The Smithsonian Institution Regents of the University of Michigan Some Alternative Sources for Archaistic Elements in the Paintings of Qian Xuan and Zhao Mengfu Author(s): James Cahill Source: Ars Orientalis, Vol. 28, 75th Anniversary of the Freer Gallery of Art (1998), pp. 64- 75 Published by: Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the History of Art, University of Michigan Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4629531 . Accessed: 14/06/2014 22:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . The Smithsonian Institution and Regents of the University of Michigan are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Ars Orientalis. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 195.34.79.223 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 22:42:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Transcript
The Smithsonian InstitutionRegents of the University of Michigan
Some Alternative Sources for Archaistic Elements in the Paintings of Qian Xuan and ZhaoMengfuAuthor(s): James CahillSource: Ars Orientalis, Vol. 28, 75th Anniversary of the Freer Gallery of Art (1998), pp. 64-75Published by: Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the Historyof Art, University of MichiganStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4629531 .
Accessed: 14/06/2014 22:42
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
The Smithsonian Institution and Regents of the University of Michigan are collaborating with JSTOR todigitize, preserve and extend access to Ars Orientalis.
http://www.jstor.org
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T HIS BRIEF PAPER, slightly reworked from one I presented at a symposium in Shanghai in 1995,' is the outline of a study
that I hope will be carried out more fully in the future, presumably by someone who moves more comfort- ably than I do among the historical circumstances and issues it concerns. It is based on a rather tenuous idea that I have entertained for some years, without ever having presented it before in public. The case I will argue is, admittedly, far short of being solid and provable, but I want anyway to present it in a tentative way for others to consider.
It is well recognized in the history of Chinese painting that archaistic motifs and elements of style drawn from Tang-period painting appear in works by Qian Xuan iJ (ca. 1235-after 1301), Zhao Mengfu : (1254-1322), and other early Yuan- period artists. Zhao's famous Sheep and Goat (fig. 1) in the Freer Gallery of Art exemplifies this phenom- enon. In discussing these elements we stress the desire of the artists to shun the painting styles of the Southern Song, associated as that period was in their minds with political weakness and the loss of China to foreign rule. To revert to Tang styles was to recall the glories of a period when a native Chinese dy- nasty had been at the peak of its power. We under- stand these early Yuan artists to have seen Tang paintings preserved in collections and to have copied or imitated them. The reopening of the north to painters active in the south and Zhao Mengfu's trip in 1286 to the north, where he saw and acquired some antique paintings to bring home to Wuxing, were important events in this new access to archaic styles.
That account of the sources of Tang-derived imagery and style available to early Yuan artists is not
wrong, and I certainly do not mean to try to overturn it. But it should be supplemented, I believe, by consid- eration of another possible source for these old motifs and styles. The Mongol invasion brought with it trade with the Mongol empire,2 as well as manypeoples from the western regions (whom the Chinese called semu >t C, "colored eyes") who worked not only in the Mongol administration but also as artisans and spe- cialists of other kinds. The great influx of these peoples into China must have introduced works of art, along with artistic styles and motifs, from tradi- tions and areas ofproduction outside China. Some of these can be assumed to have preserved in some form the old images and styles originally adopted from Chinese pictorial art of the Tang. Finds in Central Asian sites, as well as surviving examples of the art of mobile, nomadic peoples such as the Khitans, testify to their (for China) retardataire perpetuation of ele- ments of Tang art. In a way that is difficult to trace, then, these images and styles might have been rein- troduced into China after, so to speak, "migrating" for several centuries around the regions between China and Western Asia.
U T SEFUL IN MAKING this argument, al- though themselves somewhat mysterious, are a large group of paintings preserved in
four albums in the Topkapi Sarayl in Istanbul, along with a few in other collections. The albums, which were probably brought together in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, are rather haphazard in organization, as if gathered from diverse sources; the pictures in them are obviously by many hands, repre- senting artists of different periods and traditions. Some of the leaves appear clearly to be the work of
Ars Orientalis, volume XXVIII (1998)
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Chinese artists, small paintings or fragments of paintings dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Most, however, are not Chinese in execu- tion, although older Chinese paintings certainly un- derlie many of them.
The Istanbul albums have inspired numerous studies from many areas of specialization-studies that diverge widely in the datings, provenances, and interpretations that they propose for the pictures. One book about them calls them "Mongol paint- ings," but this designation is speculative.3 An inter- national symposium dedicated to these albums was held in London in 1980 and a volume of the papers published in 1985.4 Two of these papers by special- ists in Chinese art are of special interest here since they propose how elements of Tang painting might have been preserved and transmitted. William Watson writes that the paintings demonstrate "the extraordi- nary long-lived tradition of sinicizing style," pointing out the close similarity of certain of them to eighth- century paintings found at Turfan and Dunhuang. He writes: "It is clear that in eastern Central Asia a local version of Chinese figure painting, with the prestige of a courtly style derived originally from Metropolitan China, was perennial." He refers to certain of the paintings as "Sino-Turkic" and sug- gests that they might have been done in Turfan, where "in the ninth and tenth centuries a compro- mise between Chinese and local fashion had already found its way into art."5
Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt, writing about pic- tures of Chinese ladies in the albums, points out that "painting based on and eventually derivative of Tang models thrived to China's North under the Liao dynasty ... ; to China's Northwest and West during the reigns of various Central Asian rulers; and to China's Northeast and East in Korea and Japan for centuries." She hypothesizes a line of transmission that involves "several intermediate stages.... Places such as the Liao court, or the courts of the Uyghur Turks and their descendants, are likely places for one stage of the imitation to have occurred." Tang styles were mixed in these places with elements of local styles, and the mixtures "travelled westward under the guise of Chinese painting tradition," perhaps in some part with the westward migration of remnants
of the Liao empire after their fall in the twelfth century; when this Western Liao or Qara Khitay culture was absorbed by the Mongols in the thirteenth century, "the images were probably further transformed or copied."6 The Tang-like images in the Istanbul al- bums, then, would be end products of this long process of transmission and transformation. And, as both Watson and Steinhardt also suggest, this reper- tory of old images could naturally have been reintro- duced into China with the coming of the Mongols and other people from western regions in the late thirteenth century.7
Lack of firm evidence makes it difficult to go beyond these hypotheses, and I do not mean to try. I want only provisionally to accept their premise and, on that basis, to make the argument of this paper: that the sudden appearance in early Yuan-period China of certain images apparently of Tang origin, images that also appear in the Istanbul albums, might best be understood through this theory of transmission over the intervening centuries in the regions west of China and reintroduction into China in the early Yuan. This theory would supplement more than replace the standard supposition that Yuan painters learned these archaic images from rediscovered Tang works, or copies of Tang works, that had been transmitted within China. For example, the image of the emaci- ated horse, which occurs several times in the Istanbul albums (fig. 2), is presumably basedl on some Tang work. It reappears in Yuan painting, for instance in an anonymous picture of that date (fig. 3), as well as in well-known works by Gong Kai 0 R and Ren Renfa Wff{iii.8 Similarly, the familiar image of the rolling horse, sometimes associated with the Tang master Cao Ba g, can be seen in a work calledAnonymous Tang, known now only from an old reproduction (fig. 4); it reappears in a leaf of the Istanbul albums, but here it is reversed and a groom has been added (fig. 5). The rolling horse is sometimes found in later painting, for instance in a work by Qiu Ying fJLt.9
Qian Xuan's painting of a foreign king and two foreign grooms bringing a strange mastiff or lion-dog and its cub as tribute to the Chinese court is, accord- ing to the artist's inscription, copied after a work by the Tang master Yan Liben 7 jS (ca. 600-674), which was preserved in his time in a stone engraving
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Qian Xuan, Foreign- Envoys Bringing Mastiff as Tribute, lhandscroll, ink and colors on Paper, 26.7 x97can. Chzeng Chii
Collection, New Jersey.4 After A Garland of Ch-inese Painting (Hong I-
Kong 1967)., voL 2, P1. 2.
FIG. 7.M .. ...
Grooms with Wild Dogs..?,.... leaf in Topkapz Sarayz album (H.2153,fol. 95r.), 14.5 x 44 cm. Courtesy Topkapz Sarayz Miizesi, Istanbul.
A V-
(fig. 6). It finds an approximate parallel in another painting from the Istanbul albums-one that repre- sents grooms or trainers bringing what appear to be wolves or wild dogs (fig. 7). Other parallels of this kind can be made and are made in the articles cited earlier by Watson and Steinhardt. Images of demons in the Istanbul albums, for instance, can be matched with demons in paintings by the early Yuan artist Yan Hui .'0
Since the Topkapi albums were assembled after the Yuan period, it is worth asking why we should assume that the transmission was eastward, into China, instead of the other way. That is, why not assume that Yuan-period painting was copied or imitated and transmitted westward, to appear in the Topkapi albums?" This question cannot be answered at length here; I will only say, on the basis of my own observation, that elements of Tang style and imagery appear in these albums that could not have been derived from Yuan painting, since they are not (judg- ing from extant materials) found there or in Song
painting. They must have come, by way of some transmission outside China, from pre-Song sources.
I WANT TO CONCENTRATE briefly on a single feature of style observable in a number of works by Qian Xuan and Zhao Mengfu (including two
in the Freer Gallery of Art; see figs. 1 and 15), as well as other Yuan artists. This is the device of foreshort- ening used to depict animals (especially horses) fac- ing toward or away from the viewer, or at an oblique angle to the picture plane. We see it, for example, in paintings by Qian Xuan of a mounted bowman in the British Museum, dated to 1290 in the artist's inscrip- tion (fig. 8), and in a painting by Zhao Mengfu dated 1300 in the Palace Museum, Taipei, which opens with a horse seen in profile and ends with one seen straight on, its body oddly balloonlike (fig. 9).12 Other examples include a handscroll in the Palace Museum in Beijing, in which the foreshortening of the horses' bodies is accomplished more convincingly (fig. 10), and a well- known picture of a horse and groom (fig. 11), painted
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ALTERNATIVE SOURCES FOR ARCHAISTIC ELEMENTS IN QIAN XUAN AND ZHAO MENGFU
~~*44 ?fr*' ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ..r....Io
.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Y
FIG. 8. FIG. 9.
Qian Xuan, Young Nobleman on Horseback, Zhao Mengfu, Horses and Trees, dated 1300, dated 1290, handscroll, ink and colors on section of a handscroll, ink on paper. National paper, 29.7 x 75.6 cm. British Museum, Palace Museum, Taipei. After Gugong London (OA 1954.12-11.05Add.286). minghua (Taipei, 1966), vol. 5, pl 4.
FIG. 10. FIG. 11.
Zhao Mengfu, Washing Horses, detail Zhao Mengfu, Horse and Groom, dated 1296, of handscroll, ink and colors on silk, Iiandscroll, ink and colors on paper. Metropolitan 28.5 x 154 cm. After Zhongguo lidai Museum of Art (former Crawfrrd Collection). 69 huihua (Beijing, 1983), vol. 4, p1. 35.
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by Zhao in 1296 and now mounted together with similar pictures by his son Zhao Yong M4 and grandson Zhao Lin S in a collective handscroll.13
FIG. 12.
Hu Gui (attrb.), Khitans and Horses on a Plain, detailfrom handscroll, ink on silk. National Palace Museum, Taipei.
These works have raised problems for scholars of Yuan painting: How can artists of the stature of Qian and Zhao have painted pictures in which this device is handled so clumsily? If they could not employ the technique more adroitly, why did they attempt it at all? Asserting an intentional amateurish awkward- ness does not provide an adequate answer, nor does questioning the authenticity of the paintings.
Once more, we must go back to the Tang to find sources for the early Yuan artists' attempts at fore- shortening the bodies of animals; it would be difficult to locate enough examples of such foreshortening in Song painting to provide any basis for assuming a continuous use ofit. A ninth-century wall painting at Dunhuang WI presents two rows of horsemen, the nearer ones facing away and the farther ones toward us; the bodies of the horses are skillfully foreshort- ened in varying degrees to indicate changing angles of view. Two of them, portrayed as confronting each other across an interval, exhibit the additional device of pairing the foreshortened images as an effective means of interrelating them in space.'4
The few cases of foreshortened bodies of ani- mals that we do find in Song-period painting are likely to occur in pictures of nomadic scenes that draw on the Liao a or Khitan tradition of painting, in which elements of Tang style are preserved, such as an album leaf representing A Hunter Truing His Arrow in the Palace Museum, Beijing,'5 or an early and important handscroll ascribed to the Khitan artist Hu Gui - in the Palace Museum, Taipei,
FIG. 13.
Two Merchants with Horse, leaf in Topkapz Sarayz album (H.2153,fol. 113r.) 16.2 x 25 cm. Courtesy Topkapz Sarayz Miizesi, Istanbul.
..~~~~~~~~~~~~~
::
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ALTERNATIVE SOURCES FOR ARCHAISTIC ELEMENTS IN QIAN XUAN AND ZHAO MENGFU
in which the camels are symmetrically paired in this way (fig. 12).
Animals drawn with foreshortened bodies ap- pear in a number of leaves of the Istanbul albums (fig. 13). Foreshortening belongs among those illusionis- tic modes of portrayal that were developed in Tang painting-shading for three-dimensional effect is an- other-and were generally abandoned in the Song, when the aims of leading artists shifted away from spatial and formal illusionism ofthese kinds. But they continued to fascinate the artists outside China who inherited them from the Tang, as well as their patrons and audience, who must have demanded them. The non-Chinese painters execute them in what the Chi- nese would regard as an unsophisticated manner- no air of archaistic allusiveness, no strategies for distancing oneself from the source through irony or exaggeration. Cultivated Chinese artists such as Qian Xuan and Zhao Mengfu, by contrast, could not use them in this straightforward way, both because limi- tations in their painting technique precluded it (they were both, after all, amateurs) and because their aesthetic refinement would not allow it. They could only "quote" them as ingratiatingly awkward-look- ing manifestations of the guyi tk,, or "antique spirit," which Zhao saw as the quality most to be pursued in painting. Pairings like those in Tang and Liao (or Liao-derived) paintings are also found in the Istanbul albums, for instance in one leaf depicting a saddled horse and an unsaddled horse, both facing outward (fig. 14).
The composition of Qian Xuan's Yang Guifei
t;iW4a Mounting a Horse in the Freer Gallery of Art echoes this kind of symmetrical pairing (fig. 15). In the first part, Minghuang's RAI horse is set diago- nally facing outward (and awkwardly foreshortened); it is answered in the second half by Yang Guifei's horse turned inward. This composition, as I point out in a study of this scroll,'6 may well be based on a painting ofthe same subject by Han Gan , which
7:
FIG. 14.
Saddled and Unsaddled Horses from Scene in Nomad Camp, leaf in Topkapt Sarayz album (H.2153, fol. 8v.), 195 x 370 cm. Courtesy Topkapz Sarayt Muzesi, Istanbul
FIG. 15. Qian Xuan, Yang Guifei Mounting a Horse, hand- scroll, ink and colors on paper (ht. 11 %"). Courtesy Freer Gallery ofArt, Smithsonian Institution, 57. 14.
was owned by Zhao Mengfu and could have been seen by Qian Xuan. But even if this were true, the reappearance of this old painting and the reintroductionofthe Tang-derived images from the west could still be regarded as mutually reinforcing: art historians today are inclined to introduce a multi- plicity of factors in accounting for any particular feature of a work instead of offering simple explana- tions based on single causal factors. A comparable case of a stimulus from outside the pictorial tradition reawakening interest in a long-neglectedpractice from its own past can be seen in the late Ming revival of the Northern Song monumental landscape type-a re- vival that was in some part inspired, I believe, by the Chinese artists' sudden exposure to strikingly similar
(as it must have seemed to them) landscape pictures brought from Europe.'7
Another leaf from the Istanbul albums presents a pairing of another kind, with two different creatures, a lion and a bull, opposed (fig. 16). The contrasting aspects of the two, the stalking stance of the lion and the defensive stance of the bull, are reinforced by their placement as if as segments of a circle. This powerful composition may well have had a precedent in some long-lost Tang painting; and that, in turn, may have inspired the composition of one of Zhao Mengfu's most famous works, his Sheep and Goat in the Freer Gallery of Art (fig. 1). The curving body of the goat at right and its stance with lowered head resemble the bull in the Istanbul painting; the sheep
FIG. i6. -- -
Lion and Bull, leaf in Topkapz Sarayz album (H.2160,fol. 90v.), 36 x 51 cm. Courtes y Topkapz Sarayz Miizesi, Istanbul.
i*!. < - ^ ii^t S f t . ̂ . . .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ......
Autumn Landscape, leaf in
Topkapz Sarayz album. Courtesy Topkapz Sarayz Miizesi, IstanbuL -
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ALTERNATIVE SOURCES FOR ARCHAISTIC ELEMENTS IN QIAN XUAN AND ZHAO MENGFU
&i%t A +s It it>,_
4-;=-w-*SsigSr;X; Xt+ FIG. 18.
4 i9, hw A Th,?4A Zhao Mengfu,
O4vt4AteWA4484fftt ^ it e + Xt 46t w ^ * tt * Autumn S 2>*x^St?-E-t>.ag is*g,*@$;; __ 1F~ Colors on the - 2 it _ Qiaoand Hua =- &~/-J~ te4e11kt2i . iMountains,
is drawn in the awkwardly foreshortened manner with ballooning body. The method of interrelating the two creatures in space might have been suggested by some older pairing of the kind illustrated above. But in its essential features-the choice of subject (which may have political overtones, in a cryptic reference to the Han-period general Su Wu MA),18 the characterization of the animals, the use of wet and dry brushwork to distinguish the thick wool of the sheep from the long hair of the angora goat-the work is entirely original with Zhao Mengfu.
I WILL CONCLUDE with an even riskier sugges- tion. Among the leaves of the Istanbul albums is a single painting of landscape, which arouses
our interest immediately by raising the possibility that it transmits features of Tang landscape not easily found, at least in combination, in other surviving works (fig. 1 7).'9 Among these features are two that find parallels in Liao paintings: the area of the picture in which the dense leafage of many different species of trees makes up a richly colored pattern, with the reds and yellows of autumn foliage predominating; and above this, stretching to the horizon, a pattern of neatly spaced, repeated ground plants marking a simple recession. The latter can be seen in the
foreground of the rabbits-and-sparrows painting found in a tenth-century tomb in Yemaotai Aal (and also in certain Tang wall paintings);20 the former in the famous pair of paintings of Deer in an Autumn Forest, now believed to be Liao works.2' In many areas of the Deer in anAutumn Forest pair, what must have been a heavy application of pigment has flaked off, leaving only the underdrawing of the leaves. But the whole effect of bright color and dense pattern must have been close to what we see (on a much lower artistic level) in the Istanbul leaf. Other notable fea- tures ofthe Istanbul landscape for which parallels can be found in Tang paintings, or copies of them, in- clude the sky with scudding clouds, the decorative linear drawing of the water cascading over rocks at the bottom, and the drawing of the rocks themselves.
I want to call attention, however, to the basic cluster ofmotifs that dominates the picture: the moun- tain in upper right, a simple, conical form with stringy strokes shapingits surface; some middle-ground trees drawn as simple repetitions of trunks with dotted foliage; and thejuxtaposition of these with the mixed grove of trees to their left in the foreground. More or less the same configuration of motifs is to be seen, in equally schematic form, in Zhao Mengfu's Autumn Colors on the Qiao R and Hua t Mountains (fig. 18)
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of 1296: the conical mountain with stringy strokes on its surface; the simple, repeated trees in middle ground, which reduce the perceived height of the mountain by their proximity to it; the dense grove of trees of diverse species to the left in the foreground. Also in common between the two paintings, and basic to their compositions, is the attempt in each to portray a continuous flat recession to a high horizon, a recession that in fact breaks into discontinuities in both pictures. In addition, then, to the stylistic sources for Zhao's archaism (which Chu-tsing Li and others have found in paintings associated with such early masters as Wang Wei Ik,8t and Dong Yuan V J),22 Zhao might well have seen pictures of this kind at the
Mongol court and adopted from them some Tang- derived elements of archaic landscape that he is not likely to have known about otherwise.
In fact, when we return for a last look at the Istanbul landscape in this new context, we cannot help seeing features in it that seem to foreshadow the intentional archaisms ofQian Xuan and Zhao Mengfu. It is, of course, exactly the ability of Qian and Zhao to select and combine these inherited elements of style into paintings that far surpass the models in sophisti- cation and coherence, and their achievement in mak- ing out of such diverse sources a new direction for Yuan landscape to take, that marks them as great, original masters. O
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ALTERNATIVE SOURCES FOR ARCHAISTIC ELEMENTS IN QIAN XUAN AND ZHAO MENGFU
Notes
1. International Symposium on Zhao Mengfu, organized by the Shanghai Painting and Calligraphy Press, Shanghai, 23- 28 March 1995.
2. On trade within the Mongol empire, see Thomas T. Allsen, Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of Islamic Textiles (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1997), esp. chap. 3, "Acquisition and Production," 27-45.
3. M. S. Ipsiroglu, Painting and Culture of the Mongols, trans. E. D. Phillips (New York: Abrams, 1966).
4. ErnstJ. Grube and Eleanor Sims, eds., Between China and Iran: Paintingsfrom Four Istanbul Albums, Colloquies on Art and Archaeology in Asia, no. 10 (London: Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, 1975).
5. William Watson, "Chinese Style in the Paintings of the Istanbul Albums," in Between China and Iran, ed. Grube and Sims, 69-76; passages cited on 70 and 73.
6. Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt, "Chinese Ladies in the Istanbul Albums," in Between China and Iran, ed. Grube and Sims, 77-84; passages cited on 80 and 83.
7. Watson ("Chinese Style," 75) writes, "It seems that artists practising this style also found their way to China" and cites the scroll of Zhong Kui RhM; and demons in the Freer Gallery of Art by Gong Kai as an example of how this reentry "introduces a wholly exotic note in Chinese painting." Steinhardt discusses this parallel at greater length in another article, "Siyah Qalem and Gong Kai: An Istanbul Album Painter and a Chinese Painter of the Mongolian Period," Muqarnas 4 (1987): 59-71. She discusses there the images of demons and of the emaciated horse.
8. Steinhardt, "Siyah Qalem," figs. 1 and 5;James Cahill, Hills beyond a River: Chinese Painting of the Yuan Dynasty, 1279-1368 (New York: Weatherhill, 1976), 117 and 155-56, figs. 2 and 72.
9. The painting by Qiu Ying is titled Hunting on the Autumn Plain; see Tang Song Yuan Ming Qing hua xuan J* 5 X HA Ag (Guangzhou: Yishu huabao she, 1963), pl. 50.
10. Comparisons of this kind are made by Steinhardt in "Siyah Qalem."
11. This is the argument of Toh Sugimura, "The Chinese Impact on Certain Fifteenth Century Persian Miniature
Paintings from the Albums ... in the Topkapi Saray Museum, Istanbul" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1981).
12. I am disregarding, for the purpose of this paper, problems of authenticity; one or another of these works might, under more serious scrutiny, prove not to be a genuine work by Qian Xuan or Zhao Mengfu, but they cannot all be dismissed as forgeries because they exhibit this feature of style.
13. See the entry by Laurence Sickman in Laurence Sickmnan et al., Chinese Calligraphy and Painting in the Collection of ?/ohn M. Crawford, jr. (New York: Pierpont Morgan Library, 1962), 101-4 and pl. 43.
14. The passage is in The Procession ofZhang Yiqiao, in the mid-ninth-century Cave 156 at Dunhuang; see, for instance, Terukazu Akiyama, ed., Chutgoku bijutsu (Chinese art), vol. 2 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1969), pl. 17. Kohara Hironobu points out that the Five Oxen attributed to Han Huang 0A in the Palace Museum, Beijing, also includes a forward-facing, foreshortened animal: see Gugong bowuyuan canghua, vol. 2 (Beijing, 1964), pl. 19-21.
15. See Zheng Zhenduo Ola_, comp., Songren huace 5Xf1lM (One hundred Song album leaves) (Beijing: Chinese Classic Art Publishing Co., 1957), pl. 19.
16.James Cahill, "Ch'ien Hsiian and His Figure Paintings," Archives ofAsian Art 12 (1958): 11-29.
17. SeeJames Cahill, The Compelling Image: Nature and Style in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Painting (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), 91-98.
18. Chu-tsing Li, "The Freer 'Sheep and Goat' and Chao Meng-fu's Horse Paintings," Artibus Asiae 30, no.4 (1968): 279-346; this passage on 319.
19. The persuasiveness of the points that follow will be much reduced by the absence of color from the reproduction; interested readers are invited to study the color reproduction in Ipsiroglu, Painting and Culture of the Mongols, pl. 49.
20. See Wenwu, no. 12 (1975): pl. 2 and pp. 30-3 1.
21. For reproductions and discussions of these paintings, see Wen C. Fong andJames C. Y. Watt, Possessing the Past: Treasuresfrom the National Palace Museum, Taipei (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996), 161-64, pl. 70 and detail, p. 158.
22. Chu-tsing Li, The Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains: A Landscape by Chao Meng-fu (Ascona: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1965), esp. chap 5.
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