronounced dead. The security squad was taken to the police station for interrogation.

While questions were raised about why the rest of the security guards did not stop Qadri from opening fire, they told police during interrogation that they were taken by surprise and once they

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figured out what was happening they feared that if they used their guns they too would be suspected of being involved in the murder.

As the news of the assassination spread, PPP leaders present in the capital visited the hospital where the body was being kept.

Distraught leaders spoke of the loss his death would bring to the party. Leaders of other parties, including the PML-N, also visited the hospital.

For the rest of the evening, the focus remained on the assassination, the reaction to it and the investigation process being carried out at the Kohsar Market.

The quiet corner of Islamabad, which is often likened by visitors to a European town square and is frequented by foreigners, was crawling with policemen, journalists and others.

Political activity too came to a halt in the capital as a deadline announced by PLM-N leader Nawaz Sharif minutes before the assassination was forgotten in the commotion and despair that spread in the wake of the murder.

Fear was writ large on the faces and voices of most of the leaders who spoke to the media about the killing.

‘Instigated’

Interior Minister Rehman Malik was the first official to confirm that the governor’s death was the work of his own security guard, who had confessed that he had been ‘instigated’ by Mr Taseer recently dubbing the blasphemy law as a black law.

“He was stationed in Rawalpindi and used to be part of the governor’s security during his visits to Pindi and Islamabad. He had been on the governor’s guard duty at least three times. His name is Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri.

“It is yet to be determined if this was an individual act or others were also involved.”

The body was later taken to the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences for an autopsy, which concluded that the governor had been hit by 40 bullets — 26 were lodged in the body and 14 had exited.

After the autopsy, the body was taken to Lahore for burial from Chakala Air Base in a C-130 aircraft.

An FIR had not been registered till late in the night.

Aasia factor

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Recently a Christian woman, Aasia Bibi, was sentenced to death for allegedly committing blasphemy. Mr Taseer emerged as one of her most high-profile supporters.

He not only visited her in jail and held a press conference with her, but also promised to get a presidential pardon for her.

Although the pardon was prevented by a court order and the PPP distanced itself from any attempt to amend the blasphemy law, Mr Taseer kept criticising it publicly.

Meanwhile, President Asif Ali Zardari asked the interior minister to supervise the investigation.

According to his spokesman Farhatullah Babar, the president described the assassination as “ghastly” and said that no words were strong enough to condemn it and that the perpetrators of the heinous crime must be punished.

The minister set up a joint investigation team (JIT) to ascertain whether the assassination was the act of an individual or the result of a conspiracy.

The JIT, headed by Deputy Inspector-General of Islamabad Police Bani Amin, comprises officials of Inter-Services Intelligence, the Intelligence Bureau and the Special Branch of police.

Following the orders of the president, Mr Malik arrived here from Karachi and asked the JIT to present its report in 24 hours.

According to sources, the squad of Elite Force deputed on Tuesday had been provided by Rawalpindi police whose security guards the governor used whenever he came to Islamabad.

As the Pakistan People’s Party announced a three-day mourning, the president asked its leaders to limit functions in connection with PPP founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s 83rd birth anniversary on Wednesday to holding seminars at the district, divisional and provincial levels.

The president asked Sindh Chief Minister Qaim Ali Shah and MNA Faryal Talpur to attend the funeral on his behalf. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani will also attend the funeral.

In his condolence message President Zardari described Mr Taseer as endowed with great courage and energy. “He faced the vicissitudes of life with composure, resilience and courage.”

Shutter down strike over blasphemy issue

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Agencies December 31, 2010

Earlier, on Thursday, Federal Minister for Religious Affairs Khurshid Shah said that those agitating on the issue despite the government’s reassurances were exploiting religion for ulterior motives. — Photo by AFP

KARACHI: A shutter down strike was being observed in several parts of Pakistan on Friday on the call of religious parties to protest against what they believe are plans by the government to change the country’s blasphemy law.

All major markets and business centres were closed in big cities and towns.

In Karachi, no public transport was available and commuters were facing difficulties.

The strike was also being observed in Lahore, Gujranwala, Peshawar, Quetta, Kashmore, Hazara division and Kandhkot.

Protest rallies and demonstrations were being carried out against any proposed amendments to the blasphemy law. In Karachi, protestors demonstrating on the Mauripur road blocked the intersection and suspended traffic.

Moreover, a report said, protestors, carrying sticks and chanting anti-government slogans, blocked traffic by setting tyres on fire in Karachi’s Shirin Jinnah Colony. A police team reached the scene and persuaded the demonstrators to end the blockade, it said.

In the southwestern town of Chaman, thousands of protestors chanting anti-American slogans rallied and warned the government against any move to change the blasphemy law.

The law came under the spotlight after a Christian woman was sentenced to death in November by a court on charges of insulting Islam. Critics say the law is used to persecute religious minorities, fan religious extremism and settle personal scores.

“This government is planning to change the blasphemy law under foreign pressure but Muslims of this country will never allow it to do so,” Abdul Raheem Mazhari, a cleric and a local leader of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam party, told protestors.

Earlier, on Thursday, Federal Minister for Religious Affairs Syed Khurshid Shah appealed to religio-political parties to call off Friday`s strike and categorically declared that the government was not bringing any bill to amend the blasphemy law.

Shah said that after his categorical statement on the floor of the National Assembly on Wednesday an attempt to bring people on the street by exploiting religion was detrimental to the country’s interest.

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He alleged that those agitating on the issue were exploiting religion for ulterior motives.

The strike call was given by the “Namoos-i-Risalat” conference held recently under the auspices of Majlis-i-Tahafuz-i-Khatm-i-Nabuwwat.

AP December 4, 2010

ISLAMABAD: Minister for minorities condemned a cleric for offering cash to anyone who kills Aasia Bibi, a Pakistani Christian woman convicted of blasphemy against Islam.

The minister, Shahbaz Bhatti, said the offer is ”immoral, unjust and irresponsible” and should be condemned in the ”strongest possible manner”.

A Pakistani court sentenced Asia Bibi to death last month, triggering protests from human rights groups and Christian organisations. Religio-political parties have demonstrated in support of the sentence and the blasphemy laws.

Cleric Yousuf Qureshi said Friday that if the government did not execute Aasia, his mosque would pay anyone who killed her $5,800.

Bhatti called Saturday for authorities to ensure the safety of Aasia and her family.

From the press: Column and Opinions

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Death becomes his…by Nadeem F. Paracha on 01 5th, 2011

Punjab Governor, Salman Taseer, was assassinated yesterday (January 4) by one of his security guards. The guard, who soon gave himself up to the police, proudly claimed that he killed the late Governor because Taseer had described the controversial blasphemy law as a ‘black law.’

Shocked? Well, about time. Governor Taseer’s murder is just a symptom of the creeping tyranny of religious hatred and demented self-righteousness each and every Pakistani has been living under for a number of years now.

Today, only a handful of Pakistanis are willing to stick out their chins and brace themselves for a possible beating for calling a spade a spade, and the late Governor was one of these brave souls.

There are very few vocal Pakistanis in this regard (in politics, media and cyberspace), who continue to face the music, tunes and threats of utter hatred thrown towards them not only from the usual faith-driven fascists who have taken it upon themselves to kill and harass in the fine name of Islam and God, but also from a rising (and strange) breed of ‘modernists’ who just cannot get their disfigured egos to admit that yes, Pakistan today has perhaps become one of the first examples of a fascist faith-based dystopia.

Never mind the animalistic murderers who in their pursuit to ‘safeguard faith’ have actually become a raving mockery of the whole concept of ashraful makhlukat (i.e. they have simply ceased being the humans that God created), but what about the educated ones, who too had a problem with Governor Taseer’s stand?

Since I would like to believe that there is still some essence of humanity left in them, there will be some who will be wishing and hoping that a theological justification is found behind such murders so they may acquit themselves of defending hatred in the name of faith and patriotism.

Alas! There is simply is no justification, theological or otherwise. Respected and deeply learned Islamic scholars like Javed Ahmed Ghamidi have repeatedly insisted that there is no historical or theological example or space in the workings of Islam for a law such as the blasphemy law.

But of course, what value or weight does reason and tolerance have in a country that is rapidly on a downward spiral towards a social and political abyss? It is a bottomless pit that many of us continue to insist is the reason why the founders created Pakistan.

This warped insistence that hell is actually heaven, comes cramped with a number of feeble arguments where renegade hate mongers, wily religious exploiters and their many animated soundboards in both print and electronic media try to whitewash their dark bile with chants against drone attacks and the blood of their ‘fellow countrymen’ who are being killed by the bullets of the Pakistan Army in the northwest.

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Ordinary citizens are killed in our markets and mosques by the heroes and romanticised mujahids of these people. But instead of condemning such acts, they return to Aafia Siddiqui and the drones; politicians are assassinated for exercising their right to speak against injustices taking place in the name of faith, and they again return to Aafia and the drones; they and many of their children travel to the West for studies and business, and yet, they still talk about the drones.

It is as if drone attacks are the root cause of all evil, madness and bloodshed in this country. But aren’t the drones a more recent phenomenon, some four to five years old? The ignorance, intolerance and violence erupting in this holy dystopia of ours took lives long before the word ‘drone’ even entered our populist vocabulary, so what nonsense are these hate mongers on about?

Surely they can make a fool and a willing victim of a thoroughly disturbed and neurotic society with their lies, fake bombast and loud piety, but do they really think they can dodge their own conscience? These romanticised terrorists certainly can, because since they have stopped being humans, they have thus lost their conscience as well.

But all those politicians, preachers, columnists, TV anchors and their hung-over followers who, after Taseer’s statement against the blasphemy law, were beating the drums of hatred and passing judgments on matters over which only God alone has jurisdiction – what about them?

Are they happy? Do they feel triumphant? I doubt it. They will go back to doing what they do best: repress their guilt and the little humanity left in them by becoming even louder about their love of God and country and how angry they are because of, yes, you guessed it – the drone attacks.

I say, shame on you. I, as a Muslim, refuse to be categorised with cowards like you who have made a mockery of my country and my religion all over the world. Stop now before each one of you completely loses whatever little God’s greatest gifts are left in you: humanity, kindness, forgiveness and reason.

I say, renounce the hatred, the ignorance and bile you have been peddling as faith and justice. It is you who are God’s and this country’s greatest enemy, and may God alone have mercy on you.

Nadeem F. Paracha is a cultural critic and senior columnist for Dawn Newspaper and Dawn.com.

Crucifying the People of the Book

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DAWN.COM January 5, 2011 (2 weeks ago)By Nasir Jamal

LAHORE: About two-and-a-half months ago, a Muslim friend of Shiraz Masih (real name changed to protect his identity) from school knocked at the door of his house in a village near Sargodha and asked him to accompany him. Initially Shiraz was reluctant to come with him because he had not really seen the boy, two years junior to him at school, after completing his matriculation. But he relented on the boy’s insistence.

“We had gone only a short distance when the boy took out a knife and attacked me, accusing me of having said something insulting about his religious beliefs two years back,” the 17-year old Christian boy told Dawn.com.

A shell-shocked Shiraz nevertheless mustered his strength, wrenched the knife from his attacker and ran back home to safety. For the next couple of days, he kept silent about the attack on him and the wound. On the third day he decided to inform his parents about the incident.

His father, a vegetable grower, quickly contacted the local Parish priest, who moved quickly to remove the family away from the village to Islamabad. A few days later, the Church leaders succeeded to secure the help of some senior police officers and a Muslim cleric (who is said to be a distant relative of the attacker) from Sargodha to effect a patch-up between Shiraz’s family and the village’s Muslim community. Shiraz and his family were forgiven after he swore his innocence upon Bible. Yet the mediating Muslim cleric debarred the family from entering his village or Sargodha ever again.

”Since then we are living in Lahore in forced exile,” says Shiraz’s mother, visibly shaken by their forced departure from her husband’s native village. She is now worried about the future of her three daughters and four sons as the family finds itself dependent upon assistance from a non-governmental organisation that has provided them shelter.

The family suspects that a local Muslim Jat, who is a close relative of the attacker, could have instigated the incident to oust them from the village. “I had a tiff with him some time ago after he barged into our house under the influence of alcohol. He had since been nursing a grudge against us,” says Shiraz’s father. “Obviously, we cannot prove it,” he admits.

Shiraz and his family were lucky to get “pardon” and escape their village alive. Other Christians – who form 2.4 per cent of the total provincial population, the largest Christian concentration in any province – spread across Punjab are not. Many of them have endured worst kind of violence from myriad sectarian and jehadi groups operating out of different parts of the province and others have actually lost their near and dear ones, and property and livelihoods. Just like Shiraz and his family, majority of the victims of systematic violence were later compelled to leave their homes and villages and cities and even the country to safety. Others who couldn’t or didn’t leave are force to live under constant threat to their lives and livelihoods.

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Christian leaders and rights activist say the violence against their community has escalated steadily ever since the adoption of blasphemy laws and the rise of Islamic orthodoxy during the last more than two-and-a-half decades. According to the National Commission for Peace and Justice (NCPJ), a vast majority of 132 Christians and 456 Ahmedis charged under the blasphemy laws since 1986 belong to Punjab. “Most Muslims who faced charges of blasphemy also come from Punjab,” says the NCJP’s Peter Jacob.

That indicates that Punjab has already won the unenviable distinction of being the most intolerant of all the four provinces as far as their non-Muslims populations are concerned.

“It is true that non-Muslims in Punjab have suffered more violence than those living in the rest of the country,” Dr Hasan Askari, a Lahore-based political and defence analyst, agrees. “The increase in religious orthodoxy and extremism during the last three decades has spawned strong sentiments and violence against non-Muslims, particularly Christians and Ahmedis, living in the province,” he argues.

He attributes the increasing religious intolerance in the province to the rise and consolidation of various sectarian and jehadi groups like Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, Sipah-i-Sahaba, Jaish-i-Mohammad and Lashkar-i-Tayyaba. Moreover, he says, the Pakistani military establishment and intelligence agencies have also contributed a great deal to the violence against non-Muslims in Punjab by fomenting anti-India and anti-Muslim feelings.

Apart from charging and killing individuals under the blasphemy laws, mobs of rabid extremists have time and again attacked Christian community in different cities of Punjab killing people, burning their churches and houses and expelling them from the homes.

Starting with the incident of arson and looting in Shanti Nagar in Khanewal in 1997, the Christian community has been subjected to arson, loot and lynching in Sialkot, Sagla Hill and Gojra in the recent years. In most such cases, the police have traced the involvement of different Punjab-based sectarian and jehadi groups. Yet no action has ever been taken to effectively protect the Christians from future attacks on their homes and worship places.

Christians are usually seen by the extremist groups as “agents of the United States” in Pakistan and, therefore, must be punished for Washington’s policies. At least 38 Christians lost their lives after “Taliban” and their local allied groups attacked Christian community in Bahawalpur, Texila, Murree and Islamabad in the spate of post-9/11 violence in October 2001, days after the US invaded Afghanistan.

“In most such incidents local police choose to remain a silent spectator. They prefer to reach the site of crime only when the mob has done its job and returned,” confesses a senior police officer who requested anonymity. “It is always a difficult situation for a police officer of the SHO level to tackle.

Nobody wants to be seen on the side of those accused of desecration the Holy Quran or using indecent language against the Prophet (PBUH) and stand up to the rabid mob, even if the victim

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involved is a Muslim,” he adds. At the same time, he admits that in many cases the charges against the victims are false and brought on to grab their property or because of old rivalries.

Police officers privately allege that in many recent cases the attackers have tacit support of local politicians from the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). It is no coincidence that violence against Christians (and Ahmedis) whether in Shanti Nagar or in Gojra peaks when the PML-N is in power in Punjab.

“There are some complaints of the PML-N leaders having linkages with the sectarian and jehadi groups. Besides, the party has never denounced sectarian and religious violence or the war on terrorism in clear terms. Its leaders always use very ambiguous language whenever they talk about religious extremis and violence and terror war,” says Dr Askari.

When forced to take a stand on the increasing attacks on non-Muslims in their home province, the PML-N leaders prefer to speak in vague terms – condemning violence but defending discriminatory laws.

Apart from the sense of insecurity, Christians in rural and urban Punjab are also copingwith severest possible social and economic discrimination. “There is an increasing sense of exclusion, inferiority and discrimination in the Christian community of the province today than any time in the past,” says Jacob.

They are often subjected to public insults, humiliation and intimidation both at the community level and at work place. “(For the Muslim employers) Christian men and women are good only for the job of a sweeper. This discrimination shows even in the public sector. Just go through any city government advertisements: the job of sweepers is always reserved for Christians only while that of a cook for Muslims only,” Jacob says.

Prime Minister Gilani’s commitment last year to reserve a five per cent quota in government jobs is the first such affirmative action taken by any government in years, he says.

Dr Askari also notes that Christians have socially and economically been excluded from the mainstream life during the last couple of decades. “A few years back most nurses and medical support staff at the public (and private) hospitals used to be Christians. Today, you rarely find a Christian nurse. They just don’t get such jobs (in the public or the private sector) any more,” he says. The situation in the education sector is not much dissimilar.

“The Christian middle class in the urban Punjab has fizzled out in the past few years because of their restricted access to government and private jobs,” argues Jacob. “In the rural areas, the situation is even worse. Most Christians living in villages are migrating to the cities to protect them and their families from religious, social and economic discrimination,” he points out. Even those who own agriculture land now prefer to move to the cities for a better future because of the increasing influence of extremists there, thinking it would be easier for them to hide their identity in the urban jungles.

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“But our cities have also become very intolerant of non-Muslims and most coming from the rural areas just end up in urban slums like Youhana Abad in Lahore. The increasing intolerance in society has largely squeezed the opportunities available in the past to the Christian community to grow out of poverty and hunger. And no-one seems bothered about that,” Jacob regrets.

Sajjid Masih, a Christian pastor killed after being acquitted of blasphemy charges

The blasphemy debate

DAWN.COM January 10, 2011 (2 weeks ago)By Ahmer Naqvi

Pakistani lawyers shout slogans in support of Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri who confessed to killing Governor Salman Taseer. - Photo by AFP

As Mosharraf Zaidi pointed out in his excellent article, the for and against camps in the blasphemy debate are often speaking at cross currents. For many of us, the blasphemy law is abhorrent because it is frequently misused and abused. However, we cannot expect to present this argument into the general debate, because it shifts the focus away from the legitimacy of the law to a question of how it is being enforced.

For some, the blasphemy law needs to be repealed because it is a violation of freedom of speech. Unfortunately, this is the exact point where the anti-blasphemy law campaign finds itself being portrayed as a bunch of ‘liberal-extremists’ licking the soles of western boots.

Why does that happen? If we are to accept freedom of speech as a valid value to cherish, then it means that we believe that everyone has the right to say what they feel. That, in theory, is wonderful but in practice it boils down to two things.

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First, it ignores the fact that in Pakistan, by and large, you do not have rights – instead, you have power. If you have power to say what you feel like, you might pretend you are exercising your rights, but in reality you are flexing your considerable muscles – which means those without power are by and large without rights.

Secondly, it implies that the only thing sacred in this debate is the right to free speech, and the sanctity of that right exists above and beyond anything else that might be sacred. For the pro-blasphemy camp, this essentially translates into saying that people ‘should’ have the right to trash all that is sacred.

Now, I might be wrong here, but I can sense that you are tensing up a bit. Fear not, for many of the ‘progressive’ crowd, words like ‘sacred’ and ‘holy’ are immediately problematic and uncomfortable.

Unfortunately, the problem is that until we can frame our debate in those very contexts of religion and things that are sacred, we are always opening up ourselves to be outflanked by claims that we are brainwashed from abroad and that we have no clue about what it means to be a Pakistani or a Muslim.

So why don’t we take this debate on in a religious context?

The reason being is that we seem to imagine that Islam like a computer which we can only be used once we have learnt C++ and Java and other complex languages.

A few weeks ago, there was this thing on Twitter where everyone was tweeting as their 16-year-old selves. My favourite tweet was by someone who wrote “One day I am going to learn Arabic, interpret the Quran the right way and then all our problems would be solved.”

Many of us can relate to the feeling that there is a truth out there that we can get to if only we are learned enough. However, we grow up and come to assume that the supremacy of Islamic knowledge lies with those whose day job it is to memorise it, and so we shirk from entering any religious debate.

Well, that is just ridiculous. If the blasphemy law debate is to be won and I am talking in pragmatic terms here, it has to be framed within the context of religion.

The problem with the idea of blasphemy law is that it implies that the Prophet (PBUH) or God or the Holy Book are extremely fragile and weak that unleashing the law to punish business-card trashing and water-bringing betrays a supreme sense of insecurity. It also implies that something as mundane as those actions would bring the whole edifice of faith and religion crashing down.

Is our faith so weak that it sentences an impoverished woman to death to save itself? Is our religion so wobbly that trashing a business card can bring it down?

Even if you do not believe in the sacred history, accepted versions of historical Islam admit that the Prophet (PBUH) suffered some brutal persecution of his people and himself without feeling

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the need to physically avenge them. So why is it that his followers, fourteen centuries on feel so insecure about criticism?

The blasphemy law is a blasphemy in its own self. It reduces that which is supposedly sacred into an idea so weak and powerless that only the most violent action can save it.

You might not agree with me and you might not feel that you can carry this debate with anyone armed with tafseers (interpretation) Perhaps, but I honestly believe that even if this is a losing argument, it is not a futile one because it zeroes in on the realm of religion – the very realm the pro-blasphemy camp seems to believe it owns, and can thus manipulate it for its own purposes.

A Christain killed by Muslim extemeist on blasphemy accusations

No justification for murderby Sana Saleem on 01 6th, 2011

On January 6, around 150 members of civil society gathered at the Karachi Press Club for a vigil in memory of the late Governor. It was a fairly decent turn out, especially considering the security risks involved. We took to the streets and went around the Press Club with candles in our hands, demanding an end to this state of lawlessness. Keeping in line with the idea of a peaceful protest, none of the protestors called out for death or blood but instead, demanded justice and respect for the deceased. Even so, there were only 150 of us when there should have been thousands more.

Whether you stand for the blasphemy law or against it, this blog is for you. It is a plea addressed to each of you regardless of your stance. In order to reach a mutual consensus on a debatable issue, it is important to have a holistic approach. Rather than obscuring and isolating the issue, we need to look at the larger picture, analyse every aspect before deciding on a stance. Unfortunately, when it comes to one of the most pertinent issues we currently face, we are wasting our energies in arguing, blaming and categorising the other rather than thinking rationally. Our own flaws prevent us from solving issues, which often get so out of hand that they are then dubbed controversial and thus, snubbed forever. The debate on the blasphemy laws

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in Pakistan is one of the many examples of how our myopic view has hindered any progress that might have been possible.

I cannot seem to shake off the image of Mumtaz Qadri, the 26-year-old assassin who killed Governor Salman Taseer, smiling with content, his words “Bus sarkar, qabool karlain” as he confessed to the murdered of Governor Taseer.

In his opinion and in the opinions of many others, Qadri is a hero because he had killed in the name of God. Again, the lack of foresight and fervor for martyrdom prevented hundreds of his supporters from condemning something that was nothing but cold-blooded murder. Islam does not allow us to take law into our hands. Whether you stand for or against the blasphemy law is insignificant, taking the law into our hands is a crime irrespective of the motive. Islam, by means of Quran and Hadith, strongly advocates against false accusations and the need for concrete evidence before any kind of punishment is ruled out:

“He who, in order to find fault, says something about a person that was not there, Allah will throw such a person in hell till he tastes fully what he had fabricated.” (Tibrani)

Those who claim that Qadri was a hero conveniently overlooked that there is a reason why there are courts in this country. There is a reason why there is a proper judicial system to tackle any forms of crime. The reason is fairly simple: to prevent lawlessness and injustice. Taseer wasn’t a blasphemer, he had never insulted the Quran, the Prophet (PBUH) or Islam but he was killed in the name of the blasphemy law that according to him, was “man-made.”

Governor Taseer was killed because he asked for mercy for a 45-year old mother of five. Twenty-seven bullets for taking a stance.  His murder highlights the abuse of Islam and Quran for the sake of power and authority. By encouraging such behavior we are promoting lawlessness and a state where people will be at each other’s throat on a mere disagreement. Is this the message of the Quran? Is this what Islam teaches us? How humane is it to rejoice someone’s death?

In the aftermath of Governor Taseer’s murder and the confession, many considered the murder a victory for Islam, justifying the killing by Governer Taseer’s opposition to the abuse of the blasphemy law. It was mind-numbing to see people using all forms of media to publicly advocate murder and justify blood in the name of religion. Let’s be clear on this: these people rejoicing weren’t the Taliban and neither did a significant number of these individuals have links with terrorist organisations. Some television anchors resorted to using “jaa bahaq” rather than the more suiting (and often abused) “shaheed” (martyr) when talking about the murder. A Wikpedia entry and a few fan pages were created on Facebook in support of Qadri. Over 500 ‘moderate’ religious clerics, pronounced Qadri as “ghazi” while lawyers showered him with rose petals; one of them even embraced him as he arrived in Islamabad.

Governor Salman Taseer stood for tolerance and he was killed at the hands of extremism. There’s no justification for his murder, and every single one who instigated violence, has blood on their hands. Governor Taseer’s death highlights intolerance, hate and bigotry and speaks of a desensitised society where cold-blooded murders are justified.

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We have been moving in the wrong direction for a very long time now. Our ideologies have become distorted and our vision, diminishing. The constant state of violence and the need to prove ourselves as pious Muslims and patriotic Pakistanis has engulfed our humanity. There are no rational dialogues anymore, only ego tussles, labels and death threats.

It appears that when religious sentiments are involved anything and everything is justified. This is not piety or devotion, it is pure insanity, inhumanity and barbarism.

The solution to our problems does not lie in striking each others head off, or battling for or against the blasphemy law, the solution lies in reasonable public discourse. Taseer’s death highlights the need for counter abuse laws to prevent wrongful accusations. Let us not talk of repeal and amendments but the need to fight abuse, to ensure that no one is allowed to use laws to settle personal vendettas, that violence is no longer justified in the name of religion.

As a practicing Muslim and a devotee to the teachings of the Quran and the Prophet (PBUH), I am outraged by those like Qadri who justify their heinous crime in the name of Islam. Nothing would disappoint the Prophet (PBUH) more than violence being justified in his name; nothing is more blasphemous than using Islam as a tool to justify viole nce.

Hate crimes and their aftermath

Mahir Ali

12 January 2011

And, of course, Pakistan, where Taseer faced a fusillade from one of the men assigned to protect him (while the latter’s colleagues — possibly confederates — evidently made no attempt to stop him), ostensibly for his very public support of Aasia Bibi, a poor Christian woman condemned to death on a blasphemy charge. It was a courageous stance to adopt in a clearly hostile milieu. Taseer’s designation of the blasphemy legislation as a black law apparently sufficed for the controversial governor to be portrayed as a blasphemer himself. That this ridiculous conclusion could be reached by such a large proportion of Pakistanis provides profound cause for despair

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A Hindu man being brutally beaten by Muslim clerics

Killing raises fears for liberal Pakistan politicians

AFP 13 January 2011 (Dawn.com)

Religious extremists attend a rally in Karachi against the amendment in the Blasphemy law. More than 40,000 people rallied in Karachi on against the controversial reform of a blasphemy law that was behind the killing of Salman Taseer. –AFP Photo/Asif Hassan

ISLAMABAD: The killing of a provincial governor by his bodyguard has heightened security fears among Pakistan’s political liberals who say their voices are being drowned out by rising religious extremism.

Confessed killer Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri gunned down his boss last week outside an Islamabad coffee shop, and the ease with which he carried out his crime has stoked fears among politicians of more vigilante violence.

They say Salman Taseer’s assassination has deepened a bitter divide between supporters of a liberal Pakistan and an increasingly powerful lobby on the religious right who have welcomed his death and denounced his few outspoken proponents.

Rallies have been held to honour Qadri, who was showered with petals at court after he admitted to killing Taseer because he sought to amend a blasphemy law recently used to sentence a Christian woman, Asia Bibi, to death.

Minorities Minister Shabhaz Bhatti, a Christian, who first spoke out against the blasphemy law, believes he is “the highest target right now”.

“During this Bibi case I constantly received death threats. Since the assassination of Salman Taseer, these messages are coming to me even publicly,” Bhatti told AFP.

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Bhatti and his allies say the law against defamation of the Prophet Mohammed is often used to settle petty disputes, and human rights activists say the act encourages extremism in a nation already besieged by Taliban attacks.

But in the face of huge public support for the law, the government has said it has no plans to change it.

Bhatti said fatwas, or religious decrees had been issued calling for him to be beheaded, by extremist clerics in the country who were allowed to publicly spread messages of violence with impunity.

“The government should register cases against all those using hate speeches,” said Bhatti, who insists he will work as usual despite the threats.

“I’m not talking about special security arrangements. We need to stand against these forces of terrorism because they’re terrorising the country.

“I cannot trust security …. I believe that protection can come only from heaven, so these bodyguards can’t save you.”

During a visit to Pakistan to meet senior leaders in Islamabad Wednesday, US Vice President Joe Biden expressed concern over the widespread support for Taseer’s killing.

Offering condolences, he said: “The governor was killed simply because he was a voice for tolerance and understanding. To state the obvious, there is no justification, none, for such senseless acts.

“Societies that tolerate such actions end up being consumed by those actions.”

Members of the main ruling Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), to which Punjab provincial governor Taseer belonged, have slammed security failures that led to the shooting, after police apparently failed to try to overpower the gunman.

Police investigators say that Qadri had previously been screened over security concerns and banned from working in the elite protection force used to protect Taseer.

“We are investigating how he got deputed again for this special duty. Punjab police is also separately investigating this issue,” senior police official Haroon Joya told AFP.

Intelligence officials told AFP that public bodyguards are screened every three years by several agencies, with religious views checked as part of the process.

Following the assassination of the governor, the officials said that all departments involved in public protection are reviewing security measures and rescreening anyone working with high profile officials and national leaders.

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Former information minister Sherry Rehman initiated the current controversy when she introduced a bill in November calling for an end to the death penalty for blasphemy.

“I’m sure everyone at the top is worried about this and concerned about the level of security we all have,” said Rehman, speaking to AFP from her heavily-guarded home in Karachi, where 50,000 people rallied on Sunday hailing Qadri as a hero.

She said she uses her own private security company instead of public protection, and said they had advised her to stay at home and not to travel to the capital Islamabad.

“I’m not being foolish but I’m going to be rational,” she said.

“I don’t plan to turn away. I have put the bill in, it’s not an extreme position like a repeal bill. They (extremists) can’t decide what we think or speak.”

Blaming the victim

Irfan Husain January 8, 2011

SOMETIMES, it takes a friend’s murder to put things in perspective, and to show us exactly where the battle lines are. Salman Taseer`s brutal killing, apart from causing deep pain and grief to his family, friends and supporters, has again underlined the yawning rift in Pakistani society.

More than the assassination itself, the proud smirk on the killer`s face, and the vocal support he has been receiving from a significant section of the media, lawyers as well as religious parties, shows us where Pakistan stands today. It is this hate-filled environment that has made rational discourse virtually impossible.

Lacking the intellectual tools to conduct a reasoned debate on the issues of the day, religious elements in our society cling to their rigid dogma, using threats to make their point instead of logic. For anybody who disagrees with them, murder is the automatic, default response. The fact that ideological killers are seldom punished encourages them further.

Salman refused to be cowed down by these bullies, and paid the price for his courage. But how many are willing to take a similar stand? Certainly none from the PPP. The ruling party has usually rolled over when it comes to taking on the religious right. Indeed, apart from Salman Taseer and Sherry Rehman, other senior members of the ruling PPP have ducked for cover whenever the controversial blasphemy laws have come under discussion. When Sherry Rehman moved a private member’s bill to make these laws a little less iniquitous for the minorities, she received no support from her own party.

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And while Nawaz Sharif, Altaf Hussain and Maulana Fazlur Rahman play politics to destabilize an already unstable government, they do not seem to realize that the enemy, represented by Mumtaz Qadri, Salman Taseer`s assassin, is already within the ramparts of the state. No doubt Nawaz Sharif and the maulana think they can strike a deal with the likes of Qadri, but they should remember the fate of other politicians elsewhere who thought they could share power with extremists.

Much is being made of the fact that a fanatic like Qadri could be assigned to a VIP security team. But in today’s Pakistan, this is the norm, not the exception. Our state schools as well as our madressahs have become breeding grounds for extremism. These ideas are then amplified across much of our media. This kind of constant brainwashing makes it hard for people to think independently and rationally.

Successive governments, both civilian and military, have shut their eyes to what is being taught at our educational institutions. Ditto for the sermons in many mosques that are in reality little more than incitement to violence. Ditto again for the retrogressive, anti-West propaganda that passes for informed debate on many of our private TV channels.

These are the real issues of our times, but given the growing street and media power of religious parties, few politicians are willing to even talk about them. It seems they have already conceded virtually all political space to the fundamentalists. Elected governments have been too ineffectual and too unsure of themselves to take on the religious right, while military dictators have sought to use them in a bid to gain legitimacy.

The result is the rapid growth of a hydra-headed monster that seems to have become too powerful for state institutions to decapitate. Another reason for this weak response to an expanding threat is the lack of a political consensus. Far too many politicians fear being labelled secularists — a pejorative term in our political lexicon — and thus do not want to appear opposing groups who claim to be motivated by faith. In reality, of course, they want power as much as all politicians do.

After Salman`s murder, the blogosphere has been full of angry and anguished postings from people who were appalled by this evil act. Well-meaning people, they are trying to connect with like-minded bloggers to formulate a response to the tragedy. They were particularly indignant over a major Urdu newspaper`s seeming support for the killer, as well as the religious groups who appeared to be threatening those mourning Salman`s death.

The reality is that civil society is hopelessly outgunned by the forces of darkness. Abandoned by the state, and opposed by an implacable, well-armed foe, ordinary, peaceful citizens of Pakistan have few allies in this unequal battle. While people like Qadri, impatient to be in paradise, are positively itching to be killed, normal people would prefer to live out their allotted years in relative peace and security.

This difference in approach to life and death is one reason the jihadis have the wind in their sails. If even hand-picked cops can turn their guns on the people they are supposed to be guarding, what protection do ordinary citizens have? Another factor that multiplies the right`s street power

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is that most of the angry, bearded faces you see on your TV screen demonstrating against virtually everything belong to people who don`t really do anything. Whereas most members of civil society have real jobs, the rank and file of religious groups get stipends, or employment with local mosques that does not interfere with their activities as political agitators. Guardian

Declan Walsh, reporting on Salman Taseer`s funeral for the , wrote: “As graveyard workers shovelled sticky winter clay onto the coffin, many Pakistanis wondered what was disappearing into the grave with the outspoken politician.” Guardian

Tolerance of any difference of opinion, for one. In the same issue of the , Mohammed Hanif wrote about a TV discussion in which both the presenter and a guest seemed to agree that the Punjab governor had been killed for his open criticism of the blasphemy laws. The implication was that somehow, Salman`s views justified his murder. The same school of thought holds that Benazir Bhutto could have avoided her fate had she not stood up in her bullet-proof vehicle.

Both are typical instances of blaming the victim. By absolving the killers of their guilt, even mainstream media figures help to create an environment where murder is justified.

I first met Benazir Bhutto after her return from exile in 1986 at Salman`s home where, at her request, he had invited PPP women workers who had suffered under Zia`s martial law. Salman had also asked a few friends over to meet Ms Bhutto. Reflecting on that evening, I thought that two qualities the host and the guest of honour shared were courage, and an abiding respect for other points of view. May both of them rest in peace.

irfan.husain@gmail.com

Religious scholars say mourning Taseer’s death riskyReuters January 5, 2011

Taseer was killed by one of his guards, who was apparently incensed by the politician’s opposition to the blasphemy law. — Photo by AFP

ISLAMABAD: Five hundred moderate Pakistani religious scholars have warned that anyone who expresses grief over the assassination of Governor Punjab Salman Taseer, who opposed the country’s blasphemy law, could suffer the same fate.

Salman Taseer, a liberal politician close to President Asif Ali Zardari, had no day-to-day role in the central government, but his killing in broad daylight at a shopping centre in Islamabad reinforces the sense that the government is incapable of stabilising the country of 180 million.

Taseer was killed on Tuesday by one of his guards, who was apparently incensed by the politician’s opposition to the blasphemy law, in a parking lot at the block of shops popular with foreigners.

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Human rights groups say the law is often exploited by religious conservatives as well as ordinary people to settle personal scores.

But the law has widespread support in a country that is more than 95 per cent Muslim, and most politicians are loath to be seen as soft on the defence of Islam. Taseer, however, was an outspoken critic.

The Jamaat-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat Pakistan group of scholars is a vocal critic of Taliban militants who are violently opposed to the government and its ally the United States.

The group is one of the largest representing scholars from the moderate Barelvi sect of Sunni Muslims. They have been leading protests in favour of the blasphemy law.

“More than 500 scholars of the Jamaat-i-Ahl-i-Sunnat have advised Muslims not to offer the funeral prayers of Governor Punjab Salman Taseer nor try to lead the prayers,” the group said in a statement.

“Also, there should be no expression of grief or sympathy on the death of the governor, as those who support blasphemy of the Prophet are themselves indulging in blasphemy.”

“A lesson”

Taseer’s killing has deepened a political crisis in Pakistan.

It came two days after the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a main partner in Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s coalition, bolted for the opposition in protest over fuel price policies, leaving him without a parliamentary majority and struggling to save his government.

The blasphemy law came under the spotlight after a court in November sentenced a Christian woman, Aasia Bibi, to death in a case stemming from a village dispute.

Interior Minister Rehman Malik said the bodyguard who killed Taseer, identified as Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri, confessed and had been arrested.

“Salman Taseer is a blasphemer and this is the punishment for a blasphemer,” Qadri said in comments broadcast on a private television channel.

The group of scholars also noted the “courage” and religious zeal of Taseer’s killer, saying his action has made Muslims around the world proud.

It also said that the “so-called” intellectuals, ministers, politicians and television anchors who oppose the blasphemy law and support those committing blasphemy should learn a lesson from Taseer’s death.

Taseer was shot 14 times from a distance of about six feet, said Khawaja Waseem Ahmed, a spokesman for the hospital where he was treated.

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Taseer had visited Bibi in prison in a campaign for her release. He wrote on his Twitter page last Friday: “I was under huge pressure sure 2 cow down b4 rightist pressure on blasphemy. Refused. Even if I’m the last man standing.”

What casualties these are

Nadeem F. Paracha 9 Jan 2011

In the 1970s former prime minister Z A Bhutto once described Pakistan as a social lab to conduct various ‘Islamic experiments’. I don’t know whether Bhutto was being cynical or enthusiastic about this, but yes, it most certainly seems that this is exactly what this unfortunate republic has been all the while.

Forget about secular societies in the West that just can’t make head or tail about the way many Pakistanis behave and react in the name of religion; I have also seen people belonging to various Muslim countries sometimes scratch their heads when contemplating the behaviour of Pakistanis in this context. Are we as a Muslim majority nation really all that unique? For example, why only in Pakistan do people rise up to demand that a particular sect be declared non-Muslim — as if considering everyone else as heretics makes us feel and look more pious?

Why only in Pakistan do people remain quiet when certain man-made ‘Islamic laws’ are openly exploited to conduct personal vendettas against minorities?

Why only in Pakistan do people go on strike when a government even hints at amending such laws, despite the fact that the more sober Islamic scholars haveover and over again termed such laws as having few, if any, historical and theological precedents or justification? Are such laws yet another way for us to loudly mask the glaring social, political and economic hypocrisy that has become a way of life us?

Then, why only in Pakistan do people come out to destroy their own cities and properties for an act of blasphemy taking place thousands of miles away? Andanyway, in this respect, how seriously should the Almighty take a nation that won’t even bother to manage its own garbage dumps or dare speak up against the many gross acts of violence and injustice that take place in their Islamic republic and for which many are ready to burn buses and shoot people?

Why only in Pakistan do many people still consider violent extremists and terrorists to be some kind of gung-ho mujahids fighting nefarious infidels and superpowers, even when on most occasions it is the common Pakistanis that are being slaughtered in their own markets, schools and mosques by these romanticised renegades? Why only in Pakistan, as more and more people now pack mosques, wear hijab, grow beards and lace their sentences with assorted Arabic

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vocabulary, society, instead of reaping the social and cultural benefits of this show of piety continues to tumble down the spiral as perhaps the most confused and contradictory bunch of people?

Of course, we always have a handy set of excuses for all this. We lash out at ‘Islam’s enemies’ (most of whom exist only in our heads and in our history books); we scorn our politicians and ulema, but at the same time we are ever ready to kill, loot, plunder and go on strikes on the call of these very people. We blame western and Indian cultural influences, but have no clue what to exchange these with. So, unable (rather unwilling) to appreciate the fact that we share an ancient,rich and regal culture with the rest of the subcontinent, we look towards the Middle East.

We reject our own culture but adopt a half-baked understanding of Arabian culture as our own. No wonder a Pakistani continues to smile and keep quiet about the insults he constantly faces in various oil-rich countries, but he would make a huge hue and cry if and when he faces the same in a European or American city. After all, we are Arabs, and so what if our Arabic is not up to the mark, we’re getting there. But unfortunately, that’s all we’re getting at.

I pity myself and my nation. Each one is now a serious causality of all the brazen experiments that have taken place on us by those who wanted to impose their own concept of Islam in our governments, schools, streets and homes. So the next time you meet a hip, young Pakistani dude quoting a religious text, or a Pakistani who stops you from jogging at a park because he wants you to join him for prayers (you can’t ask him to join you for jogging, though), or a burqa-clad woman claiming she is a better woman than the one who does not wear a burqa, or watch a cooking show host talking more about God than the biryani she is cooking, or a bearded barber advising you not to shave, just forgive them all.

Treat us as causalities of the faith which we ourselves have distorted beyond recognition. A faith that was supposed to make us a vibrant, progressive and tolerant set of people, has, instead, and due to our own warped understanding of it, turned us into a horde of very ripe looking vegetables.

The global response

Huma Yusuf 9 Jan 2011

THE madness of one man is a tragedy, but the madness of a whole nation is a farce. The world is rightfully more shocked by Pakistan`s reaction to Governor Salman Taseer`s brutal, senseless murder than the heinous deed itself.

The collective epiphany is almost audible — everyone now knows that the rot in Pakistani society is far more poisonous than anyone believed it to be. Rose garlands and Facebook fan pages? Support for the smiling assassin from so-called moderate clerics, lawyers and assorted crazies? Muted or ambivalent mumblings passed off as condemnation by the media? It is no

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wonder that foreign correspondents have penned the obituary of Pakistani liberalism along with eulogies for Taseer.

In the coming months, we can expect the international community to take greater notice of the appalling state of religious freedom and the freedom of expression in Pakistan, and to carefully monitor the debate about the blasphemy law. An editorial in The New York Times recently, for example, called for the US and the world at large to express suitable outrage over Taseer`s killing.

In addition to being described as the foremost exporters of terrorism, we can certainly expect to have our human rights record scrutinised and slammed. Unfortunately, we can also expect the global despondency over Pakistani society`s downward spiral to have little effect on the local situation.

The fact is, such rhetoric will not transform into real repercussions anytime soon. The world, and especially the US, is more interested in Pakistan`s utility in the fight against Al Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban, and the role that Islamabad might play in brokering a deal with the latter. International concerns about nuclear terrorism, regional stability and geostrategic one-upmanship also trump concerns about the state of human rights within the country. Although the US, EU and other donor countries have the option to make aid and trade deals conditional on Pakistan`s rights record, they are unlikely to exercise it.

This is unfortunate because Pakistan`s blasphemy law is easily discredited within the international human rights framework. Articles 295 and 298 of the PPC restrict basic freedoms of religion and expression. As pointed out in an October 2010 Freedom House report on blasphemy laws and human rights, Pakistan`s law lacks safeguards against abuse since it is vague, offers no clear definitions of blasphemy and has weak evidentiary standards.

Moreover, although the United Nations has declared that the death penalty can only be imposed for the “most serious crimes” — understood to mean offences that result in the loss of life — Article 295-C makes the death penalty mandatory. The law also flouts the non-discrimination and equality principle because it protects one religion while targeting minority groups such as the Ahmadis for their beliefs. The implementation of the law also routinely leads to the violation of the right provided in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights not to be held in arbitrary detention.

While the international community will not exert direct pressure on Pakistan to address these myriad violations, there is one multilateral platform where an immediate backlash to Taseer`s killing should be felt. Pakistan is currently leading a call at the United Nations for an internationally binding instrument to prohibit the defamation of religions.

Acting on behalf of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), Pakistan first introduced such a resolution to the Commission on Human Rights in 1999, and similar resolutions have been passed each year since then. In October 2009, Pakistan upped the ante at the Human Rights Council by revamping its call for an international blasphemy law on the basis that defamation of religions is a form of, or catalyst for, incitement to religious hatred.

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Let`s first take a moment to consider the irony: Pakistan`s greatest legislative stain — its blasphemy law — is currently its primary calling card in the human rights context on the international stage. One would think that we wouldn`t have the audacity to champion the international implementation of a version of a law that has proven so dubious and dangerous at the domestic level.

On this front, however, many UN member states have pushed back, and are increasingly voting against the defamation of religions resolutions. They counter that an international blasphemy law violates the most basic principles of international human rights. As Freedom House puts it, the defamation of religions concept “turns human rights upside down, restricting the speech and actions of men and women for the sake of disembodied ideas”.

Lobby groups are planning to use Taseer`s murder as proof that the very existence of a blasphemy law, even when it is not being directly applied, can lead to increased intolerance, incitement to hatred and religiously motivated violence within a society — and not the other way around, as Pakistan`s resolution would seem to suggest. Human rights groups are hopeful that recent events in Pakistan will help discredit the defamation of religions concept.

As such, the international community`s tangible response to Pakistan`s blasphemy law will unfold at a distant multilateral platform, one where most Pakistanis are unaware that their government is involved in any form of advocacy.

This, however, is a good thing. As intolerance proliferates and religiously motivated violence becomes more savage and sweeping, Pakistan will have to confront the profound failings of its blasphemy law. This confrontation must be internally motivated and directed, and cannot be perceived as an external imposition. It will also have to occur simultaneously in the streets and schools, in mosques, parliament and the courts.

The long process of re-evaluating, and eventually repealing, the law will only come to fruition if it is not delegitimised in any way. As it turns out, all our lives might depend on it.

The writer is the Pakistan Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington, DC.

huma.yusuf@gmail.com

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Mainstream extremism: Is secularism dying in Pakistan?11 January 2011, Reuters

ISLAMABAD: Secularism has become a dangerous, deadly label in Pakistan as religious extremists slowly strengthen their stranglehold on the country and put its stability at risk.

Punjab governor Salman Taseer was a liberal, secular Muslim who, last week, was shot dead by his own bodyguard for opposing a blasphemy law that many human rights activists say is often used to discriminate against religious minorities.

Taseer’s death shocked many in Pakistan and abroad, but perhaps the widespread lionisation of his assassin, Malik Mumtaz Hussain Qadri, was more worrying for the future of the country.

The governor’s slaying, analysts say, will mean the further silencing of liberal and moderate voices, giving religious parties and their allied militants even more veto power over politics in Pakistan.

“Pakistani society has drifted toward religious militancy over the last 20-25 years,” said Hasan-Askari Rizvi, a political analyst. “Anti-American sentiment is very strong, because that’s the mind-set they’ve been brought up with.”

Rizvi predicts that Pakistan will have a rough decade ahead as the generation born in the 1980s — raised on extremist ideology taught in schools and repeated on television and in the mosques — comes to power.

Qadri shot Taseer 27 times in the parking lot of an upscale market and then gave himself up. Almost immediately, militants who want an Islamic emirate in Pakistan — one that defines itself in opposition to the West and the United States — hailed him as a hero.

Hundreds of lawyers, and a few police officers, showered Qadri with flower petals as he arrived at a courthouse.

Thousands of Facebook pages and Twitter posts from Pakistani youth who are also fans of pop singers Miley Cyrus and Justin Bieber popped up in support of Taseer’s killing.

More than 500 religious scholars from a sect traditionally considered moderate ruled the killing justified and warned against any show of grief for Taseer, lest the mourners meet the same fate.

“We have been concerned about increased extremism in Pakistan for some time,” said US State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said Friday, a few days after Taseer’s killing.

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“As we’ve made clear, political violence is a threat to the civilian government in Pakistan, and obviously this is just the latest example.”

Many fear Taseer will be the first of many to be slain for speaking out against extremism: former information minister Sherry Rehman, who introduced the bill to change the blasphemy law, has gone into hiding and the country’s interior minister has suggested she leave the country.

“Silent majority” and the Silence of the lambs

Political stability in Pakistan is seen as key to the United States’ war against Taliban militants in Afghanistan.

Islamabad’s willingness to take on militants on its own soil is also a key security interest of the United States, given the Times Square bombing and other plots that have Pakistani connections.

Washington has been counting on Pakistan’s “silent majority” for years in its fight against extremism and Taliban militancy allegedly emanating from Pakistan’s tribal areas.

But the celebration of the assassin Qadri has undermined the supposed influence of these moderates, and also shattered the vision liberals had of their country as a tolerant homeland for South Asia’s Muslims, but where others can worship freely.

“The reclamation of God in Pakistan, taking back Allah and taking back the prophet and taking back the mosque is really the project of Pakistan,” journalist Mosharraf Zaidi told Reuters.

“This is the most important challenge facing Pakistan. And I’m really afraid maybe the country might not be up to it.”

Sajjid Anwar, deputy secretary general of Jamaat-i-Islami, Pakistan’s largest and best organised religious party, told Reuters there was “no future” for secularism in Pakistan.

That implies that any national discussion, whether on tax reform or prosecuting the war on terrorism, can be framed in religious — and thus sacred — terms.

Who’s to blame?

Much of Pakistan’s turn towards religious extremism can be traced to president General Mohammad Ziaul Haq, who, in the 1980s, enjoyed enthusiastic support from the United States against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.

Haq nurtured religious militants and used American cash to turn a society that had previously been relatively moderate and tolerant towards extremism.

Some blame Pakistan’s weak government for the increase in radicalism, and pine for the “enlightened moderation” of former military ruler General Pervez Musharraf, who was forced to resign in 2008.

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The government’s inability to provide basic services, from education, to reliable electricity, to improving the economy, have made it deeply unpopular. Hardline clerics often exploit anger at the government among the largely poor and illiterate population to further their harsh, unforgiving brand of Islam.

The government’s unpopularity often makes it rely on extreme elements to stay in power, and to pander to their politics.

After Taseer came out against the Punjabi Taliban and opposed the blasphemy law, the leadership of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party abandoned him publicly. Calls for his death rang from mosques for months. The government did nothing to stop it.

The government has backed off from its campaign to change the blasphemy law and the Pakistan People’s Party tried to blame shadowy political conspiracies for Taseer’s murder rather than ascribe a religious motive.

Some Pakistanis say things would be better under a truly democratic system, but others think it is less about the system of government and more about basic competency.

“It’s not (about) democracy, it’s how the country’s been politically managed for 30-40 years,” said a British Pakistani who declined to be identified. “The solution is to start managing the country properly. There’s no good government. They can’t do anything.”

Blasphemy Laws in PakistanBy Liam Cooper (Managing Editor)

By Benedict Rogers

Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights campaigner with Christian Solidarity Worldwide based in London. He also serves as Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission.

On 11 August 1947, Pakistan’s founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah spelled out his vision for the new nation. Although Pakistan was created as a homeland for Muslims, Jinnah envisaged a country based on religious freedom. He said: “You are free. You are free to go to your temples. You are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion, caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State … We are starting with this fundamental principle, that we are all citizens and citizens of one state.”

Half a century later, Pakistan is very far from Jinnah’s vision. The rise of militant Islamism has put the country at the epicentre of global terrorism, and given it one of the world’s worst records of intolerance towards religious minorities. In recent years, violence against Christians, Hindus

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and others has increased, the abduction, gang-rape and forced marriage of minority women and young girls has become more widespread, and letters threatening Christian communities to convert to Islam more regular. But at the heart of this climate of intolerance is a set of laws which are so poorly defined and so widely abused that they have become a weapon of hatred, used by Muslims against each other to settle personal scores, and against minorities to intimidate and persecute. These are Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws.

Introduced by Pakistan’s dictator General Zia ul-Haq in 1982 and 1986, the blasphemy laws amended existing legislation first enacted by the British in colonial India. In 1862, Britain created legislation to protect religious communities in the aftermath of Hindu-Muslim clashes. Section 295A, on “offences concerning religion”, was introduced into the Indian Penal Code, which Pakistan adopted upon its creation in 1947. From 1862 until 1982, only one known case was ever registered under Section 295 A.

From 1947 until 1985, Muslims and Christians in Pakistan lived in relative harmony. However, General Zia’s decision in 1982 to add Section 295 B to the Pakistan Penal Code, and Section 295 C in 1986, and the Shari’a court decision to impose the death penalty in the case of blasphemy against the Prophet Mohammed in 1992, changed all that. Section 295 B refers to the desecration of the Qu’ran, and reads:

“Whoever wilfully defiles, damages or desecrates a copy of the Holy Qu’ran or of an extract therefrom or uses it in any derogatory manner or for any unlawful purpose shall be punishable with imprisonment for life.”

Section 295 C, blasphemy against the Prophet Mohammed, reads:

“Whoever, by words either spoken or written, or by visible representation, or by imputation, innuendo or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiles the sacred name of the Holy Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him) shall be punishable by death, and shall also be liable to fine.”

In the case of 295 B, there is at least a provision for intent, in the reference to whoever “wilfully” defiles the Qu’ran, although in practice this provision is rendered irrelevant, a point illustrated by cases such as an illiterate cleaner who burned a newspaper thinking it was rubbish, without realising it contained quotations from the Qu’ran. Section 295 C, which carries the death penalty, does not include any reference to intent, and is so vaguely worded that it is wide open to abuse. What do terms such as “visible representation”, “imputation”, “innuendo” and “insinuation” actually mean, especially if they are interpreted “directly or indirectly”, and without any question of intent?

Poor definitions of blasphemy and no proof of intent are compounded by the absence of standards of evidence. The testimony of one person is all that is required to secure the arrest of an individual for blasphemy. The police can charge a person, and put the accused in jail. When it comes to trial, no further evidence is required beyond the testimony of one person bringing the accusation. It is safe to say that almost every single blasphemy case is completely fabricated.

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Indeed, it gets worse. Upon cross-examination, the person making the accusation may be asked to repeat exactly what the accused said that was deemed to be blasphemous. In response, the person making the accusation can simply refuse to repeat the alleged remarks – on the grounds that if they did, they themselves would be committing blasphemy. In some cases the credibility of witnesses is stretched beyond imagination. In a blasphemy trial in Sargodha, for example, the defence counsel showed that the prosecution witness was unreliable – but the judge ruled that because he had a beard of a certain length, and was a Muslim, his evidence was acceptable and the accused was found guilty.

Regularly, mobs of Muslims, often led by Mullahs, crowd into the courtroom, shouting threats at the judge if he does not rule in their favour. Defence lawyers receive death threats for taking on blasphemy cases. Mobs gather outside the courtroom, and physically threaten the lawyers as they leave. As one lawyer told Christian Solidarity Worldwide, “no blasphemy case has ever been conducted on a fair trial basis.”

In addition to the threats faced by lawyers, judges and human rights activists, the defendants themselves are at grave risk – before, during and even after their trials. In prison, awaiting trial, those accused of blasphemy face the danger of being killed. Some members of the police and the judiciary are themselves extremists involved in condoning or perpetrating violence against people accused of blasphemy. In 2000, Acting Chief Justice of the Lahore High Court, Justice Mian Nazir Akhtar, said that no one had authority to pardon blasphemy and that anyone accused of blasphemy should be killed on the spot, as a religious obligation. On 24 May 2004 at 4.30am, Samuel Masih, a Christian awaiting trial for blasphemy, was beaten to death by a policeman who was supposed to be protecting him in hospital. The policeman, who hit Samuel around the head with a brick cutter, said afterwards that he had felt compelled by his faith to kill him. He added: “I have offered my religious duty for killing the man. I’m spiritually satisfied and ready to face the consequences.” Samuel Masih was accused of throwing waste against the wall of a mosque and was beaten up last August by a Muslim prayer leader and others in Lahore, and then handed over to the police. He was arrested on August 23, 2003 and held in Lahore Central Jail, where he remained until May 22 when he was hospitalised with tuberculosis.

Some people accused of blasphemy have been acquitted by the High Court, but even then they are not safe. In the eyes of extremists, once a person is accused of blasphemy they are marked for life. So if acquitted, a person has to live the rest of their lives in hiding – or in exile. In some cases, those accused of blasphemy face such severe risks that they have to flee the country. Ayub Masih was charged with blasphemy in October 1996, and faced repeated threats in prison. Throughout his trial, extremists packed the courtroom and threatened to kill Ayub, his lawyers and the judge if he was not convicted and hanged. In November 1997, he was shot at by the complainant inside the Sahiwal sessions court, and a year later he was sentenced to death by the court. However, in a bold ruling in 2002 the Supreme Court in Islamabad overturned the judgment, acquitting him and ordering his immediate release. The court ruled that the allegations were “baseless and false”. But Ayub, whose case was high profile, remained in grave danger following his release, and had to go into hiding and then exile.

Since 1986, the number of deaths, false convictions, wrongful imprisonments, cases of torture and religiously-motivated violence has risen significantly. The National Commission for Justice

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and Peace (NCJP) of the Catholic Church concludes that: “No other law in the name of religion has had a more devastating and massive effect in recent years than the blasphemy laws.” Many, perhaps most, blasphemy cases are not even directly related to religion – they usually revolve around land-grabbing disputes or personal vendettas.

In addition to the threats and violence against lawyers and blasphemy suspects, allegations of blasphemy often provoke mass communal violence directed against Christian and other non-Muslim communities. In April 2008, a Hindu factory worker, Jagdesh Kumar, was beaten to death after rumours spread that he had committed blasphemy. In November 2005, some of the worst anti-Christian violence broke out in Sangla Hill, Punjab. A mob destroyed churches, accusing a Christian man, Yousaf Masih, of desecrating the Qu’ran. According to the All Pakistan Minorities Alliance (APMA), “within minutes the Christian residential area was blazing. Christian residents fled to save their lives.” Eyewitnesses claimed that the attack was premeditated, as the mob had been brought in on buses.

The abuse of the blasphemy laws is one of the most systematic and severe issues facing the people of Pakistan, Muslims and non-Muslims alike. It is a pivotal issue, because in addition to the direct hardship it causes for those falsely accused of blasphemy, the abuse of the law creates an atmosphere of hatred and intolerance in which other acts of religiously-motivated violence, discrimination, intimidation and persecution become more widespread.

For example, Christians and other minorities are denied promotion in many parts of public service, and often face violent persecution. Women from Christian and other minority backgrounds are particularly vulnerable. While women of all religions face various forms of domestic and sexual violence, including the threat of ‘honour killings’, Christian women – and young girls – appear to be particularly targeted for sexual violence. Rape is used as a weapon to insult, demean and destroy minority communities, and often young girls who are abducted and raped are then forced to convert to Islam and marry their captors. On Easter Day 2007, Shaheena Masih, aged 12, was kidnapped and gang-raped by four Muslim men in Lahore. According to APMA, one of the rapists told his accomplices: “Don’t hesitate to rape a Christian girl. Even if she dies, no one will get us. Her poor parents cannot pursue us.”

Despite the litany of violence and discrimination, there have been occasional moments of hope in Pakistan regarding the treatment of minorities. In November 2008, Shahbaz Bhatti, founder and President of APMA, was appointed to the Cabinet as Federal Minister for Minorities Affairs. Bhatti, who was elected to the National Assembly earlier in the year, is one of Pakistan’s most outspoken activists, a leading campaigner for the repeal of the blasphemy laws and equal rights for all religious communities. His appointment, and the promotion of his ministerial position to Cabinet-level for the first time in Pakistan’s history, is a welcome indicator of the intentions of Pakistan’s new government.

Reform or repeal of the blasphemy laws is the next step for campaigners – but significant change will require courage on the part of legislators and the government. So far, such courage has not been seen. An attempt to introduce serious reform in 2007 was fiercely opposed. A Hindu member of the National Assembly, Minocher Bhandara, proposed amending the blasphemy laws by reducing the penalty for blasphemy against the Prophet from death to five years in prison and

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a fine. He also proposed applying the laws equally to all religions, not only Islam. Campaigners would prefer to see the laws repealed, but recognised that such a step would be unachievable in the current climate. However, even the moderate reforms proposed drew strong opposition from the government. The Parliamentary Affairs Minister described the amendments as “un-Islamic”, and added: “Islam is our religion and such bills hurt our feelings. This is not a secular state but the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.”

On 6 May 1998, the Catholic Bishop of Faisalabad, Bishop John Joseph, a leading campaigner against the blasphemy laws, stood in front of the court building in Sahiwal and, as an act of protest at the death sentence passed on Ayub Masih, shot himself dead. A few days previously, he had told friends that if the blasphemy laws were not repealed, “we will launch a protest which will stun the whole world”. In a letter to the Vatican, sent following seven days of prayer and fasting, the Bishop wrote: “I only hope and pray that God accepts the sacrifice of my blood for his people”. Ten years after his death, little has changed in Pakistan. Did Bishop John Joseph die in vain?

http://religion-compass.com/2011/01/05/blasphemy-laws-in-pakistan-2/

UN Anti-Blasphemy Resolution

http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,432502,00.html

U.N. Anti-Blasphemy Resolution Curtails Free Speech, Critics SayMonday, October 06, 2008 By Jennifer Lawinski

Religious groups and free-speech advocates are banding together to fight a United Nations resolution they say is being used to spread Sharia law to the Western world and to intimidate anyone who criticizes Islam.

The non-binding resolution on "Combating the Defamation of Religion" is intended to curtail speech that offends religion -- particularly Islam.

Pakistan and the Organization of the Islamic Conference introduced the measure to the U.N. Human Rights Council in 1999. It was amended to include religions other than Islam, and it has passed every year since.

In 2005, Yemen successfully brought a similar resolution before the General Assembly. Now the 192-nation Assembly is set to vote on it again.

The non-binding Resolution 62/145, which was adopted in 2007, says it "notes with deep concern the intensification of the campaign of defamation of religions and the ethnic and religious profiling of Muslim minorities in the aftermath of 11 September 2001."

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It "stresses the need to effectively combat defamation of all religions and incitement to religious hatred, against Islam and Muslims in particular."

But some critics believe the resolution is a dangerous threat to freedom of speech everywhere.

The U.S. government mission in Geneva, in a statement, told the U.N. Human Rights Council in July that "defamation-related laws have been abused by governments and used to restrict human rights" around the world, and sometimes Westerners have been caught in the web.

Critics give some recent news events as examples of how the U.N. "blasphemy resolution" has emboldened Islamic authorities and threatened Westerners:

-- On Oct. 3 in Great Britain, three men were charged for plotting to kill the publisher of the novel "The Jewel of Medina," which gives a fictional account of the Prophet Muhammad and his child bride. FOXNews.com reported U.S. publisher Random House Inc., was going to release the book but stopped it from hitting shelves after it claimed that "credible and unrelated sources" said the book could incite violence by a "small, radical segment."

-- An Afghan student is on death row for downloading an article about the role of women in Islam, FOXNews.com also reported.

-- In December 2007 "a court reportedly sentenced two foreigners to six months in prison for allegedly marketing a book deemed offensive to Aisha, one of the Prophet Muhammad's wives," the U.S. government said.

-- A British teacher was sentenced to 15 days in jail in Sudan for offending Islam by allowing students to name the class teddy bear Muhammad in November 2007.

-- In February 2007 in Egypt an Internet blogger was sentenced to four years in prison for writing a post that critiqued Islam.

-- In 2004, Dutch filmmaker Theo Van Gogh was murdered after the release of his documentary highlighting the abuse of Muslim women.

"It's obviously intended to have an intimidating effect on people expressing criticism of radical Islam, and the idea that you can have a defamation of a religion like this, I think, is a concept fundamentally foreign to our system of free expression in the United States," said former U.N. Ambassador John Bolton.

Passing the resolution year after year gives it clout, Bolton said. "In places where U.N. decisions are viewed as more consequential than they are in the U.S., they're trying to build up brick-by-brick that disagreement with this resolution is unacceptable."

Kevin "Seamus" Hasson, founder and president of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, a public interest law firm in Washington that opposes the resolution, said it is a slap in the face of

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human rights law.

"The whole idea of the defamation of religion is a Trojan horse for something else," Hasson said. "When you talk about defamation, you talk about people being defamed and people being libeled, but ideas can't be defamed. Ideas don't have rights, people have rights."

He said the resolution is a shield for Islamic fundamentalists who retaliate against perceived offenses and want to make Islamic Sharia law the law of the land. He said the resolution passes under the guise of protecting religion, but it actually endangers religious minorities in Islamic countries.

"Who could possibly be in favor of defamation?" Hasson said. "God may well punish blasphemy in the hereafter, but it's not the government's job to police in the here and now."

Paula Schriefer, advocacy director for Freedom House, a member of the Coalition to Defend Free Speech, agrees.

"You have to remember that many of the governments that are pushing forward this idea are not democratic governments," she said. "Citizens of Pakistan or Egypt, who have been two of the ringleaders of this movement, are frequently put in prison or arrested. Even if they're not arrested, the fear of being arrested creates an environment of self-censorship."

Floyd Abrams, Visiting Professor of First Amendment Law at the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism, said that while Americans are protected by the Constitution at home, the U.N. resolution could affect those who travel to countries with anti-free-speech laws and isolate Westerners who oppose restricting religious dialogue.

Neither the Pakistani, the Indonesian nor the Egyptian missions to the U.N. responded to requests for comment. All three are members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

“We are friends of Pakistan. We believe in a strong partnership grounded in a principled commitment to our values.” US, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy and Human Rights Michael H. Posner.

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19 Jan. 2011Dawn.com

Pope Plea in Pakistan Blasphemy CaseNovember 17, 2010 - 9:55 AM | by: Greg Burke

Pope Makes Plea In Blasphemy Death Sentence

Pope Benedict ended his weekly audience on Wednesday with an appeal for Pakistan to save the life of Asia Bibi, a Christian woman who was sentenced to death after being convicted of blasphemy.

“Today I express my spiritual closeness to Mrs. Asia Bibi and her family, while I ask that she be given back full liberty as soon as possible.”

Benedict also noted the “difficult situation” of Christians in Pakistan, and said he prayed for others in similar situations, so that “their human dignity and their fundamental rights” be fully respected.

Bibi, 45, a mother of five, was charged one year ago with blasphemy after allegedly insulting the Prophet Mohammed during an argument with fellow farm workers.

Pakistan’s blasphemy law has been criticized as a tool for Muslim fundamentalists to use against Christians and other minorities in the country.

“The obscene consequences of the blasphemy laws have been evident for decades now through the continued criminalization and persecution of those the state ought to actually be protecting,” says Ali Dayan Hassan of Human Rights Watch.

Read more: http://liveshots.blogs.foxnews.com/2010/11/17/pope-plea-in-pakistan-blasphemy-case/#ixzz1BTVtCkdV

Benedict also called for Pakistan to overturn its blasphemy law, saying it serves as a “pretext for acts of injustice and violence against religious minorities.”And in Pakistan, the response on the street was a not a friendly one, as protesters burned the Pope in effigy.

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EU parliament urges pardon, release of Asia Bibi

AFP 21 January 2011

EU parliamentarians asked “the Pakistani authorities to free Asia Bibi immediately” and urged President Zardari “to use his constitutional authority to pardon her.” -Reuters File Photo

STRASBOURG: The European parliament on Thursday urged Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari to pardon and release Asia Bibi, a Christian woman sentenced to death for blasphemy against Islam.

In a resolution adopted by the 736-seat assembly, the parliamentarians asked “the Pakistani authorities to free Asia Bibi immediately” and urged Zardari “to use his constitutional authority to pardon her.”

The 45-year-old mother-of-five was sentenced to death in November after Muslim women labourers who worked with her in the fields complained she made derogatory remarks about the Prophet Mohammed.

The European parliamentarians also called on “the Pakistani government once again for a sweeping revision of blasphemy laws and their application.”

The resolution also refers to the January 4 assassination of Punjab governor Salman Taseer, who was shot dead by a police commando after calling for reform of the blasphemy law used to sentence Bibi to death.

His outspoken liberal stance offended the country’s increasingly powerful conservative religious base.

The parliament paid homage to Taseer for his “courage” and “force of character.”

It decried the fact that tens of thousands of people took to the streets of Karachi to defend his killing and expressed great concern for the groudnswell of support “in favour of religious intolerance.”

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The Pakistani government must work “to stop the voice of moderates being reduced to silence by extremists in the country” and “purge from the security forces the extremist elements within.”

It said parts of the army, the judiciary and the political class either tacitly or publicly supported religious extremists. Even government-approved school text-books contained “hatred-inciting propaganda.”

January 2011

From the PressBlogs:

My Question to the Muslims:

Dear Mr. Mahir,

Your recent column America holds Mirror to Bigotry, prompted me to raise a few points. By the way, before I proceed, I am a Pakistani Christian, presently staying in a South East Asian country. Now to your article, well said, but what surprises me a great deal is that why can't you Muslims be fair in your analysis of things. Why can't you look in the mirror yourself first to see how you treat minorities back in the citadel of Islam? Your point on Saudi Arab’s not allowing churches in Arabia because it is a theocratic monarchy, sounds absurd. First of all, you know well, there is no room for monarchy in Islam, yet you Muslims pay homage to it. Secondly, dos this point justify that that there should be no church in Saudi Arabia. What about Vatican. Don’t Muslims have a place of worship there? What about Islamabad, the capital of the land of the pure, why is a church not allowed there? Is it because its name is, Islamabad?If American Muslims had slightest sense of being rational, they themselves would have opposed the idea, seeing it as a contentious affair. Moreover, you as a Muslim, and all other Muslims, should know well that Islam prohibits construction of a mosque that is to be built on a disputed site. Be fair and rational in what you say and what you write. It is Christianity and Christian civilization and values that have given you so much space, how much do you give. Please make a fair analysis.I guess you reside in a developed foreign country, wish you went back and “enjoyed” the “pleasure” and “bliss” of living in an Islamic state. May I suggest a good one, go to Pakistan, at least, just for a “change”.

Prudent Injeeli

Responses:

September 11, 2010 at 12:40

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You are Muslim and you complain, think of us, who are Christians but being Pakistanis, are measured with the same yardstick, just because we carry the dreaded green passport. At home we are hated by Muslims because we are Christians, out of Pakistan we hated by the world, because we are Pakistanis. Where do we go and what should we do, any answer?

Reply

Logician says:

September 12, 2010 at 10:50

You have 2 options.

1) Convert to Islam and not travel anywhere outside pakistan.2) Get rid of your green passport by migrating to a secular democratic western country.

ahmed41 says:

September 12, 2010 at 12:06

CONVERT ? to Islam !!!

basheer says:

September 12, 2010 at 10:01

Answer is simple: emigrate or convert and submit!

asleem says:

September 12, 2010 at 9:54

Time to switch to a passport of a different color?

anonymous says:

September 12, 2010 at 12:45

By the same logic Muslims living in other parts of the world should be asked to convert to other religion or should be asked to go Pakistan or to some Muslim country right?

R. Querieshi says:

September 12, 2010 at 3:54

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I understand your predicament. This world is not fair for anyone. Just pray (like we do) for things to get better. What else can we do?

Reply

M Ehtesham says:

September 12, 2010 at 3:52

I empathize with you, you are not the only religious minority in Pakistan! My brother in law (Muslim) was killed by terrorists after he came out of his clinic after seeing patients, based on his religious beliefs. Do not forget bomb blasts in Karachi and Lahore recently and another one in Lahore few weeks ago. This is not only the problems of Christians, Hindus etc, this is a problem of everyone.

Prudent Injeeli

September 15, 2010 at 7:10

Pakistan: From tourism to terrorism

Nothing is going to change because the problem with this nation is that, there is a fault line in the brains. Religious hypocrisy and a twisted world view are going to bleed it to its final doom. Every one in the world is bad, only Pakistanis are good, not just good but the best, the most pious, the most righteous, the most favorite of the gods. All others will go to hell only we are worthy of the heavenly bliss. We curse the nations who provide our daily bread. We are simply, THE BEST, there ever was, there ever is and there ever will be. We are Pakistanis.

The Dr. Afia Siddiqui Case (Dr. Afia, a Muslim woman tried and sentenced in America for attacking American soldiers in Afghanistan, in her spiritual quest to earn martyrdom)

Prudent Injeeli September 29, 2010 at 7:05

It is the height of hypocrisy to raise the Afia issue to such an extent whereas in our own land of the pure so much wicked things go on everyday. As far as America goes, have Pakistanis ever thought even for a split second, if it were not America supporting Pakistan (financially) you won’t be there even for a single day. In floods, earthquake, it is America that comes out to help the most. But call it shamelessness or whatever word or term you may like to choose, the very so called right wing or the ones with no wings, curse America but their children study their or in other western countries. The whole hue and cry is just to score points on public sympathy. Something to protest against, only to give vent to their own frustrated lives with nothing worthwhile. Some more massala for the TV anchors.

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On NY Time Square Bomber’s act of jihad - 2010

Why is everyone so surprised at this incident? Is it anything new? A nation that has learned only to blame others for all their vows must face this one also with the same brazenness and shamelessness. The NY Time Square Screen issues, the Butt.cricket.com fiasco in England and not to mention numerous other antics that the Pakistanis pull off at an amazing frequency, are wonders to marvel at. Also, don't forget, a cricketer who was charged with drug possession at a Middle East airport, makes back in the team, manages to get in another shameful act of "fixing" and the people of this wonderful country shout slogans at those who blow the whistle at them. Even shame must be ashamed at the acts of Pakistanis. Hold on a second, if you are hardcore chauvinist, I have traveled a number of times by air by various airlines and I see it is the Pakistanis who give the worst time to the hostesses, often young uncultured young adults (even adults) who keep buzzing the bell to call the hostesses to demand drink, juice, coke or any other snack. Also, passing filthy remarks in their own language at the ladies who are at their mercy all through the agonizing time they are in the plane as passengers. Ask them to behave, and they say, we have paid the money to buy this expensive (economy class) ticket, thus we have the right to call these ladies any time we want or anything we want. Back home when their feet are on ground they will like to kill even a blind passerby whom they'd suspect of glancing at their sister or cousin. Shame, hypocrisy, false religious piety, hollow patriotism, open -ended corruption, bribery, violence, bloodshed, target killings, protests, condemnations of the west, riots, bigotry, filthiness both is the streets and in minds, stoning, burning, burying alive, honor killings, public lashing even of young women, child labor, curruptin rampant in all walks of life, from a peon to prime miniter. Like it or not, this is Pakistan, light years away form being a civilized, decent and a rational nation. There may be hope in hell but not in Pakstan.

“Taliban true followers of Islam” Minister of tourism (or is it terrorism?)

Federal Minister for Tourism Atta-ur-Rehman presents a momento to High Commissioner of Maldives Aishath Shehnaz Adam, at Ministry of Tourism. – Online photo (File)

MANSEHRA: Federal Minister for Tourism Maulana Attaur Rehman has said that Taliban are the true followers of Islamic ideology and the US has been creating hatred against them.

“Ulema and Taliban are the true followers of Islamic ideology and America is the biggest terrorist of the world, which is creating hatred against them,” said the minister while speaking at a public gathering in Allai here on Tuesday.

Mr Rehman said that the ongoing spate of terrorism could not be eliminated until the US and the world gave equal rights and respect to the Muslims.

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“It is a misconception that ulema and Taliban are against coexistence of people with different religions, in fact it is America which is against the interfaith harmony to maintain its hegemony on the world,” said Mr Rehman, who belongs to the JUI-F.

on " Taliban, the true followers of Islam: minister "

Prudent Injeeli

The minister of tourism, speaking in favor of the Taliban, should be minister of terrorism, not tourism. The minister should invite some Taliban terrorists to do some tourism in Pakistan. Well I think they are already doing it quite a lot with ministers like the Maulana being around. No wonder there is so much healthy tourism in Pakistan, with the likes of tourism minister, the honorable Maulana.

__________________________

Prudent Injeeli to the Maulana (Mininter of Toursim)

Well done Maulana! Thank you so much. So far all what we had been hearing was (from George Bush and Prince Charles to a host of Muslim apologists, particularly those in the West) that Islam has been hijacked by the Taliban and that Islam is a progressive and peaceful religion that has nothing to do with violence and barbarism that the Taliban are perpetrating in the name of religion. Thank you so much for finally telling us that Taliban indeed are the true followers of Islam and the remaining Muslims all over the world are not. So now in the light of the honorable Maulana’s verdict on the Taliban, we can safely assert that all the violent actions of the Taliban, from burning schools, especially those for the girls, public floggings, beheadings, persecuting minorities, forcing conversions and shoving religion down the throats of the moderates, banning all sorts of art and music and any other form of entertainment (except of course, public lashing, hangings or stoning) must be banned. So, all this is the true version of Islam that is being promoted by the true followers of Islam, namely the noble and the pious, Taliban. I thank your from the core of my heart for telling us that it’s the Taliban who are the true followers of Islam. By the way, Maulana sahib, what are you doing in close vicinity of a woman who is not even wearing a hijab (photo in the newspaper) and one more thing, how are you part of a government which is by and large known as a secular party, I mean PPP? Come on Maulana Sahib, this is not fair, an admirer of the Taliban and then all this. Doesn’t click, does it?

Jirga ‘justice’

 Dawn Editorial Wednesday, 22 Sep, 2010

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Violence against vulnerable sections of society such as women and children, and the denial of their constitutional rights, continues to characterize Pakistani society irrespective, it seems, of all efforts to alter the situation. Often, this is because of lack of awareness and the enforcement of relevant laws.  Consider, for example, a jirga convened on Sunday in Kaloo Jatoi village near Shikarpur, which ordered the marriage of two minor girls as a dispute-settlement mechanism. The complainant, a Jatoi tribesman, accused two men of having had an illicit relationship with his two wives, whom he killed a month ago. The jirga decided that two girls from the accused men’s families be married into the complainant’s family as compensation. Consequently, 12-year-old Sadia was forced to marry a man nearly 30 years her senior, while 9-year-old Shami was married to a teenaged boy.

This system of dispute settlement, where women are used as currency, is considered traditional in some areas but can be held to violate a number of laws. These include legislation against underage marriages, specific protection for children and women, constitutional protection of human rights and the legislative freedom to consensual marriage.  Additionally, jirgas themselves were branded as unconstitutional by the Sindh High Court in 2004, which ruled that they usurp the power of the state. In the past, there have been many cases where jirga rulings have led to gross rights’ abuses. Almost invariably, the victims have been women and children, though men have suffered as well.  Jirgas have ordered murder, rape and public humiliation as ‘fitting’ punishment. These practices will not end until the state makes it a priority to take legal action against those who constitute the jirgas and those who implement unlawful punishments. It is time that laws that are available on the books are stringently enforced.

The great debate over Islam

By Irfan Husain Wednesday, 13 Oct, 2010

This deliberate distancing from the West, while living within its boundaries, gives rise to an understandable degree of hostility. –Photo by Reuters

Although I get my share of spam in my inbox, I often receive very interesting and useful links as well. One took me to a recent debate at New York University. Organised by Intelligence Squared, the topic was ‘Islam is a religion of peace’.

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IQ2 has become an increasingly important forum for debate and discussion, and is based in London. Recently, it had invited Pervez Musharraf to hold forth, and I must say this was not the organisation’s finest moment because as I noted in this space while covering the event, the interviewer let the ex-dictator get away with far too much.

Defending the proposition were Maajid Nawaz of the anti-terrorist think-tank, the Qulliam Foundation, and Zeba Khan, a young Indian-American who set up a volunteer group, Muslims for Obama. Opposing it was Ayaan Hirsi Ali, the famous Somali dissident who first migrated to Holland, and now lives in the United States. Sharing the panel with her was Douglas Murray, the director of London’s Centre for Social Cohesion.

The format of IQ2 debates is very interesting: the audience vote for the proposition before and after the debate, and the question and answer session that follows. The side that changes the most minds through their arguments is declared the winner.

As so may Muslims are prone to do, Khan and Nawaz declared that the vast majority of Muslims are peaceful, and blamed a small minority of ‘hijacking Islam’ for political ends. Hirsi Ali and Murray, opposing the motion, insisted that there were many sections of the Islamic texts that urged followers to commit violent acts. All four debaters argued persuasively, but the proposition was defeated in the final vote. Interestingly, more people thought that Islam was indeed a religion of peace before the debate than afterwards.

Perhaps the turning point came when Douglas Murray declared that despite IQ2’s best efforts, no Islamic scholar accepted their invitation to debate the motion. Another point that might have swayed the audience was Hirsi Ali’s assertion that she had to leave Holland as her life was under danger from extremists when she renounced her former religion. Murray made the further point that Islam did not permit dissent in the way other religions did.

This event was a microcosm of the larger debate going on in the West about Islam. In country after country in Europe, Muslims are viewed with suspicion and fear, and Islam is increasingly seen as a political, militant ideology rather than a spiritual, peaceful faith. In the IQ2 debate, Faisal Shahzad was quoted telling the court: “Brace yourselves: the war with Muslims has just begun.” This is a man who is far removed from the West’s perception of Islamic terrorists: educated, seemingly Westernised and successful, he was the antithesis of the angry, bearded faces Americans have come to associate with Islam. So if he could become radicalised, the argument goes, surely all Muslims are vulnerable to extremist ideology.

In Holland, Austria, Germany and Belgium, radical rightwing parties have climbed on the Islamophobic bandwagon, and have increased their votes in recent elections. Britain, while it remains a bastion of liberalism and tolerance, is becoming increasingly uncomfortable with the crime and violence rampant in its Muslim communities. Although around 2.8 per cent of Britain’s population is Muslim, currently 12pc of the jail population profess Islam as their faith. And of course, Muslims are increasing at a far faster rate than any other group. According to an article by Richard Kerbaj in the Sunday Times last year, the number of Muslims in the UK rose by 500,000 between 2004 and 2008.Understandably, such statistics cause disquiet among the majority who fear they are being swamped by foreigners who largely refuse to accept the culture

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and the values of the host country. Even liberal Brits are beginning to question an immigration policy that has produced the tensions that are now surfacing.

Above all, the perception that somehow, Islam sanctions and promotes acts of violence is creating a backlash in the West. The truth is that in the 21st century, there are very few sacred cows left in the West. When the Pope visited Britain recently, he was attacked mercilessly in the media. The Queen is often lampooned. Steve Bell, the irreverent Guardian cartoonist, regularly portrays the Prime Minister as a condom. Nobody is spared, and nobody is off-limits.

Against this backdrop, Westerners just cannot understand why Muslims should expect special treatment for them and their faith. The point many commentators make is that if they have decided to move to the West of their own free will, Muslims should get used to the unfettered right to comment and criticise that is taken for granted here. Thus, if some nutty preacher in Florida decides to burn the Muslim Holy Book, or some obscure Danish newspaper runs cartoons of the Holy Prophet [PBUH], Muslims should ignore such provocations.

Rather than blend into the mainstream, many Muslims in the West have chosen to make a defiant statement about their identity. More and more young women are wearing the headscarf or the burqa when their mothers never did. Similarly, young men sport ragged beards and high shalwars to announce their faith. This, of course, is their choice. But it does set them apart, and signals that they have nothing in common with their Western hosts.

This deliberate distancing from the West, while living within its boundaries, gives rise to an understandable degree of hostility. Many Islamic websites and imams advise Muslims not to have anything to do with non-Muslims. Often, this results in misunderstandings when some Muslims refuse to even extend the common courtesy of saying ‘please’ and ‘thank you’.

In the IQ2 debate, Zeba Khan cited a Gallop poll that showed that some 93pc of all Muslims were peaceful and against acts of violence. What her opponents did not immediately pounce on was the logical implication of these statistics: 7pc of Muslims are not peaceful. And 7pc of 1.5 billion comes to 105 million violent Muslims out there. For me, that’s 105 million too many.

Blind and stupid and savageArdeshir Cowasjee Yesterday

MY generation and the one that followed have much to answer for. But we cannot, because it is now too late. We let things slip and slide.

We supported the wrong leaderships for the wrong reasons, or we acquiesced silently. We had benefits that today’s youth lack — we were given a liberal education by those who were amply qualified to impart it. We were taught the tenets of tolerance, of live and let live and of doing unto others as you wish they would do unto you.

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But we lost it. We failed the nation, and most of all we failed the creed of the man who made this nation and who set out for us, and for those who were to legislate and rule, the manner and style in which he intended the country he had created to be run. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was let down with a big bang, mostly by those who lorded it over the nation when he was dead and gone. But, maybe unwittingly (and I would like to think so), we did our part. We had no prescience. Over the decaying decades we failed to foresee the dangers under our noses and the ever-increasing dangers that lay ahead.

All this has been on my mind for a long time but was brought home by an email message from a young reader who had read my last column on some of Jinnah’s sayings. “Where we are today, we deserve it 100 per cent,” he wrote. “And it’s not because of our generation. Where were you when Ayub defeated Fatima Jinnah in the elections? Where were you when Bhutto [and others] bartered away half the country [and parliament decreed who was or was not a Muslim]?

Where was your generation when Zia introduced this warped ideology? I’ll answer that: nowhere. Because of the cowardice of your generation, I and a lot of others find ourselves in distant lands to gain liberty and freedom.”

Yes, it is unforgivable. We should hide our faces in shame. In particular a great number such as me, for in the 1930s I had one of the finest teachers who laid down the law strictly and who made sure that we fully understood the knowledge he was imparting. Maneckji Nusserwanji Dhalla (1875-1956) was a Zoroastrian priest and scholar who received a master’s degree from Columbia University in1906 after studying Iranian languages and Sanskrit with minors in philology and philosophy. In 1929, following the publication of several books, he received an honorary Doctor of Letters from Columbia. In 1935 he was given the title Shamsul Ulema. At that time he was teaching us at the BVS Parsi High School, and to this day I keep close at hand one of his lectures entitled ‘Let none nurse intolerance’:

“Intolerance and bigotry and dogmatism are the bitterest enemies of religion upon earth. They make religion a tyrant, a persecutor, a veritable daeva, the demoniac perversion of angelic religion.

“The frog croaks that his well is the whole world and the bigot boasts that his is the only inspired and perfect religion. The truth and the whole truth is exclusively garnered in his religion, he avers. His religion is the crown and culmination of all religions, his religion is ordained to be the universal religion of mankind and salvation is possible only through his religion, he adds.

“All bigotry is blind and stupid and savage. Sectarian bigotry is as bad as inter-religious bigotry. Bigotry stifles reason and the bigot, in his frenzy, is out to force all to believe what he believes.

“All religions come from one and the only God, who makes himself known by many a name. From the same source, like the tributaries of a river, they flow. All religions make man equally good upon earth and with equal safety do they conduct his soul to heaven. One alone is truth and all religions teach this truth, for religion itself is truth.

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“All open their hearts to the same God. All seek refuge in the same God. All seek fellowship with the same God. All commend their souls into the hands of the same God.

“Man has no right to demand that his neighbour shall address God after his pattern and shall pray in his own way and worship according to his liking and sacrifice unto God in the manner he does.

“No thinking man’s own idea of God and religion, at all times and in all conditions of life, is ever the same. For everybody’s views on religion, then, it is not possible ever to be alike. Monotonous would our world become, if all thought equally and in the same way without ever differing in religious beliefs and practices from one another. Nature shines in her luxuriant glory because of the wide variety of her form and colour and beauty. So do there bloom and blossom in the garden of the spirit pervading mankind, foliage and flowers of all shades and grades of devotion and religious emotions.

“Teach me, my God, to see that I have no right to impose my own way of thinking upon others. Teach me to acknowledge and honour the right of all to pray and worship and sacrifice in their own way. Keep me free from sectarian spirit, and give me strength to root out from my heart bigotry and fanatic zeal. Teach meto discern true religion from religiosity. Fill my mind and heart with the spirit of toleration.”

This is what the early generations were taught. We all listened well then. But later, along the way, we failed to see or check the creeping darkness.

arfc@cyber.net.pk

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The debate within Islam:

Islamic scholar attacks Pakistan's blasphemy laws

In the wake of Salmaan Taseer's murder, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi declares Islamic councils are "telling lies to the people"

guardian.co.uk , Thursday 20 January 2011 16.43 GMT

Javed Ahmad Ghamidi, reformist scholar and popular television preacher. Photograph: Declan walsh

A prominent Islamic scholar has launched a blistering attack on Pakistan's blasphemy laws, warning that failure to repeal them will only strengthen religious extremists and their violent followers.

"The blasphemy laws have no justification in Islam. These ulema [council of clerics] are just telling lies to the people," said Javed Ahmad Ghamidi, a reformist scholar and popular television preacher.

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"But they have become stronger, because they have street power behind them, and the liberal forces are weak and divided. If it continues like this it could result in the destruction of Pakistan."

Ghamidi, 59, is the only religious scholar to publicly oppose the blasphemy laws since the assassination of the Punjab governor, Salmaan Taseer, on 4 January. He speaks out at considerable personal risk.

Ghamidi spoke to the Guardian from Malaysia, where he fled with his wife and daughters last year after police foiled a plot to bomb their Lahore home. "It became impossible to live there," he said.

Their fears were well founded: within months Taliban gunmen assassinated Dr Farooq Khan, a Ghamidi ally also famous for speaking out, at his clinic in the north-western city of Mardan.

The scholar's troubles highlight the shrinking space for debate in Pakistan, where Taseer's death has emboldened the religious right, prompting mass street rallies in favour of his killer, Mumtaz Qadri.

Liberal voices have been marginalised; many fear to speak out. Mainstream political parties have crumbled, led by the ruling Pakistan People's party, which declared it will never amend the blasphemy law.

Sherry Rehman, a PPP parliamentarian who proposed changes to the legislation, was herself charged with blasphemy this week. Since Taseer's death she has been confined to her Karachi home after numerous death threats, some issued publicly by clerics.

Although other Islamic scholars share Ghamidi's views on blasphemy, none dared air them so forcefully. "Ghamidi is a voice of reason in a babble of noises seemingly dedicated to irrationality," said Ayaz Amir, an opposition politician and opinion columnist.

Ghamidi's voice stands out because he attacks the blasphemy law on religious grounds. While secular critics say it is abused to persecute minorities and settle scores, Ghamidi says it has no foundation in either the Qur'an or the Hadith – the sayings of the prophet Muhammad. "Nothing in Islam supports this law," he said.

Ghamidi deserted the country's largest religious political party, Jamaat-e-Islami, to set up his own school of religious teaching. He came to public attention through a series of television shows on major channels. They were cancelled due to opposition from the mullahs, he said. "They told the channels there would be demonstrations if I wasn't taken off air."

Three years ago gunmen fired a pistol into the mouth of the editor of Ghamidi's magazine; last year the police foiled a plot to bomb his home and school. Now the school is closed.

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The core problem, Ghamidi said, was the alliance between Pakistan's "establishment" – code for the military – and Islamist extremists it uses to fight in Kashmir and Afghanistan. "They are closely allied," he said.

The blasphemy debate has exposed painful rifts in Pakistani society. One Ghamidi follower said his father, a British-educated engineer, called him an infidel for attacking the controversial law. "Our society is tearing itself apart," he said.

Tariq Dhamial, a lawyer representing Mumtaz Qadri, said more than 800 lawyers had offered to represent the self-confessed killer. "Everyone is behind Qadri. Doctors, teachers, labourers, even police – they believe he did the right thing," Dhamial said.Dhamial said the police intended to hold Qadri's trial in jail but the lawyers wanted it heard in open court. The latest hearing is due next Tuesday.

Even when out of Pakistan, Ghamidi features on television shows by phone, often outwitting extremist clerics with his deep knowledge of the Qur'an. But he eschews terms such as "liberal".

"I am neither Islamist nor secular. I am a Muslim and a democrat," he said. But even allies question whether religious argument alone can win the sulphurous blasphemy debate.

"When you talk about religion, you only provoke the forces of reaction who become more intolerant. Then governments become frightened and retreat,"

said Amir. "Ghamidi's is a voice for the converted. But that won't solve our problem."

• This article was amended on 21 January 2011. The original referred to Jamaat-e-Islami as Pakistan's largest religious political party. This has been corrected.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jan/20/islam-ghamidi-pakistan-blasphemy-laws

Originally Posted by ubaid88 As Salam Elekum wr wb,

In Pakistan there is a debate going on of punishment of Blasphemy Law. Scholars Bralwi, Deobandi or Ahle Hadith are agreed on a point that person in guilty of commiting Blasphemy soudl be snetenced to death.

But modernist hadith rejectors like Ghamdi and Khalid Zaheer(who are dominant over Electronic Media) are arguing that Fiqh Hanafi or Imam Abu Hanifa was not in favor of death penalty. It this true?salaam brother

I think (could be wrong) that that Ghamidi munkar hadeeth argument is that imam abu hanifa

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said by blaspheming one becomes murtad therefore the death penalty is due to him becoming murtad. he therefore concludes that since a kafir cannot become murtad so there is no death penalty on them.

maybe some knowledgable brother can comment on this and clarify Imam abu hanfia position?

wallahu alam

http://www.ahlalhdeeth.com/vbe/showthread.php?p=73987

Read more on this topic on:

http://www.sunniforum.com/forum/showthread.php?51124-Opinion-Abu-hanifa-on-those-who-insult-the-Prophet&p=421349&viewfull=1

VIEW POINT: Whither Pakistan?

SAIDA FAZAL

ARTICLE  (January 13, 2011) : Read the article as it cannot be reproduced being Copyright Business Recorder, 2011

Hard-line Stance: Religious bloc condones murder KARACHI: More than 500 religious scholars belonging to the Barelvi school of thought paid rich tributes to the assassin of Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer on Tuesday and urged ‘Muslims across the country’ to boycott the funeral ceremony.

While the Deoband and Barelvi leaders appear to be on the same page when it comes to condemning the slain Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leader for terming the blasphemy law as a black law, the Barelvi scholars, who claim to be the ‘true lovers of the Holy Prophet (pbuh)’, have taken a more hardline stance.

The largest body of the Barelvi group, the Jamaate Ahle Sunnat Pakistan (JASP), whose directions are considered binding on every other organisation that follows the same school of thought, issued a statement saying that “No Muslim should attend the funeral or even try to pray for Salmaan Taseer or even express any kind of regret or sympathy over the incident.”

The statement which has been endorsed by senior Barelvi leaders such as Professor Saeed Shah Kazmi, Allama Syed Riaz Hussain Shah, Syed Shah Turabul Haq Qadri and Hajji Mohammad Tayyab calls the assassin Mumtaz Hussain Qadri ‘Ashiqe Rasool Ghaziye Mulk (Lover of the Prophet, Commander of the Country)’.

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“We pay rich tributes and salute the bravery, valour and faith of Mumtaz Qadri,” the statement said, adding that the ministers, politicians, ‘so-called’ intellectuals and anchor persons should learn lessons from the governor’s death. The scholars said that those who insult the Holy Prophet (pbuh), even if they did not intend to, were liable for death.Hajji Mohammad Tayyab, who is also the secretary general of the Sunni Ittehad Council, told The Express Tribune that scholars had “repeatedly urged the president, prime minister and Governor Taseer himself that if their knowledge about the blasphemy law are limited, they should consult them and avoid debating over the issue as it would inflame the people and then anything could happen.”

Shah Turabul Haq Qadri’s son Siraj, also a senior member of the JASP, endorsed the statement and said it was now binding on every Muslim.

Jamiat Ulemae Pakistan (JUP) central executive committee member Maulana Shabbir went as far as saying that in his opinion Salmaan Taseer was ‘Wajubul Qatil’ (must be killed according to divine law). “He had called the divine law of God, a black law and tried to protect a condemned blasphemer,” he said.

Senior Sunni Tehrik leader Shahid Ghauri said although his party was yet to issue any formal statement about the matter, he would support the call of JASP because the people who gave the edict were his elders.

Senior Jamaate Islami leader Farid Paracha distanced his organisation from the JASP statement, but condemned the governor for calling the blasphemy law, a black law. “I believe that this call for changing the law was being done at the behest of the US and other western powers.”

Senior cleric of the Deoband school of thought and Jamia Binoria chief Mufti Naeem said he could not understand why the slain PPP leader invited trouble for himself, especially given that the blasphemy law was passed in 1985 by the parliament unanimously. “He kept on taking Aasia’s name, but I ask why didn’t he ever make a similar plea for Aafia (Siddiqui).” Naeem said although Islam says that anyone who commits blasphemy is liable to death punishment, what the killer Mumtaz Qadri did was totally wrong as he took the law into his hand.

“The blasphemy law was made exactly to prevent such incidents. Else there will be chaos in the country and everyone would kill everyone,” he said. Maulana Asad Thanvi too supported Naeem’s stance and said although what governor Taseer did was condemnable in the strongest words, he should have been tried in the courts.

Allama Abbas Kumaili of the Shia school of thought said the blasphemy law can be misused and there was no doubt about it. “But the way Salmaan Taseer took up the matter was blunt which inflamed the more emotional and ignorant people of our country.”

Published in The Express Tribune, January 5th, 2011

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Blasphemy: Intellectualising murderErum Haider

For the mathematically-minded, I have a great statistic for you. An exclusive report from the top-secret police inspector of Punjab reveals that no less than 100 per cent of the 130 people currently in Punjab jails under blasphemy laws are… wait for it… poor.  Most of them earn a couple of hundred rupees a month. Aasia Bibi was a brick-kiln worker. She probably made less in a month than what you spend on lunch every day. Comparing her to an MIT grad is ludicrous. Tahir Iqbal, a cripple who worked as a mechanic for the PAF spent three years in jail before being poisoned in his jail cell. In 2005 the police locked up five children and three old women under accusations of blasphemy. Another mentally challenged individual spent fourteen years in jail under the blasphemy laws before she was released earlier this year. Imran Latif, the Muslim who was shot in November this year after he was released on bail from prison, was the brother of a shopkeeper.

When you start filling the prisons with children and mentally disabled people, it matters little if they’re Christian or Muslim. Can any brilliant investigative reporter show us anyone who isn’t completely defenseless – in the economic, social, and political sense – in jail under charges of blasphemy? Or are people simply picking on those who can barely afford to send their children to school, let alone fight legal battles in court?

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The reason the blasphemy laws are dangerous is because they are used by people with a gun - to justify bullying people who’re too poor to own a gun, or too decent to use one. The blasphemy laws are mighty useful, for going after people (Muslim, Christian, or Hindus) with whom you have a land dispute, or who showed you attitude in the market the other day, or who insulted your mother.

It’s like a little gift from the legislature and the Sunni Ittehad Council to all those poor people venting their frustration on people even poorer and weaker than them. Jobless? Poor? Frustrated? Why don’t you go accuse that neighbor of yours with blasphemy? We promise that no matter how ridiculous, transparent or baseless your allegation is, the courts of Pakistan will make their life a living Hell.

Posted by Erum Haider

http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/3323/blasphemy-intellectualizing-murder/

The question is no longer whether one is ‘’religious’’ or ‘’secular’’, but if one believes in a free, open, just, tolerant and equal society

Blasphemy law against the spirit of Islam and Constitution of Pakistan: Imran Khan

Blasphemy law against the spirit of Islam and Constitution of Pakistan: Imran Khan

Mr. Imran Khan, Chairman, PTI has condemned the attempt of the PPP government to make political capital out of the unfortunate case of Aasia Bibi. . Mr. Khan termed blasphemy law (Section 295-C of PPC), which has been misused over the

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years to unfairly target minorities, against the spirit of Islam and Constitution of Pakistan. He said that teachings of Islam are very clear on standards of justice being equal for Muslims and non-Muslims. It is about time that religious scholars, minority leaders and political parties should sit together and amend this law with consensus and save the poor victims from the agony and suffering caused to them due to the misuse of the law. Mr. Khan expressed his trust in Pakistan's judiciary and said that the case should go through the appeal process in the Lahore High Court. .

http://www.pakpassion.net/ppforum/showthread.php?t=112215

Blasphemy: Pakistan’s descent into anarchyKhubaib Usmani

Upon Pakistan’s declaration as an Islamic republic, the rights of religious minorities, particularly Hindus, Christians, and Ahmadiyya, diminished.

The widow of Bantu Masih hurls her pet hens inside the cage as she prepares dinner. Her only son Bagga, a scavenger, will return sometime after a full day’s tedious labour. The family lives in a remote locality 65 km from Lahore. They had to shift here overnight, after an enraged crowd killed Bantu Masih, the sole breadwinner of the family, over alleged charges of blasphemy in court premises.

Human rights organisations and secular circles in Pakistan have been condemning the abuse of blasphemy laws in the country for the last many decades. Introduced by military dictator General Zia, the law is termed draconian by human rights organisations of the country fast descending down to further anarchy and chaos due to religious fanaticism.

Analysts believe this is the worst form of human right violation and no government in Pakistan could get rid of this despicable use of the law, the seeds of which were sown in 1949 when Liaqat Ali Khan, the country’s first prime minister made it a preamble of the constitution. The Objectives Resolution passed by the first Constituent Assembly in 1949 including 280 Articles

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and six Schedules became its preamble. The power to amend the Constitution was contained in Article 239.

The country’s checkered history saw the 1956 and 1962 constitutions, but no government in Pakistan could dare to part ways with the controversial Objective Resolution which many believe to be in direct confrontation with the ideology of the Quaid-e-Azam who in his landmark address to the First Legislative Assembly said:

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed — that has nothing to do with the business of the State.”

It is surprising as to why a staunch supporter of secularism like Bhutto could not do away with the controversial resolution while he is credited with giving a consensus document after 26 years of the country’s independence. Gen Zia cunningly used religion for his own nefarious designs. He exploited the sentiments of extremist segments in the name of religion when the former USSR invaded Afghanistan. Few believe that it was Pakistan’s war on any account. Sentiments of the public had been deliberately exploited in the name of religion with financial backing of the West.

“The Blasphemy Law is the culmination of the sojourn the nation set upon itself in 1949,” commented a senior human rights activist who requested anonymity. “Jinnah wanted to make Pakistan a secular state but the country lost direction following his untimely death. Upon Pakistan’s declaration as an Islamic republic, the rights of religious minorities, particularly Hindus, Christians, and Ahmadiyya, diminished. These minorities live under the fear of threat to their lives and property, desecration of their places of worship, and the Blasphemy Act that carries a penalty of death,” he observed.

The frenzied mob mentality and the knee-jerk reaction on the streets following a blasphemy charge is a real source of concern for human rights organisations of the country. “Trapping anyone in the vicious cobweb of blasphemy is the easiest job in Pakistan,” says an activist of human rights commission of Pakistan who wished to remain anonymous.

It was not that long ago when Gojra, a small city in the heartland of Punjab witnessed frenzied mob attacks on Christian neighbourhoods which killed nine. The attacks were triggered by reports of desecration of the Holy Quran. It was reported that Mukhtar Maseeh, Talib Maseeh and his son Imran Maseeh had desecrated the papers inscribed with Holy Quran verses at a wedding ceremony. Before the tragic attack in Gojra, mosques were used to make announcements provoking the attack. Locals were urged to “make mincemeat of the Christians” before Gojra. Similarly, in Daudnagar announcements were made from mosques asking people to come out to “fight rampaging” Christians.

On October 28, 2001 in Lahore, militants killed 15 Christians at a church, three weeks after the US-led War in Afghanistan to topple the Taliban. On September 25, 2002, unidentified gunmen shot dead seven people at a Christian charity in Karachi’s central business district. They entered

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the third-floor offices of the Institute for Peace and Justice (IPJ) and shot their victims in the head. All of the victims were Pakistani Christians.

In November 2005, hundreds of militants attacked Christians in Sangla Hill in the Punjab province and destroyed Roman Catholic, Salvation Army and United Presbyterian churches. The attack was over allegations of violation of blasphemy laws by a Pakistani Christian named Yousaf Masih.

In February 2006, churches and Christian schools were targeted in protests over the publications of the Jyllands-Posten cartoons in Denmark, leaving two elderly women injured and many homes and properties destroyed. A young Hindu labourer, a few months back, was beaten black and blue by his own colleagues in Karachi on the pretext that he used derogatory language against the Holy Prophet (PBUH). The victim died on the spot and his family could not dare to lodge a complaint in the local police station and the police arrested no one. The incident happened in broad day light at a construction site in Karachi. The heirs of the deceased disappeared from their native abode on the fear of further persecution by the locals

“We need a paradigm realignment of the country, unless Pakistani is declared a secular state there will not be any tangible development on human rights front” concludes Muneer Ahmad who is pursuing a master’s degree in History from a well recognized public sector university. According to Minority Rights Group International, Pakistan had the world’s highest increase of threats against minorities last year and was ranked the sixth most dangerous country for minorities overall. Pakistan was ranked after Somalia, Sudan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Burma and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/1172/blasphemy-pakistans-descent-into-anarchy/

Blasphemy law: An apparatus to sustain tyrannyAnas Abbas

The case of Asia Bibi, falsely accused of blasphemy, has garnered international attention.

In Pakistan, if you have a land dispute, political rivalry, or just personal or professional jealousy or economic rivalry with someone and you are bent on settling your score, then teaching them a lesson is easier than you think.

You can make your enemies regret every day they have ever lived, especially if they are non-Muslims, Ahmadis, Zionists or “Hindu Zionists”. Although in Pakistan it may seem convenient to hire an assassin or kill them yourself – but why do things ‘illegally’ when you can destroy their lives ‘legally’ with popular support?

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All it takes is a false accusation of blasphemy and propagandist newspapers like Ummat and Nawai Waqt will rally behind you, people on the street will burn and destroy public property in your support, the influential Islamic political parties of Pakistan will back you up.

Examples of false accusations which have been used are accusing someone of burning Quran, using pages from the Quran to clean toilets, vilifying Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), and defending someone who has purportedly committed blasphemy. All of these involve direct desecration but accusations can be subtle.  Even people challenging an interpretation of an Islamic text can be subject to the same treatment, all thanks to the so called ‘blasphemy law’ of Pakistan. This savage and oppressive blasphemy law is part of the Criminal Code of Pakistan; it has two sections namely Section 295 and Section 298. By law, only one witness is required to give testimony for these ‘crimes.’

A history of abuse

Thanks to this law, many people have been subject to severe treatment. According to a researcher, Mansoor Raza, between 1988 and 2005, Pakistani authorities charged 647 people, of which 50 per cent were non-Muslim, with offences under the blasphemy laws. In the past decade, perhaps 2,000 Ahmadis have been charged under the blasphemy law, according to the Ahmadi community. The issue is so sensitive that some people choose to stay in jail fearing public backlash which can also take the form of lynching. Zaibun Nisa, charged with desecrating the Quran, was arrested in 1996 without a trial. Soon after she was declared mentally ill but was not released until recently.

Government authorities make arrests to defuse tensions and prefer to keep the ‘blasphemer’ in jail. In some cases landlords have accused or threatened to accuse Christians to exploit debt/labour bondage arrangements. Ayub Massih, a Christian convicted of blasphemy, used to work as a farmer for a local landlord in exchange for a place to live. When he applied for government allotted housing which would have freed him of his obligation, the landlord filed charges against him for blasphemy. A human rights activist and Roman Catholic Bishop, John Joseph tried to find a lawyer willing to represent him but ended up taking his own life in the end when he realised he couldn’t help Ayub Massih anymore.

Another more dangerous form of retaliation is by militant Islamic organisations. Sipah-e-Sahaba has been involved in violence against Christians, which has also involved torching Christian homes. Even in the secured confines of a prison the ‘blasphemers’ are not entirely safe. Samuel Masih was arrested for spitting on a wall of a mosque. Later, a police constable used a hammer to kill Masih claiming that it was his divine duty to do so.

The defendants of blasphemers are also subject to the same ire whether it be lawyers, activists, or even judges. Judge Arif Iqbal Hussain Bhatti was assassinated in 1997 after he acquitted two people accused of blasphemy.

Renewed attention

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Currently, the case of Aasia Bibi, falsely accused of blasphemy, has garnered international attention. Major domestic and international organisations have called for repealing this barbaric law which is being routinely used to persecute minorities and settle personal grudges. Will Aasia Bibi receive a pardon? Will Pakistan repeal the blasphemy law?

Even if she does get a presidential pardon, Aasia Bibi will surely be targeted by the zealot mob and will probably have to move to another country. But the blasphemy law is unlikely to be repealed anytime soon.

This is because influential Islamists and landowners exploit this law to their own advantage and the Pakistani army (establishment) need this law to advance their foreign policy objectives.

Blasphemy law: A gift from the army

This blasphemy law is a gift to the Pakistani people from its army when it ceded to the demands of Saudi Arabia in return for financial and political support during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In return for Saudi money, Saudi cooperation in the development of Madrassas and spread of Ahle Hadith ideology, all required to build motivation to fight the Soviets, Pakistan imported the Hudood Ordinance and the current blasphemy law.

Apart from appeasing Saudi Arabia, these laws are also mainly to please Islamic militant allies such as Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed who have been important foreign policy tools against India. The introduction of these laws ensures that the mullahs will stay on board on foreign as well as domestic security issues.

Revoking the blasphemy law will undermine Pakistan’s policy of disruption of peace in Afghanistan and its militant support against archrival India. It is obvious that in order for the blasphemy law to be revoked a change in foreign policy is required. Once the foreign policy has changed, the Pakistani army can face the opposition from mullahs and militants since it will no longer need them to attain its goals.

Therefore, the debate against the ruthless blasphemy laws must take into account this crucial aspect of foreign policy that helps to sustain the national security state of Pakistan.

http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/3100/blasphemy-law-an-apparatus-to-sustain-tyranny/

Pakistan is a …stateAruna Hussain

Qadri was given a hero's welcome at court premises by educated lawyers who showered him with rose petals!

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The key pillar of a democracy is the will of the majority. As the meaning of an Urdu couplet goes, the beauty of democracy is that we can always be ruled by donkeys as long as the majority is made up of donkeys.

Salmaan Taseer’s murder, shocking as it is, was somehow not totally unexpected. The kind of threats he was receiving or the protests against him were no secret. All because his opposition to a controversial law and his support for a Christian blasphemy convict (where an official enquiry points to likely innocence), was in itself considered equivalent to blasphemy.

Not one of the political leaders have had the guts to publicly condemn the reasons for his murder while conveying their shock at the incident. Not one has said that the so-called fatwa issued for the governor’s head by small-time mullahs could be wrong. The murderer is being hailed as a Ghazi (conqueror) and given a hero’s welcome at court premises by educated lawyers who showered him with rose petals! No less than 300 lawyers have offered to defend him free of charge. Text messages are circulating on cell phones praising him for his heroic act and condemning those who oppose the assassination as equal blasphemers! Facebook has pages dedicated in his honour with thousands of fans. The largest Urdu newspaper runs a front-page story declaring, “There should be no funeral for Salman Taseer and no condemnation for his death.”

The voices of sanity are muted. From the public and civil society, no one can raise a moderate opinion without being subjected to condemnation and life threats. No debate on the blasphemy law will be tolerated. No discussion on rule of law (on the subject of this assassination) is acceptable. The sentence has been passed, the verdict carried out. The majority has spoken.

Those spending endless hours defending the country to the rest of the world saying extremists are in a minority and that there is hope; those social activists out there who still want to call out to Pakistanis to “wake up and shake it up;” who are we fooling?

I think it’s time to wake up ourselves.

Posted by Aruna Hussain http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/3850/pakistan

However, in Pakistan one gets killed for belonging to a certain ethnicity, for speaking your mind about religion, for being poor, for being honest, for being rational and with all that happening there is no writ of the government.

How can you live in a county when it’s not even a country anymore?

By Natasha Raheel

http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/3963/why-should-i-live-in-pakistan/

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but what about the country? I’m not talking about poverty, and corruption, and crippling natural disasters – I’m talking about a place more sinister, much more frightening…

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A place where two teenage boys can be beaten to death by a mob for a crime they didn’t commit, with passersby recording videos of the horrific scene on their cell phones.

A place where a woman can be sentenced to hang for something as equivocal as “blasphemy”.

A place where a governor can be assassinated because he defended the victim of an unjust law, and his killer hailed as a “hero” by religious extremists and educated lawyers alike.

Manal Khan

http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/3998/is-there-a-pakistan-to-go-back-home-to/

The Role of the Media

Relgeous Extremism Vs. Liberal Extremism

Smokers’ Corner: Pray tell Nadeem F. Paracha 24 January 24, 2011

Oh, my, that label again: ‘Liberal extremist.’ What on earth does it mean? Absolutely nothing. Great wordplay and deliciously idiosyncratic, but that’s about it.

However, since the popular electronic media in Pakistan is usually about a rather nihilistic strain of whatever it considers to be news and analysis, this topsy-turvy label has become the catch-all term of a number of TV anchors, hosts and, ahem, analysts.

So, then, what is a liberal extremist? How many Pakistanis do you know who advocate the abolition of faith, legalisation of cannabis, the creation of nude beaches, support gay marriages or… oh, okay, so this is not what you mean. Then what? If you guys who have suddenly become so fond of this phrase mean by it Pakistanis who emphasise reason over passion (especially in political and theological matters), or who find religion synonymous with humanitarianism, tolerance and compassion, or who like political parties that they support to retain a degree of secularism, or those who cherish the concept of social and religious pluralism and diversity, if these are the dreaded liberal extremists so many Pakistanis have suddenly started moaning about, then I pray for me to become one of the finest liberal extremists in this land of the pure.

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So, can one suggest that what passes as being plain old liberal elsewhere becomes liberal extremism in Pakistan? There is another innocent question I would like to ask of all those who have been swinging their fists by suggesting the following brilliant insight: ‘The problem in Pakistan is religious extremism and liberal extremism.’

If so, then pray tell, dear sirs and madams, exactly how can one couple the two phrases in the same sentence? To begin with, one can safely suggest that those you call liberal extremists constitute an embarrassingly minute percentage compared to the glorious blooming and flowering we have seen of what are called religious extremists.

Over and over again we have heard and seen the delightful things faith-based extremists advocate, preach, feel happy about and shower rose petals for, but what have the malicious liberal extremists to gloat and float about? I’ve heard arguments (and that’s about it) from the liberals in the following cases, but no liberal extremist distributed sweetmeat when Dr Aafia was convicted; never saw this extremist chant ‘yea, baby, let’s have more,’ when the news of a drone attack breaks; never seen one claiming that such or such person should be killed just because he or she disagreed with the liberal extremist. Sure he or she may have a sympathetic argument about what their counterparts may consider to be treason, sacrilege, etc., but that’s it.

Kindly stop using this term, liberal extremists, as if it was an indigenous made-in-Pakistan media masterstroke. The term first began being used in the US during the 1970s. It was coined by some ultra-conservative Republican politicians and Christian evangelists against certain mainstream American newspapers, TV channels and filmmaking circles. These guys from that country’s far right in politics and religion thought that the American media and Hollywood were brimming with atheists, agnostics and liberals who were soft on the Soviet Union (mostly because the media was opposing the war in Vietnam).

Aalim Online – Inciting murder against Ahmedi’sPosted by Teeth MaestroSeptember 11, 2008 |

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Dr. Aamir Liaquat Hussain a famous religious host of a show called Aalim Online which airs frequently on Geo TV has entered some hot waters in the past few days. It is believed that his comments on the show may have incited Muslims to target and kill followers of the Ahmedi sect. Dr. Aamir has been running this show for the past many years and has developed a strong following catapulting him to fame to the extent that many Pakistanis swear by his religious commentary on TV, and remains a highly sought after show specially during the month of Ramadan.

Historically Dr. Aamir Liaquat Hussain has had his taste of controversy which started of from his fake degrees where this blogger had labeled him as Jahil Online back in 2005, he was then associated with MQM for a few years and ultimately had a falling out with the party over a controversial comment he made on TV condemning the British author Salman Rushdie, saying that Salman Rushdie should be killed for blaspheming the Holy Prophet (PBUH) in his book, Satanic Verses, after making this comment Mr. Online refused to retract his statement despite immense pressure from the top London based MQM leadership which ultimately lead to his dismissal and soon he also resigned from his Ministry

Asian Human Rights Watch reports that on 7th September in his program ‘Aalim Online’ the anchor declared the murder of Ahmadi sect members to be necessary (Wajib ul Qatal) according to Islamic teachings, because its followers don’t believe in the last prophet, Mohammad, peace be upon him.

Dr. Amir repeated his instruction several times, urging fundamentalists Muslims to kill without fear. While on air the anchor person also pressured the other two Islamic scholars (from two different sects) on the program to support the statement. This resulted in a unanimous decision among the scholars, on air during a popular television show, to urge lynching with the intent to kill.

This was not a one-off. On September 9, Mr. Hussain answered a query with the comment that blasphemers are liable to be put to death.

According to the information received, at 1:15pm on September 8, 18 hours after the broadcast, six persons entered the Fazle Umer Clinic, a two-story hospital at Mirpurkhas city and two of them went to the second floor and started pressuring 45 year-old Dr. Abdul Manan Siddiqui to come downstairs to attend to a patient in crisis. Dr. Manan left his office and descended into an ambush. He was shot 11 times and died on the spot. His private guard was also shot and is in a serious condition. A woman was also injured by firing. The killers remained at the hospital until the doctor was declared dead, then they walked out of the building’s front entrance. Police registered the killers as unknown.

On September 9, 48 hours after the broadcast, Mr. Yousaf, a 75 year-old rice trader and district chief of the Ahmadi sect was killed on his way to prayer in Nawab Shah, Sindh province. Yousaf was fired on from people on motor bikes, and sustained three bullet wounds. He died on the way to the hospital. The assailants had taken a route past a police station. No one was arrested.

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Jahil OnlinePosted by Dr. Awab AlviMarch 10, 2005

Welcome ! If you are new here, you might want to subscribe to the RSS feed for updates on this topic. You may also join the Teeth Maestro Facebook Page

I am sure you all must know of our famous MNA cum TV personality Dr. Aamir Liaqat Hussain. For the past few months rumors have been circulating that he is a fake doctor finally I have evidence. In a detailed investigation conducted by a local newspaper ‘Ummat‘ and recently published in South Asia Tribune, some really interesting fact have indeed come forth surely worth a NAB ‘chappa’.

Dr. Aamir appears to be one of the biggest local scams of Pakistan. For the past couple years he has been the host of ‘Aalim Online‘ on Geo TV where he brings together Islamic Scholars to shed light on the religion of Islam. I have always disliked watching the show as it always appeared as a scam, a snazzy looking Dr. Aamir preaching Islam some how irritated me, but that’s just me, I have for sometime labeled his show as Jahil Online. It now appears to be entirely true. Dr. Aamir had been preaching Islam with such authority that it had the nation fooled for years including our General who has appointed him as a Minister of Religious Affairs (probably in a deal with MQM)

He has graduated from ‘Trinity College and University‘ with a Bachelors of Arts in Islamic Studies (conferred on March 17, 1995). The next degree that he allegedly pursued was a Masters of Arts in Islamic Studies (conferred on March 15, 2002) and amazingly 20 days later was awarded a doctorate, Doctor of Philosophy in Islamic Studies (conferred on April 5, 2002). All these degrees were awarded by Trinity College based out of Spain.

Dr. (Fake) Aamir Liaquat Hussain contested the National Assembly elections based on these degrees and successfully won, he stands to be disqualified for providing fake degrees to support his candidacy (which as you all recall was strictly limited to graduates). The Higher Education Commission Pakistan has also declare in a letter that Trinity College is not a authorized degree awarding university. How can it be since its just one of those online stores that awards these degrees. Check these pictures out as they sure are incriminating evidence.

I leave you with considerable evidence, for you to decideUpdate 13th March: In a Google search of our fake Aalim I came across this interview from Daily Times

http://teeth.com.pk/blog/2008/09/11/aalim-online-inciting-murder-against-ahmedishttp://liveshots.blogs.foxnews.com/2011/01http://www.scribd.com/doc/46646369/Blasphemy-law-in-Pakistan

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A combination of a population raised on a diet of hate, mistrust and distorted beliefs; a state system that is invested in perpetuating certain kinds of mindsets; a political class that is too self-absorbed to think about overhauling state and society; and the imperatives of ratings, subscriptions and ad revenue — all these factors combine to ensure a certain kind of media output, the dominance of a particular kind of worldview.

From: Culture warriorsCyril Almeida28 January 2011 Dawn

Freedom to insult?by Murtaza Razvi on 01 25th, 2011 |

Since the Pakistani media seems to be in the insulting mode these days, here is my own two-pence worth of the same aimed at those who have insulted my sense of being a Pakistani man: Veena Malik has become my icon, not of the celebrity variety, but as a woman who braved the insults hurled at her by two bigoted men, one of them bearded, on national TV the other night for being herself on a recently concluded reality TV show in India. It is such men and their lack of respect for women under different pretexts that defines exactly what has gone wrong with our society. That is why we will not have another Noorjehan, not even another Mehdi Hasan, in our midst for a long time to come, and that is why we will keep killing banning Basant celebrations, and not the killer twine. Instead, we’ll just have more of the same bigots manning our airwaves and pushing their obscurantist agenda, as if to honour the memory of Ziaul Haq and his ilk. And, of course, insulting women and minorities on public TV is not a subject that our courts will ever find worthy of taking notice of.

Two simple questions: why would TV anchors never ask the Meeras and Veenas and Reshams of our entertainment industry, for whatever the industry and they put together are worth, to sit in judgment on the conduct of those who defend the killers of Salman Taseer, or those who blow themselves up at Sufi shrines killing and maiming innocent men, women and children? Why is it always the mullah who must adjudicate affairs across the board amongst adherents of a faith that does not allow for priesthood in the first place? But that is how one-sided the discourse has become in the new, brave, independent media today. If it is media trials that we must hold, then why not hold one of the Lal Masjid cleric who escaped the bloodied compound in a burqa, and who should be held at least partly responsible for the many lives lost in the military action of 2007? That is, if that is how the media organs must see their new role, inflated as it is, in society,

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which is quite against the industry norms anywhere in the world. There are perhaps more hate-mongers, xenophobic anchors and preachers, on our TV screens on a given day today than all religious programmes put together that PTV broadcast during 11 years of Ziaul Haq’s rule.

The obsession with display of personal piety and religiosity, which often comes wrapped in layers of hypocrisy and self-righteousness, is just revolting. That the media should have such unbridled freedom to insult women (and minorities) is just very appalling, nay disgusting; which is the politest way of putting across the feeling of shame that I have as a Pakistani man.

Besides the views expressed on women, another glaring example of mixing up values is the media’s soft-peddling of terrorism-related issues, of which more Pakistanis have been ready victims than westerners or Indians in recent years. There is this slogan I read the other day in Karachi’s business district, advertising a recently launched Lahore-based, English-language newspaper, which says something to the effect: We treat our Aasias and Aafias alike (thank God Mullah Omar and Osama bin Laden are not daughters of Pakistan). The sheer comparison is shocking but obviously equivocal. It works both ways: one is touted to be the victim of American hysteria about Islam, the other of Pakistanis’ growing bigotry in response to West’s provocation; or more dangerously, it aims to blur the line between a criminal and a sinner.

What is next, you may ask. Would the same newspaper say tomorrow that it treats Salman Taseer and Mumtaz Qadri equally, or indeed, equate Benazir Bhutto with Baituallah Mehsud, the purported mastermind behind her killing? Moosa-o-Firaun-o-Shabbir-o-Yazid/ Een do quwwat az hayaat aayed padeed (Moses and Pharaoh, Hussain and Yazid/ Are the two forces [good and evil] that shape life). If this is the vision of the newspaper concerned of what is Pakistan today, then let the poet Iqbal turn in his grave, whose ideology the paper claims to espouse.

Meanwhile, thank you, Veena Malik, for saying loud and clear that you represented our entertainment industry and yourself, and not Islam or Pakistan, on “Bigg Boss,” to which Pakistani viewers back home were just as riveted as their counterparts in India. I respect you for being yourself, and am insulted when you are.

Murtaza Razvi is the Editor, Magazines, at Dawn

Where we are today

Much belated chest-beatingKamran Shafi Dawn25 January 2011

I AM astonished at the hand-wringing going on at present with various commentators whingeing and wailing at the pass that our poor country is at.

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Rather late in the day, what, to now beat their breasts and moan when it was quite clear years ago that we were travelling at the speed of light to the dark and stifling place we find ourselves in today.

Did it have to take the brutal murder of the governor of the most powerful province of the country in, of all places, the capital of the Land of the Pure by, of all people, one of his own guards?

Did none of them realise that the unholy nexus between the Deep State and the hard-line religious extremists (aka `assets`) would one day lead to just such a situation? In which no one had any control over anything at all, in most cases deliberately. In which the writ of the `assets` would far outweigh even the imperatives of the state itself. And in which an atmosphere of extreme fear would be engendered so that the manipulators who live in the shadows would be free to go on with their machinations unfettered.

Why is everyone so surprised that we are where we are today? That even those of us brought up in Muslim homes as Muslims should now be made to feel that we were not Muslims in the real sense; that the faith we were taught as children to be a kind, merciful and forgiving one was actually nothing of the kind? Why the surprise when the writing has been on every wall in this blessed country ever since the days of Zia?

The most frightening aspect of this whole matter is that there is no realisation even now among those that consider these dark forces their `assets` that an unruly and self-righteous horde can hardly be an asset at all. That this horde can only morph into a force that will sweep all before it, as has happened in Swat already. That this Frankenstein`s monster will increasingly turn on its creator, as has happened already in the several brutal attacks on our army installations and vehicles, even on mosques, God help us.

But enough of whining. The point really is that you and I have no control over what the Deep State does or does not do. We can just roll with the punches and try and fight back as best we can and live by the values we were brought up with. Oh, and yes, give friends you have not met or spoken to in a while a call. And go and see them and talk about the old days, recalling events of fond memory.

Reminisce pleasurably about what this country was before it was set upon by the ideological thekedars and moulded and twisted to suit the ethos of our various Bonapartes.

Persecution and Huan Rights

Archive for the ‘Persecution upon Minorities in Pakistan’ Category« Older Entries

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No matter, this is happening in the Religious Land of Peace. So What   !! November 28, 2010

Nearly 1,200 women killed, 321 were raped and 194 gang raped in Pakistan in 2010: Report

……IANS, Nov 26, 2010, 11.01am IST|| TOI

ISLAMABAD: Of the 1,195 women murdered in Pakistan this year, 98 were killed after being raped, says a report by the country’s first helpline for women and children.

The Madadgaar helpline released a report in Karachi Thursday on the occasion of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, Geo News reported Friday.

The report was compiled from news reports published in the mainstream Pakistani media.

The increasing number of incidents of violence against women is a “blemish on the face of our society and seriously hamper the efforts for empowerment of women and gender equality in Pakistan”, said Madadgaar’s project coordinator and president of the Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid (LHRLA), Zia Ahmed Awan.

He said it was “sad” that reports of violence against women have come from all parts of the country. This should be a wake-up call for the government.

The report further said that 321 were raped and 194 gang raped in Pakistan in 2010. a total of 1,091 were tortured, 126 were burnt, 383 were kidnapped, 316 were tortured by police and 491 committed suicide.

A total of 4,870 cases of violence against women were registered by police, while the total number of cases reported since the year 2000 came up to 79,909.

Awan said over 2,400 cases were reported from Punjab, 1,070 from Sindh, 998 from Khyber-Pakhtunkhuwa and 313 from Balochistan. The number of cases were less in Khyber-

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Pakhtunkhuwa and Balochistan provinces because of a strong tribal culture and lack of access to the media.

The UN General Assembly has designated Nov 25 as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women.

Curtesy: TOI. 

Tags:1200 women killed - 321 raped - 194 gang raped in 2010 in Pak, empowerment of women in Pakistan

Persecution of minorities in Pakistan

HRCP report portrays dismal state of affairs

The report said 1,404 women were murdered. Out of these, 647 women were killed in the name of honour (including the cases of karo kari). The number of rape cases reported was 928. Some 563 women committed suicide, 253 attempted suicide and 135 fell victim to burning.

25 Hindu girls abducted every month, claims HRCP official As many as 20 to 25 girls from the Hindu community are abducted every month and converted forcibly, said Amarnath Motumal, an advocate and council member of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.

There is no official record to support this statement, but according to estimates, in Karachi alone, a large number of Hindu girls are being kidnapped on a routine basis, Motumal told The News. The families of the victims are scared to register cases against the influential perpetrators as death threats are issued to them in case they raise their voice. So, the victims choose to remain silent to save their lives, he said.

Motumal said the word Hindu had become an insult and a kind of abuse for the Hindu community. Almost 90 per cent of the Hindu community comprise poor and impoverished families whose needs and rights have been neglected by the ones at the helms of power, he said, adding that since a majority of the people feel helpless, only a few families come to him with their cases.

A former MPA, Bherulal Balani, said that the Hindu girls, especially the ones belonging to scheduled castes, were mostly being abducted from the Lyari area. Once the girls are converted, they are then sold to other people or are forced to do illegal and immoral activities, Balani said. He added the perpetrators were very powerful and that was the reason that no cases were being registered against them.

The number of attacks against the Hindu community has increased in the interior Sindh during

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the last three months. At least nine incidents have been reported which range from forced conversion of Hindus to rape and murders.

In one incident, a 17-year-old girl K was gang-raped in Nagarparker area. In another incident, a 15-year-old girl D was allegedly abducted from Aaklee village, Tharparkar, and was forced to convert. About 71 families migrated from the village in protest against the girls’ abduction.

Moreover, the Hindu communities were not even spared on the occasion of their joyous festival of Holi as two girls, Anita and Kishni, were kidnapped in Kotri. Moreover, two Hindu boys, Ajay and Sagar, were abducted from another place on the same day.

One Amir Gul was murdered in the beginning of March in Tando Haider, Umerkot, allegedly by a landlord. Later in the month, a boy, Kishan Kumar, was kidnapped from Kandhkot, Jacobabad.

MPA Pitamber Sewani told The News that these acts were being done by certain elements who believe that these minority communities might support the government in the upcoming local bodies elections, and these elements want to harass them.

However, President Pakistan Hindu Council Ramesh Kumar criticised the minorities representatives for not raising their voice at relevant forums. He said that they were simply representing their respective parties and not the poor people. He added that poor economic conditions had led to an increase in kidnapping cases in the province, especially in the Kandhkot and Jacobabad areas.

Coordinator HRCP Task Force Sindh Dr Ashothama Lohano told The News the according to their one fact-finding report, the most affected persons of violence belonged to Hindu and Christian communities. He said that various reasons have been cited for this. The recent wave of extremism is one reason, which has destroyed the harmony of the land of Sufis. Another reason is the destruction of the agriculture sector and small markets that has led to frustration and lawlessness. Yet another reason is that the elected representatives are working only for the party and not for the community, Dr Lohano added.

He further said that minority communities were easy targets as the Hindus were generally hesitant to raise voice against the injustices. When the Hindu communities become politically active, they are blamed for having Indian connections,doctor Lohano said

http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=231616

Comments: This is a Sad and horrifying report! But, even more dangerous is the trend, where religious extremists/local mullahs/maulvis abduct Hindu girls in South Eastern Sindh provinces; convert them and sell-off/marry them to muslim men. The family members are not even allowed to register any police case and even if any police case is registered, nothing is done in regards to the case, as petty minded pakistanis (not all) take pride in such activities..

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Ahmadis slam target-killings in Faisalabad

LAHORE: The Jamaat-e-Ahmadia Pakistan on Sunday condemned the target killing of three members of its community in Faisalabad on April 1 (Thursday), Daily Times has learnt. The incident occurred around 10pm last Thursday when the three Ahmadis were returning home in their vehicle from their jewellery and cloth shops situated in Rail Bazaar in Faisalabad. As their car approached the Canal Road near Faisal Hospital, four or five unidentified militants – in a white car – ambushed them. The three Ahmadis were seriously injured when the men opened fire at them. The attackers managed to flee from the scene. The three men died before they reached the hospital. The deceased men include 60-year-old Sheikh Ashraf Parvez and 57-year-old Sheikh Masood Jawad – who were brothers –and Jawad’s 24-year-old son Asif Masood. staff reportThis has been going on after Independence it is if we cannot get them out we breed them out policy followed in pakistan at the time of Partition in 1947, the Hindu population of Pakistan was estimated at approximately a quarter of the total population. For example, the population of Karachi, Pakistan in 1947 was 450,000, of which 51% was Hindu, and 42% was Muslim. By 1951, Karachi’s population had increased to 1.137 million because of the influx of 600,000 Muslim refugees from India. In 1951, the Muslim population of Karachi was 96% and the Hindu population was 2%. In 1998, the Hindu population in all of Pakistan was 1.6%, and the most recent census would certainly be expected to demonstrate consistent dwindling demographic trends and further diminution of Hindu population.According to certain official estimates NWFP has slightly over 4,924 Hindus, whereas in FATA area total known Hindu population is 1,921. After the rise of the Taliban in Pakistan and military operations hundreds of Hindus had escaped under dual pressure-demand of Jizya, a Sharia tax by the Taliban and army harassment. Although violence against women transcends their religion, it is disproportionately focused on Hindu women in Pakistan. In May 2005, a group of middle-class Pakistani women held a demonstration for equal rights in Lahore. In response, the police beat them and took them to police stations.

According to Seemant Lok Sangathan (SLS), a group working for refugees in Rajasthan, over 10,000 Hindu migrants from Pakistan is living in Jodhpur alone. Nearly 20,000 others are scattered in Jaisalmer and other areas of Rajasthan areas bordering Pakistan. Efforts of the SLS resulted in granting of long term visa by the government of India, but no relief work was initiated.

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'Hindu girl forced to convert to Islam'

A Hindu girl from Punjab province was kidnapped and forced to convert to Islam and is currently being held in a madrassa, leading Pakistani rights activist Ansar Burney said today.

Burney said his rights organisation, the Ansar Burney Trust International, had learnt that 15-year-old Gajri, the daughter of Mengha Ram, was abducted by a Muslim neighbour from her home at Katchi Mandi, Liaquatpur, in Rahim Yar Khan district on December 21, 2009.

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Gajri's parents later found out that she was beingheld captive in a madrassa or seminary in southern Punjab and that she had been married and converted to Islam, Burney said.

The local administration is "refusing to respond to the abduction" of the girl, who is not being allowed to leave the madrassa or to speak to her parents, he said.

Burney, a former human rights minister, condemned the forceful conversion of the Hindu girl and demanded her immediate release. "Pakistan is a state party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which oblige authorities to protect religious minorities under international law," he said.

According to Ansar Burney Trust, on 21 December 2009 Gajri disappeared from the home of her Hindu parents in southern Punjab.

On December 26 last year, the local police station in Gajri’s hometown received a letter with an affidavit from madrassa that said she had "embraced Islam and had married her neighbour Mohammad Salim", Burney said.

The letter did not enclose a marriage certificate, he said. Police did not immediately inform Gajri's parents about the letter even though they had tried to file a First Information Report after she had gone missing.

The parents were discouraged from doing so by police, Burney said.

Mengha Ram and his wife then contacted the vice president of the National Peace Committee for Interfaith Harmony, Ramesh Jay Pal.

With his help, the parents met the priest in charge of Darul-Uloom Madrassa in Khanpur, Maulana Abdul Hafeez.

Hafeez reportedly told the parents that Gajri had "embraced Islam and was not allowed to meet her parents".

In January this year, the parents of Gajri again tried to file a case of abduction against their neighbour and the madrassa but their application was refused by district police chief Imtiaz Gul.

He allegedly told them that he had no power to intervene in matters of religious conversion and that their daughter was now the "property of the madrassa", Burney said. Burney said Gajri is a minor and "cannot arbitrarily be removed from the custody of her parents".

He urged President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and Punjab Governor Salman Taseer to intervene to ensure Gajri's released.

Indian Stance: Plitical Correctness?

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Surprisingly, the Indian Human Rights activists and secular protagonists, who labour beyond all conceivable elasticity of the Indian system, do not shed even crocodile’s tears for the Hindu-Sikh-Christian minorities in Pakistan. These matters are not even taken up either in first track or second track diplomatic talks with Pakistan. Systematic destruction of Hindu temples and desecration of Sikh temples do not attract attention of the Indian political leaders and so-called secularist compradors. They are busy in distributing largesse among the minorities (Muslim) in India but are averse to even look at the plights of the Hindu minorities in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Cleric accused of kidnapping, converting Hindu girl

* Radha’s family claim she was forcibly converted in madrassa * Police ignoring family’s complaints, say they should forget about the girl

By Afnan Khan

LAHORE: The leader of a madrassa allegedly abducted a minor Hindu girl from Rahim Yar Khan and did not let her parents meet their daughter, claiming that the girl had converted to Islam and no longer wanted to meet her “non-Muslim relatives”.

Radha (13) was abducted in December 2009, her parents told Daily Times, adding that they had “knocked on every door stretching from the president of Pakistan to Punjab chief minister and chief secretary, but to no avail”. “Local police, including the former and current district police officers of Rahim Yar Khan, are supporting the people who abducted Radha and are neither registering a first information report (FIR) against the accused, nor are they taking any action to recover the girl from the custody of Abdul Jabbar and Naveed,” they alleged.

Several human rights activists and local Hindu leaders have termed the incident “another case of forced conversion” and slammed the government for not addressing the concerns of the victim’s family.

Mehnga Ram – Radha’s father – told Daily Times that his daughter had been missing since December 21, 2009, and that the family had searched for her everywhere before some friends informed them that their girl was in the possession of the leader of the Darul Aloom in Khanpur.

“We went to the Abdul Jabbar, the head of the madrassa, and others and requested them that our girl be returned to us.”

Forget the girl: They initially denied that Radha was in their custody, but later admitted the fact only to then tell us that they could not allow us to meet our daughter since she had converted to Islam and did not want to see any of her non-Muslim relatives,” the father said, adding that he then went to the authorities, seeking to register an FIR against the culprits, but the police said they could not register an FIR because the “girl had converted and the family should just forget the matter”.

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“We took local Hindu leaders and other respected people to the authorities in order to push them to lodge an FIR against Abdul Jabbar, but the officials sent us to then DCO Imtiaz Gul, who after listening to our story took our applications, but did nothing except delay the case and make false promises,” Mehnga said, adding that for months, the family sent applications to “every authority”, but to no avail.

He said there were only a few human rights activists and family friends who were supporting him because he was extremely poor and his only source of income was from a shoe polish stall, adding that local police officers and seminary heads – fearing any action that may be taken against them after the family started sending applications to the authorities concerned – had consented to arrange a meeting between Radha and any one of her family members and had also claimed that Radha had married a Muslim boy named Naveed.

Prakash, Radha’s brother, who went to the meeting a few weeks earlier, told Daily Times that he had met Radha for only a few minutes in the presence of Naveed’s family members and people from the seminary.

“There was absolute silence in the room. With tears in her eyes, Radha could only give short answers to my questions, including why she had gone missing and converted. My sister could only muster up the courage to say that she had converted and was happy,” Parkash said, adding that a few minutes into the meeting, he was told by the people in the room to leave and gave him a number on which he could contact Radha. “That number has been turned off from the day they provided it,” he said, adding that his family is extremely disappointed over being “ignored” by the authorities. “We only curse ourselves for being so poor and sometimes even for being non-Muslims in a country where religion matters. We are not expecting justice from any one and it is simply over for us now,” Prakash said.

Separately, a human rights activist based in the area, Ramesh J Pal, told Daily Times that he had been one of the people who had attempted to pursue the Radha case and had raised the issue at every possible platform, but no significant result could be achieved. “I personally met Abdul Jabbar, but he never entertained any of our requests. This is a clear case of forced conversion. Meanwhile, Dr Araish Kumar, an MNA elected on the reserved seat for minorities, told Daily Times that Radha’s case was clearly one of forced conversion and that he would personally talk to Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif and request him to act against the seminary chief and the people behind the crime.

However, Parliamentary Secretary for Human Rights Tahir Khalil Sindhu told Daily Times that he had received an application on the case and was already planning to take action against the people concerned.

He said that he would bring the case to the notice of the Punjab CM so that action is taken against the culprits.

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A door slammed shut

Thursday, April 15, 2010Kamila Hyat

The writer is a freelance columnist and former newspaper editor

All of us who have attended school in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan were taught at one point or the other that the white strip that runs down the flag stood for non-Muslims who make up an estimated three per cent or so of the population.

Now it seems this white is to be washed over with a shade of green that denies the existence of diversity in the country and closes the door of opportunity for citizens who practise a different faith. We may as well change our flag and give up the pretence that there is any space for minorities in our state.

One of the more insidious doings of the 18th Amendment has been to seal off the office of prime minister to non-Muslims by declaring that the post will be held by a Muslim. The presidency has, since 1956, already been reserved for Muslims alone. The original justification given for this was that the post was a symbolic one. While in the kind of state we live in today, there was little practical possibility of someone from a minority religious community moving into the office of prime minister, the existence of the theoretical possibility was important. Indeed it is ironic that this opening has been closed just as real authority has been shifted to the prime minister. It is also ironic that a measure aimed at strengthening democracy should reserve the most important political office in the land for a specific community. The exclusion of all other citizens is, after all, most blatantly undemocratic.

While insiders say the proposal came from the PML-N, the fact is that parties like the 'secular' ANP and the 'liberal' PPP are both guilty of going along with it. One of the legacies of the Zia age has been that, once a 'religious' tint has been placed over any item – no matter how rotten it may in reality be – no one dares speak out. It is true the ANP tabled a suggestion that the presidency be opened to all citizens; but, perhaps caught up in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa issue, it appears not to have noticed the still more damaging change in rules for the holding of the prime minister's office. It is also a fact that once change of this kind has been made, it is extremely hard to roll it back. Any attempt to do so would bring an outcry from the religious parties and other groups that back them. No political party has in recent years displayed the moral courage necessary to take on such groups. Indeed, already, on internet discussion forums, while an encouraging number of voices have spoken out against the measure, others have argued that it is justified for an 'Islamic' state to have only a Muslim at its head. A long time ago, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, a man who has for any meaningful purpose been virtually forgotten in the country he founded, had warned against states that discriminated or drew distinctions between one community and the other. Jinnah would be mortified to discover that this is precisely the kind of distorted state that Pakistan has become over the 63 years since it appeared on the map. Like Dorian Grey, it has become increasingly warped and twisted, even if these mutations are not always visible on the outside.

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The message that the latest change sends out is a dangerous one. It comes at a time when we see at periodic intervals orgies of violence that involve the burning of houses belonging to non-Muslims or the torture of members of minority groups, often after charges of blasphemy have been brought. We have seen lynching carried out in public on these grounds. All around us we see in fact a kind of 'cleansing' on the basis of religion that should leave us ashamed. Hindus from Sindh – sometimes even from communities where they had lived in peaceful harmony with their Muslim neighbours for years – have been forced to flee to escape forced conversions or the kidnapping of their daughters. The few Sikh families who still lived in the tribal areas have been driven out of their homes by the Taliban following the imposition of 'jaziya' taxation on them. Christians have, since the 1980s, begun disappearing to escape discrimination; the names on school registers even at missionary-run institutions in Lahore reflect the change and the monolithic nature of the society we live in.

The attitudes that have created this are for a large part the product of state policies. The laws against Ahmadis, the separate electorate for minorities and the 'Islamisation' policies have all encouraged social and economic discrimination. Opportunities available to non-Muslims have closed down. Employers are less likely to grant them jobs or offer promotions; schools deny them admission. The Basant festival has been labelled as being 'Hindu' and, therefore, undesirable. Even the simple act of flying a kite has been given a religious overture. There can be little doubt this has been a factor in the ban on Basant and the sport of kite-flying that has led to the fluttering paper shapes vanishing from the skies over Lahore, a city that once observed the only secular festival on our calendar with unrivalled passion.

There is evidence too that the unpleasant process of creating a kind of sterile uniformity by rooting out diversity is growing. Muslim sects have confronted the wrath of those who hold they are non-Muslim. The mass killing of Shias in Karachi on two separate occasions as they marked Muharrum is just one example of this. Other groups have faced threats of many kinds. Some indeed, to protect themselves and their children, have chosen to disguise identity. Other groups, such as the small number of Jews who once lived in Karachi, have simply left the country.

The process is an immensely dangerous one. It has already created divisions that in the past simply did not exist. The result has been growing social unease. To create the harmony we so badly need it is vital to alter this, to create a state that treats all its citizens as equal and accepts that this is the true spirit of the democracy that is so often spoken of but rarely put into practice. The question is where we will find the leaders committed to such a vision for their nation.

Christians bewildered by Muslim violence in Pakistan

Daily incidents of violence such as, rape, abduction, and torture of Christians appears to be coutenanced with official indifference in Pakistan.

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On April 28, in Quetta (Baluchistan), a Christian, Zulfiqar Gulzar, was killed by unidentified persons on the street. His community, bewildered by the violence, is seeking justice.

On the same day, in the city of Sargodha in Punjab, a 29-year-old Christian barber, Marwat Masih, was beaten by a group of conservative Muslims, who accused him of having cut off the beard of a young Muslim who had come into his shop asking him to trim it.

Also recently, in Punjab in the town of Murree, the girls' school St. Deny's Girls High School, run by the Protestant Church of Pakistan was set on fire. Investigations have indicated the responsibility of the Muslim fundamentalist groups (the so-called "Pakistani Taliban") who deny education to girls and wish to eliminate Christian social work, as seen in the attacks that occurred last March on the NGO offices of the Christian-based "World Vision" and a Salesian school in Baluchistan.

In the capital Islamabad, meanwhile, some NGOs are protesting another case of violence against a Christian girl, after the widely-publicized case of Shazia. This time, the victim is Sumera Pervaiz, a 14-year-old who worked as a maid in the house of Faheem Cheema, a commander in the Pakistani Air Force. Accused, without proof, of stealing some jewelry, Sumera was placed in isolation, beaten, and tortured for five days to extract a confession that the girl, who was innocent, did not give. She is now hospitalized and in danger of losing the use of her legs.

The Commission for Justice and Peace within the Bishops' Conference has again requested the government's attention to the frequent cases of violence and threats against the liberty and property of Christians in Pakistan.

"Episodes of violence against Christians continue to occur on a constant basis in different areas of the country. The victims are mainly from among the poor and marginalized, who live in suburbs or remote areas. But very few incidents reach the press; this is just the tip of the iceberg. Most of the violence happens in silence or is met with indifference," notes Francis Mehboob Sada, Director of the Christian Study Center in Rawalpindi, in an interview with Fides. The Center works on monitoring human rights in the country. "We are concerned and we continue in our struggle for minority rights," he says.

In recent days, President Asif Ali Zardari has issued a constitutional reform package limiting his own powers and strengthening the role of parliament and the prime minister: "We hope this means more democracy in Pakistan and greater respect for human rights in the country, with benefits for religious minorities," Archbishop Lawrence Saldanha, President of the Bishops' Conference said.

Qazi Hussain’s “enlightning”Interview

Qazi Hussain Ahmed is leader (former Chairman) of the biggest Islamic party (Jammat-e-Islami) in Pakistan

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Note: This Islamic party was the deadliest opponent to the creation of Pakistan and called the founder f Pakistan a kafir (infidel)

published in "Islamreview dot com" What Islam Wants Let's Hear From Pakistan Jamat-e-Islami Leader, Maulana Nabiullah Khan

"Jamhooria Islamia", a monthly Baluchi magazine published from Panj-gar, published an interview with Maulana Nawabzadaa Nabiullah Khan, a confidant of and adviser to the Amir of leading Pakistani Islamic party, Jamaat-e-Islami, Maulana Qazi Ahmed, which was conducted by Jalil Amir. The following constitutes are excerpts from that conversation which reveals the fundamentalist ideology and designs of the organisation and its leader.

EQUALITY OF MEN AND WOMEN IS STUPIDITY

Q 1: The women issue is very controversial nowadays. Taliban and some fundamentalist organizations restrict the freedom of women while some progressive Muslim intellectuals are insisting that the women are equal to men in all spheres. What are Qazi's views on women?

A: As I said earlier, the Prophet Mohammad's (PBUH) views on women are the exact views of Qazi Ahmed and the Jamat. Equality of men and women is stupidity. What men can do, women cannot do. Women are weak physically and mentally compared to men. Men have to take care of women all the time.

WOMEN MUST STAY HOME

Women should not have a life outside the family. Education can be provided to them, but not to compete with men in public.

NO VOTING RIGHTS FOR WOMEN UNDER SHARIA Qazi had said once that when JI comes to power in Pakistan, he will abolish the voting rights of women and minorities. Only the Muslim men can participate in voting or standing for elections. When I asked the proof from Hadiths, he had quoted many Hadiths in support of that. I asked him why is it that it is never talked about openly in the public by the Jamaat? Qazi had said that the hints are all over the place. But JI did not make it a big issue since the women who currently have the voting rights may vote against JI in the elections if such a thing is said openly.

NON MUSLIMS IN MUSLIM COUNTRIES MUST PAY JIZYA

Q2: That brings us to the question of minorities. Will they have to pay Jizya tax?

A: Yes. They have to pay the tax. As explained by Qazi Ahmed , the idea of Jizya is not protection money. But it is a monetary force on the non-Muslim to convert to Islam. Once the Jamaat comes to power, the minorities will be induced (forced) to become Muslims either by monetary or psychological factors.

ALL INDIAN HINDUS WILL BE CONVERTED INTO ISLAM

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JI is already equating India with Hindus so that the Hindus of Pakistan will be forced to become Muslims. This was a very successful strategy during the Babri Masjid riots. JI was actively involved in destroying the Hindu temples in Punjab and Sindh. We ordered the destruction of the Hindu family property too. But our main aim was to destroy the Hindu temples. We wrote in the JI pamphlets that destroying each pagan temple makes a Muslim move closer to the heaven of Allah. We used the Hadiths in all the pamphlets. Babar destroyed the Ram temple in Ayodhya because he was a true believer. The same way, every Muslim should take it upon himself to destroy the Hindu temples in Pakistan. O! ur idea was to encourage the Muslims of India also to destroy the Hindu temples in India. But this was not met with much success since the Hindu police in India started attacking the Muslims who were doing Allah's duty.

Q3: What kind of government does JI envisage for Pakistan?

A: It will be the Sharia government. Sharia will be made our constitution so that the eminent Muslim scholars who had completed the schooling in Madrasas will be appointed as the Judges in every court. Qazi wanted to make the presidium on the same model as the Khalifa. Presently our idea is that the entire top leadership of JI as well as all three military Generals will be part of the presidium for which the Qazi will be the Khalifa.

OUR MOTTO IS CONSTANT JIHAD

Our motto is "Constant Jihad". The idea is to keep Pakistan in a constant state of Jihad all the time. Qazi's vision is that Pakistan will be! the centre of the new Islamic Empire that stretches from Burma to Afghanistan and from Srilanka to Tajikistan including Kashmir Towards that end, the Jamaat will use all tactics from terrorism in the kafir-controlled areas to negotiations in the Muslim controlled areas. Already the Jamaat leaders of Bangladesh and Jamaat leaders of India have accepted the primacy of Pakistani leadership in this regard.

SRI LANKA AND BURMA WILL BE PRESSURIZED TO CONVERT TO ISLAM

Q4: What about Srilanka and Burma?

A: Both are Buddhist nations. For that matter even Baluchistan and Afghanistan were Buddhist once while Sindh and Punjab were Hindu earlier. Buddhists are generally weaker in matters of faith. Hence we hope they will become Muslim with a little pressure. But that will happen only after Jamaat conquers first Pakistan and then India.

Q5: What are the plans for India? It looks like the entire India policy of the Jamaat revolves around Kashmir.

A: Yes that is true. But that is for a very good reason. See Kashmir is like a keystone that sits on top of the arch. It is true that the arch holds the entire weight of the keystone. But if you remove the keystone, then the whole arch falls down. That is why it is called the keystone. Kashmir is the keystone for India. Once you remove that, then India can no longer be secular and it will not be a united country either. Once Kashmir is taken out, these militancy movements will break

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India by asking the similar freedom for Nagaland, Kerala, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Manipur, Assam, Jharkand, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Khalistan.

INDIA WILL BE MADE A 100% MUSLIM NATION

Q5: Coming back to the same point, if India was to become many countries, how do you deal with the individual Hindu States? They may even become big enemies of Pakistan. Or they may again re-group to challenge Pakistan.

A: Given the differences between the nationalities in India, the options for Pakistan are endless. Qazi's vision is to make the entire India a 100% Muslim Nation. A United India, where Hindus are majority is an impediment to that. Like Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) made Muslims out of pagans of Arabia, Qazi also wants to make Muslims out of the pagans of India.

Q6: This is a great vision since this was not even possible for the Muslim dynasties and Moguls who ruled India for the last 700 years.

A: True. That is because they had never really established the Muslim Empire. Though the Kings were Muslims, they had entertained the Hindus in positions of power. When you make an unequivocal statement that only Muslims are voters and declare that India is an Islamic Republic, then automatically the people will become Muslims. Little bit of terror had to be applied to the heart of Hindus and Christians. I will give you a best example. The portions which now constitute Pakistan had 25% Hindu population before Independence.

TERRORIZATION IS THE BEST CONVERSION TOOL

After Independence, a lot of Hindus migrated to India. Yet after the migration, the Pakistani Hindu population was 15%. Do you know what is the percentage now? It is less than 1%. How was this made possible? How did the Hindus convert to Islam in a short span of 20 years whereas for 700 years they had never converted to Islam? That is purely because of the terror of the Partition.

TERROR FORCED HINDUS TO CONVERT TO ISLAM IN PAKISTAN

That terror forced the Hindus who remained in Pakistan to become Muslims. Pure and simple. JI used similar techniques in Punjab and Sindh. Each time a riot breaks out in India, we had used that pretext to strike terror among the Hindus, Christians and Ahmaddiahs. The similar terror will be at the heart of every non-Muslim, both Hindu as well as Christian, in the coming years in the entire of India.

PRPOHET SUCCEEDED WITH TERROR SO CAN WE

Qazi is an analytical genius who knows every strategy that was used by Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and which will be and should be used in India to achieve the total submission to Allah.

Q7: Do you envision a possibility that when Kashmir becomes part of Pakistan, there could be

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large-scale riots in India against Indian Muslims? Hence unwittingly Kashmir could lead to more deaths of Indian Muslims and damage Islamic Ummah.

ANY MUSLIM ASSOCIATING WITH A POLYTHEIST BECOMES A POLYTHEIST

A: Yes that is a possibility. But our ideology is based on Quran and Hadiths. Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) in numerous Hadiths and Allah in Quran had said that any Muslim who associates with a polytheist is a polytheist. Muslims cannot be friendly with a non-Muslim. This includes the Christians, Jews and Hindus. Also Mohammad (PBUH) says that even if the Muslim ruler is not good, the Muslims stay with the ruler rather than go out to a non-Muslim country. Hadiths and Quran are very explicit regarding this. All the Muslims who did not migrate to Pakistan during Partition are in essence Hindus. They may think that they are Muslims. But not before Allah.

They are as self-deluded as the Ahmaddiahs who think they are Muslims when everyone knows that they are not Muslims. Hence the Muslims of India who had decided to stay in India during Partition are not Muslims and their progeny are not Muslim (since they did not migrate to Muslim lands).

Another thing that I noticed in my journeys in India is that the Hindu farmers generally offer their entire harvest to their gods at the end of their harvesting season. This makes the entire crop as haram for Muslims. Yet these so-called Muslims of India are forced to eat this food which was already offered to some other God other than Allah. This is explicitly forbidden in Quran.

MUSLIMS GOING TO NON MUSLIM COUNTRIES TO SETTLE DOWN ARE KAFIRS (infidels)

And this is one of the serious problems of living in non-Muslim countries. Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) knew such things; that is why he ordered Muslims not to live in non-Muslim areas. Yet knowingly these so-called Muslims live in India.

AGAIN ALL THE MUSLIMS WHO MIGRATE TO OTHER NON MUSLIM COUNTRIES AND US ARE NON MUSLIMS.

Only the Muslims who intend to come back are Muslims not the ones who decide to stay in such countries. Hence we do not care if such Indian Muslims die in the riots.

But due to strategy reasons we do have excellent relations with these Muslims. All the Muslims who work for Pakistan and for the glory of Ummah (Muslim nation) are real Muslims. They are our front line troops in non-Muslim countries. Hence we have to distribute the arms and ammunitions to these real Muslims in case riots come to their door.

The Kashmiri Muslims are pure Muslims who are toiling under the yoke of Hindu rule. They are victimized by the international conspiracy to keep them under the Hindu rule. That issue is part of the incomplete Partition, whereas the Indian Muslims have accepted Partition and stayed on in India knowingly.

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JAMAT WILL BRING SLAVERY BACK TO PAKISTAN

Arabians own slaves. Though Allah says that the slaves should be treated in a nice manner, he did not advocate the abolition of slavery. If slavery is bad as considered in today's world, Allah certainly would have said that slavery is wrong. Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) also said that the slaves should be treated in a good manner and the slaves should be released often. But if there is no slavery, how can anyone release slaves? Hence the re-introduction of slavery in Pakistan is one of the future plans of the Jamaat.

ALL CAPTURED HINDUS WILL BE MADE SLAVES

All the captured Hindu Indians and Srilankans will be made slaves to work for Pakistani Muslims. Every God-abiding Pakistani Muslim will get slaves once we conquer India. All the slaves who embrace Islam will be set free. Slavery is Islamic. Jamaat is the only political party, which does not voice any opposition to the slavery in Pakistan. We went around all over Arabia. We were surprised to know that there are some Hindus in Yemen. These ancient Yemeni Hindus are not Indians. In my opinion, these Hindus are traders from India in the ancient times. I was also surprised to know that they have a Shiva temple in Yemen. Qazi was very unhappy over this. When he talked to the Yemen leaders, he broached this subject. But the Yemeni leaders refused Qazi's suggestion of forced conversion of these people to Islam. I don't know why they refused. I think it may be due to the large population of Hindus from India who work in Yemen and Arabia. He disliked the current leadership of Arabia for this reason.

In his opinion, Arabia should not allow any non-Muslim into the holy lands of Arabia. Arabia should be 100% pure. A large number of Hindus in Arabia is corrupting the Arabians. Though they live as contractors, they have the potential to corrupt the minds of the Arabians.

HINDU TEMPLES POLLUTE MUSLIM LANDS

One such thing is the presence of Arabians in the Qatar Hindu temple. First the king allowed the Hindus to build a temple and church in the holy lands, thereby polluting the Holy Land. Second is that even a member of the Royal family visited that temple to inaugurate that temple. To the horror of Qazi, he had learnt that one of the powerful members of the Qatar Royal family is a devotee of a god called Aayappan. This news resolved Qazi to fight the force of the devil thousand fold.

Q8: Such things happen in Pakistan today. I mean a friend of mine goes to a Hindu temple. Another friend goes to church meetings.

A: Yes. One of Qazi's relatives wanted to become a Hindu. He did not have a child for many years and it seems he had prayed to a Hindu God and got the child. Hence he felt thankful to that god and wanted to become a Hindu. Qazi got to know of this and called him and threatened him with dire consequences. That relative did not become a Hindu. But that incident made Qazi read more about apostasy.

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PUNISHMENT FOR APOSTASY IS DEATH

Quran and Hadith clearly say the punishment for abandonment of Islam is death. Since Sharia is not the law in Pakistan, and the current Pakistani Constitution grants the right to change religion, it is legally correct to declare oneself as Hindu or Christian. But once the JI takes over the government, it will make Sharia as the Constitution. Then Pakistan will also legally execute any person who leaves Islam and joins Ahmaddiah, Christianity or Hinduism the same way Iran and Taliban treats its apostates. He also opined that the presence of the Hindu temples in Pakistan is the root cause of the problem and hence we want to destroy all the Hindu temples and Churches in Pakistan.

Q9: This brings us into another area. Right now the Internet is becoming widespread. Even Saudi Arabia is connected with the outside world. Destroying the temples may be good, but how can we insulate the Pakistani and Muslim people against the corrupting knowledge totally?

A: JI had taken a principled stand on the matter of science and religion. Religion is far superior to science.

ALL THE WORLD?S KNOWLEDGE IS IN QURAN AND HADITHS Whatever man needs to know is in the Quran and Hadiths. Knowing more will create problems like the Atom bomb and Television. MUSIC TV AND PHOTOGRAPHY ARE SATANIC AND HARAM Quran and Hadiths are explicit in denouncing pictures. Yet the lure of Satan in the form of photography and television is eating our lives. Music previously was confined only to the vocal singing. Now science and technology made the music widespread at a cheaper price. These are the lures of Satan. We have to be on guard against these harami things.

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY ARE BAD FOR CIVILIZATION

Hence, more science and technology is bad for the civilization. I had completed civil engineering. Hence I am privy to scientific knowledge. I can tell you how corrupting that is. It even makes you question the glorious Quran.

EARTH IS FLAT There are many Hadiths, which say that the earth is flat. But any science will tell you the earth is a sphere. But you can use the same science like the relativity theory to prove that the earth is flat. It is the same case with evolution. But the point being that doubt is sown in the minds of the people on the validity of the Quran as the word of God. More and more we work hard to prove the Quran's scientific correctness, more and more people will get apprehensive of the truth of the Quran. This is an abomination.

WHEN ISLAM TALKS OF GET EDUCATED IT MEANS QURANIC EDUCATION

This is why when we talk of education, we talk of religious education and not scientific education.

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It is true that science grew after the Prophet's revolution in Arabia. That was the start of science. Now each and every science is filled with anti-god stuff. If you want to become a doctor, you have to read evolution. If you have to read any engineering, you have to believe in the billions of years old universe theory which effectively says that human beings came to the world only just one or two million years back.

Q10: But we still need the arms and knowledge of the Western world, which believes in science. And again you had referred to television as evil. If we abolish photography how can we have passports or identification cards?

A: Yes. That is strategic. With the help of Allah, we will be given oil for them to run their cars and we will have arms in that place. We will use their arms to destroy them in the course of time.

PHOTOGRAPHY WILL BE BANNED UNDER JI (Jammaat-e-Islami)

As far as photos are concerned, they will be banned as it was done in Afghanistan under Taliban. If there is no need for people to go out of Pakistan, where is the need for the passports? For those who have to travel to other countries like the leaders of the revolution, they only will be given the passport with photos. For that, we will allow limited photography licensed only to the government. And the biggest corruption in today's Pakistan is Indian satellite TV and Indian cinemas and Indian songs. We have to abolish these too.

ARABIC WILL BE MADE OFFICIAL LANGUAGE OF PAKISTAN

Q11: Currently we have a lot of opposition from Mohajirs regarding reservations. What kind of reservation policy will the JI will have in Pakistan?

A: We approach that problem as the problem of language. Urdu-speaking Muslims and Sindhi-speaking Muslims are fighting now. We plan to abolish all the regional languages like Pashto, Sindhi, Baluchi, Urdu, Punjabi and Brahvi. We want all the people of Pakistan to speak Arabic which is our divine language. This will make everyone equal before everyone else and there would not be any need for language or region based reservations. We also hope that this will make the Quran and Hadiths easier to understand and will make the people follow the Quran and Hadiths to the letter.

Q12: There could be language riots. One such language riot resulted in Bangladesh.

A: Bangladesh was not a result of language riot. The very idea that they are Muslims will bring the Bangladeshis to Arabic. We already fund heavily the Arabic language courses all over India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. From Morocco to Iraq speaks in Arabic, I don't see any reason why from Morocco to Burma we will not bring Arabic to the people. Even Bangladesh will start speaking in Arabic. That time there won't be any Bangladesh where the country name itself has the name of the language. Yes. Right now our aim is just for reunification without touching on the language issue of Bengali. JI of Bangladesh is working towards this aim.

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Q13: The secular journalists of Pakistan oppose the JI. For example the Dawn and News are very critical of the JI. How do you see their role in the future?

A: Ardheshir Cowasjee is able to work only because of the present Constitution of Pakistan. When Sharia becomes the Constitution, he cannot even approach the court, as he is a kafir.

We see secular journalists as our main enemy in the current struggle to reach power. These secular journalists are digging our statements we made during the pre-Independence days and trying to beat us. Of course we opposed the creation of Pakistan during the British times. But that was a different Jamaat. Our history starts with Independence.

SECULARS ARE KAFIRS

Secular journalists are not Muslims even though some of them are carrying Muslim names. Let them come to us and let us ask questions on the Quran and Hadiths. We will prove each and every thing we say is from Quran and Hadiths. Let them prove what we say as wrong from the Quranic angle. Then we will accept them. But they cannot. They cannot match us in any debate concerning the Quran and Hadiths. We can comprehensively prove that they are indeed non-Muslims.! They are like Quadianis who say that the Muslim need not take up Jihad as an obligation. That is pure nonsense.

Q: Thanks for your time.

A: May Allah's blessings be with you.

Muslims abroad

Rights of the fewRafia Zakaria (Dawn) 27 January 2011

ON Dec 13, 2010, the United States Department of Justice filed a lawsuit against the Berkeley School District in Illinois alleging that it had failed to make reasonable accommodation for the religious rights of a Muslim teacher named Safoorah Khan.

American Muslims, being as they are a religious minority in a Christian nation, are a mirror image of non-Muslim minorities in countries such as Pakistan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Yet despite this parallel, few of those eagerly claiming their rights as American Muslims seem interested in speaking out about the necessity of similar respect for religious minorities within Islamic countries. While the American Muslim sphere is crowded with rights awareness

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programmes and the global ummah is a term familiar to all, not a single programme exists to push Muslim states to recognise and enforce minority rights.

In recent months, as Copts have been persecuted in Egypt and Christians and Ahmadis in Pakistan, few American Muslim scholars or organisations have directed their attention towards formulating theological arguments against such injustices. This silence paints American Muslims in particular and Muslims in general as opportunists who are quick to extol the virtues of tolerance only when they seek to reap its dividends, but abandon them when they wield the powers of a majority.

The writer is a US-based attorney teaching constitutional history and political philosophy.

A crime unlike any otherNaziha Syed Ali

As a lawyer puts it, “No one ever takes up a blasphemy case for money; they only do it to uphold human rights.” Updated 29 January 2014 Last week, a 65-year-old British man of Pakistani origin, Mohammad Asghar, who is said have a history of mental illness, was sentenced to death for blasphemy by a court in Rawalpindi. He had been arrested in 2010 after writing letters to several individuals in which he claimed to be a prophet. An accusation of blasphemy — a term loosely applied to several offences that fall under Section 295 titled “Of offences relating to religion” in the Pakistan Penal Code — is fraught with risk at various levels; for the accused himself, his family, his lawyers, even the judge who grants him relief whether in the form of bail or acquittal. “This is the only criminal offence – except perhaps treason – which when levelled, instantly stigmatises the accused and invites danger of violence,” says lawyer Faisal Siddiqi.“That’s why it’s initiated in the first place; such an accusation makes it easy to mobilise people against the individual.” In 2012, there were at least two cases in which mobs were instigated by exhortations of vigilante justice, over mosque loudspeakers in one instance, to attack police stations where two accused were present, and beat them to death. As per the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), in the first eight months of 2013, FIRs were registered against 19 people under Section 295. Among them are at least eight Muslims, six Ahmadis and two Christians. According to HRCP’s 2012 report, 35 cases were registered that year for offences relating to religion. Of the 39 accused, 27 were Muslim, seven were Christian and five were Ahmadi, which means that while Muslims were the main target in terms of numbers, the ratio of non-Muslims far exceeds their representation in the country’s total population.

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“When the blasphemy accused is Muslim, he alone will suffer,” says Tahir Naveed Chaudhry, lawyer and chairman of the Pakistan Minorities Alliance. “But when the accused is a member of a minority, the entire community suffers.” To illustrate his point he cites the examples of the ransacking of Gojra and Joseph Colony.Blasphemy laws were first instituted in pre-partition India by the British in 1860. They were expanded in 1927 in response to large-scale communal clashes between Hindus and Muslims at the time. The intention was to control religious violence by criminalising behaviour likely to wound religious sensitivities and thus enable it to be dealt with through courts in a non-violent manner. After amendments to the blasphemy laws by General Zia-ul-Haq between 1980 and 84, the situation began to change rapidly. “It was not anticipated that from the ’80s the state itself will become party to the law in pursuing cases,” says a lawyer. According to a report by the Centre for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), there were eight cases of blasphemy in the 40 years between ’47 and ’87. From 1987 until August 2012, a period of 25 years, 247 blasphemy cases have been filed, affecting nearly 330 people. And that may only be a partial picture: “A rough estimate of the persons that have been accused is more than 1,000…,” says the report. Various factors have contributed to a climate of vigilante justice. As per the CRSS report, nearly 60 people accused of blasphemy have been murdered, either while they were under trial or after being acquitted. There is also intimidation inside the courtroom from the complainant’s supporters. As a lawyer puts it, “No one ever takes up a blasphemy case for money; they only do it to uphold human rights.”Moreover, judges are reluctant to grant bail in these cases. “They’re more likely to acquit rather than grant bail because they do not want to appear inclined to give interim relief to anyone accused of blasphemy,” says a lawyer. This is despite the fact that many cases are triggered by personal disputes or a desire to take over property of the accused. The risk of violence means that often, even after acquittal, anyone accused of blasphemy and his family cannot go back to where they lived before and must either put down roots elsewhere, often under assumed identities, or seek asylum abroad, as young Rimsha Masih was compelled to do recently. In this country, there is clearly no respite for those once accused of blasphemy.

Ref: Jinnah’s Pakistan?Ardeshir Cowasjee

Key FactsDAWN.COM January 4, 2011