ARCHAEOMAP - regione.sicilia.it · Archaeomap : archaeological management policies. - Palermo :...

Edited by S. Tusa & G. Brancato

ARCHAEOMAP

Achaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies

Project Coordinator

Project Manager and relation with EC

Directorate General for ResearchDirectorate I - EnviromentUnit I 3 «Enviromental technologies and pollution prevention»Project officer

Scientific Coordinator

Scientific Director

Administrative and documentary management area

Comunication area, Web area and Public Relations Office

Archaeological area

Sustainable development area

Translations

Graphic and pagination

Photos

Sebastiano Tusa

Giacoma Brancato

Michel Chapuis

Mustafa El tayeb - Sebastiano Tusa

Salvatore Alessandro Giannino

Maria Concetta Dell'Aira

Salvatore Emma

Nicolò BrunoPhilippe Tisseyre

Manuel Bellafiore

Monica Bove

Vincenzo CucchiaraCarmelo Sebbio

Partners archives

Roberto Morinilli

Archaeomap : archaeological managementpolicies. - Palermo : Regione siciliana,Assessorato dei beni culturali e dell'identitàsiciliana, Dipartimento dei beni culturali edell'identità siciliana, 2011.ISBN 978-88-6164-166-21. Archeologia – Paesi mediterranei.

CIP - Biblioteca centrale dellaRegione siciliana “Alberto Bombace”

930.09822 CDD-22 SBN Pal0235339

The ARCHAEOMAP coordination project hasbeen funded by the European Commissionunder the "Scientific Support to Policy"Programme of the sixth EU FrameworkProgramme for Research and TechnologicalDevelopment (contract n° 044376).

Novembre 2009All Right Reverved©

Introduction

Chapter I

07by Sebastiano Tusa

17

by Giacoma Brancato and Sebastiano Tusa

Summaries

Chapter II The pilot sites

Chapter III The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture

Chapter IV Guidelines for sustainable development of coastal andunderwater archaeological sites

Bibliography

11

23

25by Sebastiano Tusa

41by Dominique Tailliez

43by Xavier Nieto

71by Francesco Cubeddu, Sergio Frau and Mario Tozzi

83by Max Guerout

2.6 95by

2.7 101by Alaa El-Din Mahrous Mahmoud

2.8107

by

2.9 117by

131

133by Pietro Maniscalco

137by Rita Cedrini

143

4.1 145by Salvatore Giannino

152by Giacoma Brancato and Manuel Bellafiore

4.3 165by Salvatore Giannino

171

1.1

2.1 The sea of Egadi

2.2 Villefranche-sur-Mer

2.3 La fachada maritima da Ampurias

2.4 Sinis

2.5 L’épave de la Lomellina

Pharos Island of Alexandria, Egypt

Tyre - South Lebanon

3.1 The Bourbon Arsenal of Palermo

3.2 Importanza della conservazione del patrimonio culturale e la diffusionedelle informazioni

Sustainable development

4.2 Environmental Initial Analysis for underwater and coastal sites

Indicators for Integrated coastal management (ICOM)

The “ARCHAEOMAP” project

Archaeological Management Policies

The Megalithic Temple Complex of Kordin III, MaltaJonathan Borg

Applying a Conservation Prioritization approach to Submergedand Coastal Heritage Sites

Alexandre Sursock, Sami el-Masri and Imma Plana

Darren Andrew Fa,Geraldine Finlayson and Clive Finlayson

Assaad Seif in collaboration with

Table of contents

Introduction

10

Introduction

009

Underwater and submarine archaeology is widely discussed and big scientific,

economic, recreative and cultural interests are born around this discipline that can be

considered one of the latest arisen from the historical-archaeological sciences.

Research on deep sea, besides giving life to dreams and driving consistent economic

interests, over its implicit attractiveness reserving original as well as unusual surprises

and potentialities, it remains above all a discipline of historical character strictly linked to

human history and to its relations with the sea.

Sailing or warring sea ships were a little and closed universe gathering a highly

representative sample of the society of their age and of the history of that times.

It's with underwater archaeological research that there is the possibility to contribute,

sometimes decisively, in the analysis of trade, of transports and of the ancient port system

management.

Underwater archaeology has started to take significant steps forward when, in the

post war period, it invented the air aqualung. As from that time, a lot of initiatives, tours de

reconnaissance and researches carried out in different parts of the world can be counted.

The results are encouraging and the present wide interest over this sector of the

historical research demonstrates it. Nevertheless, a lot has still to be done. Archaeomap

is part of a process of innovation in methodologies and techniques applied

in the sector of underwater and naval archaeological research. Under the UNESCO

aegis, it aims at homogenizing the national levels of efficiency and efficacy reached in

research, safeguard and in turning the underwater cultural heritage into better account.

It aims at putting into practice and at diffusing the best practices of 2001 UNESCO

Convention for safeguarding the underwater cultural heritage. It aims at reaffirming the

professional role of the experts establishing a clear separation between underwater free

time practice and voluntary service from one side and professionalism on the other one.

At the same time it aims at recovering the fundamental role of the volunteers giving

emphasis to the moral contents of their contribution. Moreover, Archaeomap wants to

stigmatize as extremely negative every tentative to make profit from underwater cultural

heritage stimulating and intensifying the struggle against the seekers of treasures and the

“grave robbers of the sea”.

The big possibilities that the technology developed in the field of researches and of

the oceanographic activities offers are drawn in the archaeological research with

unquestionable successes. Nevertheless it is necessary both greater attention and more

investments within the framework of a greater coordination among different scientific

sectors still far off and private areas of intervention that have developed a wide

experience at national and international level.

Archaeomap contributes with seriousness and competence, as well as with

incisiveness and determination, at increasing the research scientific level, at optimizing

the safeguard and at making more efficacious the improvement of the underwater cultural

heritage taking into consideration that it is not an inexhaustible or a renewable source.

What is important is to assure the moral rigour and the professional ethic that must

stand below every single operation linked to the management of the underwater cultural

heritage: this through some principles that Archaeomap has worked out and compared

sharing them with the different national experiences.

The boundless underwater museum needs attention and professional rigour that

have to be built thanks to comparison and international cooperation sustained by

theexciting experience gained withArchaeomap.

Experience and teaching from Archeomap

Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies

010

Soprintendenza del Mare

UNESCO

Comitato Pro Arsenale Borbonico

UNISOM

International Institute for the Study of Man

Liaisons Mediterranée

Departement of Underwater Archeology Egypt

Fondazione Athena Sviluppo

Museu d'Arqueologia de Catalunya

GRAN - Groupe de Recherche en Archeologie Navale

Via Lungarini,9 - 90133 Palermo - ItalyPhone: +39 091 6172615Sebastiano Tusae-mail: [email protected]/beniculturali/sopmare

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization7, Place de Fontenoy - 75732 - ParisPhone: +33 (0) 145684163Mustafa El Tayebe-mail: [email protected]

Via C. Colombo 134 - 90142 - Palermo - ItalyPhone: +39 3356102379Pietro Maniscalcoe-mail: [email protected]

Consorzio Universitario per l'Ateneo della Sicilia Occidentalee il Bacino del MediterraneoVia Niso, 15 - 91100 - Trapani - ItalyPhone: +39 0923 437749Roberto Bertinie-mail:[email protected]

Piazza Verdi, 6 - 90100 - Palermo - ItalyPhone: +39 3483361414Rita Cedrinie-mail: [email protected]

4, rue El Moez - 1004 - TunisPhone: + 21 671570937Ridha Tlilie-mail: [email protected]

Supreme Council of AntiquitiesFakhry Abdel - Nour Street, 4 DAbbassia - Cairo - EgyptPhone: +203 522 6242Alaa El - Din Mahrouse-mail: [email protected]

Corso Venezia 18 - 20121 Milano - ItalyPhone: +39 011 5694451Giampaolo Natolie-mail: [email protected]

Passeig de Santa Madrona 3908038 - Barcelona - SpainPhone: +34972204637Xavier Nietoe-mail: [email protected]/cat/Seus/CASC

Passage de la Corderie - 83100 - Toulon - FrancePhone: +33 (0)4 6735 9201Max Gueroute-mail: [email protected]

Fondazzjoni Wirt Artna

Association pour la Sauvegarde du Patrimoine Maritime deVillefranche-sur-Mer

Uninettuno - Università Telematica Internazionale

Gibraltar Museum

Associazione Archeo-Antropologica ApprofondimentiInterdisciplinari Operativi

CNRS

CNRS of Lebanon

Notre Dame Gate, St. Edward's RoadCSP 08 - Vittoriosa - MaltaPhone: +356 21 800992Mario Farrugiae-mail: [email protected]

Pavillon Baudouin les Voutes de la Darse06230 - Villefranche-Sur-Mer - FrancePhone: +33 (0) 493763720e-mail: [email protected]

Corso Vittorio Emanuele II, 39 - 00186 - Roma - ItalyPhone +39 06 6920761Maria Amata Garitoe-mail:[email protected]

18-20 Bomb House Lane - GibraltarPhone: +(350)20074289Clive Fimlaysone-mail: [email protected]

Via Vincenzo Sulis, 43 - 09124 Cagliari - ItalyPhone: +39 06 55301809Sergio Fraue-mail: [email protected]

Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique3, rue Michel-Ange - 75794 Paris - FrancePhone: +33 (0)4 9376 3745Jean Masclee-mail: [email protected]

Sports City Boulevard, Bir Hassan - Beirut - LebanonPhone: +9614-981885Alexandre Sursocke-mail: [email protected]

PARTNERS

Summaries

CHAP. 1

Summaries

013

The “ARCHAEOMAP” project CHAP. 2The pilot sites

2.1 The sea of Egadi

2.2 Villefrance-sur-Mer

by Sebastiano Tusa

by Dominique Tailliez

Cala Minnola early roman wreck was selected as

pilot study to show the management model that was assumed

by Soprintendenza del Mare for entire sicilian under water

cultural heritage. Cala Minnola wreck is situated in Levanzo

and was dug during the past few years.All the recovered cargo

was left on the bottom of the sea. They were around 100

amphorae still laying in the sea to be visited by scuba divers.

Moreover on the site a video control system was settled in

order to control the area, but also to let people watch to the

amphorae from a museum. The same system was settled in

Gadir wreck in Pantelleria, but this last can be seen also on the

web. In the same area of Levanzo it is possible to visit also the

site in which the famous battle between the Romans and the

Carthaginians was fought the 10 of march of 241 b.C. Severl

a lead anchors are still visible on the place where the Roman

fleet was mooring before the attack to the Carthaginian fleet

not far from Capo Grosso in Levanzo. The battle was fought

north of Capo Grosso on the way between Marettimo and

Bonagia where the Carthaginian fleet was directed in order to

help the army ofAmilcare sieged on Erice.

th

Villefranche-sur-Mer, port mil itaire et

commercial de la ville de Turin jusqu'en 1815 a la

chance de voir concentré sur un espace unique les

principales lignes directrices du projet ARCHAEOMAP.

Tout d'abord le port royal de Savoie est le seul à

posséder encore intact un bassin de construction de

galères du XVIII siècle. Ensuite le site accueille

aujourd'hui un Observatoire Océanologique de

renommée internationale du CNRS et de l'Université

Paris VI, Pierre et Marie Curie, mais aussi des ateliers

de charpente maritime de grande qualité. Enfin, la rade

de Villefranche-sur-Mer présente un grand intérêt

écologique, scientifique et archéologique, comme en

témoignent le grand nombre d'épaves et la biodiversité

des espèces marines étudiées. Ce n'est donc pas sans

raison que Villefranche-sur-Mer a été choisie comme

site pilote du réseau ARCHAEOMAP en Méditerranée.

Et que le programme Méditerranée de l'UNESCO a

disposé, jusqu'en 2006, d'une antenne régionale mise à

disposition par la Municipalité au cœur de sa Citadelle

pour le développement des projets de coopération

internationale qui allie patrimoine maritime, diversité

culturelle et biodiversité.

1.1 Archaeological Management Policies

by Giacoma Brancato and Sebastiano Tusa

ARCHAEOMAP was a coordination action supported

by the European Commission under the Sixth Framework

Programme, contributing to the implementation of the specific

Priority Scientific Support to Policies within the thematic area

Sustainable development, global change and ecosystems,

Key Action The protection of cultural heritage and associated

conservation strategies. ARCHAEOMAP project aimed at

developing balanced, interrelated policies with an integrated

coastal zone management focus. Through the analysis of ten

Mediterranean archaeological pilot sites it proposed an

interdisciplinary research aiming at improving a sustainable

development methodology for coastal and underwater

archaeological sites management. The project aimed at

enabling managers and end-users of archaeological costal

and underwater sites at improving the relationship with the

marine environment. ARCHAEOMAP centred its interest in

sustainable development, stressing importance of

conservation and rational utilisation of coastal zone

resources, also under the socio-economic aspect. The

realized network of pilot sites will be a vehicle for knowledge-

sharing, research and monitoring, education, training

and participatory decision-making aiming at protecting

environmental resources and cultural diversity. The pilot sites

also served as learning and demonstration sites in the

framework of the United Nations Decade of Education for

Sustainable Development (2005-2014/DESD). Piloted by an

International Committee, ARCHAEOMAP provided context-

specific opportunities to combine scientific knowledge and

forms of governance using an inter-disciplinary methodology.

The International Forum that has took place in Paris in the

spring 2009, has been the most important media window of the

project to diffuse and disseminated the new methodology

developed by theARCHAEOMAP project.

2.3 La fachada maritima da Ampurias

2.4 Sinis

by Xavier Nieto

by Francesco Cubeddu, Sergio Frau and Mario Tozzi

The localisation of the ancient harbor of

Ampurias was already known since XIX century. At that

period there was the idea that the space between the

Palaiàpolis and the Neàpolis was the ancient harbor.

The discovery of a second harbor in the area of Riells-La

Clota and of many underwater structures East of the

Neàpolis made clear that the situation could have been

much more complex and that a general topographical

study was necessary. The study was devoted to the

knowledge of the relationship between the Greek and

Roman town and the sea. A particular attention was for

the quality of masonry in relation with its function in a

marine structure. The quality and the shape of the

ancient harbor was based on its function as a structure

that played an important role in the city life. The

knowledge of this important structure was based not

only on the historical date and sources, but also on the

land and underwater archaeological data recovered

thank to a systematic survey of the area that was done

either traditionally and by the use of electronic

equipment. This was also useful to understand which

was the shape of theAmpurias territory in ancient times.

The double typology of the 20 thousand

Sardinian Nuraghes dated back to the second

millennium BC - almost still intact those ones standing

on the rise, often buried in the mud those ones in the

plains – invites to study with rigour and with suitable

equipments the reasons standing below such evident

diversity. In concrete it is a question of putting the basis

to verify if such a situation – the most emblematic: the

Nuraghi Palace of Barumini, discovered by Giovanni

Lilliu 30 metres under the mud – has been caused by a

sea invasion. Is the Sinis a Pompei of the Sea? Was the

Isle of Atlantide the Isle of Sardinia? Strong, real and

unhappy as it is Caucaso, the Rock of Prometeo, his

brother trapped in Orient, tells the Beginning of Greeks?

Through the geology and ad hoc air surveys it will be

possible to outline with increasing precision the passing

phase between first and second millennium that, still

today, gives rise to a lot of questions among the

archaeologists.

2.5 L’épave de la Lomellina

by Max Guerout

by Jonathan Borg

The wreck of a Renaissance vessel, sunk in the

middle of the bay of Villefranche Sur Mer (France) has

been the object of ten excavation campaigns from 1982

to 1991. Many manuscripts found in the archives

allowed to identify without any hesitation the “Nave”

(ship) Lomellina, sunk during a hurricane on September,

15 , 1516. Being the Genoese origin sure, the collected

information allows us to give an important contribution to

the knowledge of a certain type of construction, which

represents the backbone of the Genoa Republic's fleet,

which was able to guarantee the transport of the heavy

merchandise (more than 1t/m ) in seagoing trips without

any load breaking. The framework's state and the

analysis of structure and general characteristics of the

vessel allowed to single out a kind of vessel which

seems to be typical of the Mediterranean area and

differs so much from the contemporary boats, built

according to Atlantic traditions. Besides many

equipment pieces, armament represents one of the

richest properties. Particularly, the discovery of a gun

still mounted on its carriage allows us to make a

comparison with the very rare contemporary models

found in Great Britain or in Denmark.

The prehistoric megalithic temples of Malta

(mid 4 to 3 millennium BCE) always foster a sense of

intrigue by those who visit them. They are a vivid

testimony to the ingenuity of the people who created

them. However archaeologists still fail to fully

understand these prehistoric people especially when it

comes to comprehend the relationship these people

had with the sea. Kordin III is one of these megalithic

complexes that received very little attention since its

discovery and excavation about 90 years ago. However

r e c e n t s c h o l a r s h i p , m o s t l y a d o p t i n g a

phenomenological approach, has shed more light on

this little known archaeological site. These studies

together with an assessment of other known

archaeological sites in the vicinity as well as a closer

look to some of the artefacts from this site indicate that

the sea was never far away from the minds and eyes of

the people that built Kordin III.

th

3

th rd

2.6 The Megalithic Temple Complex of Kordin III, Malta


014

Summaries

2.7 Pharos Island of Alexandria, Egypt

by Alaa El-Din Mahrous

Alexander the Great with a narrow causeway

linked the island of Pharos to the main land. This

causeway divided the coast ofAlexandria into two ports,

the Eastern Great Harbor and the Western Harbor or

Eunostos. The naval and commercial vessels were

guided into port by the celebrated Alexandria light

House which stood on what is now the site of Quit Bey

Fort. After the pioneer work of Gaston Jondet, the chief

Engineer of the Department of ports and light houses

from 1911 to 1915 and Kamel Abul-Saadat (1961) the

Egyptian pioneer inAlexandria underwater archaeology

and a UNESCO mission in 1968, following which Honor

Frost published a preliminary report with some drawings

which revealed the importance of the site, the centre d'

Etudes Alexandrines (CEAlex) in co-operation with the

Department of underwater archaeology/Supreme

Council of Antiquities (DUA/SCA) rediscovered the

submerged site to the east of Qaitbay fort. At depth from

6 to 8 meters, in an area of 2.25 hectares more than

5000 pieces were located including statutes, sphinxes

and columns of different shapes, capitals and bases of

columns and parts of obelisks. They are dated to Greco-

roman period but there are artifacts from the pharaonic

period. The cultural heritage faced lot of risk due to the

development of coastal areas and there is need to

respond appropriately to the possible negative impact

on underwater cultural heritage. Moreover there is a

need to present it for the education and the enjoyment of

the public. The idea is to make the site of pharos as a

cultural heritage park. The idea is to develop a plan for

the conservation and in situ management of the site.

Darren Andrew Fa, Geraldine and Clive Finlayson

In order to have an objective management plan

there exists a need for well-structured databases and

inventories that will inform management decisions. The

development of these has been one of the main aims of

the ARCHAEOMAP Project. However, often

in format ion-heavy databases can become

cumbersome when the need arises for a rapid and

flexible evaluation of sites. Here we present a

complementary model of a quantitative technique for

2.8 Applying a Conservation Prioritization approach

to Submerged and Coastal Heritage Sites

by

rapid site evaluation and illustrate its application using

Gibraltar's submerged and coastal sites as a case

study.

The present document is prepared within the

framework of the EU project ARCHAEOMAP:

ARCHAEOLOGICAL MANAGEMENT POLICIES. The

project falls within the jurisdiction of the sixth framework

program scientific support to policies Area 3.6 “The

protection of cultural heritage and associated

conservation strategies”.

Tyre has been inscribed upon the World

Heritage List in 1984 on the basis of criteria III and VI of

the UNESCO World Heritage Convention. :

Tyre is one of the earliest metropolises. : The

name of Tyre is associated with the production of purple

die, with the Phoenician expansion and the founding of

trade posts in the Mediterranean basin.The inscription

on the UNESCO World Heritage List gave this site a

universal value therefore it belongs to all humanity and

to future generations. Our role is to protect it and

preserve it without compromising its authenticity and

integrity. For that reason all actions we undertake that

meets our needs of the present must not conflict with the

spirit of the convention and compromise the ability of

future generations to meet their own needs.

Alexandre Sursock, Sami el-Masri

and Imma Plana

The objective of

ARCHAEOMAP is to develop balanced, interrelated

policies with an integrated coastal zone management

focus. […] It aims to protect environmental resources

and bio-cultural diversity, to support socio-economic

development through cultural tourism. ARCHAEOMAP

proposes an interdisciplinary research agenda and

capacity-building aiming at improving the relationship of

Mediterranean people with their marine environment.

Its targets are to assess the ecological, social and

economic dimensions of maritime culture loss and the

reduction of this loss. The project uses its network of

pilot sites as vehicles for knowledge-sharing, research

and monitoring, education and training, and

par t i c ipa to ry dec is ion -mak ing . […] Some

ARCHAEOMAP's pilot sites are inscribed in the

UNESCO World Heritage List. The study of these

pilot sites introduces innovation through its modern

approaches aimed at conservation and sustainable

development.

Criterion III

Criterion IV

2.9 Tyre - South Lebanon

by Assaad Seif with

015

CHAP. 3The O.N.G. contribution to thediffusion of culture

3.1 The Bourbon Arsenal of Palermo

3.2 The International institute for the study of man

by Pietro Maniscalco

by Rita Cedrini

Weltanschauung

tout court,

The Arsenal is located towards the end of Via

dell'Arsenale and it borders with the Fincantieri

Shipyard and the fabulous villa of Marquis De Gregorio.

The vessels of the Royal Navy and private shipbuilders

were built in the area behind the building. Today this part

of the city is a true open-air museum which needs to be

revalued. In the area around the Arsenal stand Villa De

Gregorio, the Florio shipyards, the English Cemetery,

Montalbo Palace and many more buildings of great

interest. The Arsenal was built between 1621 an 1630

on the project of the architect Mariano Smiriglio, a great

figure in Italian Mannerism. The two-storey building has

a regular form; in the upper part of the façade there is the

Bourbon coat of arms with an eagle head and the

inscription: Philippi IV Hispan, utriusque siciliae regis III,

auspiciis augustis, navale armamentarium inchoatum,

perfectum MDCXXX. The Arsenal of Palermo was the

place where the xebecs and galleys that helped on the

fight against the Barbary pirates in the Mediterranean

Sea where built. In fact, Sicilian ships played a leading

role in many sea battles.

International Institute for the study of man takes

part into the project: “ARCHAEOMAP” focusing on the

double importance represented whether from the

preservation of cultural heritage or from dissemination

of information. Cultural heritage is all created from man

in the course of its history, not only the objects which

reflect cultural answers to its requirements but also the

, the view of world and life of

community which is the very structure of any society. In

other words “heritage” as an identity which doesn't born

but it's built over time through cultural

segments, the features, preserved after the

dominations have gone away or the occasion/collision

with other populations are ended; segments maintained

because functional to own organization and able to build

the specificity which can be found within a region. In this

light, it has been favored the use of space in everyday

living, originating buildings which are related to customs

and way of life and which determine styles and artistic

designs

CHAP. 4Guidelines for sustainabledevelopment of coastal andunderwater archaeological sites4.1 Sustainable development

4.2 Environmental Initial Analysis for underwater

and coastal sites

by Salvatore Giannino

The ARCHAEOMAP extrabudgetary project

was established by a resolution of 33 UNESCO's

General Conference in 2005 (DR/37) inviting the

Organization to support a regional action plan for the

sustainable development of the Mediterranean's marine

heritage, as a follow-up to the 2002 World Summit on

Sustainable Development. UNESCO was asked to set

up an international committee to study the contribution

of science and culture to sustainable development in the

Mediterranean Region. This was done by providing

guidelines and methodologies, technical advice and

guidance on formulation, implementation, monitoring,

and a review of policies and plans concerning national,

regional and global Mediterranean activities.The

Mediterranean is a nexus of cultural, environmental,

political and social divergences, making it an ideal

proving ground for exploring options for the future and

constructing pilot projects whose goal is to develop

regional and global operational initiatives. Sustainable

development is not merely a scientific, technological or

economic question—it is a response to a planetary

social and ecological crisis.

The Initial EnvironmentalAnalysis is performed both

to identify significant environmental aspects that affect

the site and to determine the indicators. The analysis

includes a description of the site, its location, description

of all activities within it, the analysis of environmental

issues, their quantification and determination of the

significance of them. The Initial Environmental Analysis

is a crucial activity for the determination of indicators

and the resulting definition of the objectives of

sustainable development of the site. The Archaeomap

project concerns both coastal and underwater

archaeological sites, so this template of analysis was

meant to be applied to these two type of sites. The

template are linked together, the order of application is

the following: 1) EIA phase 1 for both coastal and

underwater archaeological sites; 2) EIA phase 2 for

underwater sites; 3) EIAphase 2 for coastal sites.

rd

by Giacoma Brancato and Manuel Bellafiore


016

The Archaeomap projectcap. I

CHAP. 1.1Archaeological Management Policies


Archaeological Management Policies has been a coordination action that was

carried out between the 1 of November 2007 and the 31 of October 2009. It has involved

the following 15 partners belonging to 6 European and non European countries and the

UNESCO:

- Dipartimento Beni Culturali e Ambientali - Soprintendenza

Del Mare, Italy (SOPMARE)

- Secteur des Sciences Division de La Politique Scientifique et du

Développement, International Organisation (UNESCO)

, Italy (ARSENALE)

, Italy (UNISOM)

, Italy (INTERINSTITUTE)

, France (ASPVM)

, Tunisia

, Italy

(UNINETTUNO)

, Greece

,

Spain (MAC)

, Italy (ATHENA)

, Italy (AAAAIO')

, Geosciences Azur (UMR

6526), France (CNRS)

, France (GRAN)

, Malta (WIRTARTNA)

And with the fundamental contribution of:

(DUA) - Maritime Museum ofAlexandria – Egypt

, Egypt

, Lebanon

, Gibraltar

The activities of the project were dedicated to the review of information on current

practices related to the management of archaeological underwater and coastal sites in

the Mediterranean basin, and to the definition of sustainable development guidelines

based on the suggestions of the UNESCO and on the UNESCO “Convention on the

Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage”, adopted by the UNESCO General

Conference on 2 November 2001

The project publication do not represent the official position of the Commission on

the respective topics, and they have not to be considered as official recommendations or

as best available techniques, but as a source of information and references in the

implementation of the management of archaeological underwater and coastal sites. The

responsibility to choose the actual specific procedures for implementation is just up to the

authorities of the Member States.

The first work package was dedicated to the state of the art in characterisation of

st st

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Regione Siciliana

UNESCO

Comitato ProArsenale Borbonico di Palermo

Consorzio Universitario per l'Ateneo della Sicilia Occidentale e il Bacino

del Mediterraneo

International Institute for the Study of Man

Association Pour La Sauvegarde Du Patrimoine Maritime De Villefranche

Sur Mer

Liaisons Mediterraneennes

Universita Telematica Internazionale Non Statale UNINETTUNO

Archaeological Museum of Florina

Centro d'Arqueologia Subacquatica, Museu d'Arqueologia de Catalunya

FondazioneAthena per lo Sviluppo

Associazione Archeo-Antropologica Approfondimenti Interdisciplinari

Operativi

Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique

Groupe de Recherche enArcheologie Navale

Fondazzjoni WirtArtna

Supreme Council of Antiquities - Departement of Underwater Archeology

Graeco Roman Museum

CNR of Lebanon

Gibraltar Museum

.

019

archaeological coastal and underwater sites management in the Mediterranean area and

to the discussion of good practices and sustainable development strategies elaborated

by the International Committee. During the kick off meeting the different institutions and

organizations partner showed their working methods, highlighting the characteristics

potentially available to the project as best practices, and the available standards for each

method. The result of this first meeting has shown that in most of the countries

participating to the project environmental and sustainable management of coastal and

underwater archaeological sites was not compulsory by law therefore it was not

systematically carried out. Only the European partners follow European standards for

environmental protection, which have not been particularly designed for coastal and

underwater archaeological sites management and are not always appropriate. In detail,

only the Soprintendenza del Mare respect the European law for environmental

protection, the UNESCO Convention on the protection of the underwater cultural heritage

and, now, the 2009 " on Biodiversity".

The second part of this WP, the final meeting, was dedicated to the elaboration of some

standards applicable to the sustainable development of coastal and underwater

archaeological sites, to the presentation of the ARCHAEOMAP final report (illustrating

pilot sites network, study cases and their relative research programs to manage natural,

cultural and socio-economical resources for an integrated coastal zone protection in the

Mediterranean basin) and to the presentation of UNINETTUNO distance-teaching

module.

The second work package was dedicated to “

” and to “

”. This review has shown

that Mediterranean coastal and underwater cultural heritage is strictly linked to its own

natural environment and for this reason the ecosystems and biodiversity protection is as

important as the same cultural heritage. In addition, this property represents an economic

resource for local people and a source of economic and social development. However,

coastal zones are for this reason under permanent pressure for the needs of tourism. This

situation leads to constant degradation of natural and cultural resources linked with social

conflicts and environmental degradation. On the other hand, as scientific contributions

have shown, both cultural and natural heritage need to be protected from human

intervention (linked to climate exchange and chemical and technological risks) and from

natural risks (linked to volcanic eruption, earthquake, tidal wave, hurricane/cyclone,

flood, slides) .

The contribution to sustainable development of coastal and under water archaeological

sites started with the considerations of complexity and mutual interaction of these factors.

This WP has provided a concrete support to the UNESCO “Convention on the Protection

of the Underwater Cultural Heritage” held in Paris and connected to the ARCHAEOMAP

Forum. During this Forum the pilot project sites and the management systems of

underwater sites included in it have been presented, as example of practical application

of the 2001 “Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage”.

UNESCO has organized the International Forum in springtime 2009 in order to

disseminate experiences of the Archaeomap project by means of a symposium and a

training workshop. International and national experts in natural, cultural and underwater

heritage of the Mediterranean participated in the forum, during which UNESCO

Carta di Siracusa

The contribution of Culture to

sustainable development around the Mediterranean basin The contribution of

Science to sustainable development in the Mediterranean area


020


presented the World Heritage Convention (1972) and the Convention on Underwater

Cultural Heritage (2001). The symposium presentations and discussions have been very

interesting as they represented a dialogue opportunity between scientists and

representatives of other public organizations.

The third work package was dedicated to the results elaboration and to the

preparation of editorial publication and long distance teaching module

Many topics have been discussed related to different disciplines, from the management

of coastal and underwater archaeological sites to the scientific aspects related to seismic

hazards and tsunami events in Mediterranean Basin, from the disaster prevention to the

conservation of biodiversity, from the Instruments for Education and public awareness of

the Mediterranean people to the advanced sensing systems for permanent monitoring,

so the review to prepare the final publication had to be very selective. At the Paris Forum

were also treated some aspects linked to the Education, the expertise and the Global

Environmental transition for the Master Courses.

Regarding the distance teaching module, video lessons of the partner's

representatives have dealt with issues of pilot sites management, with aspects of

involvement of NGOs in the management of cultural sites and the diffusion of cultural

aspects related to them, and with aspects of sustainable development.

The fourth work package was dedicated to dissemination activities and included

the preparation and updating of a project web site, a project brochure, CDs, DVDs, TV

documentary and a final publication. The brochure and CDs were printed in 1.000 copies,

the DVDs in 5.000 copies, the final publication in 11.000 copies.

The targeted recipients for the project information package are Member States Culture

Ministries, universities and research institutes as well as national and international

conferences and meetings.

The project website has been updated as soon as a deliverable was approved, and the

approved reports are already available in the website: www.archaeomap.eu.

In addition to this, the members of the team have presented the project through brochures

in various international events related to archaeological sites and cultural promotion, for

the whole duration of the project.

This final publication gives in our opinion a good overview of the state of the art of the

practices related to the management of coastal and underwater archaeological sites in

the Mediterranean area, and can be a very useful instrument for cultural authorities to

implement sustainable development polices, as well as a good information source for

operators, consultants, scientists and other stakeholders.

The fifth work package was dedicated to UNESCO technical and scientific

coordination. During the two years of the project UNESCO has coordinated, together with

the Region of Sicily, the International Committee of the Archaeomap project, has

developed the scientific contents of the project in cooperation with all partners, has

developed and established recommendations and guidelines related to preservation,

valorisation and management of natural, cultural and submarine maritime heritage and

has assisted project partners in all scientific and cultural matters, has undertaken

missions to advise partners in the preservation, valorisation and management of their

natural, cultural and submarine maritime heritage, and participating in meetings and

.

021

working groups thereof, supported the Region of Sicily to develop international

multimedia communication about Archaeomap pilot sites: multimedia portal, editorial

publishing and module. It created a long term development network amongArchaeomap

partners in order to increase the resources of local organizations for managing and

developing the rich natural, cultural and underwater heritage, and to have a visible and

tangible impact on their role in the social and economic development of the

Mediterranean area. Furthermore UNESCO has provided an ideal framework for mutual

comprehension, a common protocol for transmitting knowledge and some input to look

for further funds for the development of new European Projects to support research and

training activities.

The last technical work package of the project aimed at structuring and reporting

the information which has been collected and presented in the previous work packages,

in order to make easy for users to identify the required information thus supporting the

decision making process. The result was a final publication introducing the pilot sites and

the main topics, with links to the recommendations and guidelines of the UNESCO.

The first two work packages have included the organisation of project meetings

and an International Forum at the UNESCO House.

They took place as follows:

- Kick-off meeting, 7 December 2007, Palermo

- Second project meeting, 6-7 March 2008, Gerona

- Third project meeting (MTAmeeting), 15-17 December 2008, Rome

- International Forum, 24-27 March 2009, UNESCO House, Paris

Final meeting, 28-29 October 2009, Palermo.-


022

The pilot siteschap. II

CHAP. 2.1The sea of Egadi

Underwater cultural heritage management of wrecks and battle site.

Foreword

The ARCHAEOMAP project area selected for the archaeological sites sustainable

development guidelines drawing up is the Egadi Islands one and in particular Cala

Minnola roman republican wreck site (fig.1).

This area, according to different factors, represents a wide and well defined

microcosm representing entire coastal and insular Sicilian territory with its typical

features, influences and logistics.

Egadi Islands are situated at the westernmost part of Sicily. The archipelago is

made by three major islands: Favignana, Levanzo end Marettimo and of some minor

ones.

Far away from Sicily, Marettimo is placed as an imaginary cusp of a sea triangle

that, between Capo Boeo (Marsala) and Trapani promontory, it tapers in the middle with

Levanzo and Favignana up to the highlands ramification, the ever present central

Mediterranean keeper.

According to the analysis of few archaeological data collected before 2000-2001

research campaigns in the sea between theArchipelago of Egadi and the Sicilian coast, it

was already possible to infer the great scientific interest and remarkable evocative

significance of the area.

Historical data from classical sources have already put in evidence the important

role played by these places in the ancient history of the Mediterranean, during the well

known episode of the Egadi battle between Romans and Carthaginians in 241 b.C.

Nevertheless, that outline was vague and scarcely detailed and lacking in

adequate documentation.

Surveys carried out by G.I.A.S.S. (now Soprintendenza del Mare) together with

CEOM and the Guardia di Finanza, followed by recent researches carried on in

cooperation with the RPM Nautical Foundation, give the run down of the underwater

archaeological situation. Moreover they have also contributed to sketch out areas to

include in a didactic-touristic route and to select sites for scientific studies to carry on with

archaeological excavations and more detailed research activities.

The so far collected results show that the whole area situated between the

promontory of Cofano and Marsala is really attractive and important under the scientific

point of view in consideration of the intrinsic features of the underwater archaeological

emergencies. This area is also complementary with the archaeological contest of the

opposite islands coast and shows high environmental and landscape value.

By the way this territory has become the place for the first experience of

underwater archaeological site management for tourist destination. The experience has

been successful both in the heritage safeguarding and in meeting tourists favor.

We suggest to give a look to the monograph titled “Il mare delle Egadi”, published

by the Soprintendenza del Mare (2005) in order to go into the subject of marine culture

resources management in the Egadi islands.

Before summarizing the historical/archaeological peculiarities of the underwater

cultural features that have been identified during research it is worth to speak about

The historical/archaeological contest

The pilot sites

025

historical and archaeological profile of the coastal areas starting from the archipelago.

Marettimo (fig.2), due to its different geo-lithological

conformation, does not offer the same kind of evidence. The far most island offers a rich

and spectacular sample of caves as well but, being at the sea level and so still under

formation, they have no archaeological interest. On the other side, the caves of the other

two islands, reveal a past of human settlements: numerous and diffused, they date back

to the Final Pleistocene or to the Upper Paleolithic (starting from around 12.000 years

b.C.), following the presence of Middle Pleistocene fauna with elephants and other

species now extinct. Caves are mainly concentrated near the Faraglione of Favignana or

along the north-west coast of Levanzo.

Their high value under paleontological and archaeological point of view places the

two islands of the archipelago among the most significant prehistoric provinces in

Europe, as the French areas of Périgord and of Ariège are. The importance of these

caves is not exclusively due to the presence of the well known expressions of rocky art, as

in the Grotta di Cala dei Genovesi, but to their stratified sediments as well.

The rare excavations carried on have put in evidence the presence of hunter

communities since the Upper Paleolithic: very skilful in creating flint tools, these

communities developed primary farming and herding activities. These socio-economic

changes occurred in connection with a big geographical change. It is sure that up to the

latest glaciations (Würm) Levanzo and Favignana belonged to the coast of Trapani.

On the archaeological ground, this situation, verifiable also through the study of the

local bathymetry, is reflected in the images carved on the walls of the Grotta del

Genovese of Levanzo (fig.3) where animals like the wild horse and ox, typical of

grassland, are represented. With the end of Pleistocene, around 10.000 years b.C., a cut

off of the link with Sicily occurred and the present insularity has become a constant factor.

By the way during this second phase we find schematic painting representing

anthropomorphic figures and fishes dating back to Neolithic and Copper age (fig.4). It is

interesting to remember that in Grotta d'Oriente, at Favignana, a Mesolithic tomb with a

buried body with the head covered with something like a parure of shells has been

discovered. Rare comparisons could be done with the famous Grotte dei Balzi Rossi

near the border between Italy and France.

Here, differently from the rest of Sicily, the most important painstaking

archaeological attraction is not represented by the classical ancient ruins but by the high

number of caves excavated by sea erosion in the limestone cliffs of Favignana and

Levanzo during Pleistocene.

1. Egadi islands and Sicily

2. Areal view of Marettimo

1 2


026

The pilot sites

This discovery informs on the relevant role played by the

sea both as resource and as element linked to the magic-

religious imaginary since primordial times.

Beside some isolated archaeological findings and

some profaned tombs dating back to the middle and old

bronze age, traces of human life in the archipelago during

the most recent prehistoric ages are rare. Nevertheless

the settlements of Torretta and of Calamonaci at

Favignana prelude interesting developments.

The period of the first Phoenician-Punic

colonization is equally obscure. Archaeological evidence

do not know anything similar to the neighboring Mozia

(fig.5). Also for this period archaeological research

backwardness has to be paid. Archaic materials found

give evidence of a human presence dating back to VIII-VII

b.C: then those coastal settlements or “emporia” that

typically characterized the first Phoenician-Punic trade

activities are expected to be found. As far as following

periods are concerned, considerations on the archaic

period count. Nevertheless meaty evidences prove the

presence of wide Hellenistic–Roman settlements in all the

three islands of the archipelago. In particular, a wide rural

settlement provided with a big catchment basin has been indicated, together with other

ones, in the southern tableland of Levanzo. The above mentioned settlement seems to

have great significance with its rooms floored with mosaics. Probably it is a “villa”, a seat

for agro-industrial activities of control and management, probably diffused all over the

island.

Linked to this latest one, in good repair, there is the very interesting plant for fish

processing ("garum" production) that finds its place on Punta Altarella. At Favignana the

wide area of San Nicola-Torretta is surely noteworthy: here a long diachronic evidence

that goes from prehistory (middle bronze age) till '600 of modern era can be registered.

Over the context allocation, the interest for the area is due to the strong rocky character of

the structures in its inside. In fact there are ruins that refer of stoneworking and of intaglio,

one of the main activities carried on by insular till present time.

The understanding Favignana without a contact with human stones creations is

impossible. The magnificent quarries structures can be understood having a look to past

time. Starting from Prehistory till modern era, passing through the different seasons of

Phoenician-Punic, early Christian and Renaissance hypogeism, San Nicola – Torretta

area gives the idea of the millenary tradition of stone intaglio. Nowadays deterioration

conceals the relevance of hypogeums excavated in the rock and the skilful architectural

articulations carved in Grotta del Pozzo, Grotta degli Archi and Grotta della Stele.

It is a relevant example of hypogeic architecture that links Sicily to other

Mediterranean areas (from Tunisia to Cappadocia).

In the same area, traces of a plant for fish processing and of a nymphaeum carved

in the rock, both of them dating back to roman period, can be found. But very interesting

archaeological evidence for their historical and cultural implications, can be found in the

above mentioned Grotta del Pozzo, Grotta degli Archi and Grotta della Stele. In the first3. Grotta del Genovese(Levanzo)

027

one, the Punic inscriptions indicate that, between IV and I century b.C., the artificial cave

was used for oriental cults practice. In the second one, traces of an “arcosolio” type tomb

of the first Cristian era times have stood up well over the centuries (fig.6). In the third, an

inscription in vernacular neo-Latin reveals Cristian cults practice up to XIII century.

Some other cavities, at present still used as sheepfolds, have been used as

meeting places during post-medieval era: evidence of this is given by the Grotta dello

Stemma where a depiction of an heraldic elements is visible in a bas-relief (fig.7).

From archaeological information is possible to infer the presence of settlements

that since late Hellenistic period has increased during Roman period when also the most

distant of the Egadi – Marettimo - offers remarkable evidence. Ruins of the so called

“Case Romane di Marettimo”, placed near a real gem of Byzantine religious architecture

that is the outlying little church (fig.8), reveal the presence of a military settlement also

used as rural productive structure. Setting the sea archaeological evidence in this contest

does not means simply putting it in a network together with what in the Archipelago of

Egadi we have described. It also means to keep in mind that we find ourselves not so far

from the most western cusp of Sicily where some of the most important and well known

ancient cities, such as Erice, Drepanum, Mozia and Lilibeo, that played a leading role in

Mediterranean history, are placed.

Underwater archaeological sites of Egadi have brought to light finds from

Hellenistic and Roman period, particularly those ones belonging to the late Hellenism

and to the Early Empire (III century b.C. – II century a.d.). The features of a lot of sites

reveal the same ones as areas of frequent anchorage; from evidence supplied, other

sites can be classified as wreck sites.

Sometimes remains are partially visible, other times remains can be perceived

through isolated ancient traces dispersed in the sand or among the rocks; in any case the

evidence is of unmistakable wreck, the most ones dating back to the period before Egadi

Sea archaeology and the Egadi battle

4. Neolithic and copperage paintings in the

Grotta del Genovese(Levanzo)


028

The pilot sites

5. Areal view of Phoeniciantown of Motya withthe submerged road leadingto the Sicilian shore

6. Grotta delle stele(Favignana)

7. Grotta degli stemmi(Favignana)

5 7

6

battle and the era of Roman presence in the Mediterranean area. It is this one the period

during which these seas are frequently ploughed as it coincides with the Carthaginian

trade and military power at its height glory, when it incorporates, in a sole dominion, North

Africa and West Sicily. Between IV and III century b.C. the Carthaginian eparchy created

a system and a network among North Africa, Sicily and Sardinia giving rise to a marine

force controlling the Mediterranean: a power based on the strict link between Cartagine

and Sicily with flourishing Punic cities as Mozia, Lilibeo, Selinunte, captured after 409

b.C., Erice, Panormo, Solunto. The North African territory and West Sicily became a

whole, closely connected through a dense network of political, military and trade links.

This geographical mainstay had its vital core in the sea connection linking Sicily

channel, Pantelleria and the Egadi Islands: this is the reason for which a lot of Punic-

Hellenistic traces can be found in the seas of Egadi, Pantelleria and Sicily Channel.

In that period in that sea an intensive trade and military traffic took place, creating a

backbone of a power trapping the whole Mediterranean in an apparently impregnable

vice like grip. In the same way, Romans understood that their destiny of dominant power

over Mediterranean could be carried out only breaking up this axis between North-Africa

and West Sicily.

For this reason the battle, crucial for the whole Mediterranean destiny, took place in

one of the focal points of this system of links: the Egadi Islands.

The demonstration of vulnerability of that link would have put Romans in the

029

8. Byzantine church(Marettimo)

condition to achieve a twofold result. On one side it would

have weakened the opponent side in its power core; on

the other one it would have mined the enemy under the

psychological point of view, showing the vulnerability in

one of the points of its maximum strength.

As it seems to be simple explaining the underwater

archaeological presences in the Egadi and the location of

a battle that in strict time, on 10 march 241 b.C. decided

the destiny of the world of those times, it is equally simple

to explain, on the ground of these historical

considerations, the presence of archaeological traces of

the republican and imperial period too. Also Rome with its

well established economic and cultural system, made its

fortune thanks to a dense north-south network, from and

for Africa. In consideration of this, it is also given a

justification to the archaeological traces found on Egadi

Island and on Pantelleria, as well as to the power and to

the vivacity of roman Lilibeo, a real link between Italy and Africa for the whole roman

period till the barbarian invasions.

Deductions coming from our underwater archaeological research campaigns

confirm what is emerging from the

period in which sea frequentation in this

area was at its culmination: an evocation of a period during which the Egadi were the hub

of that time world, first as core of the Carthaginian power, then as fulcrum in the

Carthaginian and Roman conflict and subsequently, again, as the core of the power of

Rome in the Mediterranean.

It is clear that under this point of view the Egadi Battle plays an important central

role both for the event strong evocative power and for the historical centrality within the

logical sequence of this Mediterranean area.

From the historical analysis and from the reconstruction of the battle kinesics, we

have assumed that over the various periodic daydreams of improvised “treasure diggers”

and amateurs archaeologists, it could not exist a real cemetery for the ships lost during

that fateful 10 march 241 b.C. when both battle arrays counted their losses, both for the

limited losses and for the battle dynamics that parceled out in many “hand-to-hand

struggles” among single ships.

The research carried out and of which is given here an account, gives a wide

evidence of this. The same, from the historical sources throughout analysis carried on by

intensification of archaeological activities in Egadi and

above all in Pantelleria and Lilibeo/Marsala. Recent researches trace a very rich picture

made of prosperous trade, of a strong building industry and of a valuable handicraft

activity that characterize the centuries under the Roman Empire rule in the

Mediterranean.

Within the framework of that historical period reconstruction, sea and land are

strictly linked in an indissoluble way as terrestrial archaeology data help to understand

those ones of underwater archaeology and vice versa.

These archaeological-historical deductions have to be addressed towards the

popular translation of what scientific research has dug up and brought into light from land

and sea. In other terms the didactic/touristic offer outlined with the present study cannot

leave out of consideration the interest over the


030

The pilot sites

Maria Ida Gulletta.

In order to go into the study of the battle thoroughly, we have taken into

consideration three determinant factors that have lead to the conclusion here proposed

and that represents also the basis to transfer during a visit what has been deducted during

the research activity.

The three factors are respectively the news on the past archaeological findings, the

reconnaissance carried out during this study and the exegetical study in depth of the

historical sources on the battle.

Going to Egadi and talking with local fishermen and scuba divers, once wariness

has been overcome, the story to listen to has become a legend. It is possible to listen to

the narration about the discovery of a lot of lead anchors near the eastern border of

Levanzo, in the sea from Punta Altarella and Capo Grosso (fig.9) which, unfortunately, at

that time, were taken for their melting in order to obtain sounding lead. From tales it is

possible to infer a supposed regularity in their positioning in the sea: this, both in terms of

distance from the coast and in terms of deepness.

This has lead to think that the above mentioned anchors have been abandoned

rapidly, cutting ropes at moment of the mortal combat that Lutazio Catulo, the victorious

roman admiral, launched to the navy of Annone, the admiral of the Carthaginian convoy

arriving from Marettimo and directed towards Drepanum where the Carthaginian

garrison's rescue was falling under siege.

This hypothesis was in contrast with some other considerations based on the

underwater archaeological point of view and with the interpretation of historical sources

made by eminent ancient historians.

In itself, the presence of numerous anchors can be the consequence of repetitive

anchorages due to the particular places conformation. If we think that the loss of anchors

was and is frequent, it is possible to understand that, with a one year loss (standing on

underestimated statistical level), only few hundred years were sufficient for creating a

cemetery of anchors in the deep sea.

Moreover, having a look to available sources, historians remarks put in evidence a

never mentioned Phorbantia (Levanzo), on the contrary well known to ancients. All the

sources referred to Aigussa (Favignana) and Hiera (Marettimo) instead; the first one as

place of departure for the Roman ambuscade and the second as leg of navigation for the

Carthaginian ship before the unlucky journey towards the Sicilian coast.

Then, it was difficult to link up the anchor stocks findings with the battle. Moreover,

the difficulty in locating the place of anchorage as that one where the battle took place

came from other considerations.

As the Carthaginians sailed, it was logical the presumption that the large

Carthaginian fleet got lost in the wide sea and that the defeat came from the disturbing

surprise of the roman attack, unexpected also because launched with boldness in

adverse conditions as direction faced the blowing wind one (coming from West).

The limited dimension of the battle can be inferred from the estimation of the total

losses suffered by opposing parts (only 62 boats on a total of 1200 involved during the

whole first Punic-Roman battle).

Finally, analyzing the possible wreck scattering, it was inferable that the area of

hypothetical of archaeological finding became indistinct because of the wind direction

changing during the post meridian hours (from East) that surely led the wood towards

west as to the area of the ambuscade.

031

The possible scene of the battle was difficult to identify as from the studies and their

sources, the destination of Carthaginians, generally indicated in Drepanum, was

indefinite, while it was sure that the site fortified by them was Monte Erice. It was not

clear if the selected landing place were in the current Trapani harbor or in an unspecified

place of the northern coast spreading from Trapani to North (up to Monte Cofano).

In confirmation of the impossibility in sketching out this framework only with the

textual analysis and the topographical considerations there is also the prudence that

influential historians (from Holm to De Sanctis, from Pareti to Rizzo) have used in dealing

with this subject.

Reading Polibio and other ancient historians without the support of the terrestrial

and the underwater archaeological sources, it was not possible to give full details on the

battle dynamics, preventing from going over a general identification of this area in the sea

of Egadi as the real scene where the battle took place. For the same reason, it was not

possible to give a definitive place to the political-military moment that both parties were

living.

The study in depth of both topographic-archaeological and historical issues has led

to different conclusions creating, above all, that essential critical and dynamical link

between written and archaeological sources.

From the essay of Gulletta, it is possible to infer that the indication given by Polibio

on the ambush place before the attack with “Aigussa in front of Lilibeo” can be well

identified with Levanzo and not with Favignana. (Maria Ida Gulletta, "Navi romane fra gli

Specola Lilybitana e le Aegades Geminae. Note per una ricostruzione della battaglia

delle Egadi, in “Il mare delle Egadi” - S. Tusa, Palermo 2005).

This, by virtue of a rereading of Polibio's passage made in the light of the

subsequent Livio's text for which a specification of the intended “Aigussa” arose from the

need to differentiate it from the largest one (Favignana).

Acting with cleverness, Gulletta explains that if the “Aigussa in front of Lilibeo”

were the “Aigussa that can be found in front of Lilibeo” the need of such a topographic

clarification from Polibio could be explained only with the need of indicating not the bigger

and the most well-known one that gives the name to the archipelago (Favignana), but its

twin, the little Aigussa, the Phorbantia di Tolomeo, the Levanzo linked to the ancient

memory of stormy seas all along the Rodies and Phoenicians routes directed towards the

Tirreno. Bearing in mind what above specified, now we focus the attention on the

definition of the long Carthaginian navigation destination. It is well known that Annone's

fleet, supplied with food, left Cartage with the principal aim of breaking the siege that was

forcing the compatriots on the peak of San Giuliano (Erice), providing the same ones with

victuals and other supplies of goods: they were exhausted because forced in a long

isolation caused by Romans camped at the slopes of the same mountain.

In order to understand better the siege on San Giuliano and above all its

topographic dynamics for a better definition of the possible place of attack decided by

Annone's fleet, it was necessary to know the topographic-archaeological conditions of

this mountain, till now not known in detail.

In consideration of this, we have availed ourselves of the collaboration of Antonio

Filippi that knows the places into deep and that has reconsidered writings as well as

results produced on the matter till present time in the light of a reconnaissance of the

mountain, identifying the archaeological emergencies that have allowed us to suppose,

with more accuracy, the siege dynamics and, in consequence of this, the landing to which


032

9. Capo Grosso(Levanzo)

The pilot sites

Annone was aiming at.

During the first Punic war Erice was a well known

city in the religious ecumene as seat of the important

shrine dedicated to Astarte/Venere. Due to the war it

became the Carthaginian military fortress.

Starting from 260 b.C. Asdrubale had moved his

habitants towards the coast of Drepanum with the

intention of reinforcing the coastal defenses but the peak,

tightly kept in Cartaginian hands, induced Romans, in 249

b.C., to besiege the western and southern side breaking

the link between the military fortress on the peak and

Drepanum port of call. There, nearby Pizzo Argenteria

and Rocce del Calderaro, Romans created a fortified

system, barring the link above.

Therefore, Carthaginians, in the intention of keeping the link with the sea, fortified

the northern side of San Giuliano mountain raising a fortress near San Matteo plain

(where an archaeological research carried out on surface brought into light Punic pieces

of pottery dated back to III century b.C.) with the aim of protecting the coastal landing

place located in Crocifissello in Bonagia bay. Thank to this landing place rising above San

Matteo, besieged Cartaginians were supplied with provisions. This was the landing place

towards which theAnnone's fleet was directed to during on 10 March 241 b.C.

Romans, conscious of the impossibility of turning the battle to their own advantage

through an exhausting, unproductive and, by that time, long trench warfare, took the

decisive and winning decision to lead the war on the sea. By this way the first Punic war

ended in their favor.

Deductions from the archaeological topography of San Giuliano mountain lead to

exclude that landing place of Drepanum was the destination of Annone as, even if

possible both landing and discharge, it would have been impossible to reach, from west

side, the Cartaginian fortress besieged at Erice, as mountain climbing was barred by the

strong Roman garrisons stationing on PizzoArgenteria and on Rocce del Calderaro.

Having understood that the route followed by Annone was between Marettimo

and Bonagia lead to some reconsiderations both on the sources rereading (possibility

that Levanzo and not Favignana were the island cited by Polibio as the area where

Romans fleet was close to) and on the reminiscences of the anchors discoveries in

Levanzo. The three elements, reconsidered in the light of a joint interpretive perspective,

acquire an incontrovertible logic that allows a more detailed battle reconstruction and,

above all, more in compliance with those few data made available by underwater

archaeological research, recently carried on for the present study. In consideration of

what above detailed, we have favored the reconnaissance of the eastern coastal area of

Levanzo (Cala Minnola, PuntaAltarella, Secca Scaletta) and the sea area in front of Capo

Grosso (the northern end of Levanzo). The archaeological findings circumstances,

together with recoveries made during fifties, sixties and seventies, leads to classify, with a

high degree of certainty, this site as one of the possible anchorage places of Roman fleet

before the attack launched to Carthaginians on 10 march 241 b.C. So many anchors

found in the site (fig.10) cannot be justified with practical reasons due to landing, recovery

to escape a storm, loading-unloading, etc. As a matter of fact, the place of discovery is

situated in one of the stormiest trails of sea of the whole archipelago of Egadi. It is near

033

10. Lead roman anchor nearCapo Grosso (Levanzo)

11. Dynamics of Egadi battle

11

10


034

The pilot sites

an high and inaccessible coast and above all in a trail of sea crossed by strong streams

and lashed by sudden winds from which arose out rough and dangerous seas.

Consequently no other reasons, different from the strategic/military ones, can be found to

justify the presence of so many anchors in this area.

The day of 10 march 241 b.C. crosses the mind with the image of the Roman fleet

hidden to lay an ambush to the Carthaginians coming from Marettimo and directed

towards the coast of Erice (fig.11).

From this position it is possible to exercise a control over the trail of sea between

Marettimo and the other two Egadi Islands: protected by Levanzo dimensions and for this

hidden for those who comes from West and in a very good position for launching an attach

to the Carthaginian fleet both if on the way running at the north of Levanzo (the most

probable one) and if on the southern one, crossing the channel between Levanzo and

Favignana.

Further researches carried out by the Soprintendenza del Mare in cooperation

with RPM Nautical Foundation (fig.12) where is supposed the battle has taken place

(north-west of Levanzo) have lead to the spotting of findings that have represented the

incontrovertible evidence of what supposed. Among the archaeological findings

discovered, we remember the bronze ram recovered on June 2008 (fig.13), most likely

pertaining to a Roman ship, that follows that one sequestered by Carabinieri in Trapani

and found in the same zone (fig.14). In the same battle framework there is also a bronze

helmet (Motefortino type) probably belonging to a Roman soldier fallen during that battle

(fig.15), and a third ram recently discovered.

Research with side scan sonar and a remotely operated vehicle equipped with a

video camer have given a contribution to make clear the role of this sea space in the inside

of imperial routes thanks to the discovery of other wreckages. From the analysis of data

collected it is possible to reinforce the hypothesis that the route followed by Carthaginians

ships were that one running at north of Levanzo and not that one of the channel between

Favignana and Levanzo. Moreover, the aim of the fleet was to give support to the Punic

garrison blocked at Erice that, as demonstrated above, could not be reached from

Drepanum (now Trapani) but from the side of Valderice – Bonagia (Crocifissello and

fortress of San Matteo kept by Cartaginians). Therefore, it is more logical that the

Carthaginian fleet were directed towards Bonagia doubling, on north, Capo Grosso,

12. RPM research vessel(Hercules)

035

where Romans ships were hidden and to which the

anchors at present days identified, refer to. The

deductions on the Roman fleet place of anchorage and

the consequent area in the inside of which the battle took

place, if on one side answer to some historical questions

on the battle itself, on the other one, do no reply to the

questions over the location, in the sea bed, where the

ships sunk. This question has already obtained a reply

when we pointed out the impossibility of discovering a

cemetery of sunk ships. On one side, the number of ships

fallen lost during the battle is small: only 62. On the other

side, in consideration of the battlefield conformation and

of wind direction changes during the conflict, as well as in

consideration of the strong streams that cross this sea, it is sure that, after driftage, the

destroyed ships sank going far from the battlefield north of Levanzo. Moreover the well

known Punic ship recovered during sixties and seventies by Honor Frost and today

exhibited in Marsala at the Museum of BaglioAnselmi, almost surely sunk in that decisive

day, has been found on south, some miles far from the battlefield (fig.16). Also the so

called “sister ship”, the boat identified nearby had to belong to the battle period.

Consequently, this would confirm the wide dispersion of wrecks. As it is known, the two

above mentioned hulls were found not so far from the seashore of Isola Longa near Punta

Scario. This would demonstrate that from Levanzo (at north) but probably further on, up to

the channel between Favignana and Sicily (on south) wrecks probably occurred.

Neverthless, the result obtained has a double value.

On one side it puts forward solid arguments in favor of the battle and identifies, in

the eastern coast of Levanzo, the area reached by the Roman ships that delivered the

mortal attack to the Carthaginian fleet and in the area in the North of Capo Grosso of

Levanzo, the battlefield. On the other side we have been able to trace a system of

archaeological underwater routes concerning the eastern coast of Levanzo (from Cala

Minnola to Capo Grosso): here careful explanations can put the visitor in contact with all

significant evidences partially linked to that event.

On 10th march 241 b.C., a strong libeccio lashes the western peak of western

Sicily. That wind herald an epochal political change in the Island that will definitively place

the same one in the “western” field where stands out the austere Roman profile.

The battle of Egadi

14 15

13

13. Bronze Egadi ram foundfew miles north-west of Levanzo

14. Bronze Egadi ram seizedby Carabinieri in Trapani

15. Roman bronze helmetof Montefortino type


036

The pilot sites

The battle of Egadi is one of those historical and historiographical events that from

Polibio onwards have nourished the debate over the Punic wars, the causes, and the

consequent geo-political turning point.

The anomalous situation that the Carthaginians, besiegers and besieged in Erice,

gets worse with the Roman fleet arrival and the consequent occupation of the waters in

front of Drepana and of the roadsteads of Lilibeo. The whole island western coast is cut

off from every communication with Carthage; Lilibeo, fundamental sea and land junction

of Punic Sicily, is a blind alley in the twofold Roman block.

The Punic reaction aims at setting free Amilcare's troops immobile in Erice, in

order to find a solution to war carried out on two fronts, with an action aimed at blocking

the ports and at demolishing the land sieges.

A vast force prepares itself to plough through the waters of the Sicily Channel. Big

and nevertheless loser still before setting sail, because of a clash that Poblio already

evidences as unequal: the image of Lutazio Catulo that trains seamen for the battle

without a break is the expression of the Roman state of fervor, of a power grown in the

obstinacy, with clear goals, in the tenacity, in the capacity to absorb techniques, men and

strategies and that by copying the secrets of naval mechanisms it seems to have acquired

the inheritance of the most famous navy of all times.

The ships ofAnnone, warships exceptionally working as cargo boats for facing the

needs of the troops besieged in Erice, sail from Carthage directed towards Hiera

(Marettimo), necessary stopping place for continuing the navigation towards the three

landing places of the island western coast, that a cabotage, normally difficult for the sandy

roadsteads, would have put into risks for the presence of the enemy in the waters of

Drepana and Lilibeo.

Lutazio Catulo, sensed the Punic ships route that, from Hierà, escaping the coast

patrolled between Drepana and Lilibeo, would have pointed to Erice, widening the ray of

navigation towards the north-eastern access of the present Torre di Bonagia: it was

necessary to cut the route for turning into Romans favor that strong libeccio that even if

favorable to enemies sails it would not have lightened the heavy load made of provisions,

in case of attack launched by surprise.

16. Remains of Punic warshipwreck (Museo delBaglio Anselmi, Marsala - TP)

037

For the first time, Egadi enter into the history of Sicily: islands, scattered as “goats”

among the channel waves, fragments of a seaside from time to time Sicilian or African,

islands of the wind and of the untrustworthy billows that ancient etymologies related to the

stormy Egeo, making a circle round the places of a goodness and on stories of survivors.

The identification of Aigoussa polibiana with the current Favignana, as ambush

place for the Roman fleet and place of the disaster for the enemies ships is today lesser

expected than it was in the historical literature on Punic wars; complicated rebuilding of a

double navigation through the channel Levanzo-Favignana and the orientation of the

battle between Favignana and the “Stagnone” of which refers the well known wreckage of

Marsala, clash with the need of two routes that can be perfectly rebuilt: the Punic one,

Hierà-Erice, directed towards the open sea for reaching a particular landing place, with

difficulty could have been chosen for the complicated direction – due to enemies

patrolling and to the sandy roadsteads – determined by the penetration of the channel

between the two islands and then the changing in route towards Drepana and then Erice.

Romans of Lutazio Catulo, on the other side, had the need of a surprise attack that

intuited the enemy route, should have been made fruitless because of the delay that, the

descent towards Favignana and the penetration of the channel in the direction of

Marettimo, should have implied; moreover a strong wind from South-West could be, with

difficulty, defined pròs antion “opposite” with regard to Roman ships in the channel, in a

direction perpendicular as well as with the protection of the islands.

The Aegades geminae (Sil., 6, 685) Levanzo e Favignana, that prehistory wants

linked with an end of land and those Specola lilybitana that allow the leaking out of the

Punic name of the Erice, in the latest act of Sicily philo-Carthaginian, are the key for an

alternative hypothesis on the battle places: it is the tradition converged in Livio, this time,

shedding into light on a polibian topographic detail always read in a univocal manner.

The Roman post that Polibio places at “Aigussa di fronte a Lilibeo” can be

generically intended as placed at Favignana, even if the island is in front of the northern

tip of the port, the present day Torre San Teodoro, exactly in opposition to Capo Lilibeo.

The livian text - Aegates insulas Erycemque ante oculos proponite, quae terra

marique per quattuor et viginti annos passis sitis - with a toponymy too much far from facts

for being significant, but probably for this chronologic distance not accidental in the

associations, invites to a rereading of the most available complete version on the battle of

241 b.C.: if the the “Aigussa di fronte a Lilibeo” were the Aigussa that is in front of Lilibeo

such a topographical clarification from Polibio can be explained with the need to indicate

that is not the biggest and the more well-known island, that one that gives the name to the

archipelago (Favignana) but the Aigussa, the twin island, the smallest one, the

Phorbantia of Tolomeo, Levanzo linked to the ancient

memory of stormy seas along the Phoenician and Rodi an

routes towards the Tirreno.

The line covering the route Carthage-Erice ideally

joins three points: Hierà, then the Aigussa of the hero

Forbante and the Specola Lilybitana from which Romans

probably sighted the enemies ships. It is probably at the

north of Levanzo, where the archaeological findings

dating back to fifties reveal the wide and regular presence

of anchors, trace of a broken mooring cut simultaneously,

on the back of Capo Grosso cliffs, that Lutazio Catulo

17. The amphora cargo ofHellenistic wreck of Cala Minnola

(Levanzo)


038

The pilot sites

18. Schematic view of TV controlsystem of Hellenistic wreck ofCala Minnola (Levanzo)

hided his fleet, changing battle array strategy with respect to the traditional hollow wedge

and turning stems directly against the Punic fleet and the wind.

By that time, the route Hierà-Erice was blocked-up and the disaster unavoidable,

Aphrodite had already turned the eyes towards the Urbe and the new temple. For the

sons of the twin Astarte, only unexpectedly wind blowing from North-East cleared away

the latest most ancient and ancestral trace of their presence in Sicily: Venus Ericina had

already appeared.

The archaeological study that has been carried out, supported by the frequent

underwater reconnaissance has been coupled with an analysis conducted by the team of

economists of the University of Catania managed by Ilde Rizzo. Research was aimed at

defining the relation between costs and benefits in case of an investment for the creation,

in some of the identified sites, of parks or of archaeological underwater itineraries to visit.

The analysis and its results are encouraging: in fact it comes out the cheapness of

this operation for the booming underwater tourism that it generates. A first itinerary has

already been created in the area of the wreckage of Cala Minnola (fig.17) and a second

one in the area of the anchors of Capo Grosso.

The management of the underwater archaeological sites in the Egadi Islands

039

In the area of Cala Minnola the first remote control TV switch system has been

created: by using four cameras live images from the deep sea floor and from the water

above are sent back directly to Favignana, at the entrance of the city hall (fig.18).

It is worthwhile for us to cite a passage of the long and articulated economical

analysis on the feasibility of the project for the creation of parks and archaeological

underwater itineraries.

Projects benefits are based on fruition, improvement and conservation demand of

the archaeological finds as well as on the related research and education demand. For

benefits calculation, three different categories have been singled out:

· people availability to pay for archaeological underwater itineraries fruition, i.e

consumers surplus;

· benefits for services producers (diver centers) coming from the archaeological

itinerary, i.e. the producers surplus;

· touristic expenditure for the benefits of the economy on the whole.

To the above mentioned benefits it is necessary to add those ones coming from

preservation.

As far as benefits coming from research and personal cultural enriching are

concerned, the same one are difficult to value: this because of the difficulties in the

definition of the beneficiaries and of their related availability to pay for the same ones. For

this reason these benefits have not been included in the calculation.

Asensitivity analysis has been carried out too: situations of uncertainty on both the

graduality with which benefits will be produced in full within the estimated measure and on

the demand weight have been taken into consideration.

Even in case of significant changing in the most relevant parameters, the project

continues to present positive net benefits.

The study defines a management model for the proposed intervention.

An original integration between public and private has been pointed out: in this

case, some activities management, for their nature and for the fact that produce collective

benefits, has been committed to the public institutions, while other activities have been

assigned to privates.


040

CHAP. 2.2Villefranche-sur-Mer

Villefranche-sur-Mer, 2500 ans d'histoire!

Depuis la nuit des temps, la rade Villefranche-sur-Mer est une étapeincontournable pour toutes les civilisations de la mer.

Dès l'Antiquité, Etrusques, Grecs et Romains sont venus mouiller les ancres deleurs puissantes galères dans cette rade immense située au pied desAlpes.

Protégé des vents d'Est exclusivement, ce qui n'est pas rien, ce lieu de mouillagefut, au fil des siècles, une escale fort prisée par les navires en provenance des grandespuissantes maritimes de la Méditerranée.

Toutefois, le Mistral fait de temps en temps une apparition lourde de conséquenceen bloquant au mouillage tous les navires sans qu'ils puissent s'échapper à la voile ou à larame de cette nasse géographique formée par le cap Ferrat et le cap de Nice. Bien querare, le vent le plus redouté reste le vent du Sud, le terrible Libeccio qui a causé, au fil dessiècles, de terribles dégâts aux installations portuaires du port de la Darse et de la Santé.

Environ 12 grandes épaves antiques et modernes gisent en rade de Villefranche-sur-Mer.

L'apogée de ce lieu se situe vers les XVI et XVIIe siècles.

C'est à cette période de l'Histoire que la puissante forteresse villefranchoise et deses multiples pièces d'artillerie dominent l'ensemble des lieux. Car la rade deVillefranche-sur-Mer est le seul débouché à la mer du Duché de Savoie. Villefrancheétant le port de guerre du Comté de Nice comme en témoignent encore de nos jours lesdiverses constructions architecturales toujours en place.

Pourquoi tant de vestiges sous les eaux ?

Une fois les ancres mouillées et les voiles affalées, les marins s'affairaient dans lescales afin de dresser le bilan de la casse occasionné par le mauvais temps sur les richescargaisons embarquées. Bien souvent sous forme de vaisselles diverses et précieuses,les cargaisons malheureusement brisées, étaient alors balancées par dessus bord.Quelques siècles plus tard, ces vestiges des temps passés resurgissent lentement dusable ou de la vase à la plus grande joie d'une bande de passionnés au service del'Histoire.

Les plongeurs-archéologues d'Anao, l'aventure sous-marine (Fédérationmonégasque des activités subaquatiques, membres de l'Association pour la sauvegardedu patrimoine de Villefranche-sur-Mer) poursuivent depuis 1991 l'étude des lieux.

D'importantes fouilles sous-marines sont régulièrement entreprises afin de tenterde décrypter des milliers de données scientifiques collectées au fond des eaux de la rade.Des fouilles officielles patronnées par le Ministère de la Culture et son Département desrecherches archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines.

Vaisselle de toute la Ligurie sans oublier les villes de Rome, de Pise et les fragilesverreries de Venise... Mais également de toute la Provence, de Grèce, d'Espagne etmême d'Afrique du Nord viennent ainsi témoigner de la richesse de ces échangescommerciaux entre les peuples.

The pilot sites

041

Un brassage culturel à travers les siècles qui s'explique par une concurrencecommerciale acharnée de l'ensemble des capitales tournées vers la Méditerranée.

Assiettes multicolores et finement décorées, bols, écuelles, vases, jarres, maiségalement lampes à huile vernissées, boulets de canon en pierre, silex pour les armes àfeu, objets en bronze, dés à jouer, balles en plomb, ardoises finement taillées, pipes enterre de formes diverses... font partie de ces milliers de vestiges sauvés des eaux etrestaurés minutieusement afin de dresser un bilan archéologique détaillé des lieux.

Ce patrimoine archéologique est consultable sur internet: www.clubanao.org

Un espace dédié à l'archéologie sous-marine sera inauguré en mai 2011, à l'entréede la citadelle de Villefranche-sur-Mer. Cette exposition de matériel archéologiqueretracera par l'objet l'histoire des lieux. Un musée de la mer est également en cours deréalisation, à Menton. Là, les visiteurs pourront découvrir la richesse archéologique decette rade à travers des milliers d'objets présentés au grand public. L'aventure sous-marine continue!

Eric DULIERE

Président d'Anao, l'aventure sous-marine,

Vice-Président de l'A.S.P.M.V.

Chef de mission, instructeur en archéologie sous-marine.

Président de la commission d'archéologie de la F.M.A.S.

En hommage à Dominique Tailliez, président-fondateur del'Association pour lasauvegarde du patrimoine maritime de Villefranche-sur-Mer, aujourd'huidisparu."Il a su transmettre sa passion afin de sauvegarder ce site historique unique enMéditerranée". Merci à lui.

1.

2.

Le Port Royal de la Darse

Le Port Royal de la Darse

(

(

Association pour la sauvegardedu patrimoine maritime de

Villefranche-sur-Mer)

Association pour la sauvegardedu patrimoine maritime de

Villefranche-sur-Mer)

1 2


042

CHAP. 2.3La fachada marítima de Ampurias

Estudios geofísicos y datos arqueológicos

Introducción

1

Ya en 1823, en el primer plano general que se publicó de las ruinas ampuritanas

(De Passa 1823) y que se publicaría nuevamente, con pequeñas modificaciones, en

1879 (Botet y Sisó 1879) se indicaba la ubicación del puerto y del “malecón”

designándolo como muro del puerto, y desde entonces quedó fosilizada la idea de que el

espacio, actualmente colmatado de tierra, que se extiende entre la Palaiápolis y la

Neápolis era el espacio portuario que había hecho posible las actividades náuticas de la

ciudad.

El descubrimiento de un segundo puerto ampuritano en la zona de Riells – La

Clota (Nieto/Nolla 1985) y el hallazgo submarino de varios centenares de bloques de

piedra trabajados en la zona de las Muscleres Grosses a levante de la Neápolis

(Nieto/Raurich 1998), hizo evidente que la realidad portuaria de la ciudad deAmpurias y

el aspecto de su fachada marítima habían sido más complejo de lo que se pensaba y que

para su estudio era imprescindible un conocimiento más preciso de los cambios

topográficos acaecidos.

Este proyecto de estudio de la fachada marítima de Ampurias (fig. 1), al que

todavía quedan varios años para su finalización, presenta dos características

específicas: una es la inclusión del territorio submarino y la otra es tener como objetivo

final el conocimiento de los condicionantes que actuaron sobre las actividades náuticas

de las ciudades griega y romana deAmpurias.

Desde el punto de vista estructural existe una cierta tendencia a evaluar la calidad

de la obra utilizando parámetros de resistencia que en ocasiones incluso se extrapolan

desde concepciones de ingeniería actual, cuando probablemente sería más correcto

hacer el análisis desde la idoneidad de la obra para la función que ha de desarrollar en el

momento concreto en que fue realizada. Un embarcadero de troncos y planchas de

madera puede ser la mejor y más idónea solución, en función de las necesidades

existentes en ese momento y en ese lugar, pero esa solución técnica puede quedar

obsoleta y ser inadecuada unos pocos años más tarde en función de decisiones

geoestratégicas, comerciales o técnicas que hagan variar la cantidad o las

características de las embarcaciones que utilicen ese embarcadero.

El análisis arqueológico de la obra no puede realizarse únicamente a partir del

conocimiento histórico del yacimiento arqueológico terrestre adyacente. El mar es la

mejor y más utilizada vía de comunicación y el barco es una máquina en movimiento que

presenta unos condicionantes (dimensiones, estiba, rutas, reparaciones etc.) que

hacen necesarias unas infraestructuras que pueden superar las necesidades concretas

del núcleo de población vecino, por lo que parecería más acertado afrontar el estudio de

la franja litoral desde la óptica de un espacio geográfico marítimo amplio que desde una

visión geográfica terrestre reducida.

Una obra relacionada con la navegación, ubicada en esta franja litoral, suele ser

compleja, cara, en muchas ocasiones de uso público y frágil ante la fuerza del mar, por lo

que se impone una alianza con el medio natural, originándose una adecuación de la obra

a las posibilidades topográficas y climatológicas de la zona, por lo que una obra poco

explicable desde una óptica actual, puede ser la más idónea teniendo en cuenta las

posibilidades técnicas y económicas y en especial la orografía de la zona, en el momento

de la construcción.

1 - Durante los años 2003 y 2004 lostrabajos se han beneficiado de suinclusión en el proyecto ANSER(Anciennes Routes MaritimesMéditerranéennes). FEDER,programa INTERREG IIIB MEDOCC.

The pilot sites

043

1 a/b.Vista aérea y plano de

Empúries.1- Palaiápolis

(Sant Martí d'Empúries)2 - Puerto natural

3 - Neápolis4 - Museu d'Empúries

5 - Ágora6 - Mirador formado con las

tierras procedentes de laexcavación de la Neápolis

7- Muscleres Petites8 - Muscleres Grosses

9 - Roca champiñón, únicoresto visible de la prolongaciónhacia el norte de las Muscleres

Grosses10 - Piscina

11 - Malecón

1a 1b

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

910

11

Metodología de Trabajo

El método de trabajo que se viene empleando en este proyecto incluye un estudio

de la antigua documentación planimétrica y fotográfica, una detallada prospección visual

del terreno tanto terrestre como subacuático, la prospección geofísica de detalle y la

excavación arqueológica subacuática a la que esperamos que se añadan en el futuro las

excavaciones puntuales en tierra. Para el desarrollo de los trabajos el MAC-CASC ha

contado especialmente con la colaboración del MAC-Empúries, del CEREGE – UMR

6635 que se ha encargado de las prospecciones geofísicas terrestres, del Dr. Aureli

Álvarez del laboratorio de Cristalografía y Mineralogía de la Universitat Autònoma de

Barcelona, para el estudio de los bloques de piedra y de Lluís Sants y Narcís Garcia del

equipo de topografía de la Direcció General del Patrimoni Cultural. Para las

prospecciones geofísicas en tierra se ha utilizado el ABEM-SAS-4000 (fig. 2) con el que

se han realizado 17 perfiles de resistividad eléctrica, utilizando un juego de 64 electrodos

de acero inoxidable. El dispositivo de adquisición, en términos de localización de los

electrodos de inyección de corriente y de los electrodos de medida de potencial, sigue las

configuraciones Wenner (fig. 3). La configuración Wenner ha sido escogida por ofrecer

la mejor relación de señal por resonancia. Los electrodos de medidas de potencial están

situados entre los electrodos de inyección de corriente (Dahlin/Zhou 2004). Utilizando

seguidamente la ley de Ohm, con un factor de corrección que tiene en cuenta la distancia

respectiva de los electrodos, es posible calcular una resistividad aparente del subsuelo

por cada medida. La distancia entre los electrodos de inyección de corriente eléctrica

aumenta la profundidad de investigación. Este procedimiento se repite sobre un conjunto

de permutaciones que comprenden los 64 electrodos del dispositivo de medición. La

duración de adquisición de un perfil compuesto por 64 electrodos es de alrededor de una

hora y media (sin contar el tiempo de instalación del dispositivo que es más o menos

equivalente). Una vez concluída la adquisición, los datos son transferidos a un ordenador

para su tratamiento con el programa informático RES2DINV (imagen teniendo en cuanta

los efectos de la topografía) (Loke/Barker 1996). Se obtiene entonces una imagen del

subsuelo en términos de “resistividad verdadera”, la cual es interpretable en términos de

estructuras (restos arqueológicos, superficies de utilización, cavidades, naturaleza del

substrato por ejemplo). El valor de la resistividad eléctrica de una roca depende del

contenido en agua, de la carga iónica del agua (de su mineralización), y de la plasticidad

del material. Solo los perfiles de resistividad verdadera (y no los perfiles de resistividad

aparente) han sido interpretados y presentados en este trabajo.


044

2 3

(a)

(b)

2. Sistema de adquisición deinformación (ABEM –Terrameter SAS – 4000)empleado en las prospeccionesgeofísicas.

3. Configuración de loselectrodos para una adquisiciónde tipo Wenner (a) y dipolo-dipolo (b).

El dispositivo se conecta a 64electrodos de acero inoxidableque se clavan en el suelo y seunen con dos cables blindadospara evitar los efectos deinducción.

A y B son los electrodos deinyección de corriente y C y Dson los dos electrodos demedida de potencial eléctrico.La configuración Wenner ofrecela mejor relación, señal porresonancia, entre los diferentestipos de configuraciones deadquisición, pero esespecialmente sensible a lasestructuras tubulares. Laconfiguración dipolo-dipoloofrece una menor relación,señal por resonancia, pero semuestra sensible a lasestructuras verticales como porejemplo los planos de fallasverticales.

Algunos de los fenómenos que han influido en el cambio de la topografía de la fachada

marítima deAmpurias y sus consecuencias arqueológicas

Las variaciones del nivel del mar enAmpurias

et alii

Establecer la línea de costa para cada momento histórico es un problema

complejo, tanto porque son muchos los factores que influyen en los cambios de la línea,

como porque estos pueden ser diferentes en zonas contiguas, muy pequeñas

geográficamente y además pueden ser de escasa relevancia geológica, pero de alto

interés arqueológico. Por ello los cambios pueden pasar desapercibidos en estudios

geológicos efectuados sobre zonas geográficas amplias, lo cual hace necesarios

estudios de microgeografía.

Arqueológicamente es necesario conocer la distancia que separa un resto

arqueológico del mar en el momento de su construcción, lo cual permitirá entender su

función. De entre todos los factores que pueden hacer variar esta distancia, nos interesa

resaltar dos: el avance o retroceso de la línea de costa debido a fenómenos de erosión o

sedimentación u otros y la variación de la línea de costa debido a la subida o a la bajada

del nivel del mar. A continuación repasaremos algunos fenómenos que han influido en el

cambio de la topografía de la línea costera ampuritana y que creemos que han tenido

repercusiones arqueológicas:

Para algunos el nivel del mar en elAmpurdán en época antigua se encontraba más

alto que en época actual (Marqués/Julià 1983a, 162).Al contrario, más recientemente se

ha propuesto que hacia el 2000 BP el mar se encontraba 2 m. más bajo que hoy en día

(Marzoli 2005, 67). Esta autora sigue los resultados de trabajos anteriores (Roqué/Pallí

1996, 31) que concluyen que el mar, que se encontraba a 2 m. por debajo del nivel actual,

comenzó a subir antes del 2000 BP para bajar, hacia el 1900 BP, hasta situarse a unos

decímetros por debajo del nivel actual. Otros autores consideran que estos cambios en el

nivel del mar no han sido tan importantes ni en el Maresme (Serra/Sorribas 1993), ni en

Narbona (Gayraud 1983, 57), ni en general en todo el Mediterráneo noroccidental

(Laborel 1994 y 1998). Afortunadamente la excavación arqueológica de la plaza

Jules Verne en Marsella, que ha puesto al descubierto parte de la infraestructura

portuaria griega y romana de la ciudad, ha proporcionado datos geológicos, biológicos y

arqueológicos suficientes para poder establecer con precisión las variaciones del nivel

The pilot sites

045

del mar en época histórica (Morange/Laborel/Hesnard 2001). Para el puerto de Marsella

se propone que desde época griega el nivel del mar ha estado más bajo que en época

actual y en concreto se situaba, hacia el año 575 a.C. a unos -65 cm. con respecto al nivel

actual (NGF), mientras que en época romana se situaba hacia -50 cm. (+/- 10 cm.) con

respecto al nivel actual (NGF).

Para establecer el nivel del mar en Ampurias nos inclinamos a aceptar los datos

derivados de la excavación de Marsella, tanto porque la cantidad y la variedad de fuentes

de información en las que se basan nos ofrecen garantías, como porque los datos

disponibles parecen apuntar hacia una estabilidad tectónica en la zona ampuritana

durante el Holoceno.

Descartamos que el nivel del mar se encontrara a 2 m. por encima del nivel actual

debido a que de haber sido así diversos restos arqueológicos habrían sido de

construcción submarina, por ejemplo una tumba excavada en la zona de la Clota Grossa,

datada entre el 90 y el 70 a.C. (Casas 1982) y que se encuentra a sólo 169 cm. por

encima del nivel actual del mar (Nieto/Nolla 1985, 281). También se encontrarían

sumergidos los pavimentos de las importantes construcciones ubicadas al suroeste del

“malecón” de Ampurias y que se encuentran a menos de un metro por encima del nivel

actual del mar (Sanmartí 1995). Como otros autores (Sanmartí 1995, 168) consideramos

que desde el asentamiento griego en Ampurias hasta hoy se ha producido, en términos

generales, una escasa elevación del nivel del mar, que hoy podemos situar

entre los 60/70 cm. como máximo. Más adelante, al hablar del fenómeno de las “rocas

champiñón” aportaremos nuevos datos que corroboran la escasa variación del nivel del

mar durante el periodo histórico que tratamos.

No podemos olvidar que el nivel del Mediterráneo experimenta a lo largo del año

una variación estacional que se puede situar, en esta zona, en torno a los 15 cm.

Aunque la aportación eólica de arenas ha sido permanente y detectable tanto en el

puerto natural entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis como en el resto de la zona, la

modificación topográfica más visible debida a esta causa, se inició en los años treinta del

siglo XIX cuando los ingenieros forestales decidieron fijar la arena de la zona mediante la

creación de dunas (Ferrer 1895). Como consecuencia la Neápolis se separó de su

fachada marítima mediante una barrera de vegetación y arena que cubre parte del

grosso modo

La aportación natural de arena

4a 4b

4 a/b.A lo largo del siglo XX se ha

producido una importantetransformación del paisaje

emporitano como consecuenciade la creación y fijación de

dunas mediante vegetación. LaNeápolis, que en la segunda

década del siglo XX todavíapresentaba un contacto con el

mar ha quedado separadafísica, administrativa y en

ocasiones científicamente delmar y del “malecón”.


046

5. Estrato de arcillasenormemente compactas, conun espesor que puede llegar a1 m., depositado sobre lo quefue el fondo del mar en épocaromana.

yacimiento arqueológico (fig. 4). Al mismo tiempo se

consolidó una carretera entre el mar y la fachada este de

la Neápolis que, además de destruir algunos vestigios

arqueológicos (Sanmartí 1996, 245) enterró otros

bajo el pavimento, al tiempo que fijó un talud artificial que

separa la ciudad griega del mar.

Diversos sondeos arqueológicos subacuáticos

efectuados en la zona, tanto en el lado sur de las

Muscleres Grosses como en el norte (Nieto/Raurich

1998, fig.10) han puesto de manifiesto otro proceso de

et alii

La aportación artificial de arena

variación del paisaje, en este caso submarino. La estratigrafía submarina en la zona

norte de las Muscleres se puede resumir diciendo que se ha acumulado un estrato de

entre 2 y 3 m. de espesor formado en las últimas décadas por la arena aportada

artificialmente para regenerar las playas adyacentes, arena que, como consecuencia de

los diversos temporales que arrastran mar adentro la arena depositada en la playa, ha

acabado en el fondo del mar, cubriendo el yacimiento arqueológico. Bajo este estrato de

arena de aportación moderna existe otro también de arena, de unos 40 cm. de espesor,

formado por las arenas naturales de la zona. Es en estos estratos, y especialmente en el

superior, donde pueden encontrarse algunos, aunque escasos, materiales

arqueológicos procedentes de la excavación de la Neápolis.

En el medio subacuático, por debajo de los dos estratos de arena que acabamos

de comentar, el yacimiento se encuentra perfectamente sellado por un estrato

sorprendentemente compacto y uniforme formado por arcillas y limos, con abundantes

carbones. Este estrato que normalmente tiene un espesor de 1 m., en la zona entre el

“malecón” y las Muscleres (fig. 5), pierde potencia hasta ser de unos pocos centímetros

de espesor en las zonas perimetrales de esta área. Un estrato con estos materiales

arcillosos, aunque de menor potencia, se encuentra también en el puerto natural entre la

Palaiapolis y la Neápolis (Marqués/Julià 1983b; Marzoli 2005). Estos estratos son típicos

de los espacios cerrados en donde se sedimentan los materiales de granulometría

extremadamente fina aportados en suspensión por el agua de los ríos.

Una cuestión enormemente interesante es establecer cuándo y por qué se

produjo esta enorme aportación de limos y arcilla con carbones. Creemos que esta

colmatación es posterior a época romana, ya que bajo el estrato de limos aparece un

estrato de arena y que corresponde al nivel del fondo del mar en

época romana, a tenor de los materiales arqueológicos romano republicanos que

aparecen en este estrato, que en el sondeo 2 (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 68) se encuentra a

una profundidad de -6,40 m. con respecto al nivel actual del mar.

Durante la campaña de 1997 se extrajeron tres muestras de la

localizada debajo del potente estrato de arcilla y situada en el nivel que consideramos

que fue el fondo del mar en época romana. Estas tres muestras fueron analizadas para

su datación por C por Beta Analytic INC, University Branch (Miami, Florida). Ya desde

el propio laboratorio de estudio se avisó que las muestras presentaban una importante

La aportación fluvial de sedimentos

Posidonia oceanica

Posidonia oceanica

14

The pilot sites

047

amplitud cronológica, lo cual es normal en las muestras de . Por otra parte

conocemos los problemas que plantea la datación de la por C por

lo que esta datación debe ser aceptada como orientativa y con precaución.

La muestra 121917 dio un resultado de 1580 +/- 80 BP (Conventional radiocarbon

age). El resultado calibrado ha dado una fecha de calendario para este material orgánico

comprendida entre el 330 al 645 DC cal. (2 sigma, 95% de probabilidad). Los años de

intercepción entre la curva de calibración y el año radiocarbónico han sido el 465 DC

cal., 475 DC cal., y 515 DC cal. El resultado calibrado a partir de 1 sigma, y con un 68%

de probabilidad comprende un arco cronológico entre el 410 DC al 590 DC cal.



comprendida entre el 135 al 450 DC cal. (2 sigma, 95% de probabilidad). El año de

intercepción entre el año radiocarbónico y la curva de calibración ha sido el 340 DC cal. El

resultado calibrado a partir de 1 sigma, y con un 68% de probabilidad comprende un arco

cronológico entre el 240 DC al 410 DC cal.



comprendida entre el 415 al 650 DC cal. (2 sigma, 95% de probabilidad). El año de

intercepción entre el año radiocarbónico y la curva de calibración ha sido el 555 DC cal. El

resultado calibrado a partir de 1 sigma, y con un 68% de probabilidad comprende un arco

cronológico entre el 450 DC al 615 DC cal. A partir de la realización de estos tres análisis

se han podido cotejar los resultados comparándolos entre ellos y conseguir así reducir la

amplia horquilla cronológica que ofrecen las muestras por separado. Así pues, si

ponemos los tres resultados en común, se obtiene una fecha calibrada comprendida

entre el 415 al 450 DC cal., siendo la muestra 121919 la que da el TAQ y la muestra

121918 el TPQ. La tercera muestra también se encaja perfectamente dentro de esta

datación.

Con referencia a esta datación conviene resaltar:

1. No se excavó la pradera de pero los materiales arqueológicos

visibles bajo y entre la capa superficial de la pradera muerta eran todos de época romano

republicana.

2. El sondeo que se efectuó en el estrato de arcillas formado, quizás, con posterioridad a

inicios del siglo V d.C., medía 2 m. por 1 y afectó a una potencia de 1 m. En los dos

metros cúbicos de arcillas extraídas no apareció ni un pequeño resto arqueológico, por lo

que no parece que, durante el periodo de formación de este estrato, hubiera una

actividad náutica en el puerto capaz de depositar material arqueológico en el fondo del

mar, al menos en este lugar.

3. Sobre esta capa de arcillas y limos no se detectan cantidades importantes de material

arqueológico en posición primaria.

4. Esta enorme cantidad de sedimentos debió extenderse por toda la fachada marítima

de Ampurias depositándose en espacios cerrados, pero con espesores diferentes en

función de la dinámica del mar, por lo que no es extraño que los encontremos tanto en el

puerto natural entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis como en la zona al noroeste de las

Muscleres Grosses.

El porqué de este enorme depósito de arcillas procedente de la erosión del paisaje

terrestre, escapa de nuestro ámbito de estudio, pero es sugerente remitirnos a trabajos

realizados en el Penedès, Garraf y al norte del “Pla de Barcelona”, en donde se detectan

posidonia

Posidonia oceanica

Posidonia oceanica,

14


048

estratos con una fuerte reducción de los valores polínicos de los taxones arbóreos,

paralelamente a un aumento de cenizas que indican claramente una intensificación de

los incendios (Esteban 1993, 650). En los estudios polínicos se detecta la

desaparición de la olivera, la viña y casi totalmente los cereales. Los autores sitúan el

proceso de deforestación y consiguiente erosión del terreno y arrastre de sedimentos por

la lluvia y los ríos a lo largo de los siglos VII/VIII d.C.

Se ha propuesto que este proceso vendría motivado por un auge de la actividad

ganadera extensiva, que utilizaría como pastos tanto los sectores interiores como las

propias llanuras litorales. Este proceso de deforestación creó una actividad erosiva

causante de la extensión de las planicies deltaicas de los ríos Besòs i Llobregat así como

la colmatación de diversas zonas lagunares cercanas a la costa (Riera/Palet 1993,

Esteban 1993). Un problema especialmente complejo es el de los cambios

paisajísticos al norte de Sant Martí d'Empúries, motivados por los meandros que forma el

Fluviá al final de su curso y que han ido cambiando de posición a lo largo de la historia.

Durante el tiempo que el río desembocaba junto a la cara norte del promontorio de

la Palaiapolis, junto al curso final del río se extendía una zona pantanosa (Marzoli 2005).

El proyecto que estamos desarrollando todavía no ha actuado en esa zona, por lo que no

podemos añadir ningún dato a los que aporta la bibliografía existente.

La fachada marítima padeció un nuevo cambio importante como consecuencia de

la metodología arqueológica aplicada durante el siglo XIX y principios del XX, ya que

durante esa época las tierras procedentes de la excavación eran transportadas en carros

o vagonetas y arrojadas al mar, generalmente frente al ágora (fig. 1, 5), originándose en

aquel lugar una plataforma, actualmente utilizada como mirador y de más de 50 m. de

longitud. La conexión urbanística del ágora y la stoa con el mar quedó bajo toneladas de

tierra (fig. 1, 6). Junto a la tierra fueron arrojados pequeños objetos arqueológicos, que

los embates del mar han dispersado por la zona, pero sin llegar a constituir un problema

importante de contaminación arqueológica, ya que el estrato que los contiene es

fácilmente detectable durante las excavaciones arqueológicas subacuáticas.

Otro cambio antrópico importante en la topografía de la fachada marítima

ampuritana se debe a la construcción, a partir de 1915, del museo e instalaciones

complementarias, que aprovecharon, primero el convento y después la iglesia de los

monjes servitas. Obras que culminaron en 1947 y que comportaron la realización de un

importante muro de contención para construir la terraza sobre la que se asienta el museo

(fig. 1, 4). Esta terraza y el muro, del que actualmente emerge perpendicularmente una

parte de la antigua muralla de la Neápolis, cubren la zona de contacto de la Neápolis con

el puerto natural, en donde suponemos que debió existir un pequeño acantilado.

Las necesidades edilicias planteadas por la evolución urbanística de Ampurias

supusieron la explotación de varias canteras (Sanmartí 1994 y 1995) y por una lógica

cuestión de economía se explotaron aquellas afloraciones rocosas que estaban más

próximas al lugar de construcción (Álvarez/De Bru 1983), algunas de ellas en la fachada

marítima de la ciudad y de entre las que nos interesa resaltar las ubicadas en la roca

sobre la que se alza el “malecón” (fig. 1, 11) y en las Muscleres Grosses (fig. 1, 8).

et alii

et alii

Los trabajos arqueológicos

La explotación de las rocas litorales como cantera

The pilot sites

049

Se ha realizado el estudio petrográfico de treinta y cinco muestras extraídas de los

bloques encontrados bajo el agua y procedentes de las diversas construcciones que

conformaron el puerto artificial, lo cual ha permitido constatar el origen local de la piedra

utilizada, en concreto de las canteras ubicadas junto al mar. Sabemos que para la

construcción del muro que existió sobre la parte actualmente sumergida de las

Muscleres Gosses (fig. 15, 12), se utilizaron piedras procedentes de las Muscleres

Petites (fig. 1, 7), de les Muscleres Gosses, del “malecón” (fig. 1, 11) y de Sant Martí

d'Empúries (fig. 1, 1).

Para la construcción de la torre ubicada en la fachada sur del puerto (fig. 15, 9) se

utilizaron piedras de las canteras de las Muscleres Petites, del “malecón”, de las

Muscleres Grosses, de Sant Martí d'Empúries y de la cantera identificada en el municipio

de l'Escala y conocida por Mar d'en Manassa (Sanmartí 1994).

Los bloques trabajados localizados en la llamada “piscina” (fig. 1, 10), proceden

del “malecón” y de Sant Martí d'Empúries. A tenor del resultado de los análisis y de la

cantidad de bloques localizados bajo el agua, hemos de concluir que la variación del

paisaje rocoso en la fachada marítima de la Neápolis debió ser importante. En otro orden

de cosas y con las precauciones debidas, la constatación de que muchos de los bloques

utilizados proceden de la roca del “malecón” sugiere la posibilidad de que la construcción

de estas obras del puerto artificial, sea anterior a la construcción del “malecón”.

Es un fenómeno muy particular y de localización geográfica concreta en la Costa

Brava, hasta el punto que Yvette Barbaza en su obra sobre la costa rocosa de Girona

titula como: “Les rochers-champignons de l'Escala”, uno de los subcapítulos de su obra

(Barbaza 1971, 82). El substrato rocoso que forma la fachada marítima de Ampurias

forma una orografía irregular, que da lugar a los promontorios sobre los que se asentaron

la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis y a los acantilados que se extienden entre los dos núcleos de

ocupación humana. Estas rocas, con el mismo perfil irregular, forman el substrato

submarino de la fachada de Ampurias, dando lugar, como en tierra, a depresiones y

crestas rocosas que en ocasiones afloran a la superficie marina formando escollos que,

de manera aislada o como barreras paralelas a la costa, configuran la topografía de la

zona. A lo largo de los siglos se ha producido un proceso que dividimos en tres fases,

durante las cuales factores mecánicos, biológicos y químicos han actuado sobre estas

rocas erosionándolas en la línea de contacto con el mar, produciendo oquedades, cada

vez mayores, generándose una visera que al ir aumentando de longitud y peso acaba por

desgajarse de la roca a la que pertenece y cae.

En la primera fase, cuando la roca es de gran tamaño, los desprendimientos de la

2

Las “rocas champiñón”

2 - Trabajo de final del Curso dePostgrado en Arqueología NáuticaMediterránea, realizado por XavierAguelo bajo el título:

.Els blocs del

port romà d'Empúries

6. Se observa el plano defractura originado al

desgajarse un trozo de roca.Esta rotura fue posible debidoa la oquedad que se originó a

nivel de mar y que confirió a laroca una forma de visera.

Cuando la visera fue lossuficientemente grande y

pesada cayó al mar. Comotestimonio del tamaño originalde la roca y de este proceso

de erosión ha quedado ante laroca una plataforma plana

apreciable en la superficie delmar.

visera, son parciales y de este modo la roca va

disminuyendo su superficie y creando, una plataforma

lisa (trottoir à , según Barbaza),

(fig. 6) al tiempo que en el fondo del mar se depositan las

rocas procedentes del medio aéreo. El proceso se repite

y continúa y en una segunda fase cuando la superficie de

la roca aérea ya es de escaso tamaño, la erosión se

produce todo alrededor y se genera una roca en forma de

champiñón (fig. 7).

Lithophyllum tortuosum


050

7. La erosión, a nivel del marha generado una oquedadtodo alrededor de la roca ,confiriéndole la forma de “rocachampiñón”. Cuando laerosión en la base continúeaumentando el tamaño y pesode la visera, se desgajara lavisera, adquiriendo el conjuntoun aspecto como el de la rocade la figura 6. Posteriormenteal continuar la erosión en abase llegará un momento enque aquello que se fracturaráserá la columna que sujeta laroca, por lo que esta caerá alfondo del mar como se apreciaen la figura 8.Creemos que la roca que seaprecia en esta figura es laúnica parte aérea que quedade la prolongación hacia el nortede las Muscleres Grosses (verfigura 1, 9).

La última fase del proceso llega cuando el

pedículo de la roca con forma de champiñón sigue

experimentando una progresiva disminución de su

diámetro y al no poder soportar el peso de la umbrela, se

rompe y la “roca champiñón” cae al fondo del mar (fig. 8),

con lo que desaparece todo vestigio aéreo de la

afloración rocosa que existió y queda una superficie

plana junto a la superficie del mar.

Este fenómeno lento, pero constante, es muy

frecuente en la fachada marítima ampuritana y se detecta

The pilot sites

hoy día, en superficie, en todas las rocas en contacto con el agua, ya que presentan

oquedades a nivel de mar y también se detecta bajo el agua al localizar numerosas rocas

en forma de champiñón con el pedículo roto y que nos indican que una vez estuvieron al

aire libre.

Este fenómeno nos aporta información para conocer la evolución del nivel del mar

en los últimos siglos, ya que para producirse el resultado que acabamos de comentar se

requiere una estabilidad del nivel durante siglos. Observando la profundidad a la que se

encuentran las plataformas submarinas que se forman en la parte inferior de la oquedad

de las rocas, comprobamos como en aquellas “rocas champiñón” que están todavía en

proceso de formación y en aquellas de donde proceden las ya rotas y caídas al fondo del

mar y que aparecen en contacto con restos arqueológicos de época romana, la

diferencia de altitud es escasa, lo cual nos hace pensar que las cifras propuestas para

Marsella son correctas y que en el caso de Ampurias el nivel del mar en los últimos dos

mil años no ha debido subir más de 60/70 cm.

Este fenómeno, estudiado por Barbaza (1971), aparte de cambiar de forma muy

sensible el paleopaisaje costero ampuritano, ha producido la desaparición de cualquier

vestigio de ocupación humana que hubiera sobre esas rocas. Por su trascendencia para

los estudios arqueológicos centraremos el estudio del efecto de las “rocas champiñón”

en dos zonas concretas:

1. La afloración rocosa sobre la que se construyó el “malecón”.

Esta afloración rocosa presenta en su cara este, hacia mar abierto, importantes

oquedades que indican que el proceso continua, encontrándose en la fase 1 que hemos

descrito. Delante de las rocas visibles, hacia mar abierto, se observan en el fondo del

mar tanto rocas sumergidas, en posición primaria, como rocas caídas, por lo que la base

rocosa cuando se construyó el “malecón” debía ser bastante más ancha que en la

actualidad. Esta circunstancia hace imposible que ese lugar fuera utilizado para la

aproximación de embarcaciones. Además el “malecón” se encuentra abierto a los

vientos de norte y levante que todavía harían más difícil el amarre de embarcaciones

(fig. 9). En el extremo norte, el que mira a Sant Martí, existen algunas rocas aisladas,

dispersas y sumergidas a una profundidad que hace imposible que hayan sido aéreas

en los dos últimos milenios. En la cara oeste, la que mira a la Neápolis, siempre son

visibles las rocas que sobresalen de la arena y que adquieren una gran extensión

después de un temporal de levante, que al arrastrar la arena, permite ver una amplia

superficie de rocas que hacen también imposible que por ese lado pudiera acercarse una

embarcación hasta el “malecón” (fig. 10).

2. La zona de las Muscleres Grosses.

Sabemos que de los dos grupos de rocas que forman las Muscleres Grosses uno

051

8. Roca champiñón

9. Cara este del “malecón”.

yadesgajada de su parte aérea y

caídaal fondo del mar, en donde se

situó, en posición invertida,sobre los bloques de piedra

trabajada que formaban elmuro construido sobre la roca.

Esta roca que pertenecióa la parte aérea de las

Muscleres Grosses se localizajunto a la de la figura 7

(ver figura 1, 9).

Esta construcción, por estartotalmente abierta a los vientos

dominantes y por las rocasexistentes, no pudo ser unlugar destinado al atraque

de embarcaciones.

ha reducido su parte aérea en una longitud, hacia el norte, de unos 90 m., y el otro, el

más exterior, ha perdido unos 25 m. de su parte aérea (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 63).

Gran parte de las Muscleres Grosses se encuentra actualmente bajo el agua,

formando una cresta rocosa al pie de la cual, en su cara oeste, se han localizado los

restos de varias “rocas champiñón” y centenares de bloques trabajados de piedra (fig.

8), algunos con marca de cantero, que proceden de una construcción que existió sobre

la parte aérea de las Muscleres Grosses ahora sumergida, (Nieto/Raurich 1998).

Recientes estudios de muestras extraídas de estos bloques nos han permitido identificar

las canteras de las que proceden los bloques. El 65% de las muestras analizadas

demuestran que los bloques fueron extraídos de las Muscleres Grosses y el resto

proceden mayoritariamente de Sant Martí d'Empúries, de les Muscleres Petites y de la

roca sobre la que se construyó el “malecón” . La ubicación de los bloques trabajados de

piedra puestos al descubierto por la excavación arqueológica subacuática nos permite

saber que ese muro tuvo una longitud de al menos 150 m.

Es bien conocida la capacidad del hombre, dependiendo de sus posibilidades

técnicas y económicas, para modificar el paisaje con el fin de adaptarlo a sus

necesidades. En esta adaptación rige un principio lógico de economía de esfuerzos y de

gasto económico. De esta manera el entorno físico influirá sobre las decisiones a tomar.

En Ampurias el ejemplo más claro es el del “malecón”, cuyas dimensiones, sus

límites, el ángulo con respecto al viento y las olas, incluso su forma y volumen vinieron

condicionados, en gran medida, por las posibilidades que ofrecía el afloramiento rocoso

sobre el que se construyó. Esto es aplicable a las obras en toda la fachada marítima y

especialmente a las realizadas dentro del agua, ya que no adaptarse a las ventajas

topográficas hubiera supuesto realizar obras extremadamente costosas. Es por lo tanto

necesario, en el momento de estudiar las obras llevadas a cabo en la fachada marítima

ampuritana, discernir entre aquello que hubiera sido deseable y aquello que era posible

con los condicionantes topográficos y los medios disponibles.

A la luz de lo dicho hasta ahora intentaremos aproximarnos a los procesos

tendentes a adaptar el paleopaisaje de la fachada marítima de Ampurias a las

necesidades humanas en cada momento y para ello trataremos individualizadamente

diversas unidades geográficas, que creemos que forman parte de un mismo proceso

3

La adecuación del paleopaisaje de la fachada marítima ampuritana a las necesidades

humanas

8 9

3 - Agradecemos al doctor Aureli Álvarezdel Departamento de Cristalografía y

Mineralogíade la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

el que haya llevadoa cabo este estudio que forma

parte del trabajo de licenciaturaque está desarrollando el

Sr. Xavier Aguelo.


052

10. Cara oeste del “malecón”.Las afloraciones rocosas asotavento de los vientosdominantes impiden que esteespacio fuera utilizado comorefugio para las embarcaciones.

histórico. En este trabajo cuando nos referimos a la

profundidad de un elemento con respecto al nivel actual

del mar tomamos como referencia el nivel oficialmente

aceptado que es el de Alicante y por otra parte para una

correcta interpretación arqueológica hay que tener en

cuenta que, tal como se ha comentado, el nivel del mar

estuvo más bajo que actualmente, por lo que para

interpretar correctamente los datos que ofrecemos, hay

que restar de la profundidad actual y dependiendo del

momento histórico unos 60 ó 70 cm.

The pilot sites

El puerto natural

et alii

et alii

Proponemos esta denominación para designar al espacio portuario

tradicionalmente reconocido en Ampurias entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis (fig. 1, 2).

Podríamos haberle denominado el puerto griego, pero sería enormemente inexacto

tanto como adscripción cultural como cronológica ya que nada hace pensar que no fuera

utilizado con anterioridad a la llegada de los masaliotas y posteriormente en época

romana. Nos parece más apropiada esta denominación ya que además nos permite

contraponerla a la de puerto artificial que utilizaremos para denominar a la zona portuaria

que se construyó a levante de la Neápolis, tal como veremos más adelante.

Actualmente es una depresión dedicada a tierras de cultivo en donde existió una

ensenada limitada al norte por el promontorio de Sant Martí de Empúries, al oeste por un

importante acantilado y al sur por la elevación de terreno sobre la que se construyó la

Neápolis, mientras que todo su lado este estuvo abierto y expuesto a los vientos de

levante y tramontana que son los más peligrosos de la zona, lo cual en principio le

convierte en un lugar poco idóneo para el fondeo de las naves (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 59-

60). A tenor de los vestigios arqueológicos localizados en Sant Martí d'Empúries, que

puede adscribirse al Bronce final II –IIIa o la primera etapa de transición de la Edad del

Bronce a la del Hierro en el Ampurdán, la ocupación humana se detecta desde un

momento anterior al 850-800 a.C. para hacerse claramente estable a partir de la primera

Edad del Hierro (Esteba/Pons 1999, 87-88), dentro de la segunda mitad del siglo VII a.C.,

momento en el cual ya se localizan en la zona algunos productos de importación del

ámbito fenicio y etrusco (Castanyer 1999, 125 y ss.) que indican la existencia de

contactos marítimos, directos o indirectos, pero que sin duda debieron realizarse

aprovechando el puerto natural adyacente. Estos primeros contactos comerciales se

consolidaron paulatinamente gracias al comercio foceo, intensificándose y

diversificándose y marcan un punto de inflexión a finales del siglo VI a.C. con la plena

presencia masaliota en la zona, momento a partir del cual y especialmente a partir de la

ocupación de la Neápolis, que cierra por el sur el espacio de la ensenada, la actividad en

el puerto no dejó de intensificarse. El siglo IV a.C. debió suponer un momento álgido

para la economía ampuritana teniendo en cuenta que es en ese periodo, algo antes de

mediados de la centuria, se construye la muralla que protegió la ciudad por el sur

(Sanmartí 1988, 195; 1992) y lo más probable es que esta capacidad económica

haya que ponerla en relación con la actividad comercial en su puerto.

El desembarco romano en el 218 a.C. y el papel jugado por la ciudad en la

estrategia romana generó una nueva dinámica y una capacidad económica, que

arqueológicamente es detectable por los profundos cambios edilicios que se producen

053

en el siglo II a.C., pujanza que tiene su momento de inflexión hacia el cambio de Era. No

se ha realizado ninguna excavación arqueológica en este puerto, si exceptuamos los

trabajos llevados a cabo en 1983, consistentes en una gran zanja que atravesando

perpendicularmente el paseo actualmente existente entre la Neápolis y la Palaiápolis

tenía como objetivo descubrir un posible muelle o una barrera rocosa que, actuando de

barrera de los sedimentos, habría posibilitado la colmatación del puerto y la formación

de la actual elevación del terreno bajo el paseo.

En aquel momento no se tuvo la fortuna de encontrar ningún vestigio. Sin embargo

las prospecciones geofísicas realizadas por el CEREGE en 2003 (fig. 11) ponen de

manifiesto (ver perfil 28, fig. 12) la existencia en esta zona de rocas aisladas que tienen

su cima a una profundidad de 5 m. por debajo del nivel actual del mar. De estas rocas

conocemos, gracias al perfil 28, su ubicación y su longitud norte-sur, pero no la este-

oeste, por lo que esta medida que hemos representado en la figura 15, 1, es hipotética.

Estas rocas, por sí mismas, dada la profundidad a la que aparecen, no

supondrían un obstáculo importante a la navegación, ya que para las grandes

embarcaciones romanas, con capacidad superior a las 6.000 ánforas, como son las de la

Madrague de Giens y Albenga, se calcula un puntal alrededor de los 4,5 m.

(Pomey/Tchernia 1978) lo que comportaría un calado de unos 3 m.. Sin embargo, en

caso de mala mar, estas rocas si que podrían ser un inconveniente, incluso para

embarcaciones menores, ya que producirían el rompimiento de la ola y una zona de mar

anormalmente alterada. A la ya comentada mala orientación del puerto con respecto a

los vientos dominantes, y a los inconvenientes originados por la presencia de estas rocas

hemos de añadir el escaso calado que presentaba esta ensenada en una buena parte de

su extensión.

Los perfiles 11, 18 (fig. 13) y 19, 20 y 23 (fig. 14) nos aportan dos informaciones

esenciales: la ubicación de la paleocosta y la profundidad de la ensenada, con respecto

al nivel actual del mar, por lo tanto el máximo calado de esta ensenada, pero no podemos

olvidar que el nivel del mar durante la antigüedad estaba más bajo, conforme a las cifras

que ya hemos propuesto. Para hacer más evidentes los datos, hemos unido con una

línea (fig. 15, 2) las informaciones disponibles sobre la ubicación de la paleocosta y con

otra (fig. 15, 3) la actual línea batimétrica de -3m., que correspondería aproximadamente

a 2,30-2,40 m. en la antigüedad. Hemos elegido la batimétrica de -3 m. considerando que

calados menores no serían aptos para embarcaciones de gran porte y porque creemos

que en profundidades menores se produciría el efecto de rotura de ola que estamos

acostumbrados a ver en las playas, lo cual haría realmente complicado el fondeo de

embarcaciones. Se dibujan así unas amplias zonas de calado inferior a los 3 m., siendo la

más extensa la que recorrería todo el fondo de la ensenada, en el oeste, al pie del

acantilado y que adquiriría su anchura máxima al sudoeste (fig. 15, 4), al pie de la

terraza del actual museo.

Hacia el este (fig. 15, 5) aparece una zona altamente interesante debido a que en

ese lugar el promontorio rocoso sobre el que se construyó la Neápolis forma un pequeño

acantilado (fig. 16), que ya fue excavado por Gandía en el año 1921 (Mar/Ruiz deArbulo

1993, 75-76, fig. b de la pág.71) y situado curiosamente al final de la calle que partiendo

del ángulo noroeste del ágora, se dirige hasta el puerto, pareciendo indicar esta

distribución urbana la necesidad de de conectar la plaza pública con esa zona concreta

del puerto. Es precisamente ese lugar el único de la fachada septentrional de la Neápolis

en donde la profundidad del mar debió superar, aunque escasamente, los 3 m.


054

11

12

13

14

15

16

18

19

2023

24

25

28

29

30

11. Ubicación de los perfilesgeofísicos realizados en elaño 2003 en la fachadamarítima de Empúries por elCEREGE-UMR 6635 ypresentados en este trabajo.

con respecto al nivel actual. Esta zona de buen calado es

pequeña, en realidad un fondo de saco, ya que hacia el

este, ens en donde se encuentra el malecón, no existía

mar, como se desprende de los datos aportados por el

perfil 16 (fig. 21). Creemos que la zona del pequeño

acantilado que estamos comentando, por existir calado

suficiente, por estar comunicada con el ágora y por ser el

lugar mas protegido del puerto en caso de flojos vientos

de levante, pudo ser el embarcadero más idóneo de la

Neápolis, aunque totalmente inadecuado con vientos de

tramontana. Al norte del puerto, ocupando toda la

fachada sur de la Palaiápolis (fig. 15, 6) y prácticamente

todo el istmo hasta el promontorio rocoso sobre el que se

construyó la ciudad romana, se extiende otra amplia

zona de profundidad inferior a los 3 m. En este lugar,

como hacen evidente los perfiles 25 y 29 (fig. 17) existía

The pilot sites

una amplia plataforma terrestre y todavía hoy son visibles importantes afloramientos de

la roca natural (fig. 18) que ponen en entredicho la insularidad de la Palaiápolis. En este

lugar al sureste de la Palaiápolis se conoce desde el plano publicado por Passa en 1823

la existencia de estructuras arquitectónicas a nivel de playa y personalmente onocemos

la existencia de un posible y pequeño muro submarino que corre en dirección este-oeste

(Nieto/Raurich 1998, 57). Desde el texto de Estrabón, se vino considerando a la

Palaiápolis como una isla, lo cual ha dado lugar a pensar que en algún momento de la

historia el río Fluvià desembocó entre el asentamiento griego y tierra firme. Estudios

geológicos recientes descartan la insularidad de la Palaiápolis (Marzoli 2005, 82, figs. 27,

28 y 29) considerándola una península. Hemos realizado los perfiles 24 y 30 (fig. 19) con

el fin de estudiar la supuesta insularidad de la Palaiápolis y tal como pone de manifiesto el

perfil 24, la Palaiápolis corresponde mucho más a una península que a una isla. Sin

embargo el perfil 30 que realizamos más al oeste de los efectuados por Marzoli (2005, fig.

28) muestra la existencia de de un paso (fig. 15, 7), justo al pie del promontorio y con una

profundidad superior a la del nivel del mar en época antigua. Se trata de una abertura

enormemente pequeña, alrededor de 15 m. de amplitud, que podría haber permitido el

paso de embarcaciones entre el puerto natural y el Fluviá, pero la angostura de este

paso, unido a la escasa profundidad del puerto natural en las zonas adyacentes, (ver

perfil 29 en la fig. 17) junto a las aportaciones sedimentarias del Fluviá pudieron hacer

impracticable el paso de embarcaciones o permitirlo de manera intermitente.

Resumiendo, podemos decir que en un contexto tectónico estable en el Holoceno

final y considerando para ese momento un nivel del mar de alrededor de 60/70 cm. por

debajo del actual, según los datos aportados por la excavación en la plaza Jules Verne de

Marsella (Morhange 2001), buena parte del puerto natural de Ampurias, en sus

lados oeste y sur y en prácticamente toda la fachada de la Palaiápolis y su istmo

presentaba una profundidad muy escasa, lo cual, en una ensenada totalmente abierta a

los vientos de levante y tramontana produciría, como ocurre en cualquier playa, el

rompimiento de la ola convirtiendo el lugar en muy poco apto para el fondeo de las naves.

Sólo una parte de la ensenada, la situada en el centro, ligeramente hacia la Palaiápolis,

presenta una profundidad superior a los 6 m., tal como se aprecia en el extremo norte del

perfil 18 (fig. 13) y el extremo este del perfil 19 (fig. 14). Sin embargo en esta zona, en

et alii

055

C4 C5

Limos orgánicos

Arenas marinas

Substrato calcáreo

12. Perfil geofísico 28 (ver figura 11).A unos cinco metros por debajo del nivel actual del mar existen unas formaciones rocosas que forman una barrera intermitente entre la Neápolis yla Palaiápolis, por debajo de la actual carretera.

13. Perfiles geofísico 18 y 11 (ver figura 11).Perfil 18.- Efectuado en la dársena del puerto natural en dirección norte-sur, con una separación de tres metros entre electrodos. Muestra la líneade costa en la Neápolis, junto a la terraza del Museo y una amplia zona hacia el norte, de muy escasa profundidad, unos dos metros. El substratocalcáreo hace pendiente hacia el centro del puerto, en donde se alcanzan profundidades de entre 6 y 8 metros. Las informaciones proporcionadaspor las dos columnas sedimentológicas, C4 y C5, proceden de Blech et alii 1998.Perfil 11.- Muestra la ubicación de la línea de costa y la presencia de una amplia anomalía junto a los muros del extremo norte de la Neápolis y quepodría corresponder a un importante muro que correría en dirección este-oeste.

momentos de mala mar se notaría el efecto de rotura de ola originado por la barrera de

escollos submarinos que se localizan bajo el actual paseo que une la Neápolis con la

Palaiápolis. Sólo dos lugares parecen ser algo adecuados para el fondeo de las naves en

este puerto natural, uno al sur del promontorio de la Palaiápolis, pero alejado de la

protección de la elevación rocosa por la playa, que ofrecería cierta protección en

momentos de floja tramontana y otro, pero sólo en caso de buen tiempo, en el pequeño y

estrecho acantilado al final de la calle proveniente del ágora de la Neápolis.

Probablemente la existencia de unas playas ubicadas en la fachada sur de la

Palaiápolis y especialmente en el ángulo sur occidental del puerto junto a la terraza del

actual museo, permitiría varar las embarcaciones pequeñas y medianas y ofrecería un

espacio adecuado de trabajo y de comercio.

Hace más de veinte años que Marqués y Julià (1983a) efectuaron una serie de

columnas geológicas que pusieron de manifiesto una estratigrafía marina regresiva,

caracterizada por sedimentos lagunares orgánicos encima de un estrato de arena.


056

13. Perfiles geofísicos 19,20 y 23 (ver figura 11).Efectuados en la dársena del puerto natural, en dirección este-oeste y con una distancia de 2 m. entre electrodos. Se observa como el substratocalcáreo aparece inclinado hacia el norte y hacia el este, de tal modo que partiendo de profundidades inferiores a tres metros, junto a la Neápolis y elacantilado que cierra el puerto por el oeste, se va ganando lentamente profundidad hacia la Palaiápolis y el mar abierto.

The pilot sites

Creemos que esta capa sedimentaria debe ser la misma excavada en el puerto

artificial ante la Neápolis y por lo tanto su formación es posterior a las primeras décadas

del siglo V d.C. Finalmente el puerto se colmató con arenas de aportación eólica. Otro

equipo, en esta ocasión del Instituto Arqueológico Alemán, extrajo una columna

sedimentaria (C5 perfil 18) de alrededor de 7 m. de longitud (Blech 1998) que nos

permite saber que el puerto natural presenta una capa de sedimentos marinos

transgresivos datados entre 3.500 y 2.000 BP, recubierta por limos orgánicos lagunares

et alii

057

1

11

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

3

2

15. Algunas de las unidadestopográficas y arqueológicas

que se mencionan en el texto.1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12

13.

14

Barrera de rocas queaparecen a unos 5 m. por

debajo del nivel actual del mar.Ubicación de la línea decosta en la antigüedad.

Línea batimétrica de menos3 m. con respecto al nivel

actual del mar y quecorrespondería a una

profundidad de agua de unos2,30 m. en época antigua.Paleocosta existente el la

antigüedad y que permitiría elvarado de las embarcaciones.

Acantilado puesto aldescubierto en 1921 por

Gandia y que correspondería aun posible punto de atraque de

embarcaciones.Paleocosta existente el la

antigüedad y que permitiría elvarado de las embarcaciones.

Posible paso, deescasamente 15 m. de

anchura, existente entre elpuerto natural y el río.

Muro este-oeste,perpendicular al extremo sur

del “malecón” y que separa, alnorte y sur, dos espacios con

problemáticas náuticasdiferentes.

Ubicación bajo el agua de latorre más oriental de la muralladel siglo IV a.C. y que cerraba

la ciudad por el sur.Línea que marca la

máxima presencia hacia el surde las piedras que formaban

una construcción sobre lacresta rocosa natural que se

extiende, en ese mismo lugar,entre extremo sudeste de la

Neápolis y las MuscleresGrosses.

Rocas submarinas queactualmente aparecen a unaprofundidad de alrededor de

1,8 m. y que suponen un seriopeligro para la navegación en

esa zona.. Extensión submarina de las

Muscleres Grosses.Línea que marca la máxima

extensión hacia el oeste de losbloques de piedra trabajada

procedentes del dique queexistió sobre las Muscleres

Gosses.. La llamada “piscina” en la

que se han encontradonumerosos bloque de piedratrabajada procedentes de un

edificio que debió existir en sulado suroeste.

que evidencian un espacio cerrado. Recientemente Marzoli (2005), ha establecido que

existen cinco estratos importantes en el puerto natural de Ampurias: el primer estrato

con una potencia de 1,50 m., formado por arcillas de grano fino y arcillas arenosas. Un

segundo estrato, de 50 cm. de potencia, llegaría hasta -2 m. y estaría formado por arena

con granulado medio con una composición mineralógica de cuarzo, feldespato,

magnesio y minerales ferruginosos y crisolitos. El tercer estrato de 3 m. de potencia (de

los -2 m. a los -5 m.) estaría compuesto por arenas de granulado grande, con una

composición mineralógica similar a la del estrato superior. Entre los -3,55 m. y los -3,60

m. aparece una capa de arcillas de un color mas claro. El cuarto estrato que va de -5 m. a

los -5,20 m. estaría formado por un conglomerado de diferentes calcáreas junto con

fauna marina y tres fragmentos de cerámica ibérica. Este estrato tiene una cronología de

2020 +/- 70 BP cal. Finalmente existe un estrato desde -5,20 m. a -6,60 m., formado por

sedimentaciones y sustratos del mesoceno. (Marzoli 2005, 82)

Creemos posible que la capa de arcillas, en este caso de escaso espesor, que

aparece sobre un estrato de arena que a su vez reposa sobre otro con presencia de

material arqueológico pueda tener su correspondencia con la localizada entre el

“malecón” y las Muscleres Grosses en donde también existen zonas en las cuales el

espeso de esta capa de arcillas es de escasos centímetros. Por otra parte la total

abertura del puerto natural hacia levante y tramontana debió generar unos fenómenos de

sedimentación diferentes a los del puerto artificial.

Sería erróneo preguntarse simplemente si este era un buen puerto natural o no, ya

que su idoneidad dependerá de la función que se le quiera dar. Esta es una ensenada,

fácilmente defendible y controlable, rodeada de acantilados y zonas elevadas, con un

núcleo de población en cada extremo y provista de dos amplias playas, una al norte junto

a la Palaiápolis y otra al oeste y sudoeste junto a la Neápolis, que permitían sacar las

embarcaciones del agua en caso de temporal, disponer de espacio para atarazanas y

para el comercio. Este parece, en principio, un lugar enormemente idóneo para una


058

16. Foto realizada hacia 1945 yque muestra, ya enterrado enparte, el acantilado que localizóGandia en la excavación de1921. (Archivo MAC-Empúries).

actividad comercial de tipo empórico Este mismo lugar

no permitiría la protección de grandes embarcaciones y la

llegada, descarga, almacenamiento y redistribución de

grandes cantidades de mercancías, por lo que un cambio

en la intensidad, la organización del comercio y en las

características técnicas de las embarcaciones, hicieron

inadecuado este espacio portuario.

Es la zona que marca el límite sur del puerto

natural, la zona de contacto con la parte de la ciudad en

donde se han encontrado los materiales arqueológicos

más antiguos. Esta zona, que se extiende desde la

terraza y muro de contención del museo, en el oeste,

hasta el límite administrativo del conjunto arqueológico,

.

La fachada norte de la neápolis

The pilot sites

con la valla, la carretera y la duna que llega hasta el “malecón”, ha experimentado

importantes cambios en su topografía original. Consideramos que es necesario

prescindir de estos inconvenientes físicos y administrativos modernos y estudiar las

diversas unidades topográficas que existieron en este espacio.

Se trata del ángulo sudoeste del puerto, en donde la costa forma un mínimo rincón

entre los acantilados del oeste y un pequeño promontorio al este sobre el que se alza la

Neápolis. correspondería al espacio adjunto al muro de contención de la

terraza del museo. En este lugar la costa forma un rincón (fig. 15,4) en donde, del muro

de contención de la terraza del museo emerge hacia el norte, a la altura del puerto

natural, la muralla que cerraba la ciudad por el oeste. En esa zona el extremo sur del perfil

18 (fig. 13) y el oeste del perfil 20 (fig. 14) nos muestran la existencia de una paleocosta y

ante ella el más amplio espacio del puerto donde la profundidad era inferior a 3 m. Se

trata del espacio más inadecuado del puerto para el fondeo de grandes naves, tanto por

el poco calado como por el movimiento de la lámina de agua como consecuencia de la

rotura de la ola, hecho especialmente importante en esta área que es, desprovista de la

protección de la Palaiápolis, en donde el viento de tramontana actuaría con más

virulencia. Es también una zona sin ninguna protección contra los vientos de levante. Sin

embargo, por la paleocosta, por ser anexa a la ciudad y por su lejanía a mar abierto, es la

zona más adecuada del puerto para el varado de las embarcaciones y para la realización

de trabajos relacionados con las actividades náuticas. En esta zona desconocemos

cómo y dónde acababa la muralla oeste de la ciudad, que a tenor del resto conservado

sabemos que se introducía en esta área portuaria casi a ras de la lámina de agua. El

acceso a la ciudad se efectuaría por la calle, con una importante cloaca, que corre

paralela a la fachada del museo y que actualmente permite el acceso al bar situado en los

terrenos del puerto.

Correspondería al espacio comprendido entre la zona que acabamos de comentar

y el acantilado situado al este y que excavó Gandía en el 1921, en este lugar el perfil 11

El extremo occidental

Grosso modo

El espacio intermedio

059

17. Perfiles geofísicos 25 y 29(ver figura 11).

Perfil 25.- Realizado al pie delmontículo de la Palaiápolis,

paralelo a su fachada sur.Muestra que el substrato duroaflora, por lo que esta zona noestuvo cubierta por las aguas

en la antigüedad.Perfil 29.- Efectuado

perpendicular al istmo de laPalaiápolis en su

cara sur. El substrato calcáreoaparece en el nivel actual del

mar o claramente porencima,en su

parte norte (ver figura 18).Ambos perfiles muestran que

en la cara sur de la Palaiápolisy de su importante istmo,

existió unaamplia paleocosta, junto a laque se extendía una zona de

muyescasa profundidad. Era un

espacio que permitía poner lasnaves a seco, pero impedía la

aproximación de las navespara situarse a resguardo de la

tramontana.

(fig. 13) ha puesto de manifiesto una importante anomalía que se encuentra cubierta por

escasos centímetros de tierra y que podría tratarse de un importante muro que discurriría

en dirección este-oeste junto a los muros de las habitaciones existentes en ese lugar.

Afalta de una excavación arqueológica nada podemos decir de este muro, que por

su aparente importancia, por la dirección que sigue, por su ubicación en un extremo de la

Neápolis, sobre el puerto y por su sensible alineación con el muro que existe en la playa,

junto al malecón y perpendicular a él, cabe la posibilidad que forme parte de un sistema

de protección de la ciudad por su lado norte. Desde el punto de vista náutico no parece

que esta zona desempeñara una función importante.

Hacia el este y adyacente a la zona que acabamos de comentar y formando el

extremo más septentrional de la Neápolis el terreno el algo mas abrupto acabando la

ciudad en un pequeño acantilado sobre el puerto. En este lugar (fig. 15, 5) Gandía realizó

una excavación en 1921, llegando hasta el nivel de agua, que no ofreció más evidencias

antrópicas que unos recortes en la roca natural. La excavación permite comprobar que la

paleocosta cae a pico (fig. 16) y el extremo este del perfil 20 (fig. 14) nos muestra que el

mar debió tener una profundidad ligeramente superior a los 3 m. Estas dos

circunstancias juntas permitirían, en momentos de buena mar, la aproximación a tierra

de embarcaciones de mediano porte, por lo que este lugar podría haber sido utilizado

como embarcadero con una alta frecuentación humana hecho que vendría corroborado,

por existir una calle que pone en contacto este posible embarcadero con una parte tan

esencial de la ciudad como es el ágora.

El acantilado


060

18. Importante afloramientorocoso que aparece en elistmo de la Palaiápolis y quepone en cuestión la insularidaddel asentamiento.

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La zona de las dunas

La zona del “malecón”

Hacia el este de la zona anterior, el terreno actual

inicia un ligero declive hacia el mar, al tiempo que los

restos arqueológicos van quedando enterrados por la

carretera, la duna y la vegetación que en este momento

separa la Neápolis del “malecón”. Esta circunstancia nos

impide conocer la topografía y la arqueología, por lo que

sólo podremos elaborar hipótesis a partir de los restos

arqueológicos y los datos que conocemos a un lado y otro

de estos obstáculos.

Aquí la paleocosta avanza sensiblemente hacia el

este adentrándose en el mar formando un importante

saliente hasta el afloramiento rocoso sobre el que se construyó el “malecón” (fig. 1, 11).

En esta zona, al estar fuera del recinto vallado del yacimiento arqueológico, separada de

él por barreras físicas y visuales, se produce el efecto psicológico de considerarla como

algo lejano e independiente de la Neápolis, cuando en realidad bajo las dunas continúan

los restos arquitectónicos y cuando la distancia desde el “malecón” a los restos

actualmente visibles de la Neápolis es de unos escasos 100 m. (fig. 4). En este lugar el

resto arquitectónico más impresionante es el “malecón” un enorme muro de 79,40 m. de

largo por 4,80 m. de altura y 5,30 m. de ancho (Sanmartí 1995), formado por un cuerpo de

argamasa y pequeñas piedras y forrado con grandes bloques de piedra.

De su extremo sur, que acababa prácticamente donde lo hace ahora (Sanmartí

1995, 168), partía, perpendicularmente hacia el oeste, un muro (fig. 15, 8), ahora muy

arrasado, de menor tamaño pero muy similar en cuanto a la técnica constructiva, un

cuerpo de , forrado, al menos por su cara norte por bloques de

Este muro era ya conocido en 1883 y desde entonces se ha visto en mayor o en

menor extensión en función de los movimientos de la arena que actualmente lo cubre.

Conviene recordar que en el plano de las ruinas publicado por Pella y Forgas (1883)

aparece este muro al sur del malecón y que alineado con él, hacia el oeste, el autor marca

otro fragmento de muro. Este mismo muro aparece, con más detalle y extensión, en el

plano realizado por J.Busquets (Mar/Ruiz de Arbulo 1993, 60-61) que, si es observado

con atención, permite ver hacia el oeste y alineado con el muro que estamos

comentando, otro fragmento de muro que probablemente sea el que Pella y Forgas

pudo ver y dibujar con mayor amplitud y no descartamos que pueda, aún en el caso de

que no sea el mismo, tener la misma función que el que ha puesto de manifiesto el perfil

11 (fig. 13) y que hemos comentado anteriormente.

Este muro ha perdido casi todos los grandes bloques que lo forraban, pero

esporádicamente, cuando lo destapan los temporales de mar, puede apreciarse todavía

un bloque en su cara norte (fig. 20), confiriendo al conjunto un aspecto similar,

aunque en pequeña escala, al del “malecón”. Se trata de una importante construcción,

adosada a la cual, en su cara sur, aparece una serie de muros paralelos al descrito

(fig. 23) y que como aquel se pierden actualmente bajo la duna.

En esta zona hemos efectuado los perfiles 15 y 16 (fig. 21). El 15 al lado sur del

muro que estamos comentando y el 16 al lado norte, al oeste del “malecón”. Es

opus caementicium opus

siliceum.

in situ

061

19. Perfiles geofísicos 24 y 30(ver figura 11)

Realizados siguiendo el istmode la Palaiápolis, el 24 al estey el 30 al oeste. Se observa la

afloración de los materialesduros por encima del nivel del

mar lo cual confiere a laPalaiápolis la característica deuna península. A pesar de ello,

al pie del acantilado de tierrafirme, los materiales duros

caen casi a pico, hasta unaprofundidad de más de cuatro

metros por debajo del nivelactual del mar,

originándose un paso muyestrecho, de unos 15 m. de

anchura, en donde debióexistiragua.

interesante comprobar que este importante muro, que corre en dirección este oeste y

que creemos que estructuralmente unía con el “malecón”, delimita dos espacios con

problemáticas náuticas distintas. Al norte, el perfil 16 muestra que el substrato calcáreo

prácticamente aflora en la actualidad por lo que considerando que el nivel del mar era

más bajo en época romana, debemos concluir que toda esa zona era tierra en aquel

momento, como lo es ahora. Al contrario, el perfil 15 muestra cómo el substrato rocoso

aparece mucho más profundo, con una fuerte pendiente hacia el ágora ampuritana y que

permite alcanzar profundidades de hasta 3-4 m. antes de llegar a la fachada de la plaza

de la ciudad griega. El ágora, la stoa y una zona con calado suficiente para la

aproximación de las naves crean un espacio especialmente adecuado para los

intercambios comerciales, especialmente tras los cambios urbanísticos operados en

esta parte de la ciudad en el siglo II a.C. (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 69) De esta zona se han

presentado en numerosas ocasiones, dibujos reconstructivos repitiendo dos errores

importantes: uno es el considerar que el llamado “malecón” continuaba unos cuantos

metros más hacia Sant Martí d'Empúries cerrando en parte y protegiendo el puerto

ubicado entre la Neápolis y la Palaiápolis. Esto es imposible por dos razones: una que la

base rocosa sobre la que se asienta la obra no continúa hacia el norte, lo cual hubiera

obligado a construir sobre una base inestable o ir a buscar la roca levantando la arena

bajo las aguas, lo cual es posible, pero costoso, pero la prueba más clara de que el

“malecón” no continuaba hacia el norte es que esta obra, realizada con argamasa y

cascajo y forrada con grandes bloques, está perfectamente rematada en su extremo

norte (fig. 22), conservando los bloques de forro, que se convierten en la prueba de que el

límite norte actual es el que siempre tuvo (Sanmartí 1995, 167).


062

20. Del extremo sur del“malecón” saleperpendicularmente haciael oeste, un importante muro(ver figura 15,8), actualmentemuy destruido al haberdesaparecido los grandesbloques de piedraque lo recubrían, al menos porsu cara norte. En la fotografíapuede apreciarse, en laizquierda, el único bloque depiedra que permanece in situ.

The pilot sites

Otro error habitual es el de representar

embarcaciones amarradas al “malecón” por su cara

oeste y defender para esta obra una función de dique de

protección del espacio marítimo situado hacia tierra. Ya

hemos indicado que junto a la cara oeste del “malecón”

no existió nunca profundidad suficiente para el fondeo de

las naves, bien al contrario, por todas partes afloran las

rocas contra las que se hubiera destruido cualquier

embarcación que intentara aproximarse.

La situación hacia el sur es diferente, tal como la

muestra el perfil 15, allí en la antigüedad deberíamos

ganar nivel de agua conforme nos alejáramos del muro

este-oeste. En esta zona existen una serie de muros

paralelos, perpendiculares al mar y que aparecen

actualmente enormemente desfigurados tanto por la

destrucción originada por los temporales marítimos como por las sucesivas y

desafortunadas restauraciones que han padecido (fig. 23). Por otra parte, la duna

existente nos impide saber cuantos de estos muros existieron. Lo que sabemos es que

desde el muro este-oeste del extremo sur del “malecón” hasta el último vestigio de muro

que se pierde en la duna hay una distancia de 58 m. Estas paredes delimitan

habitaciones rectangulares para las que, con las precauciones derivadas de la mala

conservación de los restos, deducimos una anchura, para las dos mejor conservadas, de

8,77 m. y 8 m., por una longitud desconocida. Estas estancias presentan en medio unos

potentes pilares de algo más de un metro de anchura. Suponiendo que estos muros se

distribuyan regularmente y sabiendo que la distancia del primero al último de los visibles

en este momento es de 58 m., en este espacio podrían adosarse seis de estas estancias.

Volviendo a la función del “malecón” y una vez establecido que no es un muelle y

que tampoco sirve para proteger a sotavento unas naves, ya que no existía mar, podría

aducirse que esta obra podría servir para proteger el embarcadero que hemos

propuesto, ya dentro del puerto natural, en el pequeño acantilado que excavó Gandia en

1921. Sólo decir que, por la distancia existente, 100 m., por la alineación de los puntos

con referencia a los vientos dominantes y por el tamaño del “malecón”, esta obra no

podía proteger ni del levante ni de la tramontana a las embarcaciones allí atracadas.

Descartamos por lo tanto que el llamado “malecón” tenga una función náutica y

creemos que debe ser puesto en relación con el gran muro este-oeste que parte de su

extremo sur hacia la Neápolis, con el que presenta la misma técnica constructiva,

( y ) y con las estancias que acabamos de describir.

La ubicación, la topografía de la zona circundante y la sorprendente longitud

exigua del malecón, 80 m., convierten a la obra en inapropiada para una función náutica y

creemos que está más bien relacionada con actividades desarrolladas en tierra firme y

que su función podría ser doble. Creemos como más probable que el malecón y el muro

este-oeste forman parte del sistema defensivo general de la ciudad y su puerto y en

primer término de las estancias ubicadas en la playa que acabamos de comentar y cuya

función se nos escapa, pero que debió ser importante en la actividad del puerto artificial,

teniendo en cuenta su calidad constructiva y sus dimensiones.

Cabe también la posibilidad, a modo de mera sugerencia, que el malecón pudiera

además realizar una función defensiva del acceso marítimo al puerto artificial.Teniendo

caementicium siliceum

063

21. Perfiles geofísicos 15 y 16(ver figura 11).

Realizados paralelos al mar.El perfil 15 al sur del muro de la

figura 20 y el 16 al norte.Los perfiles 15 y 16 nos

muestran como el muro dividedos espacios con

problemáticas náuticasdistintas. Hacia el norte, a

sotavento del “malecón” (perfil16) no existió profundidad

suficiente para aproximarse, nitan sólo pequeñas

embarcaciones para poderatracar o resgurdarse. Al surdel muro (perfil 15) la costa

presenta un declive continuadoque permite alcanzar

profundidades de agua dehasta de cuatro metros al final

del perfil, profundidad quedebió ser mayor en la fachada

del ágoraemporitana.

en cuenta la paleotopografía, no disponer de este muro hubiera dejado desprotegidas,

ante cualquier desembarco hostil, toda la zona situada al oeste de la fortificación, hasta la

Neápolis y toda la fachada este de la ciudad y probablemente la bocana del puerto

artificial. La necesidad de una construcción defensiva en esta zona y la necesidad de

edificarla en el único sitio posible, aprovechando la afloración rocosa, un lugar

fuertemente batido por los temporales, justificaría la robustez de la obra.

Cabe citar dos detalles constructivos del “malecón” poco conocidos. Uno es la

diferencia de altitud entre el extremo norte y sur. Caminando sobre el malecón la

superficie presenta pendiente hacia el extremo norte que se encuentra un metro más

alto que el extremo sur. Otro detalle es que la roca natural sobre la que se asienta la obra

presenta, junto al extremo sudeste del “malecón”, hasta cuatro agujeros cuadrados

correspondientes al alojamiento de los andamios necesarios para efectuar obras en el

monumento. La datación de esta fortificación ya la intentó Almagro (1962) a partir de

fragmentos cerámicos encontrados incrustados en la obra, que le permitieron fechar la

construcción entre el 195 y el 150 a.C. Años más tarde Enric Sanmartí, siguiendo la

misma metodología, localizó otros fragmentos cerámicos a partir de los que sólo pudo

constatar la falta de evidencias de época imperial y por lo tanto datar la construcción en

época romano-republicana, y dada la envergadura de la obra y la evolución histórica de

la ciudad, sugirió que esta construcción debió realizarse en un momento de pujanza

económica, hacia mediados del siglo II a.C., momento en que la ciudad experimentó

importantes cambios urbanísticos (Sanmartí 1995, 171).

La pujanza económica en el siglo II a.C. hizo posible que la ciudad se ampliara

hacia el sur, obra que supuso la eliminación en esa zona de la anterior muralla datada en

los inicios del segundo cuarto del siglo IV a.C. y la construcción de una nueva (Sanmartí

La fachada sur de la neápolis: el extremo oriental de la muralla del siglo IV a.c.


064

22 23

22.

23.

En contra de algunashipótesis que pretender que el“malecón” continuaba hacia elnorte, la presencia denumerosos bloques de piedra,todavía insitu, de los que forran elmonumento, nos permitenasegurar que el “malecón”siempre acabó donde lo haceahora.. En la parte inferior de laobra puede apreciarseperfectamente la restauraciónefectuada siguiendo unproyecto de 1958 y que eliminóla gran oquedad que seobserva en lafoto de la figura 4.

Estancias situadas al surdel muro de la figura 20 (verfigura 15,8) y que por suubicación y característicasarquitectónicas debían ser unelementoimportante de la infraestructuraportuaria emporitana.

The pilot sites

et alii

et alii

1988, 1992). La muralla del siglo IV a.C., provista de torres cuadradas y con un

paramento de grandes bloques apenas desbastados pero lo suficiente para darles una

forma de paralelepípedo, se prolongaba hacia el mar quedando desde inicios del siglo

XX más allá de lo que actualmente es el recinto vallado del yacimiento arqueológico, lo

cual permitió que ya en 1911 fuera desmontada e incluso dinamitada para poder

construir el camino forestal al servicio de la fijación de las dunas.

Es por esta razón que una torre de esta muralla del s.IV a.C. quedó bajo el

pavimento de la actual carretera perimetral del yacimiento, pero pudo ser parcialmente

excavada y vuelta a tapar en 1992 (Sanmartí 1996). Es de destacar que durante la

excavación del 1992 no se pudo excavar la parte oriental de la torre ya que allí habían

crecido unos pinos que la normativa forestal impidió quitar, por lo que, aparte de conocer

sólo parcialmente el ya deteriorado monumento, no se pudo saber si la muralla

continuaba en alguna dirección. En 2003 y dentro del programa de estudio submarino de

la fachada sur del puerto artificial de Ampurias se excavó un conjunto de bloques de

piedra (fig. 15, 9) que se extendían desde escasos centímetros por debajo del nivel

actual del mar hasta 119 cm. de profundidad en donde los bloques se asentaban

perfectamente sobre la roca natural. Se documentaron 135 bloques de piedra que

mayoritariamente están toscamente desbastados para darle forma de paralelepípedo,

aunque uno, el mayor, el número 100 (fig. 24), presenta todas sus caras muy bien

trabajadas, midiendo 237 cm. de largo por 108 cms. de ancho y 91 cm. de alto. Este es un

caso excepcional, situándose las medidas habituales entorno a 100x80x60 cm. aunque

las medidas son extremadamente variadas. Estos 135 bloques documentados, más

algunos cuya documentación fue imposible por estar situados debajo de los anteriores,

se extienden en una superficie aproximadamente rectangular que mide unos 17 m. de

este a oeste y 15 m. de norte a sur. La concentración de bloques es más intensa en la

zona perimetral y menos en el centro dando la impresión de que cuando estaban en su

posición original existía un hueco en el centro (figs. 25 y 26). El hecho de que estos

bloques se asienten directamente sobre la roca y que se encuentren a tan escasa

profundidad ha producido que haya desaparecido cualquier evidencia estratigráfica ya

que la zona es removida en cada temporal de levante. De hecho sobre la roca natural se

localizan botellas y latas de refresco, lo cual indica que la datación directa del conjunto es

imposible. Por otra parte la violencia de las olas ha desmontado el conjunto y aunque

065

aparecen bloques superpuestos hasta en tres hiladas

todo el conjunto ofrece el aspecto de un derrumbe (fig.

27). No tenemos ninguna duda de que se trata de una

construcción arqueológica, ya que una concentración tan

importante de bloques trabajados en una zona concreta y

el hecho de que piedras de tan enormes dimensiones

aparezcan unas encima de otras, sólo es posible debido a

una acción humana intencionada. Hacia la ciudad la

cantidad de bloques, aun siendo abundante, disminuye

pero formando una línea que desaparece bajo la arena de

la playa. El perfil 14 (fig. 28) tuvo como objetivo detectar

estos bloques bajo la arena de la playa y efectivamente la

prospección geofísica puso en evidencia una anomalía

24. Bloque número 100 de latorre más oriental de la muralla

del siglo IV a.C. (ver figura15,9). Mide 237x108x91 cms.

cuya base se encuentra a unos 2 m. por debajo del nivel actual del mar. Si desde la

acumulación de bloques submarinos trazamos una línea que pase por el lugar de la

anomalía geofísica en la playa (fig.15), comprobamos que esta línea nos conduce, por

una parte, hacia el extremo sudoeste de las Muscleres Grosses y por la otra hacia el

extremo oriental de la ciudad para unirse en muralla que en el siglo IV a.C. cerró la

Neápolis por su lado meridional, con la que se une en oblicuo. Creemos que la

acumulación de bloques detectada bajo el agua corresponde a los restos del bastión

más oriental de la muralla del siglo IV a.C. y que este bastión debía estar unido mediante

un muro a la torre actualmente situada bajo el asfalto de la carretera y excavada en 1992

por Enric Sanmartí.

En 1998 publicábamos (Nieto/Raurich 1998) la existencia de un puerto, hasta ese

momento desconocido y que se ubicaba frente a la fachada este de la Neápolis y que

había aprovechado la topografía de la zona, especialmente la presencia de lasMuscleres

Grosses para su construcción. Los trabajos desde entonces se han centrado en delimitar

el perímetro de ese puerto para lo que han continuado las investigaciones en la fachada

este, en las Muscleres Grosses y en la fachada sur, quedando en estos momentos

pendiente de estudio la cara norte, tras lo que creemos que dispondremos de

información suficiente para iniciar estudios de detalle en el interior de la dársena, en la

que hasta el momento sólo se han hecho algunos sondeos, cuyos resultados más

interesantes para este artículo, los hemos expuesto al hablar de la aportación de

sedimentos por los ríos de la zona. La otra fase de estudio sería la excavación de la

fachada este, en tierra, en donde se encuentran las estancias que hemos comentado.

Es en esta zona, en su extremo oeste, junto a la playa, en donde se encuentra la

torre, probablemente del siglo IV a.C. que acabamos de comentar. Hacia el este de esta

torre, en dirección a las Muscleres continúan apareciendo centenares de piedras, de talla

diferente a las de la torre, ya que son más pequeñas y en general más burdamente

desbastadas, además aparecen más desordenadas, pero formando una franja (fig.

15,10) hacia el extremo suroeste de la Muscleres, en donde estos bloques pueden verse

a ras de agua e incluso alguno en la orilla del mar sobre las Muscleres . Toda la zona,

El puerto artificial

La fachada sur

4

4 - En esta zona no se trata de bloquesmás o menos escuadrados, si no de

piedras burdamente desbastadas y detamaños muy diversos. La documentación

planimétrica de detalle de estas piedrasno está todavía acabada por lo que en la

figura 15 sólo se han marcado algunas deellas, junto a las Muscleres, y una línea(Fig. 15,10), que marca el límite sur de

aparición de estas piedras.


066

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25 26

25. Disposición de los bloquede piedra que forman la torrede la figura 15, 9.

26. Bloques de piedra queforman la torre documentadaen la figura 25.

entre esa línea 10 de la figura 15 y debajo del istmo de arena que actualmente une las

Muscleres a tierra, aparece cubierta de esas piedras trabajadas. Los bloques se apoyan

sobre la roca natural, que aflora en este lugar formando una cresta que, desde la torre,

llega a las Muscleres a una profundidad que oscila entre los 119 cm. en la torre y los 59

cm. en las proximidades de las Muscleres, con respecto al nivel actual del mar. En la

antigüedad esta cresta era aérea o casi, en gran parte de su recorrido. Es la barrera

originada por esta cresta la que favorece que en su cara norte, de donde provienen las

corrientes y los vientos dominantes, se acumule la arena que acaba formando el istmo

que une las Muscleres con tierra firme. El conjunto, enormemente desordenado, da la

impresión de ser el resultado de la destrucción originada por sucesivos temporales sobre

una acumulación de piedras arrojadas al mar de forma desordenada para formar un

dique. Un trabajo de este tipo se realiza todavía hoy día en las obras portuarias creando

un punto de partida en tierra para ir avanzando, adentrándose en el mar, conforme

aumenta la aportación de materiales. El lugar es idóneo para la construcción de un dique

ya que aprovecha la afloración de la roca natural para conseguir una aportación menor

de materiales y permite asentarlos en una superficie estable. Por otra parte no genera

ningún nuevo inconveniente a la navegación, ya que esta zona, por su poco calado y por

las rocas submarinas existentes en la prolongación hacia el sur de las Muscleres

Grosses (fig. 15, 11) y que mayoritariamente aparecen a una profundidad de unos 180

cm. ya era una zona inadecuada para el tráfico, unido a que la proximidad de las

Muscleres Petites hacía realmente peligrosa cualquier maniobra en la zona. Este

condicionante topográfico, ventajoso en algunos aspectos, presenta un gran

inconveniente, ya que obliga a abrir la bocana del puerto artificial hacia el norte, en las

proximidades del “malecón”. Sobre el istmo de las Muscleres se realizó el perfil 13

(fig. 29) que nos muestra como el substrato duro bajo el istmo aparece a una profundidad

de entre 2 y 3 m.. Desde allí, hacia el sur la roca natural sube de nivel hasta una media

inferior al metro, como acabamos de comentar, mientras que hacia el noroeste baja

bruscamente alcanzándose profundidades de agua superiores a los 6-7 m. antes de

llegar a la altura del “malecón”, en la zona que ocupaba la dársena del puerto artificial.

En un trabajo anterior (Nieto/Raurich 1998) y en este mismo, al hablar de las

“rocas champiñón”, hemos expuesto como las Muscleres Grosses eran, en general, y

especialmente hacia el norte, mucho más grandes, habiendo desaparecido bajo el agua,

La fachada este

067

27. A pesar de que losembates del mar han

desplazado los bloquesconstitutivos de la torre

de la figura 15, 9, todavíapuede apreciarse su

disposición almenos en tres hiladas.

como consecuencia del efecto de las “rocas champiñón”,

hasta 90 m. de su antigua longitud (fig. 15,12).También

expusimos como sobre esta parte aérea, ahora

desaparecida, existió un muro cuyos bloques

constitutivos encontramos desordenados en el fondo del

mar (fig. 8), ocupando el espacio entre las Muscleres

Grosses y la línea marcada con el número 13 en la figura

15. En la publicación de 1998, en la figura 6 marcábamos

con el número 6 una roca que todavía sobresale del nivel

del mar. Esta roca, que tiene forma de champiñón (fig. 7),

es la única parte aérea que queda de la prolongación

hacia el norte de las Muscleres. Esta roca presenta una

amplia grieta en la que aparece encajada una piedra, que

una vez analizada nos indica que procede de las

Muscleres, por lo que no podemos asegurar que sea el

único bloque que queda de los que formaron el

muro que existió allí.

in situ

La zona sur de las Muscleres Grosses

a

priori

Los condicionantes topográficos que actuaron en el diseño del puerto artificial

Durante el año 2004 se hizo la excavación de un espacio situado en la fachada sur

de las Muscleres Grosses y coloquialmente conocido como la “piscina” (fig. 1, 10) ya que

se trata de un espacio de agua prácticamente rodeado de rocas y al que sólo se puede

acceder por su lado sur con una pequeña embarcación neumática y aún así con

precauciones ya que hay rocas sumergidas que hacen difícil el acceso. Incluso este

acceso debió ser mucho más difícil en tiempos pretéritos dado que en este lugar, en el

fondo del mar, existe una gran “roca champiñón” que cuando era aérea debía casi cerrar

el acceso a esta “piscina”.

La excavación arqueológica de la zona puso al descubierto docenas de bloques

trabajados de piedra que aparecieron concentrados en la zona oeste de la “piscina”.

Alguno de estos bloques presentan unas dimensiones considerables, un paralelepípedo

de 1,70 por 50 por 50 cm. (fig. 30), que por sus dimensiones, por su ubicación junto a la

pared de esta zona cerrada, por su posición, apoyado en la pared y por la imposibilidad

de que una embarcación capaz de transportarla pueda acceder por mar, sólo es posible

que proceda de alguna construcción, de gran entidad, ubicada sobre las actuales

Muscleres Grosses, en su parte sur occidental. Las Muscleres Grosses son la zona

ampuritana más avanzada en el mar y el extremo este del puerto artificial por lo que

no podemos descartar la presencia en ese lugar de una construcción, bien de tipo

faro o bien de prestigio de la ciudad. Se han analizado dos bloques trabajados de piedra

localizados en el interior de la “piscina” lo que nos permite saber que uno procede de

Sant Martí d'Empúries y el otro de la cantera sobre la que se construyó el “malecón”.

A modo de resumen comentaremos aquellos accidentes del relieve de la costa

ampuritana que facilitaron la construcción y condicionaron la forma del puerto artificial. El

montículo rocoso sobre el que se asienta la Neápolis pierde altura hacia el este, hacia el

mar, formando dos crestas rocosas, que ganan altura y afloran para formar: una la roca


068

The pilot sites

28. Perfil geofísico 14 (ver figura 11).El perfil 14 muestra una anomalía, ubicada en la playa y marcada con un punto en el plano de la figura 15, al oeste de la torre número 9, quepodría corresponder al muro de unión de este bastión con el que actualmente se encuentra bajo el asfalto de la carretera y que fue excavadoen 1992 (Sanmartí et alii 1996).

29. Perfil geofísico 13 (ver figura 11).Este perfil parte de las Muscleres Grosses y llega hasta el ángulo sudeste de la Neápolis, recorriendo todo el istmo de arena que une lasMuscleres a tierra y la playa a levante de la Neápolis. Puede observarse la aparición de los niveles duros a una profundidad de alrededor de 2metros, por lo que teniendo en cuenta que las excavaciones arqueológicas realizadas al sur, en la fachada sur del puerto artificial, hanmostrado la afloración de la roca natural a 59 cm. en la zona próxima a las Muscleres y a 119 cm. en la base de la torre, sabemos que elsubstrato rocoso presenta una inclinacción hacia el norte, para formar la dársena de puerto artificial, en donde se alcanzan profundidades de 6-7 m.. Se aprecia la anomalía que probablemente corresponda al muro que se detalla en el perfil 14, en la figura 28.

sobre la que se asienta el “malecón” y la otra las Muscleres Grosses. Estas crestas

rocosas no son perpendiculares a la costa ya que siguen una dirección sudoeste-

nordeste, partiendo la del “malecón” del tercio septentrional de la Neápolis y la de las

Muscleres, del tercio meridional. La cresta del “malecón” ha sido siempre visible y sobre

ella se construyó la pared este-oeste perpendicular al “malecón” en su extremo sur. La

cresta de las Muscleres debió ser visible, en buena parte, en el extremo sudoeste de

aquella roca y en época antigua discurrió a escasa profundidad, unos 40-50 cm. hasta

llegar a la ciudad, lo cual fue aprovechado primero para la construcción de la torre

comentada y posteriormente para edificar un dique que unía las Muscleres con la costa.

La cresta de les Muscleres ganaba rápidamente profundidad hacia el norte, lo cual

permitía disponer entre ambas crestas de una zona con profundidades máximas de 6-7

m. De este modo, sin el istmo de arena que actualmente une las Muscleres a tierra y sin la

enorme cantidad de arena depositada actualmente en toda la fachada marítima de

Ampurias (arenamiento del puerto natural, dunas en la Neápolis), las dos crestas rocosa

069

30. Bloque de piedra de150x50x50 cms. caído sobreotros tres bloques de piedra

también trabajada ylocalizados en la parte

sudoeste de la “piscina” de lasMuscleres Grosses (ver figura

15, 14). El análisispetrográfico ha demostrado

que los bloques proceden dediversas canteras, lo cual

unido a la dificultad quesupondría que una

embarcación entrara en la“piscina” nos hacen pensar

que estos bloques de piedraproceden del derrumbe de unimportante edificio que debió

existir en la parte sur de lasMuscleres Grosses

comentadas, junto con las Muscleres Grosses, con su

prolongación actualmente submarina y el límite oriental

del la Neápolis, delimitaban un espacio apto para ser

transformado antrópicamente y destinarlo a puerto, pero

no quedó más remedio que disponer una bocana en la

cara norte. La fachada norte de este puerto no hemos

podido estudiarla todavía, por lo que no sabemos que

soluciones se adoptaron para mitigar el efecto de la

tramontana.

Las obras arquitectónicas comentadas las

detectamos por sus derrumbes submarinos, formados

por grandes bloques de piedra apoyados sobre la roca

La datación y función del conjunto

natural, situada a unas profundidades tan escasas que la acción del mar ha hecho

desaparecer cualquier conjunto estratigráfico, lo cual hace que la datación directa sea

extremadamente difícil, tal como ocurre con el llamado “malecón”.

Por otra parte, un conjunto portuario como el comentado debió prolongar su

construcción, reparación y remodelación durante todo su periodo de utilización lo cual

viene a complicar todavía más el problema de la datación de las diversas partes.

Probablemente cuando se inicien las excavaciones en extensión, tanto de la

dársena del puerto natural como del artificial, dispondremos, como mínimo, de

informaciones sobre el o los periodos de utilización de los puertos y quizás podamos

poner en relación la magnífica estratigrafía, que ya hemos comprobado que existe, con

alguno de los elementos arquitectónicos.

El puerto natural permitió el desarrollo comercial de , pero esta

infraestructura fue totalmente inadecuada ante la nueva situación creada por la

entrada de la ciudad en la órbita romana y no solamente por el probable incremento de

mercancías, sino también por una concepción diferente de la organización del comercio

y por las necesidades diferentes que planteaba la evolución técnica de las naves.

Una vez más Ampurias con tres puertos, el natural, el artificial y el de Riells-La

Clota, se nos presenta, observando su realidad arqueológica de época romana, como

una ciudad hiperdesarrollada para sus necesidades propias, dando la impresión de que

su realidad viene condicionada por decisiones geoestratégicas ajenas a la propia ciudad

(Nieto/Raurich 1998, 72-75). De momento podemos utilizar los datos que hemos

expuesto y tener presente que puerto y ciudad, aunque no sean dos realidades

históricamente totalmente coincidentes, sí que, en parte, se influyen y condicionan su

evolución.

Emporion


070

CHAP. 2.4Sinis

Sinis, una Pompei del Mare? Arispondere sarà la geologia

IL SINIS: i Giganti abbattuti, sepolti nel fango

by Sergio Frau

by Francesco Cubeddu

Il progetto di conoscenza e verifica che ci appassiona riguarda il Sinis, la piana

alluvionale di Oristano sulla costa occidentale della Sardegna. Un ulteriore e dettagliato

approfondimento è affidato alla relazione di Francesco Cubeddu, il progetto operativo di

indagine geologica a Mario Tozzi e la documentazione cartografica e geologica è raccolta

grazie al progettoArchaeomap.

L'idea e l'esigenza di affidare alle analisi geologiche la risposta sul vero Passato

Remoto della Sardegna – una sorta diAutoritratto dell'Isola, facendo parlare la sua terra, i

suoi fanghi – nasce dai convegni che l'Unesco di Parigi (nella primavera del 2005) e

l'Accademia dei Lincei a Roma (nell'autunno del 2006) hanno voluto dedicare alle mie

ricerche sul Mediterraneo e la sua prima storia, condensate in “

”, un libro arrivato ormai alla decima ristampa e a un'edizione in tedesco

( , Parthas Verlag editore) suscitando molti qualificati consensi e, anche, molte

polemiche. In estrema sintesi, da quei due convegni è venuto fuori che, sì, tutti d'accordo

su una “prima” collocazione delle Colonne d'Ercole al Canale di Sicilia, e anche sul fatto

che il Far West dei Greci più antichi fosse il nostro Mediterraneo Occidentale (e non

l'Oceano di oggi, al di là di Gibilterra).

Anche sul ruolo di quell'Isola d'Occidente, strabiliante e sfortunata, rimasta mitica

nei ricordi dei popoli d'Oriente – e testimoniata al di là delle prime Colonne d'Ercole da

Omero, da Platone e dai testi egizi – molti, ormai, ritengono la Sardegna una candidata

assai probabile.

Quel che ancora oggi rimane incerto è la sua “fine”: quasi tutti i partecipanti ai due

convegni (vedi le trascrizioni in www.colonnedercole.it) hanno insistito sul fatto che è

necessario indagare per bene le terre dell'isola per appurare se davvero la Sardegna può

esser stata oggetto di quelle terribili catastrofi marine che gli Antichi ci testimoniano.

Questa geologica non è l'unica curiosità che questo riposizionamento delle Colonne ha

suscitato; certo, però, è la più urgente da appurare: può illuminare di luci nuove quello

strano fenomeno battezzato dagli antichisti Dark Age, che, intorno al XII secolo a.C.,

spostò molti popoli di mare sulle alture, all'interno, ben lontani dalle coste e dalle possibili

pazzie di Poseidone, Dio Mare.

Il Sinis è una regione della Sardegna centro-occidentale compresa tra il Golfo di

Oristano a sud; il massiccio vulcanico del Montiferru a nord; la SS 292 ad est e il mare di

Sardegna ad Ovest. Questa zona pianeggiante di 170 chilometri quadrati riveste

particolare importanza per l'elevato numero di siti archeologici che vi si trovano.

Già popolato durante il neolitico, il Sinis ebbe un notevole sviluppo antropico

durante il periodo nuragico come testimoniano gli oltre centoventi nuraghi che ancora lo

custodiscono, una densità tra le più alte dell'isola. Il fatto non è casuale ma dovuto alla

particolare morfologia della zona che ospita numerosi stagni tra i quali quello di Cabras,

uno dei più estesi e pescosi d'Italia, ricco di vita (e di vita orientale) già nel V millennio a.C.:

vi sono state ritrovate in abbondanza piccole dee madri in pietra scolpita del tutto

identiche a quelle che, negli stessi anni, si ritrovano in Anatolia e nelle Cicladi (vedi

documentazione fotografica). Subito dopo, nel III millennio sarà la volta di veneri

geometriche (del tipo battezzato come “cicladico”: presenti in zona negli stessi anni in cui

anche le Cicladi le producono). Un'abbondanza intermittente, con terribili abbandoni, e

Le Colonne d'Ercole,

un'inchiesta

Atlantika

The pilot sites

071

1. Nuraghe Losa(foto Cubeddu)

2. Nuraghe Campu(foto Cubeddu)

ripopolamenti. Fino alle citazioni a questo proposito, nel III secolo dopo Cristo, da Caio

Giulio Solino: alcune saline, risorsa strategica che dura nell'antichità, fondamentale nella

preparazione di alimenti a lunga conservazione (pesci e carni salate) indispensabili

soprattutto per la navigazione a largo raggio. (C'è chi ha notato che un particolare tipo di

pesce azzurro adatto all'essalazione si chiama “sardina” in più di 40 lingue differenti).

Un altro elemento che ha fatto di questa regione un nodo rilevante nella rete dei

rapporti commerciali del Mediterraneo antico è la morfologia della costa meridionale del

Sinis che si allunga nel mare in direzione sud per circa tre chilometri con una stretta lingua

di terra, creando un accogliente porto naturale, ideale riparo dalle mareggiate generate

dal vento dominante, il maestrale. Tutto ciò ha favorito la nascita e lo sviluppo della ricca

città di Tharros, importante centro commerciale prima nuragico, poi fenicio, dopo ancora

punico, romano e bizantino, molto nota agli studiosi di storia antica come centro

d'irradiazione della cultura fenicia, apportatrice di civiltà in un'isola che, ancora oggi, non

pochi considerano, nel secondo millennio a.C., selvaggia e popolata da genti primitive,

dimenticando (o ignorando?) che i Fenici edificarono la loro città sui resti, abbandonati da

secoli, dell'abitato nuragico!

Chissà perché, ancora oggi, si tende a considerare la civiltà nuragica un fatto

marginale nel contesto storico economico del Mediterraneo antico? Ancora oggi si

descrivono i Nuragici come un insieme di tribù di pastori perennemente in lotta tra di loro,

per nulla interessati alla navigazione, senza ravvisare la stranezza di queste genti così

“primitive” capaci, però, di edificare costruzioni altamente complesse ed imponenti come

i nuraghi ed in numero così elevato: sono ancor oggi almeno 20.000 le torri megalitiche di

questo tipo che punteggiavano la Sardegna del II millennio a.C.! L'Istituto Geografico

Militare, nel 1948, ne censì 8.000 ma lo fece per scopi geografici e militari appunto, non

certo per fare un inventario del patrimonio archeologico sardo!

Se si considera il numero dei nuraghi smantellati nel corso di secoli, anzi millenni,

per ricavare materiale da costruzione per strade (

),

abitazioni, muri a secco ed altro, nonché i nuraghi non censiti, e sono tanti, appare

abbastanza verosimile che nel secondo millennio avanti Cristo nell'isola di Sardegna

furono edificati non meno di 20.000 torri di pietra, non poche delle quali, allora, alte oltre

venti metri e moltissime circondate dal loro regolamentare villaggio nuragico.

come la Carlo Felice, ad esempio, la

maggiore arteria dell'isola, costruita nei primi decenni del XIX secolo dall'omonimo re

21


072

Edifici costruiti a secco, i nuraghi.

Senza alcun uso di malta!

Solo enormi pietre in equilibrio!

Edifici che sembrano costruiti attorno allo spazio vuoto delle tholos e con un

rapporto tra volume complessivo e spazio utilizzabile di gran lunga superiore a quello

delle piramidi egizie, non per volerne sminuire la complessità ma per ricordare che gli

architetti egizi non conoscevano la volta e senza dimenticare che le piramidi sono poche

decine!

Quanto alla navigazione poi, ancora oggi ci sono in giro archeologi che

asseriscono come i nuragici non sapessero navigare: forse dimenticano (o ignorano?) il

fondaco nuragico di Komòs nell'isola di Creta o la ceramica nuragica ritrovata presso

Cadice e nell'intero Mediterraneo, eppure sembrano credere che agli abitanti della città

nuragica di Tharros non sia mai venuto in mente di andare per mare. E l'ossidiana di

Monte Arci? Quel vetro minerale nero e brillante utilizzato per decine di migliaia di anni

per ricavarne armi, utensili, monili; figlio di quel massiccio, di origine vulcanica pure lui,

giusto alle spalle del Campidano di Oristano. Ossidiana, un tempo risorsa strategica,

ribattezzato ”l'oro nero dell'antichità”. Lo stesso minerale che si ritrova in tutti i paesi

europei che si affacciano nel Mediterraneo; sempre quello, ritrovato nel centro della

Francia lungo il Rodano! Ossidiana di Monte Arci! Come è arrivata oltre mare? E come si

spiega la presenza della gran quantità di ossidiana di Monte Arci, selce del Montiferru ed

anche giaietto che arrivava dal Gennargentu, a pochi metri dal mare sul piano calcareo di

Santa Caterina di Pittinuri, appena a nord del Sinis, in un sito datato 6000 a.C.?

Probabilmente era una stazione commerciale da dove l'ossidiana e la selce semilavorata

venivano imbarcate nelle navi, navi antiche, prenuragiche, che poi l'avrebbero distribuita

nelle terre del nord, creando una rete commerciale che, forse, sarebbe in seguito servita

ad importare lo stagno dall'Inghilterra. Quello stagno indispensabile per produrre il

bronzo, metallo nella cui lavorazione i nuragici erano maestri e che commerciavano in

tutto il Mediterraneo. Ma la Sardegna ha avuto profondi contatti anche con la cultura

megalitica: menhir, tombe megalitiche, dolmen, ma non solo quelli conosciuti, se ne

trovano molti altri, disseminati nel Montiferru, come i dolmen sonori che basta percuotere

con una pietra, in alcuni casi anche con le nocche delle dita!, per sentirli emettere suoni

inaspettati! Come l'imponente tomba costruita con pochi massi sulla sommità di un rilievo

roccioso; sconosciuti anche ai pochi studiosi che s'interessano di questa antica cultura

che si diffuse dal nord Europa a tutti i paesi che si affacciano nel Mediterraneo

occidentale.

E sì: il Sinis è pieno di sorprese!

Ad attraversarlo in auto il paesaggio appare come una pianura abbastanza

monotona vivacizzata ogni tanto da decine e decine di strani cumuli alti pochi metri, ma

chi si prendesse la briga di andare ad osservarne uno da vicino avrebbe la sorpresa di

scoprire che in realtà si tratta di nuraghi!

Fantasmi di nuraghi coperti da un sudario di fango secco!

E sono tanti, tantissimi i fantasmi che rendono interessantissimo il Sinis!Altri ruderi

di nuraghi sono più facilmente identificabili, in particolar modo quelli situati sulle basse

colline che separano lo stagno di Cabras dalla costa. Ma per quanto si perlustri questa

regione non se ne troverà uno che sia in buono stato di conservazione come quelli, a

pochi chilometri in linea d'aria, sul Montiferru, perché?

Perché in tutto il Campidano non se ne trova uno che svetti come quelli ubicati sulle

The pilot sites

073

3 - 4. Circa trenta metri di fangocoprivano la reggia di Barumini

oggi patrimonio dell’Unesco(foto n.4 Cubeddu)

terre appena più elevate? Ad osservare dall'alto il Sinis si

ha l'impressione che qualche dio permaloso – Poseidone,

come giurano le fonti antiche e ipotizza Frau,

ascoltandole? – si sia messo d'impegno ad abbattere con

spietatezza queste torri che si slanciavano verso il cielo,

forse intimorito dall'intraprendenza di questo popolo.

Permettetemi una testimonianza professionale. Mi

capita spesso di volare sopra il Sinis a bordo del mio

parapendio a motore, un ottimo mezzo che permette

letteralmente di passeggiare nell'aria consentendo una

visione d'insieme dell'intero territorio e delle sue

apparenti specificità (area desertica, stagni, mare, costa,

nuraghi, ecc.) che osservate da terra non sono semplici

da interpretare. Semplificando il concetto si potrebbe

azzardare che l'osservazione da terra di un territorio

quasi completamente piano è paragonabile ad uno

spazio a due dimensioni; con la visione aerea si passa ad

uno spazio a tre dimensioni. Ebbene, da questa posizione

privilegiata salta subito all'occhio la differenza tra i

nuraghi dei due territori confinanti del Montiferru (più alto

sul livello del mare) e del Sinis (pianura alluvionale,

facilmente vulnerabile se il mare fa pazzie): nel Montiferru

è normale vedere nuraghi sia diroccati (per incuria, per

radicamento di alberi, comunque senza fanghi che li

coprano) sia in ottimo stato di conservazione, mentre è

assente il nuraghe diroccato completamente ricoperto di

terra. Nel Sinis, invece, non è ancora capitato di trovarne

uno del tutto intatto, sono tutti abbattuti e moltissimi

hanno anche un'altra particolarità: il piano di crollo rivolto

in direzione contraria al mare! Come se la spinta, l'impatto

che li ha decapitati e seppelliti, arrivasse proprio dal mare. 4

3

A questo punto, a nostro parere, la sola ipotesi capace di giustificare queste

stranezze che appaiono stridenti in questi territori confinanti, è quella che ci raccontano

gli antichi serissimi testimoni, come Omero, Platone, Ramses III (verbalizzati in “Le

Colonne d'Ercole, un'inchiesta”), quando nei loro scritti parlano di un'isola occidentale

strabiliante, che viene ferita a morte e collassa d'improvviso per cataclismi: un

catastrofico maremoto che ha “ripulito” l'intero Campidano, raschiando via i molti nuraghi

che ivi si innalzavano. Si potrà obbiettare, come già ripetono da sempre molti archeologi

sardi, che l'assenza di nuraghi intatti nel Campidano e nel Sinis, può essere spiegata in

vari modi: demolizione delle torri per ricavare materiale da costruzione; distruzione per

rappresaglia da parte dei vari invasori; un difetto costruttivo e via elencando; tutti motivi

che però potrebbero essere validi per tutti i nuraghi in generale, cosa palesemente non

vera per il vistoso fenomeno dei seppellimenti del Sinis.

Esiste un modo di venire a capo di questo dilemma: un'analisi geologica del

territorio del Sinis mediante carotaggi ed esame della stratigrafia dei sedimenti che si

sono depositati nel corso dei secoli, solo così si avrà la possibilità di scoprire come mai

una civiltà capace di blindare quella che, a quei tempi, era considerata la più grande e


074

5. I giganti abbattuti del sinis(foto Cubeddu)

6. Nuraghi Omu Spinarba eSu Cunventu(foto Cubeddu)

ricca isola del Mediterraneo sia scomparsa senza una ragione comprensibile.

Il Sinis, quello che noi consideriamo un potenziale ed enorme parco

archeologico/naturalistico, ha comunque urgente bisogno di tutela. Durante le

ricognizioni aeree e terrestri (vedi documentazione allegata) c'è modo di osservare

numerosissimi casi di degrado del patrimonio archeologico; molti nuraghi sono ormai

stati declassati a pattumiere! È “normale” vedere quel che resta di un nuraghe

semisepolto sotto mucchi di pietrame o trasformato in discarica! Altri danni incalcolabili

sono stati causati degli estesi spietramenti, in molti casi finanziati con denaro pubblico,

portati avanti in nome del miglioramento fondiario: prima con le bonifiche dell'Era

fascista, poi con le follie degli ultimi decenni. Numerosi villaggi nuragici, pozzi sacri e

chissà cos'altro ancora sono stati cancellati dalle pale meccaniche. Non basta istituire

aree protette, oasi faunistiche e simili se non si ha la concreta capacità di gestirle per

quello che è il loro scopo primario: la tutela e la valorizzazione dei siti!

Del resto che sia una zona dal doppiofondo ancora del tutto da studiare e

interpretare lo dimostra il portentoso ritrovamento a Monte 'e Prama, vicino Cabras di

dieci tonnellate di statue ridotte in frammenti.

Statue alte oltre due metri a tutto tondo, primo esempio di statuaria del

Mediterraneo occidentale, (forse) risalenti alla fine del X o al VII secolo a.C., ancora non

hanno trovato l'atto di nascita, e che dopo trentaquattro anni dal loro rinvenimento

trascorsi in oscuri magazzini del museo, della qual cosa

nessuno sa spiegare perché, dopo un infinito restauro

(forse) in un futuro imprecisato “rischiano” di essere rese

visibili ai comuni mortali, dove, non si sa manco quello.

Si sa solo che esistono!

Come l'antica città di Cornus con la sua acropoli

appollaiata sulla collina tronco conica di Corchinas al

confine nord del Sinis, a due passi dalla SS 292.

Altro importante centro sul mare, conosciuto, al

pari di Tharros, per la sua presunta origine fenicia ma

anch'essa era nuragica in principio, un millennio prima dei

Fenici. Nel vasto pianoro che sovrasta il mare, alle spalle

dell'acropoli si estendeva la città fenicia, punica, romana,

ecc. si lavorava il Murex, mollusco marino molto comune

nei fondali rocciosi sotto l'abitato, da cui dopo varie fasi si

ricavava il prezioso colorante: la porpora.

Murex, Corra in sardo, come “Campu 'e Corra” il

toponimo del pianoro dove si produceva la porpora. È

assai probabile che la Cornus nuragica avesse anche una

importante funzione come centro di produzione del ferro.

A pochi chilometri a monte, infatti, si trovano le miniere di

ferro del Montiferru (monte del ferro) e la via più breve tra

le zona mineraria e Cornus, in riva al mare, passa giusto

nella piccola e stretta valle sotto Cornus sorvegliata da

ben quattro nuraghi!

A testimonianza del “doppiofondo” e delle

“sorprese” che il Sinis può riservare, una recentissima

ANSAdel 15 febbraio 2008:

5

6

The pilot sites

075

BENI CULTURALI:AL VIALAVORI DI RESTAURO STATUE MONTE 'E PRAMA

Il contributo del progettoArchaeomap

(ANSA) - ORISTANO, 15 FEBRAIO 2008

Dureranno un anno e impegneranno un team di 16 specialisti i lavori di restauro e

conservazione delle statue di Mont'e Prama. Il progetto di restauro è stato presentato

oggi a Cabras dal sovrintendente per i beni archeologici Giovanni Azzena, dal progettista

e direttore dei lavori Antonietta Boninu e da Roberto Nardi, direttore della società privata,

il Cca (Centro di ConservazioneArcheologica) di Roma che eseguirà l'intervento.

All'incontro erano presenti anche il presidente della Provincia di Oristano

Pasquale Onida e il sindaco di Cabras Efisio Trincas. L'intervento, finanziato dal Cipe,

sostenuto e voluto dalla Regione, prevede la documentazione, la conservazione, il

restauro e la musealizzazione del complesso di reperti recuperato a Cabras tra il 1974 e il

1979 e ora custodito presso il Centro di conservazione e restauro di Li Punti a Sassari.

Non sarà un lavoro semplice - hanno spiegato il sovrintendente Azzena, la

dottoressa Boninu e il dottor Nardi - perché si tratta di rimettere insieme un puzzle

gigantesco composto da poco meno di 5 mila pezzi di pietra biocalcarea che

complessivamente pesano poco meno di 10 tonnellate.

A lavoro finito, la speranza è di vedere ricostruite una trentina di statue alte più di

due metri che raffigurano arcieri, pugilatori e guerrieri. La grossa novità del progetto è che

tutto il lavoro di restauro sarà aperto al pubblico, che potrà seguirlo sul sito

www.monteprama.it, ma anche dal vivo prenotando la visita al Centro di Li Punti. (ANSA).

alluvium

alluvium

Grazie ad Archaeomap è stato possibile far indagare prima, acquisire poi,

materiale documentario di carattere cartografico e geologico finalizzato a un possibile

check-up dei suoli del Sinis che ha, però, bisogno di fondi per essere realizzato (vedi

progetto di Mario Tozzi, è riportato di seguito).

Dal materiale raccolto risulta che molte coste, il Sinis e l'intero Campidano

risultano interessate a fenomeni di carattere alluvionale spesso interpretato come frutto

di piogge o esondazioni fluviali.

Verificando sul posto, però, come e quanto questi strati di abbiano

contribuito a modificare il territorio e i suoi insediamenti più antichi, resta valida più che

mai la domanda se davvero di normali allagamenti si sia trattato o se, invece, possa

essere stato uno o più maremoti a percorrere con terribile potenza tutte quelle piane dove

troviamo i nuraghes sepolti o aggrediti – e spesso squinternati – da onde di fango ormai

sedimentato, sempre però provenienti dalla costa verso l'interno.

Di fatto soltanto sul posto ci si rende conto che ci si trova di fronte a una situazione

che rappresenta l'esatto contrario di quel che piogge torrenziali potrebbero aver

provocato, visto che qualsiasi fenomeno alluvionale dovuto a precipitazioni atmosferiche

porterebbe acque ed verso le coste e non viceversa.

Una ricognizione dettagliata dei danni subiti da questo tipo di nuraghes e un'analisi

dei suoli nelle zone più emblematiche potrà sciogliere ogni dubbio e dare risposte certe.

Ormai abbiamo alcune tra le carte geologiche più dettagliate tra quelle esistenti

individuate e raccolte.

Carta canta, si dice…

Prima o poi, di certo, lo farà.


076

7. Antico crobis(foto Cubeddu)

8. Nuraghe Cannavadosu(foto Cubeddu)

8

7

Check-up del fango di Sardegna. La geologia a verifica delle testimonianze degli

Antichi

Introduzione

Le Colonne d'Ercole, un'inchiesta

Il nuovo quadro geologico dei fondali del Mediterraneo parla molto chiaro e il libro

di Sergio Frau, lo dimostra bene: c'è una sola zona che

poteva fungere da confine del mondo conosciuto prima che i commerci si spingessero più

a Occidente, la sola zona che possiede fondali insidiosi per la navigazione per via del loro

essere limacciosi e costellati di secche, ed è il Canale di Sicilia. È ancora la geologia a

dirci che i fondali dello stretto di Gibilterra sono profondi più di 300 metri e che non c'è mai

stato laggiù quel fango che gli antichi descrivevano alle Colonne d'Ercole. Ma anche sulla

collocazione di Atlantide evidenze geologiche avevano già fatto escludere da tempo

l'isola cicladica di Santorini per via delle prove paleomagnetiche: i manufatti in terracotta

dell'antica Thira (Akrothiri) si comportano come argille naturali in cui i granuli magnetici i

normalmente presenti si riorientano parallelamente al campo magnetico terrestre se

riscaldati al di sopra di una certa temperatura (come quella dei forni in cui venivano cotti o

di incendi). Confrontando quei dati con quelli provenienti dell'eruzione spaventosa di

Santorini (XVI secolo prima di Cristo) si è escluso che la distruzione della civiltà minoica

potesse essere contemporanea ai maremoti conseguenti a quella catastrofe, dunque,

che Atlantide potesse coincidere con la Creta dei palazzi di Cnosso. I nuraghes della

costa sarda meridionale e occidentale, quelli a quote

basse, risultano tutti distrutti nella parte superiore, con le

grandi pietre gettate a terra, mentre quelli contemporanei

della Sardegna settentrionale sono ancora oggi in piedi. Il

problema è: sono possibili terremoti o maremoti in

un'isola da sempre ritenuta tranquilla da un punto di vista

tettonico? La geologia potrebbe tentare di dare una

risposta decisiva attraverso sondaggi opportunamente

collocati nella valle del Campidano, vicini ai nuraghes

ricoperti da una melma fangosa che ha tutta l'aria di

essere un residuo di un'inondazione, o, addirittura, di un

maremoto. In tutto il mondo le rocce di maremoto

(tsunamiti) permettono di riconoscere le catastrofi del

passato: l'ipotesi dell'asteroide che avrebbe causato la

scomparsa dei dinosauri riposa in parte su prove come

queste. Come è noto, nella ricostruzione platonica, l'isola

di Atlante risulta essere ricca di acqua e foreste, con un

clima dolce che permettesse più raccolti all'anno e,

soprattutto, tanto ricca di minerali ( ,

“l'isola dalle vene d'argento” così i Greci battezzarono la

Sardegna) da permettersi cerchie di mura concentriche di

ogni metallo. La Sardegna possiede miniere vastissime di

zinco e di piombo argentifero il cui tenore, oltre 3000 anni

fa, doveva essere elevatissimo, tanto da giustificare

recuperi importanti. Uno studio delle miniere sarde più

antiche può aiutare a esaminare meglio questa tematica

mineralogico-petrografica.

argyròphleps nesos

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077

Obiettivi

Attività Previste

I. Valutazione della natura del record stratigrafico riferibile al periodo in cui -

secondo la ricerca di Sergio Frau - si è avuta la crisi della civiltà nuragica (1200 a.C.);

II. verifica dell'eventuale esistenza di depositi interpretabili come tsunamiti;

III. possibile spiegazione della crisi della civiltà nuragica come dovuta ad un evento

disastroso (mega-tsunami) e/o alla coazione di più eventi (tsunami e terremoti);

IV. implicazioni, in termini di protezione civile e prevenzione, per una valutazione

qualitativa e quantitativa dei rischi legati al ripetersi di eventi naturali a carattere

catastrofico;

V. valutazione dell'evoluzione del tenore in argento delle miniere sarde del Sulcis-

Iglesiente.

I - Censimento e georeferenziazione (con quote altimetriche) dei nuraghi noti e

ipotizzabili. Nel caso che si presentino disgregati, definizione dell'eventuale orientazione

ed estensione cono di detriti. Metodologie 1. Interpretazione immagini da satellite e foto

aree per censire eventuali nuraghi non noti e per definire caratteristiche eventuale cono di

detriti. Nuova lettura delle carte topografiche; 2. Georeferenziazione dei dati interpretati.

9. Nuraghe Monte Trigu(foto Cubeddu)

10. Nuraghe Gutturu Diegu(foto Cubeddu)

11. Nuraghe Mesu(foto Cubeddu)

12. Nuraghe sale Porcus(foto Cubeddu)

9 10

11 12


078

13. Stagno Sale Porcus

(foto Cubeddu)

Rilievi di terreno per verifiche dirette ed eventuali rilievi

GPS; applicazioni di tecniche geofisiche per verifiche

indirette di eventuali indizi di nuraghi precedentemente

non noti o di eventuali ipotetici coni di detriti (georadar,

gravimetria, resistività elettrica campo magnetico).

II - Verifica dell'eventuale presenza nella piana del

Campidano di depositi marini riferibili al periodo in cui si è

verificata la crisi della civiltà nuragica (1200 a.c.) e della

loro interpretabilità come tsunamiti; analisi delle loro

caratteristiche. Metodologie 1. Rilievi di terreno;

mappatura ed analisi di eventuali depositi recenti riferibili

al periodo in esame; 2. Esecuzione di carotaggi

superficiali (quanti almeno una 20-30); 3. Analisi

sedimentologiche, paleontologiche e geochimiche sulle

carote prelevate.

Organizzazione della Ricerca

scouting

Questa ricerca potrà essere sviluppata in un anno.

Durante i primi due mesi saranno effettuati:

- raccolta dei dati bibliografici:

- l'analisi delle immagini da satellite e delle foto aree;

- una prima selezione dei siti dove eseguire i sondaggi;

- preparazione dei successivi rilievi di terreno con attività di .

Nei successivi tre mesi saranno realizzate le campagne di rilevamento

archeologico per il censimento dei nuraghi e di rilevamento geologico sui depositi recenti

della piana del Campidano.

Di seguito, in un periodo di circa due mesi, si realizzeranno i carotaggi e i rilievi geofisici.

Nei restanti cinque mesi, infine, si provvederà alle analisi di laboratorio ed

all'interpretazione dei dati raccolti.

Partecipanti campagna geologica (da coordinare con quella archeologica e

fotografica):

- Mario Tozzi (responsabile scientifico e coordinamento della ricerca geologica).

- Davide Scrocca (coordinamento della ricerca, organizzazione delle banche dati,

elaborazioni in ambito GIS e ricostruzione 3D); esperto di Quaternario molto recente o di

tsunamiti; esperto di mineralogia e petrografia dei minerali di piombo.

Per lo svolgimento di questa ricerca occorrerebbe la partecipazione di un

archeogeologo e di un geologo con competenze sul quaternario, nonché l'assegnazione

di due borse di studio (o assegni di ricerca):

I. Le attività di ricerca previste per la prima borsa di studio (a carattere più

archeologico) prevedono il censimento di nuraghi e coni di detrito e rilievi di terreno con

tecniche proprie dell'archeologia; organizzazione delle banche dati.

II. Le attività di ricerca previste per la seconda borsa di studio (a carattere più

geologico) prevedono studi sulla geologia del quaternario nella piana del Campidano:

rilievi di terreno, assistenza durante l'esecuzione dei carotaggi e durante le analisi di

laboratorio (sedimentologiche, geochimiche e paleontologiche); check-up del fango di

Sardegna; organizzazione delle banche dati.

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079

È sufficiente un'occhiata a

questa “Carta geologica della

Sardegna” pubblicata nel 1856

dal generale Alberto de La

Marmora nell'Atlas che

accompagna il suo “Voyage En

Sardaigne” per notare quella

fenditura color sabbia che

spacca in due la Sardegna da

Cagliari fino a Oristano. È come

una cicatrice il Campidano: un

tempo canyon di mare, oggi

pianura di fango punteggiata da

piccole colline, sospette, e laghi

salati. La Marmora nella sua

legenda, spiega quei colori che

gli ha dato: “Alluvions” e

“diluvium”… Da allora pochi

studi hanno cercato di capirle

davvero quelle strane terre

marnose che coprono l'intero

Campidano fino al Sinis,

spesso seppellendo nuraghi e

siti archeologici ancor oggi

semisegreti.


080

Schematica ma efficace questa carta della “Sardegna in rilievo” (pubblicata da Mario Ambrico

per lo Studio Epm) mostra bene come invasioni marine, provenienti da sud o da ovest, abbiano

potuto trovare nella piana del Campidano un corridoio privilegiato per penetrare nell'Isola e dar

luogo a quelle devastazioni testimoniate dai migliori autori classici.

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081

In questa “Carta dei resti di

nuraghi e villaggi nuragici”

(pubblicata nel 1975 in “Le

Regioni d'Italia 18: Sardegna”,

una prestigiosa collana fondata

da Roberto Almagià) il Sinis e

l'Oristanese sembrano

presentare pochissime

testimonianze del II millennio

a.C., il Millennio Nuragico.

Basta però usare lo zoom e

guardare la mappa che segue –

un censimento firmato Alberto

Moravetti – per rendersi conto

che così non è… Molti,

moltissimi insediamenti ben

conosciuti dagli abitanti del

Sinis nella “Carta dei siti e dei

monumenti prenuragici

dell'Oristanese” che segue

(pubblicata in “La Provincia di

Oristano”, nel 1993) non

compaiono affatto, così come

non compaiono gli oltre cento

nuraghi della zona, la maggior

parte dei quali sepolti dal fango.


082

CHAP. 2.5L'épave de la Lomellina

Naufrage en baie de Villefranche

nave

Rade de Villefranche-sur-mer

Découverte et sondage de l'épave

L'Archéonaute,

15 septembre 1516, rade de Villefranche.

Au centre de la rade, une grosse génoise est à l'ancre à quelques centaines

de mètres du rivage non loin de l'anse de l'Espalmador où viennent caréner les navires de

la région. Ce gros bâtiment équipé d'une importante artillerie est venu s'y faire réparer.

On ne sait pas au juste quelles sont ses activités habituelles, est-il armé en course ou

participe-t-il aux opérations engagées par les troupes françaises en Italie? Un

chroniqueur local, Honorat de Valbelle, raconte les évènements qui se déroulent ce jour

là : une terrible tempête accompagnée de pluie et d'orage s'abat sur la région, de Fréjus à

Vintimille, déracinant les arbres de la côte et envoyant par le fond vingt quatre navires qui

étaient en mer. Dans la rade la nef génoise couchée par le vent sombre sur ses ancres,

noyant plus de cent hommes d'équipage.

L'année suivante, Don Antonio de Beatis, secrétaire du Cardinal d'Aragon,

accompagne ce dernier pendant son voyage en Provence. Le 30 novembre 1517, de

passage à Villefranche, il mentionne le récit du naufrage survenu un an plus tôt et note

dans son journal : « On voit encore la hune du grand mât qui sort de l'eau de deux cannes

environ. »

La rade de Villefranche-sur-mer située près de Nice dans le département des

Alpes-Maritimes, s'étend sur une longueur de 1000 mètres entre le promontoire du Mont

Boron et le Cap Ferrat. Elle a une orientation Nord-Sud et a une superficie de 346

hectares. C'est une baie très abritée sauf par fort vent de secteur Sud à Sud-Est. La houle

pénètre alors dans la rade et peut rendre le mouillage très dangereux, ce qui se produit

parfois en hiver et très rarement en été. Elle offre un abri sûr et est suffisamment vaste

pour accueillir des flottes nombreuses. Au XIXe siècle en particulier les escadres

françaises et étrangères l'ont fréquentée régulièrement. Cette fréquentation a eu pour

conséquence : un dragage systématique de la baie pour en retirer les obstructions

pouvant gêner le mouillage des bâtiments; un écrasement des parties émergeantes de

l'épave, un brassage des couches superficielles du sédiment, le rejet d'objets d'époques

diverses.

Au printemps 1979,Alain Visquis, un plongeur familier de la baie de Villefranche-

sur-mer, inspecte un profond sillon creusé dans la vase par l'ancre d'un des bâtiments de

croisière qui viennent régulièrement mouiller dans la rade. Ce jour là, la chance est au

rendez-vous : au fond de la saignée toute récente pointe une rangée de morceaux de bois

que son œil exercé identifie comme l'alignement des membrures d'une épave.

le navire spécialisé de la Direction des recherches

archéologiques sous-marines se trouve dans les parages et une expertise rapidement

menée par Patrick Grandjean conclut à la présence d'une épave probablement datée du

XVIe siècle.

Deux ans plus tard une évaluation du site, suivie les années suivantes d'une fouille

de l'épave, est confiée à une équipe dirigée par Max Guérout avec le soutien du Groupe

de recherche en archéologie navale (GRAN). Il est aidé par deux archéologues

spécialistes de l'architecture navale : Eric Rieth et Jean-Marie Gassend.

The pilot sites

083

Conduite de la fouille

in situ

Datation

nao nef nave

Origine

Enfouie dans le sédiment l'épave d'un grand navire gisait inclinée de quarante

cinq degrés sur tribord. Les structures se révélèrent rapidement très bien conservées,

particulièrement dans la partie centrale du bâtiment où fait exceptionnel, les éléments de

deux niveaux de pont avaient été préservés.

A l'issue du premier sondage effectué en 1982, une fouille de longue durée fut

décidée. Le renflouement de l'épave fut écarté au bénéfice d'une étude . Les axes

de recherche prioritaires choisis furent : l'étude descriptive des structures du navire;

l'étude des méthodes de construction, des principes de construction, des formes, des

caractéristiques nautiques du bâtiment ainsi que l'étude du façonnage des bois. Il est en

effet exceptionnel d'avoir la possibilité d'analyser l'ensemble des principaux composants

structuraux d'une coque : charpentes axiales et transversales comme structures

internes, alors que la plupart du temps seuls les fonds de carène des épaves sont

conservés, ne donnant qu'une vision partielle de l'architecture du bâtiment. Cependant

des structures aussi importantes ne permettaient pas d'envisager pour des raisons

techniques et financières, un démontage intégral de la coque et la réalisation d'une

analyse complète des procédés de construction. C'est à des démontages sélectifs

permettant à la fois l'analyse détaillée des principaux composants structuraux et l'étude

des parties importantes de la carène qu'il fut procédé. La complexité de l'étude d'une

carène possédant encore les vestiges de deux niveaux de pont nous a amené à opter

pour une fouille par tranches transversales successives (environ 4 m x 10 m), en

commençant par la partie arrière de l'épave. Cette méthode de travail avait en outre

l'avantage de nous faire aborder les structures de la coque de l'extérieur de celle-ci vers

l'intérieur : doublage, bordé, membrures, vaigrage puis les structures internes (baux,

ponts, épontilles et cloisons). Le seul inconvénient de la méthode est que nous ne

pouvions connaître la totalité des caractéristiques du navire, en particulier la longueur de

la quille, qu'après neuf années de fouille. Outre l'étude de la carène, celle de l'artillerie, du

gréement et des équipements de bord fut également privilégiée.

La datation du site fut obtenue par l'analyse des monnaies découvertes, en

particulier une lira milanaise à l'effigie de Galeas Marie Sforza frappée en 1474; deux

écus de France au soleil frappés sous Charles VII entre 1483 et 1494 pour l'un et 1493 et

1498 pour l'autre; un teston milanais à l'effigie de Louis XII frappé entre 1500 et 1512. Une

coupe de majolique de Montelupo (Toscanne) vint renforcer cette analyse situant le

naufrage vers le milieu du premier quart du XVIe siècle, en tout cas après 1503 (date de la

première frappe de la pièce de monnaie la plus récente).

Les structures de l'épave dont l'étude commence alors sont celles d'un grand

"navire rond" de type: , ou qui implique une construction au voisinage des

ports de Venise, Raguse, Gênes ou Barcelone.

L'origine de l'épave fut d'abord recherchée en l'analysant la répartition

géographique des objets identifiés (monnaies, céramiques, poids). La zone ainsi mise en

évidence était centrée sur l'Italie du Nord (Ligurie et Milanais). Une seconde méthode

consista à étudier la répartition le long du littoral méditerranéen des huit essences

1. Ecus d'or au soleil(Photo GRAN)

2. Coupe de Montelupo n°779(Photo C. Petron)

1

2


084

principales utilisées pour la construction du navire (chêne, hêtre, orme, peuplier, pin

d'Alep, pin maritime, pin pignon, pin sylvestre) en superposant leurs aires de végétation

afin de définir l'endroit où le plus grand nombre d'essences étaient présentes. Cette

approche dont la limite est liée à l'existence de courants d'importation des bois de

construction, a permis de mettre en évidence deux zones préférentielles : en premier lieu

la Ligurie et le golfe de Gênes, en second lieu la Catalogne et la région de Barcelone.

L'analyse de l'origine des pierres utilisées pour lester le navire et pour fabriquer les

boulets de canon, nous orienta définitivement vers Gênes puisque cette dernière nous

permit de localiser leur provenance dans une zone littorale allant de 50 km à l'Ouest à 100

km à l'Est de cette ville. L'origine du navire naufragé ne fit dès lors plus de doute.

C'est le compte-rendu manuscrit d'une séance du Conseil des Anciens, retrouvé

à l'Archivio di Stato de Gênes qui nous a permis de mettre le nom de sur

l'épave: un navire dont le naufrage au cours d'un ouragan d'une violence exceptionnelle,

le 15 septembre 1516 en rade de Villefranche est mentionné par plusieurs chroniqueurs

de l'époque. Le navire doit son nom au fait qu'un membre de la famille Lomellini est sans

doute son actionnaire principal. Les Lomellini sont des génois originaires de Lombardie

qui ont créé dès la fin du XIVème siècle une banque qui a tissé un réseau d'affaires en

relation avec toutes les places importantes d'Europe. Ils occupent au cours du temps de

nombreuses charges: capitaines, consuls, commissaires de Corse, amiraux,

ambassadeurs et par deux fois la magistrature suprême. Le propriétaire de notre

est probablement Agostino Lomellini, fils d'Ansaldo, dont nous avons retrouvé

la trace dans un manuscrit répertoriant les fonctions occupées par les membres de la

famille au début du XVIe siècle. Il a été consul de 1502 à 1513, propriétaire d'une en

1514. Il siège ensuite au Conseil des anciens en 1515, puis au Conseil des Impôts

(Calleghe) en 1515. Il possède une avec 200 soldats (fantis) en 1515 puis exerce la

charge d'Officier d'avitaillement et du sel en 1516. Il siègera de nouveau au Conseil des

Anciens en 1518, 1520 puis 1526 et assumera de très nombreuses fonctions officielles

jusqu'en 1528, dont officier de la Corse en 1524 et 1526 et officier de la monnaie en 1525.

Avant d'occuper ces importantes fonctions, il semble bien que, en association avec Luca

Vivaldi, il ait séjourné à Lyon, ville célèbre pour sa foire des changes, entre 1507 et 1513,

avec un passage à Bruges en 1512. La dernière mention que nous en avons est celle de

son ambassade auprès de la Cour de France en 1528.

L'épave occupe une surface de 35 mètres par 10 mètres, son état de

conservation exceptionnel nous conduisit à fixer un objectif ambitieux : procéder à l'étude

descriptive de l'ensemble des structures du navire, à l'étude des méthodes de

construction, des principes de construction, des formes, des caractéristiques nautiques

du bâtiment ainsi que l'étude du façonnage des bois. Il est en effet exceptionnel d'avoir la

possibilité d'analyser l'ensemble des principaux composants structuraux d'une coque :

charpentes axiales et transversales comme ses structures internes, alors que la plupart

du temps seul le fond de carène des épaves est conservé, ne donnant qu'une vision

partielle de l'architecture du bâtiment. Après neuf ans et près de 5000 plongées les

caractéristiques principales du navire furent enfin déterminées, en particulier parce que

la quille était conservée sur toute sa longueur :

- longueur de quille: 33,80 mètres;

- largeur au maître couple : 14 mètres;

Lomellina

Lomellina

nave

nave

L'épave

The pilot sites

085

- creux (du dessus de la quille au dessous des barrots du

premier pont) : 4,40 mètres.

- longueur de tête en tête : 46,45 mètres.

Le port en lourd est de 829 tonneaux et la capacité de charge de 810 tonnes.

L'emplanture du grand mât, en partie détruite put cependant être reconstituée. Il

s'agit d'un ensemble imposant puisque les carlingots qui encadrent et renforcent la quille

et la carlingue à cet endroit ne mesurent pas moins de 5,6 mètres de longueur. Outre

l'emplanture elle-même l'ensemble des structures alentour contribue à maîtriser les

efforts considérables exercés à la mer par le grand mât sur les charpentes du navire.

Mais la surprise vint du fait que cette emplanture était morphologiquement très différente

des emplantures des grands navires équivalents construits dans les chantiers de

l'Atlantique et était en définitive beaucoup plus proche des emplantures réalisées en

Méditerranée pour les galères ou les chebecs. Toutefois au-delà de l'importante moisson

d'informations concernant les structures du navire dont la restitution de l'emplanture du

grand mât n'est qu'un exemple, plusieurs découvertes ont permis une importante

avancée pour la connaissance des divers équipements des navires de la Renaissance.

Le gouvernail était conservé dans sa partie basse et si nous l'avons laissé en

place, les données recueillies ont cependant été précieuses. En effet au cours d'un

naufrage le gouvernail est fréquemment perdu avant la destruction de la coque elle-

même et rarement retrouvé, nous privant de données permettant d'évaluer les capacités

évolutives du bâtiment.

Le cabestan pratiquement intact fut aussi mis au jour. Celui de la avait la

particularité d'être en cours de réparation comme le souligne l'absence de fixation de

certains taquets situés à sa base. Cette observation vint s'ajouter à la présence de

copeaux de bois dans la cale pour nous amener à penser que le navire était

probablement en réparation.

De ce point de vue la découverte du sep de drisse, démonté en trois parties, rangé

dans la cale, vint confirmer cette hypothèse. Le sep de drisse constitue la partie basse du

fort palan qui au moyen du cabestan sert à hisser la grande vergue. Il est normalement

Lomellina

3. Reconstitution de l'emplanturedu grand mât

(Dessin M. Guérout)


086

4

4. Restitution du cabestan et dusep de drisse(Dessin M. Guérout)

5. Maquette de RobertoGreco – Vue du Sep de drisse

installé sur le pont supérieur et prend appui au dessus de la quille, sur la carlingue. Le sep

de drisse démonté, le navire ne pouvait par conséquent pas naviguer. Par ailleurs la

découverte de la totalité des éléments constitutifs du sep, ne mesurant pas moins de 8,22

mètres de long une fois assemblés, nous a permis de reconstituer avec précision la

hauteur des ponts: une donnée fondamentale pour la reconstitution des formes du

navire. Le système d'épuisement des eaux infiltrées dans la cale a pu être reconstitué

grâce à la mise au jour des pieds de pompe, des conduits d'évacuation des eaux (dalles)

situés sur le pont supérieur et des éléments de la structure protégeant les pompes, que

l'on appelle l'archi pompe.

L'adoption du sabord d'artillerie au tout début du XVIe siècle est illustrée par la

mise au jour d'un mantelet de sabord qui se trouvait en place au dessus du premier pont.

Certes les sabords de chargement, particulièrement aux extrémités du navire, sont

attestés à des époques plus anciennes. Mais aussitôt les marchandises embarquées,

ceux-ci après avoir été fermés étaient calfatés et cloués. L'idée de concevoir une

ouverture dans la coque qui puisse être ouverte à la mer est une innovation qui fut sans

doute adoptée progressivement avec beaucoup de réticences. Le nombre de sabords

d'artillerie fut d'abord réduit puis augmenta peu à peu. Celui qui a été mis au jour sur la

est l'attestation archéologique la plus ancienne de ce type d'équipement. Tout

à l'avant du navire, un grand nombre de tonnelets de poudre et quelques éléments de

Lomellina

5

The pilot sites

087

marque bien le danger potentiel qu'elle représentait, aussi l'éloignait-on à la fois des

flammes du four de la cuisine et des logements de l'état-major et des passagers situés à

l'arrière. Quand la conservation des poudres noires fut mieux maîtrisées, on assista à un

curieux chassé croisé, la cuisine et son four furent installés à l'avant du navire et la soute à

poudre à l'arrière, il était en effet désormais moins dangereux pour l'état-major de vivre à

côté des poudres que de laisser celles-ci aux mains de l'équipage.

Le doublage de la , était réalisé à l'aide de plaques de plomb clouées sur la

coque. Son étude apporta à son tour une information inédite. Après avoir procédé à une

analyse métallographique du plomb et évalué le poids des plaques dont nous avions

mesuré les dimensions (longueur, largeur et épaisseur), nous eûmes la satisfaction de

trouver très exactement le poids indiqué dans un document génois. Cependant l'analyse

montrait que le plomb utilisé pour le doublage contenait une proportion d'antimoine

beaucoup plus importante que celui utilisé pour la fabrication des boulets et des balles

d'arquebuse que nous avions fait analyser en même temps. Il est donc probable, comme

ce fut le cas dès l'époque de Gutenberg pour les caractères d'imprimerie, que l'antimoine

fut utilisé pour durcir le plomb. L'analyse récente du plomb de doublage du

naufragé en baie de Sudurad, près de l'île Sipan, en Croatie dont la perte remonte à 1576,

n'a pas montré la même particularité, nous laissant penser qu'il s'agit d'une particularité

des chantiers génois. Parmi toute une série de pièces de gréement: poulies, moques, cap

de mouton, une tête de mât amovible en orme : un calcet, fut mis au jour. Pour les mâts

équipés d'une voile latine (sur la , le mât d'artimon voire de contre artimon) l'antenne

est hissée en utilisant un système de palans dont la partie haute passe par des réas

situés en tête de mât. Les importantes contraintes subies par la tête de mât et l'usure qui

en résulte, amenèrent à faire en sorte que cette partie du gréement puisse être changée

sans avoir pour autant à remplacer le mât tout entier. Taillé en biseau, il était assemblé à

nave

Sv Jerolim

nave

6. Vue du sabord in situ(Photo C. Petron)

7. Vue de l'étrave(Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS)

structure nous permirent de

reconstituer la soute à

poudre du bâtiment. La

localisation de la soute à cet

endro i t , a t tes tée par

p lus i eu rs documen ts

d'archive, notamment des

contrats de construction,

7

6


088

8. Vue des pièces degréement en place(Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS)

9. Dessin des pièces degréement en place(Dessin M. Guérout)

la tête de mât puis ligaturé à celle-ci à l'aide de cordages. Le calcet comme le sep de

drisse fut retrouvé rangé dans la cale, nous donnant l'occasion d'étudier un élément très

rarement présent sur un site archéologique sous-marin; les mâts brisés étant souvent

récupérés ou finissant toujours par flotter. Outre ces équipements, l'artillerie et la

tonnellerie présentes à bord constituèrent un champ d'étude particulièrement fructueux.

Les documents d'archives soulignent le souci de l'Office de la Mer de la

République de Gênes de récupérer l'artillerie embarquée à bord de la , ce fut

probablement le cas dans les jours qui suivirent le naufrage, mais aussi 15 ans plus tard

comme l'atteste un documents niçois: une concession accordée à deux villefranchois.

Reste cependant sur l'épave un matériel d'artillerie important dont l'étude est

complexe dans la mesure où se côtoient une artillerie destinée au service à la mer et une

artillerie terrestre. Sans doute impliquée dans les guerres d'Italie la

transportait-elle au profit des troupes à terre, l'artillerie dont le passage par les chemins

du littoral était malaisé ?Aune époque où la métallurgie du fer est encore balbutiante, les

pièces d'artillerie mises au jour sont des canons composites construits sur le modèle des

barriques: un cylindre central formé de tiges métalliques assemblées les unes aux autres

par forgeage est maintenu par des cerclages jointifs emmanchés à chaud. En

conséquence le tube ainsi obtenu est ouvert aux deux extrémités et une culasse

amovible doit être introduite à l'arrière et calée à l'aide d'un coin contre un affût de bois

pour permettre le tir d'un projectile.

A côté de ces pièces, plusieurs paires de roues d'artillerie stockées dans la cale

illustrent les différentes types en usage à l'époque allant de la roue pleine à la roue à

rayon cerclée de fer, cette dernière destinée à coup sûr au service à terre.

Au milieu de très nombreuses pièces de mobilier archéologique, l'armement

individuel et collectif merité une mention particulière. Il faut se souvenir que

l'investissement représenté par la construction et l'exploitation d'une était

considérable et qu'en conséquence son armement défensif n'était jamais négligé par les

armateurs. Les conçues pour le commerce, n'en possèdent pas moins déjà la quasi

totalité des caractéristiques des navires de guerre: murailles élevées, châteaux avant et

arrière constituant de véritables tours de défense, hunes circulaires aménagées et

armées à l'instar du donjon des châteaux forts. Toutefois en ce début du XVIe siècle, s'il

Lomellina

Lomellina

Les armes légères

nave

navi

8 9

The pilot sites

089

10.

11.

Canon A 51 in situ(Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS)

Reconstitution du canon A51 (Dessin N. Blotti)

ne semble pas exister de différences d'aspect entre la armée au commerce et la

armée en guerre, cette dernière possède des structures plus robustes, un

échantillonnage des charpentes plus important et un soin particulier est apporté aux

liaisons et au clouage. Cependant on n'hésite pas à armer en guerre les navires de

commerce, il suffit pour cela d'augmenter le nombre des pièces d'artillerie et d'y

embarquer des troupes lorsque cela est nécessaire. La liste des armements effectués à

Gênes par Charles VIII en 1494 montre bien que les navires cités ne sont autres que ceux

des marchands génois (Galegari, 1970, p.53). C'est l'apparition des sabords en batterie

qui marquera définitivement la séparation entre navire de guerre et navire de commerce.

La place prise dans les entreponts par l'artillerie, le nombre de canonniers

nécessaires à leur mise en oeuvre, mais aussi l'augmentation du coût de la construction,

affecteront la rentabilité commerciale et entraîneront la spécialisation des navires

corrélativement à la création des marines de guerre nécessaires à l'affirmation de la

puissance des états.

Les plus grands se présentent comme de petites amphores (possédant deux

anses) à fond plat, en terre cuite. Mesurant 30 cm de hauteur et ayant un diamètre à la

panse de 18 cm. Le goulot d'un diamètre extérieur de 6 cm mesure 11 cm de hauteur

comporte à sa base deux petites anses circulaires. La panse de couleur gris noir porte

des traces de tournage La partie supérieure du goulot porte encore la trace d'un enduit

de cire. Les anses sont petites et ne paraissent pas conçues pour être saisies à la main.

L'intérieur contenait encore un résidu de poudre de charbon de bois. Il s'agit

probablement d'un projectile incendiaire cacheté à la cire qui comportait une mèche de

mise de feu.

Le poids et l'encombrement du projectile excluent qu'il puisse être lancé à la main

à moins qu'il ne soit destiné à être lâché depuis l'extrémité d'une vergue ou plus sûrement

d'une hune.

Ce type de projectile n'est pas mentionné explicitement dans les inventaires que

nous avons consulté, mais il en est fait mention dans les nombreux traités ou mémoires

datés de la deuxième moitié du XVIe siècle et du début du XVIIe consacrés à l'artillerie et

aux artifices sous le nom de pots à feu ou firepots. (Ufano, 1614, p.144), (Collado, 1592,

p.83), (Boillot, 1603, p.150), (Cataneo, 1571, p.25), etc.... Ces pots étaient utilisés soit

comme projectiles incendiaires soit comme projectiles explosifs, lancés à la main depuis

nave

nave

Pots à feu

10 11


090

un point haut : hune, château ou à l'aide d'une fronde. Les compositions pyrotechniques

utilisées dont les composants principaux sont la poudre à canon, le salpêtre et le soufre,

sont extrêmement variées. Nous citerons à titre d'exemple celle indiquée par Diego

Ufano: poudre à canon, 8 onces; soufre, 8 onces; salpêtre, 8 onces; sel d'ammoniac, 8

onces; camphre, 2 onces; sel commun une poignée, le tout mélangé avec de la poix

liquide ou de l'huile de pétrole ou de l'huile de lin. Pour faire un projectile explosif on y

ajoute des dés de fer et des balles de plomb et une amorce introduite dans l'ouverture.

Les petites anses sont utilisées pour y attacher les mèches destinées à la mise à

feu. Une référence archéologique de ce type de pot à feu munis d'anses (bien que de

dimensions plus réduites) nous est fournie par la fouille de l'épave du

trouvée près de Mombassa (Piercy, 1977, 346).

D'autres projectiles ont été retrouvés en assez grand nombre, (au total près

d'une centaine, entiers ou sous forme de fragments). Leurs dimensions et leur poids en

font de véritables armes de jet individuelles. Ils se répartissent en quatre types différents.

Les premiers sont simplement des pommes de pin pignon évidées, distinctes

des nombreuses pommes de pin pignon retrouvées entière et sans doutes destinées à la

fois à la consommation des pignons et à l'allumage du feu. Ces pommes de pin évidées

étaient probablement aussi remplies de poudre et cachetées à la cire. Dans les

inventaires de certaines "naves", le terme de désigne les projectiles incendiaires

du type grenade, mais dans la langue courante désigne précisément la pomme de

pin. Ces dernières représentent sans aucun doute les grenades incendiaires les plus

primitives.

Les autres projectiles sont des pots en terre cuite de trois types qui diffèrent

moins par leur taille et leur contenance que par la forme de leur ouverture. Leurs formes

ne sont pas exactement standardisées, ils mesurent 10 à 11 cm de haut, pour un

diamètre de la panse de 11 cm, le diamètre du pied est variable et mesure de 6 à 8 cm. La

pâte est grossière et laissée nue, la couleur va du rose au rouge clair, l'épaisseur est

d'environ 8 mm.

Le type 1 a un goulot droit ou très légèrement évasé d'un diamètre extérieur de 36

mm, on trouve parfois des traces de cire sur toute la surface extérieure. Ce type de pot à

une forme qui rappelle la forme de la grenade, le fruit du grenadier, et on peut penser que

cette similitude de forme illustre l'étymologie du mot grenade dans son acception

militaire. Seuls des pots de ce type ont été retrouvés contenant encore une poudre noire

qui s'est révélée à l'analyse être du charbon de bois.

Le type 2 a une ouverture dont les bords extérieurs sont droits, qui mesure 52 mm

de diamètre extérieur.

Le type 3 a une ouverture évasée dont le diamètre extérieur est d'environ 60 mm.

Le type 1 correspond aux balles à main (Ufano, 1614), alcancias (Collado, 1592),

pignates de feu : "cent et dix pignates à feu" dans "Etat des meubles de la nef du Roy

appelée la Marguerite" (Archives des Bouches-du-Rhône, B 1260 f°385), pigniatte di

fuoco: "pigniatte di fuoco quaranta" dans l'inventaire d'une galère de Andrea Doria

(Borghesi, 1970, p.191), pignatta artificiata (Gentilini, 1598), projectiles incendiaires cités

par de nombreux auteurs et embarqués en grand nombre. Diego Ufano distingue

d'ailleurs les pots à feu des balles à main et un inventaire d'un navire du Duc de

Bourgogne daté de 1436 parle de: "petits pots de terre ronds à mettre pouldre et croye

San Antonio de

Tanna

Grenades à main, pignatta, alcancias.

pignatta

pigna

12. Pot à feu n°259(Photo C. Petron)

The pilot sites

091

13. Grenades à maintype 1, n°4, 26 et 27.

(Photo C. Petron)

pour gicter a combattre sur vaisseaulx de mer" (Paviot, 1995, p.301). Les compositions

pyrotechniques sont identiques à celles des pots à feu. Une référence archéologique des

alcancias nous est fournie par la fouille de la Trinidad Valencera. (Martin, 1994, p.208).

Les deux autres types correspondent à des projectiles évoqués après Végèce

par Eustache Lemoine en 1216 et pouvant être remplis de chaux vive "pots de terre à

mettre chaux vive" (Paviot, 1995), de savon vert ou d'autres produits destinés à gêner

l'adversaire et dont l'usage remonte à l'Antiquité.

«Hannibal fict enfermer une grande quantité de pots de terre, de grands serpents

venimeux, bien enclos, desquels il se servit aux assaults qu'il eut sur la mer». (Boillot,

1603, p.150).

La différence de forme pouvant être à la fois un moyen pour différencier les types de

grenades et en faciliter l'identification, mais aussi destinée à permettre un meilleurs

remplissage des différents produits. Dans ces conditions on pourrait avancer l'hypothèse

que le type 3 était plutôt destiné à la chaux vive dont la manipulation délicate pouvait être

facilitée par une ouverture plus large et un goulot en forme d'entonnoir.

La présence d'un grand nombre de barriques nous conduisit à mener une étude

complexe visant non seulement à restituer les modes de fabrication mais aussi les

volumes, dans l'espoir de voir émerger une unité de mesure permettant d'en identifier

l'origine. Mais à l'évidence les barriques retrouvées, de volumes très variés, n'étaient pas

utilisées à des fins commerciales mais simplement destinées à contenir la réserve d'eau

du bâtiment. L'une d'entre elle fut conservée avec l'espoir de pouvoir la reconstituer après

traitement de conservation. Arnaud de Laroche consacra à cette étude son mémoire de

l'Ecole des hautes études.

L'importance des structures mises au jour, nous amena à utiliser la

dendrochronologie pour tenter de préciser la date de construction du navire. Confiée à

Frederic Guibal cette étude nous réserva une surprise. La première série de

prélèvements fut effectuée sur les éléments de la structure interne du bâtiment, cloisons,

vaigrage, épontilles. Le résultat nous laissa perplexe dans la mesure où la date

d'abattage ainsi déterminée fut 1478.

L'écart entre cette date et la date du naufrage, soit 38 ans était incompatible avec

la longévité connue des grands navires de l'époque estimée à environ une quinzaine

d'années. Une seconde série de prélèvement eut alors lieu en privilégiant les éléments

structuraux de la charpente : varangues, carlingue…

Le résultat obtenu fut une date d'abattage des arbres en 1502, cette fois

compatible avec un naufrage en 1516. La pratique du réemploi de bois provenant de

navires condamnés pour les constructions neuves, attestée par plusieurs contrats

d'achat de bois parvenus jusqu'à nous, explique en définitive la différence observée. En

outre l'intérêt d'avoir déterminé une date de naufrage précise, permet de constituer un

jalon très utile pour caler entre elles les séries chronologiques utilisées par la

dendrochronologie. Une maquette archéologique a été entreprise, élaborée avec un

sage lenteur par Roberto Greco, un génois, charpentier naval et maquettiste

professionnel. Peu à peu confrontant données archéologiques, documents d'archives,

Barriques

Analyse dendrochronologique


092

14. Barriques en placesous le premier pont.(Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS)

iconographie et l'oeil du charpentier naval, une maquette s'élabore nous donnant à voir la

technique des « maîtres d'ache » de la Renaissance.

Nous nous trouvons avec une très forte probabilité en présence d'une

génoise. Selon la typologie de l'époque, ce type de navire, au tonnage élevé, s'inscrit

dans la tradition médiévale des armements des grandes cités maritimes de la

Méditerranée, et notamment de Gênes. Ces armements hauturiers, aux capacités de

charge importantes étaient destinés en particulier au transport de matières pondéreuses,

Nous bénéficions, concernant ce type de bâtiment, des recherches réalisées par

plusieurs historiens italiens (d'Albertis, 1893; Calegari, 1970; Borghesi, Calegari, 1970;

Gatti, 1975; Campodonico,1991). Outre ces études, les documents manuscrits

répertoriés : contrats d'achats de bois, contrats de construction, inventaires permettent

de disposer de données précieuses. L'iconographie des est abondante, même si

son utilisation demande, comme c'est la loi du genre, une étude critique rigoureuse.

La confrontation des données archéologiques, des études historiques, des

documents d'archives et de l'iconographie doit nous permettre de préciser les

caractéristiques d'un type de navire qui constitua une part importante et originale des

échanges maritimes génois.

Au delà d'une meilleurs connaissance des navi génoises, la mise en évidence

d'une tradition de construction des "navires ronds" purement méditerranéenne est sans

doute l'apport le plus remarquable de la fouille de l'épave de Villefranche-sur-Mer.

Plusieurs caractéristiques structurales ainsi que certaines pièces de gréement de l'épave

Conclusion

navi

nave

The pilot sites

093

15. Maquette archéologique(Roberto Greco)

étaient typiquement méditerranéens au point que nous avons pu prendre les galères et

les chébecs comme référence. Bien plus, l'examen des quelques contrats de

construction de génoises que nous avons consultés fait apparaître que le

vocabulaire utilisé est identique au vocabulaire des galères qui est parvenu jusqu'à nous.

Cette constatation démontre l'existence d'une tradition de construction navale commune

aux vaisseaux ronds et aux galères en Méditerranée, car l'identité de vocabulaire

recouvre une identité de pratique que nos observations soulignent sans ambiguïté.

Si la tradition de construction méditerranéenne a perduré jusqu'au XVIIIe siècle en

ce qui concerne les galères, elle semble avoir perdu une grande partie de son originalité

pour les "navires ronds” à une époque encore mal connue, pour laisser place à d'autres

méthodes héritées de la tradition atlantique. L'étude de cette transformation qui est

intervenue dans la pratique des chantiers de Méditerranée constitue un champ d'étude

plein d'intérêt.

navi


094

CHAP. 2.6

The pilot sites

An excluded past – the role of the sea in Late Neolithic Malta

Setting the (pre)historic context - the Temple Culture of Malta

The prehistoric megalithic temples of Malta date to around 5600 to 4500 years ago

and are considered by UNESCO as the earliest freestanding structures in the world.

Kordin III is one of these circa thirty prehistoric megalithic sites known to have existed in

the Maltese Islands (for a map of Malta and location of Kordin III see fig. 1). Six of these

temples and a mass burial site are listed as World Heritage Sites Kordin III compares well

in terms of characteristics and the rate of survival of the ruins with those sites already

recognized as World Heritage Furthermore it contains features that are only found at this

site. For about ninety years since its discovery and excavation Kordin III received little

attention since it was mostly closed to the public at large.

Maltese prehistory always fosters a sense of intrigue and ambiguity. The

architecture and artifacts left behind from this past are a tangible testimony to the

ingenuity of the people who created them. However, modern society still fails to

understand fully these prehistoric people, mainly due to the significant cultural, cognitive

and temporal differences (Magro Conti, 2007: 14). This is more so when it comes to

understanding the relationship these people had with the Mediterranean Sea – that great

body of water which is so much more than just a geographical expression. The physical

presence of the sea played an undoubtedly significant part in Maltese Neolithic life. Yet

this aspect of Maltese prehistory remains understudied and perhaps the least understood

which is ironic considering the inescapable maritime context of the modern Maltese

society.

There is some evidence to show that fish and other sea food featured, if not

prominently, in Maltese Neolithic and Temple period diet (Bonanno, 2001: 84, Trump,

2002: 214). Definitely sea-shells were used to make buttons and pendants (Bonanno,

2001: 84). Fish featured in the iconography of these times as attested by a series of four

fish in bas-relief from the temple at Bugibba (Trump, 2002: 94), the statuette of a fish on a

bed at the Hal-Saflieni Hypogeum (Bonanno, 2001:84) and in a small number of pendants

(Trump, 2002: 103). The sea, being that eternal paradox that it is, was the biggest

obstacle and facilitator at the same time for communication and trade with the other

central Mediterranean islands such as Sicily, Pantelleria and Lipari. The significant

quantities of obsidian, flint and ochre found in various domestic, burial and temple

contexts attest to this relationship. A number of miniature axes made of serpentine and of

other metamorphic rocks from Calabria in southern Italy are testimony of more long-

distance trade, although this may have occurred indirectly. The discovery in Gozo of a

pendant made of jadeite, the nearest source of which is in the Alpine foothills in Piedmont

in northern Italy instills a sense of wonder at the navigational prowess of these ancient

sea-farers; more so when this material is known to have been exported as far as Britain

(Trump, 2002: 211). Recent scholarship suggests that ease-of-access to the sea may

have dictated the location of some of the temple sites (Grima, 2004: 344-345). The sea

may have also featured in that other archaeologically elusive element of prehistoric

Malta – rituals (Grima, 2001: 50; Vella, 2004: 30).

The earliest presence of humans on the Maltese Islands is firmly established to the

early fifth millennium BC. These early settlers almost certainly came across the sea from

southern Sicily. Their voyages, perhaps storm-driven, were successful and numerous

The Megalithic Temple Complex of Kordin III, Malta - An archaeological complex with possible evidenceof seafaring in the Neolithic Mediterranean

095

1. Map of Maltaenough to populate the islands. Certainly their sea-craft were of notable capabilities as

they could carry animals apart from humans (Vella, 2004: 23). These people brought with

them domesticated animals and probably seeds given that they practiced farming.

Belonging culturally to the central Mediterranean Neolithic world, these early colonizers

had a technology based on the use of stones, obsidian, and wood and had no knowledge

of either the wheel or metallurgy. These ancient sea-farers knew how to shape and fire

clay which was locally available to make pottery containers (Vella, 2004: 23).At first these

early inhabitants dwelt in caves and then in huts made of perishable material. Their

dwellings were made of shallow depressions in the ground lined with rubble walls and

with floors made from a mixture of well-compacted crushed limestone called . There

is also evidence, from Skorba and possibly from Kordin III, for the use of mud-bricks for

the construction of the perimeter walls (Vella, 2004: 24). Such huts would have probably

been roofed over with branches and leaves, and clay could have been smeared over the

superstructure to make it impermeable. Stretched animal skins would have had the same

function (Borg, 2007: 117).

Albeit that these people maintained contact with communities in southern Italy,

Sicily, Lipari, and Pantelleria they developed a unique culture that manifested itself in the

form of splendid megalithic buildings called 'temples'. These temples, which started to be

constructed sometime after 3600 BC and continued till about 2500 BC, are found

scattered all over the Maltese islands. They are considered to be the world's first

freestanding buildings, predating the construction of the great pyramids of Egypt and the

megalithic complex of Stonehenge in England (Renfrew, 1973: 161). Copper was already

diffused in the central Mediterranean by this time. However, rather strangely, copper is

absent from the Maltese archaeological record before 2500 BC (Trump, 2002: 292).

Therefore one can safely assume that these splendid buildings were built entirely using

tools made of wood and a variety of stone.

Although it is difficult to comprehend the belief system and culture that gave rise to

these singular monuments, we can envisage that it involved quite a complex system of

rites and rituals (Borg, 2007: 117). This complexity is manifested in the spatial

architecture of the temples themselves for they are divided into chambers and apses that

suggest a division of space for particular situations (Grima, 2001: 50-53; Borg, 2007:

117). The number of delicately manufactured figurines and massive statues of

misleadingly called 'mother goddesses’ corpulent human figures, popularly but perhaps

(since their gender is unknown), evoke a divine being or the representation of such. The

torba

burial remains and the rituals they hint at in the

underground tombs and cemeteries in Malta (the al-

Saflieni Hypogeum) and in Gozo (the Xag ra Stone

Circle) are testimony to the magnificence of this culture

(Stoddart et al. 1993; Pace, 2000). Burial practices that

started from small underground chambers restricted to a

limited number of internments probably belonging to a

single family or kin (Malone et al. 1995), evolved into

complex systems of underground hypogea for communal

burial with multiple levels and connecting corridors.

These superb complexes all hewn from the natural

bedrock were fashioned to look like the temples above

ground; a feat well managed and executed.

Ħ

ħ


096

The pilot sites

Kordin III Temple Complex

Kordin III is typical of these Neolithic complexes,

consisting of the best preserved trefoil temple on the

island, the only two-apse 'earlobe-shaped' temple that

has not been modified or extended and a number of

unidentified structures that are collectively called huts

(fig. 2). The site exhibits some unique features such as an

exquisitely paved forecourt, a large stone 'trough', a

delicately-pitted stone and thresholds standing on edge,

probably done in a phase of embellishment of the temple,

when the temple façade was re-modeled (Borg, 2007:

117; fig. 3, fig. 4). Although the temple is not as imposing,

in terms of architecture and sheer size (fig. 5), as other

'major' temples on the islands such as the nearby Tarxien

Temples, its position makes it possible to investigate the

reasons for building the temples in their particular location

in relation to the surrounding landscape. Few of the

temples remain in their original landscape setting. Kordin

III clearly is not, as it is surrounded by industrial

development. Recent research, however, is trying to re-

evaluate the dynamics of land use in Prehistory by placing

more emphasis on the landscape context of these

Prehistoric monuments (Grima, 2003; 2004).

This temple complex actually forms part of a larger set of megalithic sites scattered

on the Kordin promontory. In 1896, Dr. Antonio Annetto Caruana who as the Curator of

Antiquities at the Public Library was responsible for all archaeological investigations on

the Maltese islands, reported the existence of five groups of megalithic monuments on

the promontory (Vella, 2004: 7, 8). Kordin III did not feature in this list. The complex was

excavated by Thomas Ashby, Thomas Eric Peet and Themistocles Zammit, between

1908 and 1909 (Ashby et al. 1913: 1–126; Evans, 1971: 67–80). The other known

megalithic sites called Kordin I and II (excavated by Caruana in 1892), located 600m to

the north of Kordin III were destroyed as a result of industrial development in the area in

the 1950s (Vella, 2004: 7).

Kordin III is situated about 500m away from the sea on a promontory across the

inner part of the Grand Harbour. It is very difficult today to understand or appreciate the

physical setting of the temple complex. The surroundings have been transformed beyond

recognition especially from the mid 19 century onwards by works related to the

dockyards and the Grand Harbour. Furthermore the archaeological site is enclosed by a

boundary wall built in 1909, partially replaced in 2004. Although this wall probably saved

the site from destruction, it also severs any visual link with the surrounding landscape.

A hydrographic chart of the Grand Harbour dating to 1822 gives a clear indication

of Kordin promontory prior to the extensive works carried in the area later in the century.

This plan shows that the promontory consisted of three ridges of Globigerina limestone

that met at the neck of the headland. The space between the westernmost ridge and the

The maritime context of Kordin III Temples

th

2. Plan of Kordin III

097

middle one formed a narrow valley that finished at the

shore providing a relatively easy access to the sea. All the

three known megalithic complexes on Kordin promontory

are located on the westernmost ridge with Kordin III

overlooking Wied Blandun (a major valley in the area) and

the upper plains of Paola and Tarxien to its south.

An extensive complex of Roman warehouses,

some of which were still stacked with amphorae ready for

export, was discovered and excavated in the 18 century

on another promontory about 800m west of Kordin on the

other side of the harbour. This discovery together with the

unearthing of several lengths of walls and Classical

pottery sherds in the vicinity highlight the presence of port

facilities in the area dating back to ancient times,

suggesting in turn the suitability of the area for anchorage.

A series of Phoenician rock cut tombs discovered in the

area of port facilities dating back to ancient times

suggesting in turn the suitability of the area for anchorage.

A series of Phoenician rock cut tombs discovered in the

vicinity along Wied Blandun points out to a 5 century BC

settlement whose economy probably depended on the

agricultural produce from the fertile valley and the

exploitation of the nearby marine resources. These

Classical sites and the prehistoric remains of Kordin III are

separated by more than 2500 years and therefore they

bear no direct or contextual relationship. However they do

hint at the suitability of the surrounding environment for

settling in and anchorage. Therefore this physical

th

th

3.

4.

General view of thepaved forecourt

Detail of the pavedforecourt

3

4

relationship with the sea may well have been a major factor in the choice for constructing

Kordin III and the other prehistoric sites in the area.

A trough found at the entrance of the left apse of the western temple at Kordin may

shed more light on the maritime context of Kordin III and what may have taken place

inside the Neolithic temples. This trough (fig. 6) is made of coralline limestone – a hard

type of stone the nearest source of which is circa 3 kilometers away. ThomasAshby in the

report of the excavations of Kordin in the (1913: 1-

126), of which he was the long-standing director, suggested that this trough, which has

seven compartments, was used for grinding grain due to the smoothened surfaces of its

interior and the presence of a smoothened stone in one of the compartments (Ashby et al.

1913: 42-43). Evidence of corn grinding inside other temples has also been found

(Bonanno 2001: 82) and the proximity of Kordin III to the nearby fertile valley of Wied

Blandun lends credence to this hypothesis. However recently archaeologist Rueben

Grima whilst recalling Ashby's description of the trough as 'boat-shaped' (Ashby et al.

1913: 42) proposed that the trough is actually mimicking a prehistoric boat – similar to the

Neolithic dugout canoes that have been widely attested in Europe (Grima 2001: 61).

Grima finds similarities between the bulkheads of Neolithic dugouts such as that

attested in a model of a dugout from Tsangli in Thessaly and the partitions of the trough at

Kordin III as well as the technique required in creating a real dugout and the artifact from

Papers of the British School at Rome


098

The pilot sites

5

6

5.

6.

7.

Main Facade of KordinTemples

The trough or model of a boat

Central paving in stone andtrough-'boat' model

7

Kordin is essentially the same (Grima 2001: 61).

Perhaps what is most exciting in Grima's thesis is

the spatial analysis of the art and artefacts found inside

the Neolithic temples. He makes a case for the separation

of the temples' interior into terrestrial and maritime

domains (Grima 2001: 59-61). The trough (which is

continued to be referred to as such for simplicity's sake) at

Kordin III, similarly to the boats' graffiti block at the south

temple at Tarxien, is positioned in a doorway across a

threshold between the central court (the maritime

domain) and the apse (the terrestrial domain) (Grima

2001: 61; fig. 7). Therefore the representations of these

'boats' are located at the boundary separating these two

domains – a boundary that is often marked by imagery

related to the sea. It is also suggested that the sunken

floors that characterize some of the temples including that

of Kordin III and the south temple at Tarxien may have

actually been flooded with water, “transforming the

domain representing the sea into a pool of water, which

would have had to be crossed to reach the apses

representing dry land” (Grima 2001: 57).

It is worthwhile to remember here the proximity of

Kordin III to the coast. This model of a boat (if so it is),

being at the same time a liminal boundary and a vessel

could have been associated with a ritual invoking the

movement of people and exchanges across the sea – a

metaphor of overseas journeys (Grima 2001: 62; Vella

2004: 30). Broodbank views sea-craft as valuable

resources in the prehistoric Mediterranean and their

control closely linked to prestige and status (2000: 99-

101). The complications and specialization associated

with sea-crossings especially in the central

Mediterranean suggests that only a few were involved in

this dangerous activity. Those persons with seafaring

skills and in control of a boat acquired extraordinary

knowledge – knowledge of what lies beyond the horizon,

which is clearly visible from the Kordin promontory. This

esoteric knowledge may have been easily exploited by

some (perhaps a priestly cast?) to exercise power and

authority on the rest of the non-seafaring population. In

this context Kordin III would have been a place where

such knowledge is conserved, assembled and possibly

transmitted (Vella 2004: 30).

A Ġgantija phase amphora with what seems to be boat graffiti found at Kordin III

during the 1909-1910 excavations is in this context exceptional (fig. 8). The existence of

this amphora was brought to light lately by Dr. Nicholas Vella of the Department of

Classics and Archaeology of the University of Malta during a study of the finds from this

099

site at the stores of the National Museum of Archaeology (Valletta). This amphora which

has actually been pieced together and reconstructed from a number of shards after the

excavation has a number of graffiti of boats characterized by deep round bottoms and

high keels resembling dugout canoes with constructed sides (fig. 9). No studies of this

amphora have yet been published and no specific analyses of these graffiti are being

attempted here. Further studies, particularly of the excavation field notes are at this point

necessary to understand its contextual significance. However the presence of such

iconography seems to strengthen the argument presented above in favour of the

maritime significance of Kordin III Temple Complex in particular and of the Late Neolithic

Temples of Malta in general.

The temple complex of Kordin III is managed by Fondazzjoni WirtArtna (

one of the leading non-governmental organisations operating in the

heritage sector in Malta. It combines effective management of over thirty archaeological

and historical sites and artifact collections with the more traditional roles of raising

awareness with the general public and lobbying at municipal and government levels.

Being managed by volunteers does not imply dilettantism in its approach. Its Board of

Trustees (governing body) is entirely made up of volunteers and it is composed of

corporate managers, ITC specialists, accountants, as well as historians and

archaeologists. For its day-to-day running the Trust employs a sizeable staff headed by a

CEO who operate under a clear remit from the Board of Trustees.

In a world that is increasingly facing economic hardships and cash-strapped

governments, non-governmental organisations are progressively assuming

responsibility for managing the heritage and environment especially in countries with a

heightened sense of citizenship and belonging. These organisations which are founded

on the tenets of volunteer work and not-for-profit activities complement the respective

governments' efforts in these fields and quite often stimulate them into action usually

through effective lobbying.

1

Management of the site

The Malta

Heritage Trust)

A management plan for Kordin III has been penned by archaeologist Mr. Joseph

Magro Conti and published thanks to funding made available from the European Union

through the Temper Project. The Plan was produced in co-operation with the Department

of Classics and Archaeology of the University of Malta, and the Temper Project team.

Local and foreign stakeholders were involved at various stages of the drafting of the Plan

and included the local council, the local community, the local religious communities, state

agencies, visitors, children, and academics. An

educational programme was also put in place intended to

help children understand the site and archaeology in

general. This educational programme spearheaded by

the author formed also part of the Temper Project and was

published in the same volume as the management plan

(Hodder and Doughty 2007).

1- Photographs of this amphora have beenpublished in a guide book of the temple

complex of Kordin III by Dr. Nicholas Vella(2004). These photographs are being

reproduced by the kind permission of thesaid author.

9

8

8.

9.

Ggantija phase pottery fromKordin III with 'boat' graffiti

Detail of boat graffiti


100

CHAP. 2.7Pharos Island Of Alexandria, Egypt

Archaeological site of Pharos Island OfAlexandria, Egypt

Underwater archaeological. Investigations of the ancient Pharos

Alexander the Great reached the site of the present Alexandria in the year 332BC.

The site was occupied by an Egyptian fishing village along the Mediterranean coast

known as Raqoda or Rhakotis- just opposite of which lay the small island of Pharos.

Alexander ordered his engineers to draw up plans for a city with a great harbor that

would include the village and the island within its boundaries. Alexander's engineers

linked the island to the main land by a narrow causeway that they named Heptastadion

because it was seven stadia long (about 1,300 m). This causeway divided the coast of

Alexandria into two ports, the Eastern Great Harbor and the Western Harbor or Eunostos.

(fig.1) The Eastern Harbor was the main port, and the city's palaces, gardens and

government buildings were built around it, it handled the more important naval and

commercial vessels. These were guided into port by the celebrated Alexandria light

House which stood on what is now the site of Quit Bey Fort .The lighthouse of Alexandria

was One of the Seven Wonders of theAncient World; the Lighthouse ofAlexandria was so

famous that its name; Pharos, became the generic word for lighthouse in Latin . It was not

the only, or even the first, structure of its kind; but it was colossal, towering probably some

120m above the sea (fig.2).

Since 1994 A Franco-Egyptian team conducted a salvage inspection of the

submerged ruins of the famous ancient lighthouse ofAlexandria - the Pharos. The need to

protect from the northerly storms the fortress (fig.3) constructed at the end of the 15th

century AD by the Mameluke Sultan Qait Bey on the 15th century AD by the Mameluke

Sultan Qait Bey on the Anfouchy peninsula at the eastern tip of the ancient island of

Pharos on the ruins of ancient lighthouse, led to the construction of a submerged concrete

wall at a distance of several dozen metres in the sea. It was quickly realized that this wall

would cover an ancient archaeological site at a depth of 6-8 m. In the autumn of 1994, the

Egyptian Antiquities Service asked the Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines (CEAlex) to

undertake an urgent underwater investigation. The objective of the salvage operation

was to delimit the archaeological zone and to determine its nature.The mission therefore

plotted a topographic map and developed graphical and photographical documentation

for each element . There was some idea of the site, thanks to the pioneer work of Gaston

Jondet, the chief Engineer of the Department of ports and light houses from 1911 to

1915, Kamel Abul-Saadat in 1961 the Egyptian pioneer in Alexandria underwater

archaeology and a UNESCO mission in 1968, following which Honor Frost published a

preliminary report with some drawings which revealed the importance of the site .The

centred' Etudes Alexandrines (CEAlex) in co-operation with the Department of under

water archaeology / Supreme Council of Antiquities (DUA/SCA) rediscovered the

submerged site to the east of Qaitbay fort. At depth from 6to8 meters, in an area of 2.25

hectares more than 5000 pieces were located including statutes, sphinxes and columns

of different shapes, capitals and bases of columns (fig.4) and parts of obelisks. These

blocks are of different size and weights (some of them weighting 75 tons) (fig.5) the

artifacts are cut in several kinds of stones such as: granite, calcite, quartzite, lime stone,

sand stone and greywacke . The site is dated to Greco-roman period but it includes

artifacts from the pharaonic period, which the rulers of Alexandria always brought from

other sites of Egypt to decorate their capital some of these artifacts are the remains of the

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

1 - Marcos's.: "Early Discoveries ofsubmarine Archaeological sites inAlexandria", in under water Archaeology andcoastal Management, unesco,Paris, 2000, pp. 40-41

Goddio, F.& Bernard, A.: "the lighthouse"in sunben Egypt, Alexandria, periplus,fondon, 2004, pp. 166-171.

3 - Empereur, J.Y.& Grimal, N.: "Les fouillessous – marines du phare d`Alexandrie",comptes rendues des séances de l`annee1997, Academie des Inscriptions & Belleslettres, Paris, 1998, 3, pp. 692-712.

4 - Jondet, G.: "Les ports de pharos", BSAA,Alexandria, 1912,14, pp. 252 – 266.

5 - Halim, H.: "Kamel Abul-saadat: Apioneerin Alexandria underwater Archaeology", inunderwater Archaeology and CoastalManagement Unesco. Paris, 2000,pp.46 - 53.

6 - Frost, H., "The Pharos Site, Alexandria,Egypt", IJNA, London, 1975, 4, pp. 126 -130.

7 - Empereur, J.Y. : "Underwaterarchaeological investigations of the ancientpharos", in underwater Archaeology andcoastal management, unesco, Paris, 2000,pp. 54 – 59

2 -

The pilot sites

101

1. Alexandria in view vertical:sea in the north and

lake of Maruotis in the south,Heptasadion divided

the coast into Two ports.

lighthouse itself and the rest were brought from the serapium temple and thrown at the

entrance of the harbor to prevent the entry of the enemy fleets in the twelfth centuryA.D.A

selected collection of these pieces were raised in 1995 and 1996, conserved and

exhibited in the roman theatre ofAlexandria such as:

1- Agranite capital of column of composite –Alexandria style (fig.6).

2- Apart of granite obelisk consecrated by Sethi 1st (fig.7).

3- Bust of statue for a woman from red granite (fig.8).

4- A colossal statue of one of the Ptolemies represented as a pharaoh from red granite

(fig.9).

5- The aforementioned statue during the transportation to the conservation lab (fig.10).

6- Acolossal head for the ex-mentioned statue during its existence underwater (fig.11).

7- One of the discovered sphinxes during the lifting process (fig.12).

8- An inscribed granite block during lifting process (fig.13).

9- Acrown of a Hathor goddess from red granite (fig.14).

10- One of the discovered sphinxes underwater (fig. 15).

This paper will present some ideas that have been discussed in the international

workshop for studying the establishment of an underwater museum in Alexandria, Egypt,

which was jointly convened by UNESCO and the ministry of culture of Egypt and held at

theAlexandriaArtistic creative center form 3 to 6 July 2006:

The cultural heritage faced lot of risk due to the development of coastal areas and

there is need to respond appropriately to the possible negative impact on underwater

cultural heritage, unanimously acknowledging the need to present it and interpret for the

Guidelines dealing with the Protection, The research and the evaluation of Underwater

Archeological site of pharos

Archaeological Management


102

education and the enjoyment of the public at large, taking

into consideration that many monumental artifacts have

been displaced, acknowledging the fact that thanks to

Egyptian and foreign underwater excavations the ruins of

light-house of Alexandria have been brought to the

attention of the international public:

Designate the site of pharos as a cultural heritage park

while developing a management plan taking into account

the various present functions;

Refrain from all development activities in the site of

pharos until a master plan for the future has been

developed;

Refrain from removal of large archaeological artifacts

from the are a in order to avoid loss of authenticity and

integrity of the site;

Further develop the idea of the creation of an

archaeological underwater museum at site of pharos as a

first stage;

Develop a plan for the conservation and in situ

management of the site;

Examine the possibility for inscription of the site of

pharos on the World Heritage List.

Prepare a comprehensive conservation plan,

including preventive conservation and monitoring

mechanisms, for the treatment of the objects, whether in

situ or in a museum environment, in preparation of their

exhibition;

Enforce in situ preventive conservation process of

artifacts where needed;

Develop a long-term training program for capacity-

building in the conservation of underwater materials.

�

�

�

�

�

�

�

�

�

Conservation and protection of archaeological artefacts

Water clarity and purity

�

�

�

�

Continue the improvement of water quality by wastewater sanitation and other means

and solve the issue of the clarity and purity of water for the presentation of underwater

cultural heritage for the time being, by having the underwater part of the museum isolated

from the open sea and continuously treated in a closed system so that quality and

transparency of water can be controlled;

Continue measuring relevant parameters in joint efforts between relevant institutions

and integrating data collected in previous studies;

Investigate in the comprehensive feasibility study the possibility and desirability of

removing the organic sediments by mechanical means such as vacuum extraction;

To explore possibilities for potentially buffer or minimize wave action in the site of

Pharos.

The pilot sites

2. Replica of the lighthouse atAlexandria in the NationalMaritime Muesum in Alexandria

3. Quit Bey fort in the samesite of the Lighthouse

2

3

103

4. The site to the east of Qaitbayfort contains several parts ofcolumns of different shapes

5. A huge block from red granite,it is a part from the gate of

Lighthouse

6. A granite capital of column ofcoposite –Alexandria style

7. A part of granite obeliskcosecrated by Sethi I

8. A part of granite obeliskconsecrated by Sethi 1 st.

4

56

7 8


104

9.

10.

12.

13.

A colossal statue of one of thePtolemies represented as apharaoh from red granite

The aforementioned statueduring the transportation to theconservation lab

One of the discovered sphinxesduring the lifting process

An inscribed granite blockduring lifting process

11. A colossal head for theex-mentioned statue during itsexistence underwater

9 10

11 12

13

The pilot sites

105

14.

15.

16. A sphinx bearing the insigniaof the pharaoh Psammetic II

(XXVI dynasty)

17. A colossal staue of Isis fromred granite had been foud by

Kamel Abul-Saadat in1962

18. Reconstruction of thegute of the Lighthouse

A crown of a Hathor goddessfrom red granite

One of the discoveredsphinxes underwater

18

1716

14 15


106

CHAP. 2.8

The pilot sites

Introduction

Heritage Databases at the Gibraltar Museum

“...any object of historical, geographical, artistic,

scientific or technical value or interest found or situated

in Gibraltar (whether in or on the land or below the

seabed), being older than fifty years;”

Given its strategic location overlooking the Strait of Gibraltar, a narrow channel that

separates the continents of Africa and Europe and also the Mediterranean Sea from the

Atlantic Ocean, the Rock of Gibraltar has enjoyed a degree of importance in world history

that is totally disproportionate to its size. (fig. 1)

The 6km-long, 1km-wide and 426m-high Rock of Gibraltar has a rich maritime

history which stretches as far back as the early Neanderthal occupation of the Rock

(Finlayson, 2004), through later Modern Human inhabitants and visitors all of whom had a

close relationship with the sea. Archaeological investigations provide evidence of

sustained exploitation of marine resources all the way through to the modern era,

whereas Phoenician and later Greek and Roman visitors to Gibraltar established its

symbolic legacy as the northern pillar of Hercules. In later times it was the bridgehead for

the Islamic conquest of Iberia in AD711 and the subsequent establishment of Al-Andalus.

After its capture by Spain in 1462 it was allowed to decline as a fortress, but continued to

provide a bountiful fishery for the majority of Andalucía, as well as suffering the attacks of

Barbary Pirates during the 16 Century. Following theAnglo-Dutch capture of the Rock in

1704, its strategic value again came to the fore, and Gibraltar became a thriving port, not

only for the warships of the British Navy but also for trading vessels intent on making profit

from their cargoes. Thousands of ships would come to Gibraltar to sell, buy or merely

transfer their cargoes to other vessels. All of this contributed to the economic prosperity

of the population, especially during the relatively peaceful 19 Century. The 20 Century

again saw the return of armed conflict, with the construction of a torpedo-proof harbour in

time for the hostilities of the first and second World Wars.

On land, such an amount of traffic and activity has left numerous evidences in the

historical and archaeological record. However, with many artefacts and shipwrecks

being out of sight beneath the waves, fewer people are aware of their existence. The

Gibraltar Museum's Underwater Research Unit (URU) has been working to study and

bring this rich heritage to light. The work of the URU is not restricted to shipwrecks and

nautical investigations, but also extends to underwater geological and geomorphological

surveys, palaeoenvironmental and archaeological investigations of prehistoric sites once

above sea level, and marine biological studies. As such, the Gibraltar Museum is well-

placed to use all the information collated from these various multi-disciplinary research

approaches to create comprehensive databases and provide well-informed

assessments of the rich heritage of the Rock.

The Gibraltar Museum, within its wider role in the Gibraltar Government's Heritage

Division, maintains a number of databases which include submerged sites. Heritage

sites, as well as any artefacts, are legally protected by the Gibraltar Heritage Trust

Ordinance 1989, which defines an antiquity as:

A number of inter-related databases are maintained by the Museum, which cover various

aspects such as historical buildings, archaeological sites, fortifications and mobile

th

th th

Applying a Conservation Prioritization approach to Submerged andCoastal Heritage Sites

107

1. Diagram showing thegeographical location of the

Rock of Gibraltar.Note its strategic position

between Europe and Africa andbetween the Atlantic Ocean and

Mediterranean Sea.

inventories and collections. To maximise the information

that can be extracted from these, it is desirable to create a

database structure that allows for a diversity of search

parameters to include both breadth of application and

depth of detail. Moreover, these databases are relational

and allow for links and searches to be carried out between

them. Thus, for example, a database entry for an item

might include not only the standard descriptive entries,

but also information as to provenance, issues pertaining

to its location such as ownership, legal details, dating

information, conservation treatment, available services,

references to, plans, related entries, etc.

These databases held by the Gibraltar Museum,

albeit independently evolved, are essentially identical to

those presented by other ARCHAEOMAP partners in this volume. However, our

experience suggests that their use as a rapid-decision or large-scale management tool is

often limited by their unwieldiness. Such databases often come into their own when

comparisons need to be made between selected sites and often with regard to specific

management scenarios or conservation-related questions. Their use as a management

tool is unquestionable yet their very attention to detail complicates attempts to make rapid

and simple comparative queries to inform what can at times be pressing management

decisions. Moreover, by their very nature the data in such databases are constantly in a

state of evolution as sites and the factors affecting them change over time. Again

attention to detail often means that not all fields are always up-to-date and therefore may

not always have comparable information in terms of detail or freshness.

A need was identified for a simple system that would work with and complement

existing databases whilst at the same time providing a simple standardised platform

within which rapid conservation assessments and management decisions could be

undertaken. The idea that was developed involved a two-way information exchange

between a rapid conservation prioritisation system and existing databases, where each

would inform the other, but where the 'best tool' could be selected depending on the task

in hand. This method was developed initially for use in terrestrial heritage sites and was

first presented at a UNESCO conference on the Urban Development and Preservation of

the Morphology of World Heritage Fortress Cities held in Suwon City, Korea, in 2000

(Finlayson et al., 2001). The method has since proved very successful and was

subsequently extended to submerged sites.

The basic premise upon which this model rests is outlined below, namely that the

Conservation priority of a site must be based on two fundamental factors:

1. How important or valuable is it?

2. In what state is it and how likely is it that this will deteriorate in the short term?

These are complex and interrelated questions, yet in the main we believe that

objective criteria can be brought to address them, at least to a significant extent, without

allowing for excess detail to cloud the issues. Finlayson (2001) identified two main

axes that were used to objectively classify heritage sites: Historical value Condition and

Threatened status. This model has proved very useful in the management of built

Methodology for a Conservation Prioritisation Model (CPM)

et al.,

v.


108

The pilot sites

heritage sites. However, submerged and coastal sites are often embedded within a wider

natural landscape composed of habitats and ecosystems. In many cases the habitat

and/or species that co-exist in association with a submerged or coastal site are

themselves protected, therefore a Natural value score was added to the Historical value.

Therefore we identify two main Axes in the CPM (extended from Finlayson

2001):

Historical and Natural value

Condition and Threatened status

Aten-point scale was devised for each of these which are described in detail below:

Evaluation and scoring of sites is based on averaging the values given to a site

based on its local and global historic importance (see scales below):

Evaluating Sites (Historical – Local)

1 Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside

2 Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside

3 Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside

4 Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples

outside

5 One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar but plentiful outside

6 One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar and with few examples outside

7 Unique in Gibraltar but with many examples outside

8 Unique in Gibraltar and with few surviving examples elsewhere

9 Unique within its subject context

10 Unique in the world

Evaluating Sites (Historical – Global)

1 Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside






outside


8 Unique in Gibraltar and with few surviving examples elsewhere

9 Unique within its subject context

10 Unique in the world

Gibraltar also has a number of protected marine species which are listed inAnnexe

IV of the EU Habitats Directive (1992) as being 'in danger of extinction'. These include:

et al.,

Historical Value

Natural Value

�

�

SCORE EVALUATION

SCORE EVALUATION

109

Pinna nobilis Patella ferruginea Lithophaga lithophaga Centrostephanus

longispinus

Posidonia

Posidonia

Condition Value

, , and

, as well as other species and habitats cited by the subsequent Berne and

Barcelona Conventions on the conservation of marine habitats and species (Fa &

Finlayson, 2008).

Evaluation and scoring of sites is based on averaging the values given to a site

based on its local and global natural importance (see scales below):

Evaluating Sites (Natural – Local)

1 Abundant (>100 examples) in Gibraltar and plentiful outside




outside




8 Containing 1-2 EU-protected species or unique in Gibraltar and with few

surviving examples elsewhere

9 Containing 3 or more EU-protected species or unique within its subject context

10 Containing an EU-protected species habitat (e.g. meadow) or

unique in the world

Evaluating Sites (Natural – Global)

1 Abundant (>100 examples) in Gibraltar and plentiful outside






outside


8 Containing 1-2 EU-protected species or unique in Gibraltar and with few

surviving examples elsewhere

9 Containing 3 or more EU-protected species or unique within its subject context

10 Containing an EU-protected species habitat (e.g. meadow) or

unique in the world

Scores for Local and Global Historical value and Local and Global Natural value are

averaged.

The HIGHER of the two scores is set as the site's HERITAGE SCORE

Evaluation and scoring of sites based on Condition value are carried out using the scale

presented below:

SCORE EVALUATION

SCORE EVALUATION


110

The pilot sites

Evaluating Sites (Condition)

1 Is in an excellent state with a maintenance programme in effect

2 Is in an excellent state but no maintenance programme in effect

3 Is in a good state, requires minor interventions, maintenance programme in

effect

4 Is in a good state, requires minor interventions, maintenance programme not

in effect

5 Is in a neglected state, condition seems sound but significant specialised

intervention required, remedial action in effect

6 Is in a neglected state, condition seems sound but significant specialised

intervention required, no remedial action programmed

7 Is in a severe state of neglect/structural failure, requires extensive specialist

intervention, remedial action in effect

8 Is in a severe state of neglect/structural failure, requires extensive specialist

intervention, no remedial action programmed

9 Is in imminent danger of total loss/collapse, remedial action in effect

10 Is in imminent danger of total loss/collapse, no remedial action programmed

Evaluation and scoring of sites based on Threat value are carried out using the scale

presented below:

Evaluating Sites (Threat)

1 Legally protected and within a conservation/reserve area and with highly

restricted access

2 Legally protected and within a conservation/reserve area but with a low visitor

turnover

3 Legally protected and within a conservation/reserve area but with a high visitor

turnover

4 Legally protected and context not specifically threatened and in a low value

development area

5 Legally protected and context not specifically threatened today but in a prime

development area

6 Legally protected but with current developments threatening its context

7 No legal protection but not specifically threatened today and in a low value

development area

8 No legal protection but not specifically threatened today but in a prime

development area

9 No legal protection and with current developments threatening its context

10 No legal protection and with current developments threatening its survival

Scores for Condition and Threat are averaged to give a single value. This value is set as

the site's combined RISK STATUS SCORE – the higher it is, the greater the probability of

losing the asset.

SCORE EVALUATION

SCORE EVALUATION

Threat Value

111

The Heritage Score ( ) and Risk Status Scores ( ) can be graphically

represented as a scatterplot that allows easy comparison between the relative status

scores of sites and allow for rapid prioritisation of conservation action. These same

values are used in combination to provide a Conservation Priority value, which is

calculated by establishing the Euclidean distance of each point from the origin,

(i.e. ) which is further modified by multiplying this value by the average

value of the Heritage and Risk Status Scores (i.e. ) The latter operation serves

to give relatively more weight to points equidistant from each axis, e.g. a site at point (6,6)

is of moderately high importance and is under a moderate to high risk. It is roughly

equidistant to the origin (0,0) as a site at (1,8) which has a very low but high (and

therefore might be considered beyond cost-effective intervention), or a site at (8,1) which

has a high but low and therefore be relatively safe. By multiplying the Euclidean

distance by the man of and , points closer to either axis or therefore deserving a

lower priority ranking are down-weighted.

This method was applied to existing coastal and submerged sites contained within

the Gibraltar Museum's database.

Table 1 below lists the 55 coastal and submerged sites used in this exercise,

together with their respective Heritage, Risk Status and Conservation Prioritization

Scores. The sites are all scored, to varying degrees, based on the relative contributions

of both their natural and historical components.

HS RS

HS RS

HS RS

HS RS

Results obtained from applying the CPM to Gibraltar's coastal and submerged sites

22RSHS +

2

HSxRS

Number Site Brief DescriptionPrioritization

ScoreHeritage

Score

RiskStatusScore

1Rosia BayComplex

Maritime complex closely linked to Nelsonand Trafalgar (mainly covering 18th and19th Centuries) 127.8 10 9

2 Italian ChariotRemains of WWII Italian 'Chariot' onseabed off the Detached Mole 102.4 8 9

3

Parsons LodgeCliff &

Foreshore

Significant bone breccia deposits formingcliff line - world-important fossil site 91.2 9 7

4Eastern BeachLiberator

Submerged wreck of a WWII Liberator ofrare type off the East side of the Rock 90.5 8 8

5Blackstrap Coveto Sandy Bay

Coastal complex of prehistoric shoreline,with EU-protected marine species andWWII defensive installations 90.5 8 8

6

East side OilTanks to SandyBay

Coastal complex of prehistoric shoreline,submerged caves, EU-protected marinespecies and WWII defences 90.5 8 8

7 Western Beach Locally-protected natural habitat 88.4 5.5 10

8 Camp Bay

Coastal complex of 18th-20th Centurydefensive installations and EU-protected

marine species 85.0 8 7.5

9 Los PicosSubmerged reef of geologic and prehistoricimportance with EU protected marine species 85.0 8 7.5

Table 1. Showing assignedHeritage and Risk Scores,together with Prioritization

Scores, calculated by summingthe Euclidean distance fromthe origin to the mean of theordinates for each point. It isimportant to remember that

these prioritization scoresshould not be taken as an

expression of how important asite is. Rather they rank its

urgency of required action withregard to a combination of both

its importance andcondition/threat.


112

The pilot sites

10 S.S. ExcellentWreck of steamer sunk in Bay in 1888 andEU protected marine species 85.0 8 7.5-

11Europa

Foreshore

Coastal complex with prehistoric sites, EU-

protected marine species and 18th-20thCentury defensive installations 85.0 8 7.5

12AmmunitionJetty

Complex of tunnels and jetty created forloading ammunition on the East side - late20th Century 83.9 5 10

13 Silent PoolSubmerged below sea-level natural cavewith stalagmite formations 76.5 9 5.5

14H.M.T. StellaSirius

Remains of WWII armed trawler sunkduring a Vichy French Bombing raid in1940 with EU-protected marine species 74.7 8 6.5

15 Seven Sisters

Spectacular series of rocky pinnacles ofgeologic and prehistoric importance withEU-protected marine species 72.1 9 5

16 El Pipo/BurkanaTwo purposely sunk wrecks at same sitewith EU-protected marine species 70.0 8 6

17 S.S. Rosslyn Steamship sunk in 1916 off the South Mole 69.5 6.5 7.5

18Gorham's CavesComplex

Significant site of Neanderthal and ModernHuman prehistoric occupation, also Punicshrine 67.9 10 3

19 North Mole

Commercial mole built in late 19th/early20th Century - historical importance andEU-protected marine species 65.5 8 5.5

20 InkwellsUnderwater site located below 18th/19thCentury anchorages 65.5 8 5.5

21The ShermanTanks

Two WWII Sherman tanks on the seabed

just off Europa Point 65.5 5.5 8

22

Governor'sBeachForeshore

Coastal complex with military installationswith protected marine species 61.3 8 5

23Weaver'sPinnacle

Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoricimportance and EU-protected marine

species 61.3 8 5

24 MollymockA purposely sunk wreck with EU -protectedmarine species 61.3 8 5

25 Little BayCoastal complex of 18th-20th Centurydefensive installations 60.5 5.5 7.5

26Eastern Side

Aircraft (general)

A number of submerged WWII aircraft in

various stages of exposure/preservation 60.5 5.5 7.5

27 Bristol Bombay WWII aircraft that sunk in the Bay in 1941 60.5 5.5 7.5

28

Fred Flintstone'sSubmarine(reef)

Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoricand protected natural habitat/speciesimportance 59.8 6.5 6.5

29Eastern Beachto Catalan Bay Heavily modified and reclaimed shoreline 58.9 2.5 9.5

30 Detached MoleMole of historic importance with EU-protected marine species 57.4 8 4.5

31 South MoleMole of historic importance with EU-protected marine species 57.4 8 4.5

113

32 Lighthouse Only Trinity lighthouse outside of UK 56.9 9 3

33

West EndRunwayAnchorage

Historic anchorage at the head of the Bayof Gibraltar 55.6 5.5 7

34 SeahawkA purposely sunk wreck with EU -protectedmarine species 53.7 8 4

35East side SeaCliffs

Geologic, prehistoric and biologicalimportance 51.1 6.5 5.5

36 Cannon PileSubmerged site with over fifty 19th Centurycannon 50.9 6 6

37 Crest Reef Wreck site currently under investigation 48.9 4 7.5

38 Catalan Bay

Fishing village still with many traditionalboats, historic buildings and other maritimefeatures 47.8 7 4.5

39Peter Ives'

Pinnacle

Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoric47.2 6.5 5and natural habitat importance

40

Commercialdockyard andDry Docks

Historic late 19th/ early 20th Century NavalDry Docks of Gibraltar and associatedstructures and buildings 47.0 8 3

41Dockyard Towercomplex

Historic late 19th/ early 20th Century NavalBase of Gibraltar and associated structuresand buildings 47.0 8 3

42H.M.S. Erin(Inner/Outer)

Wreck of armed trawler sabotaged duringWWII 42.8 5.5 5.5

43 Airport Runway

WWII aircraft runway that juts out into thesea and was a vital launch pad for theAllied invasion of North Africa 41.2 8 2

44 Europa Reef

Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoricimportance and EU-protected marinespecies 41.2 8 2

45 Vladi's Reef

Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoricimportance and EU-protected marinespecies 41.2 8 2

46 Pilot Boat

Early 20th Century wreck of small harbour

patrol vessel 32.3 4 5.5

47Arca de JesusCristo

A purposely sunk fishing boat forming partof an artificial reef 32.3 4 5.5

48Parsons LodgeBattery

A (predominantly 19th Century) coastalBattery sited above Rosia Bay 31.3 6.5 2.5

49 M.F.V. Helen

A purposely sunk wreck forming part of an

artificial reef 31.3 2.5 6.5

50M.F.V.Okeanos

A purposely sunk wreck forming part of anartificial reef 27.6 2.5 6

51 Batty’s BargeA purposely sunk wreck forming part of anartificial reef 24.2 2.5 5.5

52South MolePropeller

An aircraft propeller found on the seabed.Currently under investigation 24.2 2.5 5.5


114

The pilot sites

53482M CableLaying Barge

A purposely sunk wreck forming part of anartificial reef 19.9 4 3.5

54Camp Bay

Barges

Purposely sunk wrecks forming part of anartificial reef 18.0 2.5 4.5

55 Little EuropaSubmerged cliffs with geologic, prehistoricand natural habitat importance 15.3 2.5 4

Application of the model to Gibraltar's submerged sites yields the following

scatterplot (fig. 2). The more equidistant a site is from each axis combined with increasing

distance away from the origin raises its Conservation Priority. To facilitate interpretation,

points can be allocated particular colours.

The colour allocation of the scatterplot of sites can be amended to suit particular

needs (e.g. colour coding wrecks, or specific score intervals), but in our model we have

found it useful to use the general arrangement shown.

The results clearly highlight the sites which require most urgent action, indicated by

those in red (having a Prioritization Score 90), with green, blue and black points

representing progressively decreasing priority. When these scores are plotted using a

GIS, it becomes possible to establish 'high conservation priority areas' where resources

could most economically be allocated to best effect. Such exercises are especially useful

when it highlights common interests and management requirements from more than one

responsible body (such as heritage and environment); (fig. 3) shows the results obtained

for submerged and coastal sites around Gibraltar with Prioritization Scores 60. (fig.3)

≥

2. Scatterplot of HeritageScores v. Risk Status Scores.Such a scatterplot allows arapid visualisation of therelative conservation prioritiesof each site, which can behighlighted by colour-coding.Key: Sites with a Prioritization

Score 90 ; < 90 to 60 ;

< 60 to 30 ; < 30 .

≥ ≥

≥

115

Scores can be also used in a predictive manner, e.g. to investigate the effect of

implementing new legislation. Shows the results obtained to the Threat Values of

all 55 sites.

The system is also flexible enough to include further ranking axes, which can

further inform management decisions. In Gibraltar this has been done by also assessing

sites' educational and tourism potential. This can allow the further prioritization of sites on

the basis of their providing additional community value.

References

Marine surveillance – Diving and Intertidal Survey.

Urban Development and Preservation of the

Morphology of World Heritage Fortress Cities.

Neanderthals and Modern Humans.

Council Directive

92/43/EEC of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and

flora.

Fa, D.A. & Finlayson, G. (2008).

Report produced for the Gibraltar Government Ministry of the Environment, submitted

December 2008.

Finlayson, C., Fa, D.A., Finlayson, G. & Viagas, C. (2001). Criteria for the management

of a fortress city – Gibraltar, a case study. In

5th-7th September, Suwon City, Korea.

UNESCO, 53-70.

Finlayson, C. 2004. Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge.

Government of Gibraltar (1989). Gibraltar Heritage Trust Act, of the 1 of May, 1989.

Office for Official publications of the European Communities (2004).

EU Nature Conservation, European Commission.

st

(fig. 4)

http://www.gibraltarlaws.gov.gi/articles/1989-12o.pdf

3. GIS plot of sites withPrioritization Scores 60 around

Gibraltar.

4. Change in Threat Values ofthe 55 sites in this study based

on the application of draftHeritage legislation.

There is a clear aggregation ofsites in the locality of Rosia Bay(circled). Based on our model,

this would be classified as a'high conservation priority area'.

A significant decrease in siteswith Threat Values greater than

7 can be clearly observed.

3 4


116

CHAP. 2.9TYRE - South Lebanon

A Governance Approach to a WH Site

The importance and value of Tyre

Preamble

mélange

Acity with a special heritage value

Asacred place

Tyre has been inscribed upon the World Heritage List in 1984 on the basis of

criteria III and VI of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention. Criterion III: Tyre is one of

the earliest metropolises. Criterion IV: The name of Tyre is associated with the production

of purple die, with the Phoenician expansion and the founding of trade posts in the

Mediterranean basin. The inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List gave this site a

universal value therefore it belongs to all humanity and to future generations.

Our role is to protect it and preserve it without compromising its authenticity and

integrity. For that reason all actions we undertake that meets our needs of the present

must not conflict with the spirit of the convention and compromise the ability of future

generations to meet their own needs.

Tyre is a historic city with a unique and authentic cultural inheritance. It was

accordingly designated as World Heritage Site in 1984 by the international organization

UNESCO. The vestiges of millennia of human occupation and the succession and

achievements of different civilizations have given Tyre its special character and a

considerable wealth in cultural resources. This wealth is evident in the archaeological and

historic remains reminiscent of great civilizations like the Canaanite, the Phoenician, the

Hellenistic, the Roman, the Islamic, the Crusader and the Ottoman.

The cultural juxtaposed with the natural beauty of the area have created a

place where man can reflect upon his past, wonder about the achievements of previous

civilizations, merge with the local culture and its rich inheritance, and interact with the

physical and legendary legacy of the place. Tyre is a unique place with a cultural

significance suggestive of a number of values; these values are listed and explained

below. The cultural significance of Tyre is a statement detailing the importance of the city

and defining the values that need to be respected, preserved and enhanced in the of a

conservation and tourist development approach to the city.

Tyre is a city with an urban history stretching back to the 3 millennium BC. The

different civilizations that left their marks on the history and the urban character of the city

have contributed to the formation of a unique and authentic heritage depicted in

monuments ranging from luxuriously decorated funerary sarcophagi and complexes,

churches and cathedrals, triumphal arches and major colonnaded streets, aqueducts,

basins and large water installations, hippodrome, agora, bathes and pools, etc. The

international recognition of the importance and richness of this heritage culminated in

1984 in the nomination of Tyre as a world heritage site. Since then, Tyre has been the

focus of international interest and efforts are currently being made to launch an

international campaign for the safeguard of the city and its cultural landscape.

Associated with the veneration of the Canaanite-Phoenician god Melquart

(Heracles), the city gained a wide fame in the ancient world and was an important

religious center that attracted many pilgrims. Even Alexander the Great himself

rd

The pilot sites

117

expressed his wish to present offerings to the Phoenician god of Tyre. The location of the

temple of Melquart remains until today undiscovered, it is believed to be situated on the

ancient island city site.

Mentioned in the Holy Bible and associated with the sacred journeys of Jesus

Christ and the history of St-Peter, Tyre and its area are important stages on the pilgrimage

road to the Holy Land. Such a tradition is reflected in the numerous Christian sanctuaries

in the city like for instance the early Christian church of the 4 century, the crusader

cathedrals and later churches and religious centers scattered across the old city. In the

Medieval period, Tyre was an archbishopric center and its history during that period was

documented in detail by its archbishop William of Tyre. The important role it has played in

the struggle between Crusaders and Muslims can still be traced in military and religious

installations in the city and the area.

Tyre is endowed with a picturesque natural environment with a rich natural

diversity. From long sand beaches to forested areas and agricultural lands, the charm of

these green areas is increased by the warm glow of the ruins of the Roman and Byzantine

period as well as by the traditional sandstone architecture which merges beautifully with

the coastal environment. The rich variety of fish and wild animals constitutes an important

resource that should be protected. The creation of a natural reserve to the south of Tyre is

the first step towards the appreciation of these resources and their conservation for future

generations.

Abiblical place

Aplace of natural beauty

th

Aplace of decay

Afishermen's city

An important trade center

Archaeological remains and historic monuments of different ages found within the

archaeological sites, inside the Old City, in the surroundings of Tyre and underwater are not

only surviving testimonies of a distant past, but also philosophical statements reflecting the

powerlessness and incapacity of man in front of the power of time and nature. The traces of

great civilizations and the remote history of populations which lived and died at Tyre are

strongly evident in the monuments they have left behind and in the cultural legacy the

Tyrians still carry with them in their daily lives. The remains that reveal the achievements

and aspirations of previous nations leave us deeply contemplative of the role we play in this

current life and the position we occupy from the modern world.

Fishing was and still is one of the main occupations of the inhabitants of Tyre. This

traditional occupation is still a center of focus in the old city and the source of livelihood for a

substantial number of Tyrian families. Apart from being the center of a vivid social activity,

fishing and associated events are a major tourist attraction and a strong determinant of

local identity.

Tyre's trade importance is the consequence of the important commercial relations

the city established with its various colonies across the Mediterranean and with trade cities


118

all across the ancient world. Tyrian traders traveled by sea from their city as far west as the

Atlantic coast and to the southeast as far as the Arab Gulf. Several trade posts were

established to facilitate the transfer of goods from and to Tyre. The great wealth

accumulated from intensive trade activity was obviously reflected in the architecture of the

city. This flourishing activity was not restricted to the Phoenician period, but was rather a

long term phenomenon which was continued to the medieval period where Tyre was one of

the main harbors of Damascus and an important link for the exchange of exotic produces

from the east like spices, damascene textiles, glass and ceramics, unguents, etc.

Tyre has always been a point of contact between east and west. Its favorable

location and its mediating role drawing together the worlds of the Orient and the Occident

gave the city a unique history and a cultural environment unique to the area. The cultural

richness and diversity of Tyre is the result of the mixture of civilizations responsible for

spreading the alphabet, establishing a common culture across the Mediterranean,

creating cultural and commercial links between the various kingdoms of the ancient world,

and contributing to the advancement of script, history, philosophy, fine crafts, architecture,

and technology. Tyre carries a message to the world, a message of a shared rich cultural

legacy emanating from a distinctive local identity.

The rural and agricultural environment of Tyre is an intrinsic part of the urban and

historical setting of the city. Tyre could not have developed without its countryside and its

rich produces. The preservation of the rural character of the Tyrian countryside is essential

Aplace of cultural interchange

Arural place

for the conservation of the significance of the historic city. The agricultural fields and

orchards surrounding the city contribute to the aesthetic value of the place.

Tyre is associated with a number of legends and myths that reflect the way ancient

civilizations interpreted natural phenomena identified their position from the cosmos and

explained important aspects of daily life. Legends like the abduction of Elissar (Europa)

by Zeus and the creation of the European continent, the flight of Cadmus and the founding

of Phoenician colonies, the accidental discovery of the purple dye, the imperial purple,

and others as well, are testimonies to the central role of Tyre in the history of civilizations

and the shaping of the ancient world.

Tyre is a harbor city with a long tradition in fishing, sea faring, conquest and trade.

The harbor plays an important role in the socio-economy and cultural development of the

place giving it this special character that is particular to harbor settlements. The history of

the Phoenician people with the sea as central element is still alive in the remains

preserved underwater and in some of the modern installations of the present day harbor.

Sections of the Phoenician, Roman, Medieval and Ottoman harbor installations form a

dynamic resource of unique importance which requires proper treatment and evaluation

as well as integration in order to make it accessible to people's enjoyment and

appreciation.

Alegendary place

Aharbor city

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119

Aplace of festivities

Acraftsmen's city

Aplace of local resistance and military history

The various monuments dedicated to festivities and public activities like the

hippodrome, the palaestrum, the Roman public pool, the modern football field and other

facilities in the city detail the central importance of public entertainment and communal

leisure to the populations of Tyre, past and present. The annual Tyre festival can be

regarded as a present manifestation of an age-old tradition. It attracts people from all over

Lebanon and from other countries as well. It is to be regarded as a cultural demonstration

of the rich heritage of the city.

Tyre was famed for the fineness of its luxury products and the quality of its

craftsmanship. The exquisite value of ivory items, silver, glass and purple dye textiles was

appreciated by the ancient world and the products were carried over long distances by

Phoenician traders. Although some of these crafts still survive until today in the old

markets of Tyre, their preservation and revival are essential for maintenance of cultural

links with past.

Tyre is a city proud of its local identity and character. It is also conscious of the role it

needs to play in the politics of the time and place. The sieges of Tyre by Nebuchadnassar

andAlexander the great and the refusal of the latter to capitulate under the threat of death

by the sword are examples of the determination of the inhabitants of this city to stand

strong in front of the oppressor and to resist the aggressor.

The inclusion of Tyre on the World Heritage List is a direct consequence of the

International recognition of the importance, uniqueness and richness of this heritage.

The Lebanese Government, the party responsible for submitting the application for World

Heritage nomination, agrees to abide by the terms of the World Heritage convention with

respect to the protection and conservation of the World Heritage city. UNESCO is

consequently a main partner in the monitoring and protection of the site. In fact, since

1982, UNESCO has been active in the following fields of inquiry with respect to Tyre:

- Assessment of the extension, nature and value of the heritage of Tyre.

- Protection of archaeological sites from armed conflicts.

- Evaluation of the various human and natural hazards threatening the

preservation of the heritage resources.

- Evaluation of the various urban development plans and zoning regulations that

affect the integrity of the archaeological resources and historic and natural environments.

- Proposal of guidelines and amendments to urban master plan for the integration

of heritage within socio-economic and tourism development plans.

- Drafting plans for the management of the archaeological and heritage resources

of the city and its region.

- Providing support and professional advice to the DGAto ensure the most proper

management of the archaeology, taking into consideration the limited resources of the

official institutions in the country.

Summary of main UNESCO efforts for the safeguard of Tyre


120

The main recommendations for the conservation of the heritage of Tyre and its proper

management are:

- The preparation of a management and revitalization plan for the city and its

region in collaboration with the DGAand DGU.

- Protecting the Old City and the archaeological sites through the definition of non

aedificandi areas or buffer zones. The definition of special and sensitive building

regulations and the prohibition of the construction of buildings with more than 3 storeys in

the immediate proximity of monuments.

- The collection of all documentation pertaining to the history and archaeology of

Tyre including reference to the previous state of the sites of Tyre; the creation of a

Documentation Center for the city.

- The execution of a complete survey of the nature and extension of the heritage

resources of Tyre including those that lye underwater.

- The conservation of the archaeological remains and the re-burial of those not

intended for public presentation. Urgent measures must be taken in order to conserve

fragile features like mosaics, opus sectile floors and frescos.

- Organizing visitor information and management.

- Staff development at the DGA in order to cope with the requirements of heritage

conservation and management.

- The reconciliation of urban development and tourism with the preservation of

heritage as a decisive factor.

The UNESCO World Heritage Center has often stressed the need for a

comprehensive Urban Master Plan for Tyre and its region. The plan would organize

building construction, preserve the natural and cultural heritage of the city and help

develop tourism in a sustainable form. The idea of such a comprehensive master plan

developed in 1982, i.e., prior to the inclusion of Tyre on the World Heritage List.

In fact, between the years 1975 and 1990, the war in Lebanon prevented the

archaeological activities but not the development of the city. Consequently, some

destruction of the buried archaeological remains occurred due to uncontrolled

Vulnerability of the heritage assets (defining issues)

Urban development

The pilot sites

1. A GIS 3D map showing thestat of the built areas in 1975(blue) and in 2006 (red)

urbanization. This situation increased since 1990,

jeopardizing the remaining archaeological potential areas

of ancient Tyre. Furthermore, in 2003 a new Urban Plan

was designed for the city and its surroundings creating a

real pressure on the heritage management authorities.

Within this urban plan, many land portions owned by the

government were to be freed, sectioned and sold for

construction. Aware of these threats, the DGA aimed to

carry out a wide range survey for the potential

archaeological remains of Tyre and its surroundings in

order to build up an Archaeological Map that will act as a

Risk Map on the basis of which the decision making

process will be performed by the DGA and the Lebanese

authorities.

121

The LandArchaeological Risk Map:Aims and Methodology

Methods and techniques

Results

By achieving the archaeological risk map of Tyre, the DGA aimed to tackle more

than one important issue related to the archaeology and history of this city:

I - On the archaeological and heritage level

· The DGA would complete as much as possible its knowledge about the

settlement pattern. Consequently, defining its boundaries during the different

historic periods.

· The DGA would also define archaeological protection zones requiring specific

measures, within areas that are under the imminent threat of developing hazards.

II - On the strategic level the DGAaims to:

· Adopt a preventive approach, thus improving the stability conditions between

development works and protection of cultural resources.

· Propose mitigation actions in order to avoid conflict.

· Enhance the potential significance of cultural landscapes and create a new

framework for reconciling development and conservation.

III - On the methodological level the aims are to:

· Build up a package of tools and methods to be used in future large scale

development and construction works.

· Provide the framework for developing new methodologies and strategies for

monitoring heritage sites at risk.

· Create a geographical data-base of the most sensitive archaeological regions

and develop red flag models and mapping.

· Provide an integrated tool for the conservation of cultural heritage within the

existing social, economic, political, cultural and environmental frameworks, in

order to achieve a sustainable development.

In addition to the field walking, two other methods were used in parallel, the remote

sensing and the geophysical surveying. The remote sensing focused mainly on the

Investigations in the IR channel. The ground that lies behind this approach is based on the

well known fact that under the direct effect of sun light, shallow ground disturbances

create a differential heat response in soil and vegetation canopies that can be detected

using the IR satellite channels. The proper treatment of the IR signatures significantly

enhances soil marks enabling us to detect archaeological features hidden under the

vegetation cover With this technique, much emphasis is placed on pattern recognition

methodologies following a basic tenet from the IR IKONOS image interpretation that

humans tend to produce constructions with regular geometries (circles, ovals,

rectangles, lines that reflect various architectural features), while most patterns in nature

tend to be less regular (with some exceptions). In order to ascertain whether the thermal

anomalies represent true variations in the physical properties of the materials, the data

have to be verified with the geophysical surveys that were performed on site. Two main

methods were used in the geophysical survey: The Magnetometry and the Ground

Penetrating Radar.

After the mapping of the features detected using both geophysical and remote

sensing methods in addition to the results of the field walking survey and the already


122

known archaeological remains, we were able to have a

clearer view of the settlement extensions, the territory

boundaries in addition to land use patterns in Tyre.

Consequently, the areas to be protected are defined more

clearly giving the DGA strong arguments allowing us to

impose strong protection measures. On the other hand,

by adopting those non-intrusive techniques, we were able

to detect the signatures of many important archaeological

buried features. Thus, reducing the excavation works by

concentrating them into the danger zones and the

intended development areas.

In addition, the DGA has developed a direct action

plan with two distinct strategies:

I. The areas of minor threat will be subject to test

The pilot sites

trenching in order to evaluate the exact depth, nature and importance of the

archaeological deposits.

II. The areas of eminent threat will be subject first to trial trenching which will define

the best approaches to be undertaken: either conservation of the archaeological potential

or undertaking large-scale excavations.

We clearly think, that with the continuous use of this newly adopted approach, we

will be able to asses more easily the importance of the remains. This will allow us to have

wider space for maneuver vis-à-vis the protection or mitigation strategies to be adopted

and discussed with the governmental developing agencies. Nevertheless, UNESCO

stresses furthermore that the Old City, its sea front and the fishing harbor are components

of the same entity that should not be partitioned. Consequently, the ensemble requires a

coherent approach that will guarantee the global protection of the site and its integrity, the

conservation of its historic monuments, and the management of its tourist development.

A marina project has been always proposed by the local authorities to be

implemented near the fishing harbor. The location was used as a docking area for cargo

ships transporting used cars imported mainly from Europe.The purpose of the Tourist

Marina is to make accessible the cultural and natural resources of a place to a larger class

of people. Consequently, it must not jeopardize the same resources it pretends to make

available for people's enjoyment. The creation of the marina will help develop and boost

tourism in the Tyre area as a means of improving the socio-economic conditions of this

part of Lebanon. Tyre is a multi-faceted tourism package of historic and archaeological

importance; it possesses a huge cultural tourism potential with underwater resources,

sun and beach tourism, and a strong historic legacy with rich traditions and folklore, crafts

and natural beauty. Tyre enjoys a moderate climate throughout the year, a special natural

landscape, a strong mythical background and a unique aesthetic value. Moreover, the

fame of Tyre as World Heritage City increases the tourist potential of the place. The tourist

marina project at Tyre will service the process of attracting visitors to the area. It is an

important infrastructure need targeting Mediterranean tourism.

The underwater archaeology situated within the present harbor area of Tyre has

Harbor extension (A tourist marina in Tyre)

Potential impact on the underwater archaeology and the harbor

2. Tyre’s fishermen harbor.

123

always been a center of interest for archaeologists and historians. French archaeologist

A. Poidebard was the first to dive in the harbor area for purposes of archaeological inquiry.

He discovered underwater remains of ancient jetties and other installations. In 1960,

British archaeologist Honor Frost conducted limited explorations in the area and reached

similar conclusions as to the nature and importance of these remains.

The harbor area of Tyre is a dynamic and self-contained space where social

activity is rich and varied. In this area, social bonds and human relations are created and

renewed through traditional and leisure activities of fishermen and inhabitants. The

inhabitants of the old quarters go on daily walks to the harbor area. The fishermen

maintain a constant presence there; when they are not involved in fishing activity, they

indulge in traditional social practices like storytelling, gatherings in cafés, card games,

etc. Moreover, they conduct the traditional craft of net spreading and fixing, boat cleaning

and repair on a daily basis and under the wondering eyes of visitors and tourists. This

social interaction between fishermen, visitors, and local inhabitants is an important facet

of daily life at Tyre. It forms part of the traditional heritage of the city in need of

preservation. The construction of a tourist marina in the harbor zone of Tyre can upset the

social balance of the area if it does not respect its rules and avoid encroaching on its

space.

In this context, the exploration of part of the harbor of Tyre was undertaken, as a

preliminary measure for assessing the potential impact such a plan can have on the

underwater heritage. The main findings of the DGA archaeology Team can be

summarized to the following (see plan provided by the underwater survey report):

- The discovery of two large masonry walls (measuring each ca. 95 and 85ms with

masonry blocks of 2.25 x 0.45 x 0.55ms) running east-west, parallel to each other and to

the modern jetty, and situated at a distance of 8ms from each other. The walls are possibly

the remains of an ancient jetty connected to the northeastern tip of the island and used in

classical and medieval times.

- A 13ms long wall of similar width and height running north-south and connecting

the two parallel walls from their eastern extremities, thus closing the space between them

from that edge.

- Two walls running north-south with respective dimensions of 25 x 9ms and 13 x

4ms (masonry blocks are of different shapes and sizes with the largest block amounting

to 1.90 x 0.45 x 0.55ms).

- A number of columns and masonry blocks scattered alongside the alignment of

the modern jetty and to the east of it as well.

- A number of underwater deposits of large size that could cover archaeological

features like shipwrecks, constructions, etc.

- Scattered deposits of ceramics and other artifacts.

From the preliminary findings of the archaeology team, it is obvious that the

underwater area of the harbor is packed with archaeological features and objects. This is

of course not an unusual phenomenon at Tyre as the harbor is historically attested since

at least the Iron Age period (i.e., from the 1 millennium BC). Subsequent harbor

installations for protection, extension and defense, stretching from the classical to the

Socio-cultural impact

The UnderwaterArchaeological Risk Map:Aims and Methodology

st


124

The pilot sites

medieval period are to be expected. Moreover the richness of the area in historic

shipwrecks, themselves an important heritage resource, is already evident from the

existence of heaps of stone, sand and archaeological material (possibly pertaining to

ships sunk on purpose in order to block the entrance to the harbor in times of war), as well

as archaeological features like piers and jetties, ancient artifacts like pottery of different

periods, indicate the long use of the harbor throughout history and the valuable historical

information available underwater. Such resources can play a decisive role in the

development of a cultural tourism infrastructure at Tyre revolving around the history and

mythology of the Phoenicians, Alexander the Great, the Romans, the Crusaders and the

Arabs, as well as around the topography and extension of the city underwater. The limited

survey, restricted to the area directly to the north of the modern jetty and to the entrance of

the harbor from the east side proves that a substantial amount of buried features remains

to be discovered underwater. The regular accidental discovery of artifacts during

cleaning operations inside the harbor shows that much more is to be expected in that

particular area of the harbor. The impact of the projected tourist marina on the underwater

archaeology can be detrimental and damaging if it involves the installation or construction

of new permanent features, like piers, jetties, platforms and other facilities in the harbor

area. Judging from the preliminary underwater survey at Tyre harbor, the value and

significance of the archaeological resources is overwhelming because of the rarity, level

of preservation and easy accessibility (shallow depth) and visibility of these

archaeological features. Their tourist potential is, needless to say, enormous and can

contribute largely to the development of the tourist industry in Tyre and the creation of

additional employment for its inhabitants.

In case a balance is to be established between the preservation of the

archaeological resources underwater and the construction of a tourist marina in the

harbor area, the available options that can guarantee the less possible damage to the

underwater resources are:

- Conducting works in areas which are free from underwater archaeological

remains. This can be assessed by executing a localized underwater survey of the area

where construction is to take place. If the archaeological potential of such an area is

inexistent, construction might take place in the context of an environmentally sympathetic

design that respects the historic and natural setting of the area. Special budgets must be

allocated to such underwater surveys. They are expensive and time consuming and

might jeopardize the financial viability and timetable of the engineering project. They are

nevertheless necessary in order to map, once and for all, the location and importance of

the underwater heritage. The evaluation of the results of the surveys must rest with the

DGA. The priority of the DGA so far is to safeguard the threatened heritage resources of

the area without really creating a new situation where intervention will be necessary and

pressure will be drawn on staff and DGA infrastructure. Consequently, the decision to go

ahead with this option must be carefully taken and a preliminary dialogue with the parties

involved must precede the final definition of a strategy.

- Conducting works in areas that have already been damaged by previous non-

sympathetic construction i.e. the area of the present commercial harbor. The concrete

platform of that harbor is left unused in the majority of the time and is quite shanty and run-

down creating a serious encroachment in the area. The rehabilitation of this area, after

Results and mitigation options

125

the transfer of the commercial harbor out of Tyre, and their conversion into tourist docking

areas and facilities can prove to be a successful operation on the level of urban

improvements in that area.

- Constructing the harbor outside the area of the historic harbor of Tyre, in a place

where underwater archaeology is not known to exist.

The socio-cultural activity inherent to the dynamism of the harbor is an important

characteristic of daily life at Tyre and a valuable aspect of the traditional heritage of the

city. The proposed marina construction can disturb or damage the social balance

maintained at the harbor side if it encroaches on the domain of the fishermen and if it

creates a new demand on space at the level of the seafront and the Old City promenade.

Consequently, the marina construction should avoid the following:

- Avoid encroaching on the fishermen's harbor because it is already crowded and

polluted. The fishermen should not have their own space in the harbor reduced nor should

they be forced to adapt to physical constraints brought about by the insertion of the tourist

marina. Consequently, the tourist marina should be located more towards the commercial

harbor rather than close to the fishermen's harbor in need of rehabilitation.

- The marina should avoid reclaiming areas restricted to its use from the maritime

front. Access to the marina piers by the local inhabitants should be made available with a

certain level of control.

- Cultural interaction between visitors and local inhabitants should be encouraged

and should take place in gardens, open spaces and restaurants and cafés.

- The number of vessels the marina could host at one time should be kept to a

reasonable minimum 20-30 max. Small to medium size boats so as not to create pressure

Results and mitigation options (Socio-cultural)

3

4

3. Photo showing the top of theancient jetty

4.Underwater soundingexecuted on the northern side

of the ancient jetty

on the cultural resources of the area, reduce pollution and

maintain the serene and peaceful character of the Old

City.

During the underwater archaeological survey of the

northern bay of Tyre, the archaeologists reported many

submerged structures - still in situ - relating most probably

to the roman era. They were at a depth of 6m under the

actual sea level. The reason behind their submersion is

due to the sea level change occurred during the last 2000

years. In fact, in coastal areas, relative sea-level change

is often thedominant factor in geomorphologic evolution.

Such changes are due to a mix of 3 geologic processes:

eustatic sea-level rise or fall (due to the melt of polar ice),

vertical tectonic movements of the regional land mass

(normal tectonic & earth quakes), and addition to or

removal of coastal sedimentary deposits. Sediment infill

from eroding uplands has landlocked many ports of

historic importance. Nearly 150 years ago C.T. Beke first

Natural Risks

Sea level rise


126

5. Relative variations of the sealevel in the Persian Gulf (afterSanlaville 2000)

presented geological evidence for a theory of delta advance at the mouth of the Tigris-

Euphrates system. Cuneiform texts imply that the Sumerian city of Ur was a port, possible

on a large fresh-water lake in the Euphrates delta; Ur is now more than 100 km from the

sea. The Nile River now has 2 main branches in it delta. Herodotus recorded 5 branches;

Ptolemy listed 8. In his book, Le Moyen Orient Arabe, Sanlaville (2000) presents a

charted curve indicating sea level change in the lower Mesopotamian and the Persian

Gulf since 9000 B.C. In the coastal zone of Tyre, similar changes in sea level occurred

during the last 2000 years affecting the position of the shoreline. Consequently, harbor

structures dating from the roman era lie nowadays beneath the sea.

According to GODWIN (1943), SHEPARD and SUESS (1956), JELGERSMA and

PANNEKOEK (1960) and CURRAY (1961), the level of the oceans rose by 40 m or more

at the end of the last glacial period. This rise slowed down about 7000 B.P. so much that

since then the level of the oceans has not changed more than ca. 2 or 3 m. Local ocean

level changes in both pre-historic and historic times have been attributed to local vertical

movements of the shores, or to local changes of impediments in the flowing of the tides.

Only worldwide synchronized changes of the ocean level are thought to be caused

by the melting or freezing of the ice shields on the poles. In general, the velocity of eustatic

level changes of the oceans is slow and of the order of millimeters per year particularly if

there was no proof of visible faulting. As long as the possibility of short and sudden

eustatic oscillations is not considered, all signs found on the coast of relatively sudden

sea level changes are taken as an indication of tectonic movements. Consequently, by

tacitly excluding the possibility of sudden eustatic sea level changes, tectonic changes

are considered the main elements that have caused the submergence, and sometimes

contemporary emergence of important coastal features like ports.

The “present sea level” seems to have been reached in the 16th century; since that

date there have been no indications of any permanent change of an order greater than 40

cm. (BLOCH, M.R.: 1964). In a research conducted by a group of French researchers

(GRGS/UMR39 and CLS) aiming to monitor actual fluctuation of the Mediterranean sea

level, three years of TOPEX/POSEIDON (T/P) data were analyzed in the Mediterranean

as part of the European MAST MERMAIDS-II project. The project also aims to improve

scientific knowledge of the circulation and marine ecosystems in the Mediterranean. The

contribution of the group (GRGS/UMR39 and CLS) focuses on analyzing

Causes of change (eustasy & differential tectonic)

Recent & Historic Data

T/P and ERS-1 data and assimilating them in a numerical

model. The main results (mean level, ocean circulation,

and assimilation) are illustrated below indicating the

mean sea level in the Mediterranean between October

1992 and August 1995. (AYOUB, N., et al., 1995).

As for more ancient data, usually historic records,

archaeological and geo-archaeological data are the main

core material for our research studies. Consequently, we

know that the area of Haithabu (near Schleswig -

England) flourished during the period of 900 A.D.; as the

The pilot sites

127

land was 1 m higher above the level of the sea than today,

it follows that the sea must have been at a low

(KENSTER, E.J., 1960). Until the 13th century Yarmouth

(Great Yarmouth on the shore of the northern see -

England) was at least 10 ft. higher above the sea than now

(CLARKE, 1960, p.22). We also know that the ocean was

several meters below present day level during most of the

first millennium B.C. This is indicated by the local results

of GODWIN (1943) in the Fenlands of East Anglia as well

as by 14C data relating to the Dutch coast where no

warping is supposed to have taken place (JELGERSMA,

S., 1961). It would also seem that all Greek and

Phoenician ports between 700 B.C. and 50 A.D. were built

in the sea (present level), or more probably, at a sea level

several meters below the present. The fact that several

fastening devices for ships found in ports of the 1st

millennium B.C. were meters below present sea level, has

been explained as a tectonic submergence; this applies to

those in Petuoli, the Adriatic coast near Triese, Sicily and

inAsia Minor.

The same explanation is given for the Roman salt

pans which were found 3 m below present sea level in

excavation at Venice (DE BIZZARO, P.C., 1901).All those

facts are related to both deferential tectonic movements

and eustatic sea level oscillations. Around the mid first

century B.C. the island of Iktin (which was the chief source

of supply of tin from the British island to the East) was

described by Diodorus Siculus as an island connected by

ridge with the mainland, passable at low tide. If DE

BEER'S (1960: pp. 161-162) identification of this island is

correct , then i t fo l lows that the sea was

6. Mean sea level (in m)in the Mediterranean,

October 1992 to August 1995(TOPEX/POSEIDON cycles 2 to

106).

7. The great Levant TransformFault (LFT) which forms the

tectonic boundary between theArabian plate and the

African plate

somewhat lower in Diodorus' time than today (BLOCH, M.R.: 1964) In the Crimean area,

ports and towns which were founded and inhabited from about 500 B.C. to 300 B.C. are

now partly under water, and even their defensive walls are inundated (MONGAIT, A.L.,

1961: p. 199). Thus the Black Sea like the North Sea, the Atlantic and the Mediterranean,

was considerably lower in the middle of the first millennium B.C. and at the dawn and in

the middle of the first millenniumA.D. than at present (BLOCH, M.R.: 1964).

On the basis of the above stated information, Tyre, like other southern port's

settlement in the Mediterranean sea, follows the same process, i.e. due to the tectonic

movement and to the eustatic change, they had their ports flooded and their shores

shrank since the Hellenistic ca.333 B.C. 64 B.C. and roman period ca. 64 B.C. 395A.D.

Preliminary results of the recent studies conducted by the General Directorate of

Antiquities with the CNRS team of the CEREGE of Marseille show that the Sidon ancient

shoreline lies under the present level. The results concerning Tyre follow the same

pattern.

Results

7

6


128

Seismic risks

Lebanon is crossed by the great Levant Transform

Fault (LFT) which forms the tectonic boundary between

the Arabian plate and the African plate. The speed of the

LFT is estimated to be 1 cm / year since the Miocene.

When this fault reaches southern Lebanon, it splits into a

fan-like system: Three main fault systems with mainly the

Yammouneh fault lying parallel to Mount Lebanon,

running NNE and reaching the Eastern Anatolian Fault;

the Serghaya fault east of Yammouneh with Mount

Hermon, the chain of the Anti-Lebanon and the

Palmereids folding; to the west, the Roum Fault, which is

relayed offshore by a complex system thrusting system

forming an arch which, once arrived at Tripoli, produces a

70m escarpment dividing the city into two.We are thus

faced with a partitioning of the movement from the South

that produced the uplift of Mount Lebanon. This is young and vigorous tectonics and the

associated deformation is evenly distributed between shortening in the EW direction and

NS left-lateral strike-slip faulting. Mount Lebanon culminates at 3080m and a preliminary

study gives an uplift rate of 5 mm / year. It is also a mountain that plunges directly into the

sea with an almost non-existent continental shelf in such a manner that less than 10 km

offshore, we are already at depths of -1500. This tectonic dynamics puts Lebanon in

general and Tyre in particular under a continuous seismic risk. This risk is confirmed by

the last seismic crisis that hit south Lebanon in 2008. Furthermore, historic records testify

of a long series of quakes affecting the entire coastal zone. The southern part of Tyre city

site which is submerged under the sea is one of many testimonies of this seismic history.

The underwater survey of the southern coastal area of Tyre revealed important

discoveries related to the ancient roman city. As mentioned before, part of this city is

nowadays submerged under the sea. The explanation is that all this part of the city was

submerged due to the combined effect of the sea level rise and the differential tectonic.

ARCHAEOMAP project has open new horizons for future investigations and

research projects in Tyre's waterfront area. The claims to continue the investigations are

more than needed.

This project will be executed exclusively by both DGAand CNRSL.

Within the sea, surrounding the WH site of Tyre lays numerous archaeological

features. In addition to shipwrecks, parts of the old roman city drowned in the sea namely

the part of the insular site to the south-west of the city. Furthermore, to the north of the

actual harbor jetty, an older jetty lies at 6m below sea level. This latter is surrounded by

sand dunes having many shipwrecks. The CNRSL conducted a bathymetry survey along

the Lebanese coast. Nevertheless, a 100 meters strip from the shoreline towards the

Furture projects and resolutions

Detailed mapping of Tyre's waterfronts

Project details

8 - 9. Images of submergedstructures in Tyre’s southernbay

8

9

The pilot sites

129

11. An aerial photo taken byA. Poidebard at the beginning

of the 20 century of thesouthern submerged part

of the city

12. Map presenting the resultsof the bathymetry survey

conducted by the CNRSL alongthe Lebanese coast

th

territorial water was not included within the framework of the project. Furthermore, within

the framework of the ARCHAEOMAP project, the Lebanese DGA did surveys in these

areas in order to map the locations and extents of the submerged archaeological

Heritage. Important data has been recorded since. Still, the work is not yet finished and

still need to be completed using geophysical survey technologies that were not used until

now in water (Numerous Geophysical surveys were done on land by the DGA). Within the

framework of the future project, targeted areas specified by the DGA will be surveyed in

collaboration with the Center of Geophysics at the CNRSL.The activities will include, the

updating of the existing GIS map already having the locations and coordinates of the

previously surveyed archaeological features in addition to the areas to be Geophysicaly

surveyed. Consequently, new feature resulting from the new survey will be added.

These proposed projects will undoubtedly allow the DGA to have additional data

enabling her to redefine the marine protection zones of Tyre's WH Sites and

consequently precise the framework of future scientific and Archaeological projects to be

undertaken in this area.

Outcomes

11 12


130

The O.N.G. contribution to thediffussion of culture

chap. III

CHAP. 3.1The Bourbon Arsenal of Palermo

Exhibition space for the sea

To preserve the natural, cultural and underwater heritage of Palermo's Gulf, the

Committee of theArsenal (Figure 1) with the collaboration of Soprintendenza del Mare of

Palermo in the year 2006 drafted a project to research in the underwater, with a deepness

of 40 meters, the vessels wrecks that participated to the naval battle of Palermo on 2th

June 1676.

Besides for the construction of galleries, the arsenal was a reference point for the

fleets that suffered damage as they sailed in the waters surrounding Sicily. The damaged

vessels could be repaired in the port of Palermo.

In 1674 the uprising in Messina fomented by the French was vigorously repressed

by the Spanish. The Dutch fleet, under the orders of Admiral Michael Ruiter, came to the

aid of the Spanish fleet. The admiral died in the battle of Augusta and, owing to great

damage it had suffered, the fleet had to set sail for Palermo for repairs in the arsenal

where qualified guilds worked.

On the evening of May 30, 1676 news arrived the French fleet was sighted

between the islands of Alicudi and Filicudi, while the next day the Dutch fleet was warned

that the French fleet, under the orders of the Duke of Vivonne, could be seen already from

the town of Termini, where it had also captured two boats with their loads of wheat.

Towards five o'clock in the afternoon the French fleet appeared at the horizon of the

Gulf of Palermo. Jon d'Haen, the new admiral who took command of the fleet at the death

of the great admiral Michael Ruiter, ordered the Spanish and Dutch ships being towed by

the gallery to assume an arc-shaped formation going from the fort of the dock to the mouth

of the Oreto River. This was a fatal mistake.

The ships, flanked one next to the other, had little space for maneuver and were

positioned opposite the Castle at sea which was downwind thus blocking its artillery.

On Monday, June 1, there was only a skirmish between the vanguards atAcqua dei

Corsari the Corsairs' Waters. It was a way for the French to test the solidity of the Dutch-

Spanish fleet and foolishness of its formation. The decisive clash between the two fleets

took place the next day at ten o'clock in the morning.

The French had larger and more powerful vessels as well as a greater number of

galleries which, thanks to their greater maneuverability, were very important owing to the

absence of wind. The French launches and feluccas supported the operations of the

other vessels. The Dutch-Spanish ships immediately returned fire after the first

broadsides of the French fleet, but the wind was blowing towards the city and the smoke

produced by the artillery soon engulfed it with a thick cloud blocking its view.

At this point the French put into action their strategy. A number of fire-ships namely

barges loaded with pitch and other inflammable materials camouflaged like warships

were sent towards the Dutch-Spanish fleet thus fooling Don Diego d'Iguarra, the general

of the Spanish ships, which moved towards them with the “King of Spain”, a true floating

fortress (Figure 2). But, although it sank two of these fire-ships, the ship under his

command soon came into contact with the others and caught fire.

Don Diego d'Iguarra was injured twice and was put half dead into a Feluca to be

taken ashore, but the boat, weighted by part of part of the panic-stricken crew who was

trying to escape, sank thus drowning everyone. In the meantime the other ships

manovring blindly in this inferno of smoke and fire were viciously hit by the broadsides of

the French vessels. The King of Spain, “a citadel floating on the sea, magnificent for its

The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture

133

size and capacity, superb and rich for its craftsmanship and exploded projecting debris of

all kinds on the city.

The guilds of Palermo who had unsuccessfully requested the artillery pieces from

the archbishop who substituted the viceroy in governing the city while he was absent

broke into the storerooms, carried away the cannons, pulled them along the Cassaro,

mounted them on the bulwarks on the sea and shot the first blanks.

The French fleet under the command of Vivonne suffered considerable damage

and to retreat without reaping the fruit of its victory.

The losses of the Dutch-Spanish fleet were enormous and John d'Hean, the vice

admiral commanding the fleet, died in the battle as well.

The people of Palermo who watched the battle from the top of the city walls sided

with the Spanish not for any sort of love towards them, but only for their hatred for

Messina, whose vanity of being the capitol of the reign, fuelled by France, had made it

much more than a rival for Palermo. It was its enemy. Many wrecks of the battle are today

in the Gulf and we are looking for a serious research. It was a most important battle in 17th

century and the most important historical event of the Arsenal Palermo's life before to be

the headquarter of the English fleet during the period when the King of Naples lived in

Palermo under the protection ofAdmiral Horatio Nelson.

After the Sicilian revolution leadered by Giuseppe Garibaldi and his Picciotti on

1860 the life of Arsenal was designated to be a prison and after the end of 18 the arsenal

was used like ware house. TheArsenal is located towards the end of via dell'Arsenale and

it borders with the Fincantieri Shipyard and the fabulous villa of Marquis De Gregorio

(Figure 3). The vessels of the Royal Navy and private shipbuilders were built in the area

behind the building. Today this part of the city is a true open-air museum which needs to

be revalued (Figure 4).

In the area around the Arsenal stand Villa De Gregorio, the Florio shipyards, the

English Cemetery, Montalbo Palace and many more buildings of great interest. The

Arsenal was built between 1621 an 1630 on the project of the architect Mariano Smiriglio,

a great figure in Italian Mannerism.

The two-storey building has a regular form; in the

upper part of the façade there is the Bourbon coat of arms

with an eagle head and the inscription:

(Figure

5). The Arsenal of Palermo was the place where the

xebecs (Figure 6) and galleys (Figure 7) that helped on

the fight against the Barbary pirates in the Mediterranean

Sea where built. In fact, Sicilian ships played a leading

role in many sea battles.

Today the only shipyard in Sicily is the one in

Palermo and hence it is the only testimony of the Sicilian

maritime legacy which regard to the construction of

warship and merchant ships.

The museum currently is composed of:

- the historical section (Figure 8);

- the photographic section;

- the maritime traditions section;

Philippi IV Hispan,

utriusque siciliae regis III, auspiciis augustis, navale

armamentarium inchoatum, perfectum MDCXXX

1. Arsenal's committee logotype

2. The models, SpanishGalleon S. Felipe

1

2


134

3

- the maritime engines section;

- the ship model section;

- the Barbary pirates section;

Another important activity is the dissemination of elements of maritime culture in schools

of all types and the organization or events for the promotion of businesses involving the

sea. In the last September 2008, after the restoring works, the Sicilian Region and the

Maritime Museum opened the Arsenale to the public for itinerant exhibitions and

conference relating the theme of maritime heritage (Figures 10-11).

A shoot of a gun replica, during the Historical Parade of the Reggimento Marina,

declared a new Period of activities and after the International meeting on Maritime

Heritage, the Arsenal hosted an important exhibition coming from Spain in collaboration

with Spanish Government (Figure 12).

In order to the cultural maritime's diffusion theArsenal of Palermo organize school

laboratories and university's tutoring. The participation as partner to important European

Projects of Culture 2000 with public partners like Generalitat Valenciana (GothicMed),

Museu Maritim Barcelona (Mediterrania) and Regione Siciliana (Archaeomap) is a

particular moment of the Committee's life.

The implementation of the collections is the main goal in this period but many

difficulties of financial character make the way very hard, but to preserve an important

monument is very interesting for the history of the Mediterranean Sea. Finally we have

implemented the services offered to the public with a little bibliotheca open for the

students and the lovers of maritime culture.

3. Maritime Museum Arsenalof Palermo

4. Maritime Museum's hallArsenal of Palermo

5. Eagle's coat of armsArsenal of Palermo

6. The models, Sicilianmilitary Xebec

7. The models, FlagshipGalley of Sicily

8. The collections, Bourbonguns, 1781-1785

9. Historical Parade of theReggimento Marina after therestoring works of Arsenal ofPalermo, charging gun,September 2008

10. Historical Parade of theReggimento Marina after therestoring works of Arsenal ofPalermo, military parade,September 2008

11. The Exhibitions, “Espananel Mediterraneo” at the firstfloor of Maritime Museum -Arsenal of Palermo

3 5

4


135

6 7

8 9

10 11


136

CHAP. 3.2Importanza della conservazione del patrimonio culturalee la diffusione delle informazioni


International Institute for the Study of Man partecipa al progetto Archaeomap

focalizzando l'attenzione sulla duplice importanza costituita per un verso dalla

conservazione del Patrimonio Culturale e, per altro, dalla diffusione delle informazioni.

Prima di entrare nello specifico del tema che si intende trattare si ritiene necessario

puntualizzare cosa si intenda per Patrimonio culturale in una accezione antropologica.

Patrimonio culturale è tutto ciò che è stato realizzato dall'uomo nel corso della sua storia e

come tale non soltanto il mondo degli oggetti che rispecchiano le risposte culturali alle

sue necessità, ma la , ossia la visione del mondo e della vita di una

comunità che è l'ossatura stessa di ogni società. In altri termini come

che non nasce ma si costruisce nel tempo attraverso i segmenti culturali, i ,

preservati dopo che le dominazioni sono passate o gli incontri/scontri con altri popoli

cessati, segmenti trattenuti perché risultati funzionali alla propria organizzazione, che

vanno a costituire quella specificità che è possibile riscontrare all'interno di una regione.

In quest'ottica si è privilegiato uno di questi segmenti: l'uso dello spazio nella quotidianità

del vissuto esitato nel corso del tempo in architetture costruite con certi parametri

piuttosto che altri, perché legate alla abitudini e alla maniera di vivere che hanno

determinato stili e modelli artistici.

Un riferimento al passato è d'obbligo, perché nella storia è possibile leggere il

percorso fatto dalle comunità per perimetrare il proprio privato, legandolo alle specificità

del vigente in quel quadro culturale.

Il sito di Himera, nei pressi di Termini Imprese, in provincia di Palermo, consente di

leggere la riproposta nella fondazione della nuova città secondo i parametri della cultura

di origine e fa comprendere come le scelte attuate nel corso della storia di una comunità

rimangano peculiare della cultura di appartenenza non solo in patria, ma anche in

esilio. Marc Augè, anzi, sottolinea come la forza dell'etnicità fuori della patria d'origine sia

più forte quando si è lontano dalla propria terra. Nel nostro caso l'architettura più

palesemente di altro mostra quel cordone ombelicale mai reciso tra i fuggiaschi greci e la

cultura di appartenenza. Nel caso di Himera i coloni ripropongono gli isolati,

l'organizzazione spaziale della , i luoghi del sacro nelle tipologie canoniche e il

mondo che si sono dovuti lasciare alle spalle, perpetuando una familiarità di

tramandata da generazioni.

La lezione di quel retaggio tipologico abitativo non ha cessato il suo ruolo storico

con i coloni: ha influito, infatti, sull'organizzazione del territorio siciliano tra il Cinquecento

e il Settecento quando si è presentato il problema della riorganizzazione economica e

sociale delle campagne siciliane.

Le architetture rurali, infatti, che intorno al Cinque-Seicento sono presenti in Sicilia,

rimandano a moduli spaziali in cui è possibile leggere il debito culturale nei confronti del

mondo greco e romano. Ci si riferisce alla tipologia presente soprattutto nelle

campagne della Sicilia orientale e al tipico dell'area occidentale dell'isola che taluni

attribuiscono, invece, all'influenza araba, che, in ogni caso non si discosta da quell'ottica

se si riflette sulla lunga dominazione romana che ha interessato i popoli della fascia

settentrionale africana.

Sul modulo costruttivo di ieri, nel corso della storia, le architetture rurali vengono

adeguate alle nuove esigenze, nel rispetto della diffusione tipologica areale: nella Sicilia

weltanschauung

Patrimonio identità

tout court tratti

dictat

tratto

polis

tratti

masseria

baglio

137

1.fornice d’ingresso - Giardinello (Pa)

2. Villa Valguarnera,esedra d’ingresso con scalone

a tenaglia - Bagheria (Pa)

Masseria Zucco,

2

orientale la diffusione della o con caratteristiche ricettive e

protettive, rispondente ai problemi che crea il brigantaggio interno; nella Sicilia

occidentale la diffusione del con l'inglobamento di uno o più spazi interni chiusi,

idonei per un verso a proteggere i contadini dai pirati che saccheggiano uomini e cose

lungo le coste, e sino a tutto l'Ottocento, per altro per l’organizzazione lavorativa e la

conservazione dei prodotti della terra.

In questa direzione l' ha continuato a leggere i mutamenti

avvenuti nella spazialità quando mutamenti si profilano alla fine del Seicento, per un

duplice ordine di ragioni: la Sicilia orientale per il terremoto distruttivo che l'investe nel

1693; la Sicilia occidentale per le esigenze dettate dal nuovo assetto politico dell’Europa

che vede l'Isola sede del regno prima e del vicereame poi.

Se il terremoto costringe a costruire su un modulo già assodato - il barocco, che in

Sicilia però elabora un costrutto proprio, originale e dal tratto forte - la nuova condizione

politica sollecita l’acquisizione della moda d'oltralpe volta a vivere la qualità della vita

cittadina anche in campagna, tra agi e regole, galateo e impegni mondani. Se le

architetture rurali della Sicilia orientale si adeguano a divenire aziende, che rimandano le

rimesse in città, le architetture intorno alla capitale si trasformano in ville residenziali dove

gli aristocratici gareggiano nel gusto e nella magnificenza, nella ingegnosità e nella

bellezza esecutiva dei loro .

Le dimore cittadine mostrano lo sfarzo che consentono di realizzare le rimesse

masseria masseria fortificata

baglio

International Institute

desiderata

1


138


della campagna (fig. 1). Le ville di campagna gareggiano con le dimore cittadine

proponendo anche moduli esecutivi del tutto innovativi come le scale a tenaglia di

incredibile fascino e di grande bravura esecutiva (figg. 2/5).

Ancora oggi il grande patrimonio che correda il territorio isolano costituisce una

risorsa incredibile per le richieste del nostro tempo: infatti le ville in cui il peso economico

non consente più al proprietario di viverle nel privato vengono adeguate alle necessità di

un mondo che cambia le sue abitudini. Aziende di un tempo demandate alla

trasformazione dei prodotti della terra diventano centri di ricezione di un turismo che

vuole riprendere il dialogo interrotto con le stagioni e i sapori, per riscoprire le vie del vino,

dei formaggi, dell'olio, in un progetto salutistico volto a migliorare il rapporto tra il cibo e la

salute.

Le ville più imponenti diventano sede di ospitalità di grandi eventi pubblici o privati,

o, quando l'incuria del tempo si è abbattuta sulle strutture l'adeguamento le trasforma in

centri benessere dove però i segni di vecchie spazialità riescono a esibire ancora tracce

di un'altra storia.

Leggere la spazialità vuol dire sapere anche guardare al mondo che lo ha

popolato. Un universo di uomini e donne che il destino della nascita ha inchiodato in ruoli

diversi: da vincitori o da vinti, per dirla con un linguaggio caro al dibattito avviato negli anni

ottanta sull'argomento.

Si profila così per un verso un mondo di committenti che ha, secondo il proprio

gusto, intessuto un rapporto dialogico con maestranze capaci di esitare in esecuzioni che

hanno, ognuno nel proprio campo, contribuito a scrivere la storia di una fabrilità tutta

siciliana, dai mobili ai tendaggi, dagli abiti ai servizi di tavola, dai pavimenti maiolicati agli

argenti. Committenze che hanno con le loro dimore tratteggiato una città ricca e

maestosa, legata al buon gusto e alla disponibilità economica di un tempo. Per altro un

mondo di esecutori di grande professionalità che ha consegnato un raffinato corredo di

architetture, di oggetti, di creatività.

Nelle campagne un altro universo, quello dei contadini, con il lavoro ha disegnato

lo orizzonte e del territorio, costruito un paesaggio immortalato negli schizzi

degli artisti del , che lo trovavano non solo bello ma pieno di fascino per quel

dialogo mai interrotto tra storia e territorio, tra cultura e natura. Lavori dei campi portati

avanti da una manodopera maschile e femminile che condivideva la durezza della fatica

e il peso della sorte.

skyline, faces

grand tour

3.fronte principale - Palermo

4. Palazzo Cattolica,scalone d’onore - Palermo

5- Palazzo Comitinisala Novelli - Palermo

Palazzo Alliata di Villafranca,

3 4 5

139

Poco si è parlato del ruolo di un altro universo ancora legato al mondo di una

fabrilità in cui i confini tra arte e artigianato non sono stati mai ben definiti. L'arte del ricamo

e dei lavori a telaio.

Il decoro della quotidianità del vissuto, infatti, con i suoi codici comunicativi,

rimanda alla tradizione di pregiata biancheria della casa, orgoglio dei casati, del corredo

della sposa realizzato sulla scia di un antico retaggio artistico che conduce fino ai ,

all' , ai laboratori situati negli ampi spazi dei magazzini del palazzo

Reale: parliamo dell'arte del ricamo importato come tratto culturale di una corte raffinata,

segnata dalla sapiente maestria di impronta araba. Maestria che ha realizzato non solo

trine e merletti, stoffe raffinate, disegni lavorati con fili d'oro e d'argento, ma che ha saputo

anche andare oltre esitando in moduli propri, in tecniche proprie mutuate attraverso il

dialogo con altre realtà ancora, fino alla realizzazione di sfilati che tra trame e orditi

costruiti con ago, ripropongono soggetti tratti da esempi aulici di illustri pittori.

Centri come Santa Caterina Villarmosa, Comiso, Piana degli Albanesi preservano

una memoria di tradizioni esecutive legata a luoghi dove, lì come qui, le donne per

secoli hanno trascorso la vita chine su telai a ripetere moduli stilistici venuti da lontano a

dimostrazione che il mare ha le sue vie e che non ci sono barriere agli incontri di uomini, di

popoli, di genti che nell'andare verso il futuro portano con loro il loro passato, il loro

sapere, la loro storia, la loro cultura.

Una mostra organizzata qualche anno fa dall' ha dato l'opportunità alle

donne di Santa Caterina di stendere, in un grande bucato collettivo, il loro corredo sui fili

della biancheria: un orgoglio esposto al vento in una gara di concorrente maestria, a

ricordare quanto si è stato e si è ancora capace di produrre in un centro agricolo, dove un

antico adagio che recita ricorda che il lavoro giornaliero di una donna al

telaio rendeva quanto il lavoro di un contadino a giornata nei campi, ma anche a riflettere

sulla fatica che precedeva il lavoro del ricamo nel momento della tessitura della tela su cui

poi imprimere gli antichi retaggi della storia.

Con la stesa al lavatoio di vecchie dell'Ottocento, che oggi fanno sorridere

per tanta ingenuità, la mostra ha voluto porre l'accento su donne che pur se lontano dai

circuiti comunicativi della città non hanno rinunciato a quella leva che ha sempre mosso il

mondo: vestire la sessualità con il tratto elegante della femminilità (figg. 6/7).

tyraz

ergasterion imperiale

altri

Institute

u tilaru è zappuni

lingerie

6. LSanta Caterina Villarmosa (Cl),

7. SantaCaterina Villarmosa (Cl),

avatoio pubblico

Ricamo tipico di

6 7


140


8. Altare di S. Giuseppe Gli spazi del vissuto raccontano anche vicende che riguardano la più vasta

comunità. Spazi, infatti, della quotidianità non sono soltanto da considerare le dimore

ed . È la stessa città ad essere un grande palcoscenico, il

grande teatro della quotidianità dove si proietta il modo di vivere nella condivisione

collettiva del tempo della festa, dei rapporti sociali, degli eventi.

Ogni tempo della storia ha esternato gli avvenimenti con apparati che hanno

trasformato vie e piazze in palcoscenici, in mondi rappresentati, in spettacoli di gioia e di

dolore, di fede e di morte. Così gli apparati festivi, le architetture effimere, le grandi

impalcature montate per dichiarare il tempo eccezionale dell'anno non cessano il loro

compito storico. Quando sembrano aver esaudito il messaggio nel linguaggio del tempo

che li ha voluti, questi sono assorbiti da altre comunità che, impossessandosene, li

demandano a rappresentare la loro identità. Un retaggio della storia che non si perde, che

nei fenomeni di ascesa e discesa dei tratti culturali, recita tutta la dinamicità di cui è intrisa

la cultura. Molteplici sono gli esempi che documentano l'impossessarsi di segni che sono

andati a recitare un'altra storia. Si pensi agli archi di pane di San Biagio Platani innalzati

per la Pasqua, agli altari di San Giuseppe innalzati in onore del padre putativo di Cristo a

Salemi e Calatafimi, della provincia di Trapani (fig. 8).

A San Biagio, comune in provincia di Agrigento, (i devoti della

Madonna), e i (i devoti del Cristo) innalzano immense architetture in occasione

della Pasqua. I primi lavorano con materiali presi dalla terra come canne, fronde, frutti,

fiori, i secondi con materiali recuperati e riciclati come motori di lavatrici, lastre di

alluminio, residui di ferro. Il risultato di queste attività, organizzate in occasione

dell'evento celebrato, esita nella mattina di Pasqua in immense architetture dove la

natura celebra se stessa nell'esubero cromatico del verde dei rami, nella fantasmagorica

esplosione dei fiori, nel pane divenuto formelle del portale di una chiesa, le cromie dei

legumi sapientemente accorpate in pannelli che costeggiano la via crucis: un costruito

che nell'insieme dà un impatto visivo di forte coinvolgimento emotivo, realizzato per fare

da quinta di scena alla processione che vede l'incontro tra la Vergine e il Figlio Risorto,

mentre dalle fontane realizzate, con le imponenti sculture che le sovrastano, il gorgoglio

dell'acqua sembra recitare la sua nenia. Qui il retaggio di quella storia lontana che risale

al Rinascimento rivive come nei quadri d'autore, segnando il filo sottile che lega gli uomini

nel corso della storia, indipendentemente dai luoghi dove vivono.

intra moenia extra moenia

madunnara

signurara

Un filo sottile che lega anche Salemi, Borgetto,

Menfi e tanti altri centri dell'isola nella realizzazione degli

altari di San Giuseppe, dove la Madonna della Vittoria del

Mantegna si ripropone ripetuta nelle molteplici

realizzazioni di altari, come se il tempo si fosse fermato,

come se i luoghi non avessero confini, come se gli uomini

appartenessero a un'unica comunità (figg. 9/12).

Quanto detto fin qui è parte di un nutrito archivio

audiovisivi che si pone come strumento di comunicazione

tra culture che hanno dialogato nel tempo e che

continuano a dialogare, talvolta senza consapevolezza,

proponendo che nel dinamismo culturale

consentiranno di proseguire nel rapporto di scambio di

ritenuti importanti dalle rispettive comunità.

Attraverso gli spazi dell'abitare di Himera, una

tratti

segmenti

141

colonia greca fondata da fuggiaschi, è stato possibile avviare un percorso legato alla

quotidianità del vissuto attraverso le forme dell'architettura, che ha finito per imprimere

una impronta indelebile nel futuro della terra della comunità ospitante.

Una impronte che nel dialogo con altri tratti, di altre comunità ha finito per

raccontare una storia dove è difficile vedere i confini di una sola identità. Questa è la

ragione per cui se l'antropologia di ieri puntava sull'affermazione dell'identità di ogni

cultura per ogni comunità, oggi Marc Augè invita alla riflessione: guardare piuttosto

quanto ogni comunità abbia accumulato in debito culturale da un'altra, quanto la storia di

ogni uomo non possa perimetrarsi in un'unica area di appartenenza, quanto, finché ci

sarà il mondo, non ci saranno confini per un dialogo inconsapevole. Quanto sia limitato e

limitante, inoltre, cercare fittizie paternità di appartenenza, per individuare, come

suggeriva Lévy Strauss, nella ricerca del dialogo quello che unisce, piuttosto che quello

che separa popoli ed etnie.

9 - 12. A

San Biagio Platani (Ag)

rchi di pane, foto d’insiemee particolari,

9 10

11

12


142

Guidelines for sustainable development of coastlaland underwater archaeological siteschap. IV

Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites

CHAP. 4.1Sustainable development

Introduction

However, the potential or actual contribution of the UNESCO

to a green economy, as well as to other emerging issues (e.g. the world financial crises)

should be assessed in a systematic and holistic manner.

In the present rapidly evolving environment marked by climate change and

economic turmoil, UNESCO's programmes in the natural sciences - with their emphasis

on sound management of natural resources and building capacity in science, technology,

engineering and innovation - have never been more crucial to the international

community's response to the present and future challenges of ensuring the Earth's

sustainable development.

Sustainable development,

research, innovation and environmental transition has taken on increasing importance for

all those institutions that intend to seriously address the environmental crisis and for

which territorial and local community requalification is considered advantageous from a

local and global point of view. Sustainable local development requires the presence of

professionals possessing awareness of the local/global context and an understanding of

the changing and increasingly complex transversal and interdisciplinary scenarios.

Through specialized training, professionals can acquire competency in territory

management, communication, promotion, improvement and conversion, based on the

concept of sustainable development. Policy, planning and management must be

improved by integrating decision-making and using all forms of knowledge. Moreover,

nature must recognized as a crucial component for maintaining the planet's life-support

system. This integrated policy also reveals the need for enhanced local and sub-regional

data on trends and early warnings on critical disturbances and vulnerability. Such

information can be obtained from the networks of UNESCO World Heritage sites.

Among the specialized agencies, funds and programmes of the United Nations

system, UNESCO is best suited to this task by virtue of its multi- and inter-disciplinary

mandate. UNESCO's support represents an obvious added value, as the combined

action of communication, culture, education and science brings to the management of

natural resources the human dimension of adaptation to global change in addition to

scientific-technical aspects, thus facilitating sustainable development.

The UNESCO World Heritage List includes 890 properties possessing

“outstanding universal value”. A quarter of these properties are located in Mediterranean

region. The 1972 World Heritage Convention links in a single document the concepts of

nature conservation and the preservation of cultural properties. In this way, the

Convention recognizes the way in which people interact with nature, and the fundamental

need to preserve balance between the two. The concept of World Heritage is particularly

note worthy because of its universal application. World Heritage sites belong to all the

peoples of the world, irrespective of the territory on which they are located, a symbol and a

model of sustainable developpement for all of humanity. For this reason, these sites also

benefit from the elaboration and implementation of comprehensive territory management

plans that establish adequate preservation measures and monitoring mechanisms. To

support these, experts provide technical training to the local site management strategy.

The Mediterranean region is a nexus of cultural, environmental, political and social

divergences, making it an ideal testing ground for exploring options for the future and

constructing pilot projects intended to develop regional and global operational initiatives.

Sustainable development is not merely a scientific, technological or economic question it

is a response to a planetary social-economic and ecological crisis.

The concept of sustainable development is particularly relevant in the

145

Mediterranean, which is: a rare and fragile , where development is largely

dependent on the environment, and where degradation has become a major concern;

one of the main pilot laboratory in the world for North-South contacts, fracture and

interdependency; a group of countries and an area where stability and prosperity highly

depend on the capacity to implement development and cooperation policies and patterns

that take heed of the environmental, social and economic components of development;

the ecoregion is renowned for its climate, for the common sea that separates and links

three continents, and for its ancient cultural and natural heritage. It is also one of the main

hot spots of world biodiversity: 10% of known higher plants live on only 1.6% of land

surface and 7% of marine species in less than 0.8% of total ocean surface; many of these

species are endemic. Heavy constraints are hydric stress (summer water shortages),

aridity in the South, natural hazards, limited expanse of plain surfaces and

communication difficulties.

The 22 riparian countries and territories accounted for: 5.7% of the planet's

emerged surfaces, including deserts and mountain ranges; 7% of the world's population

(stable share) with 427 million inhabitants; 32% of international tourism, with 218 million

visitors; 13% of world gross domestic product (GDP) (decreasing); 60% of the world's

“water-poor” populations; 8.3% of CO2 emissions (increasing). On the sea, 30% of

international maritime freight traffic and some 20 to 25% of oil maritime transport transit

through the Mediterranean. Global warming is expected to have strong longterm impacts

on the Mediterranean Basin. Assumptions are the intensification of extreme climatic

events and a warming of less than 1°C by 2025. Over 60 % of the world's people live

within 60 kilometres of the sea. Coastal and marine environment is strongly influenced by

human activities, via local pressure or climate change.

Yet ecosystems of coastal areas have a crucial and an important economic value

for local population living from terrestrial and marine resources. Yet, due to population

growth and migration of people towards large urban centres, the number of people living

in coastal zones is constantly expanding. Moreover, coastal zones are under permanent

pressure for the needs of tourism. This situation leads to constant degradation of natural

and cultural resources linked with social conflicts and environmental degradation.

An integrated methodology for costal zone management in Mediterranean area is

for UNESCO a special case for sustainable development and cultural and biological

diversity valorisation. UNESCO sees the inter-relationship and interaction between

scientific and local knowledge systems as an issue of major importance with respect to

natural resource access, utilization, conservation and benefits-sharing - and hence for

sustainable development. The recognition of local knowledge systems creates

opportunities for establishing sustainable development and natural resource

management processes that are rooted in social equity and relevance, local ownership

and value systems, sound institutional partnerships and the valuation of both cultural and

biological diversity.

ARCHAEOMAP project proposes an interdisciplinary research agenda and

capacity building aiming to improve the relationship of Mediterranean people with their

marine environment. Its targets are the ecological, social and economic dimensions of

maritime culture loss and the reduction of this loss. It uses its network of nine pilot sites as

vehicles for knowledge-sharing, research and monitoring, education and training, and

participatory decision-making. ARCHAEOMAP project wants to provide context-specific

opportunities to combine scientific knowledge and governance modalities in an

ecoregion


146


inter-disciplinary methodology. A number of ARCHAEOMAP pilot sites are recognized

under UNESCO World Heritage List which innovative and demonstrative approaches to

conservation and sustainable development.

The Mediterranean environment - including the seas and adjacent coastal areas -

forms an integrated whole that is an essential component of the global life-support system

and a positive asset that presents opportunities for sustainable development.

International law, as reflected in the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the

Law of the Sea, sets forth rights and obligations of Mediterranean States and provides the

international basis upon which to pursue the protection and sustainable development of

the marine and coastal environment and its resources. This requires new approaches to

marine and coastal area management and development, at the national, subregional,

regional and global levels, approaches that are integrated in content and are

precautionary and anticipatory in ambit, as reflected in the following programme areas:

a) Integrated management and sustainable development of Mediterranean coastal

areas, including exclusive economic zones (EEZ);

b) Marine environmental protection;

c) Sustainable use and conservation of marine living resources under national

jurisdiction;

d) Addressing critical uncertainties for the management of the marine environment and

climate change;

e) Strengthening international, including regional, cooperation and coordination;

f) Sustainable development of small islands.

The implementation by Mediterranean countries of the activities set forth below

shall be commensurate with their individual technological and financial capacities and

priorities in allocating resources for development needs and ultimately depends on the

technology transfer and financial resources required and made available to them.

The Mediterranean coastal area contains diverse and productive habitats

important for human settlements, development and local subsistence. More than half the

world's population lives within 60 km of the shoreline, and this could rise to three quarters

by the year 2020. Many of the world's poor are crowded in coastal areas. Mediterranean

coastal resources are vital for many local communities. The exclusive economic zone

(EEZ) is also an important marine area where the Mediterranean States manage the

development and conservation of natural and cultural resources for the benefit of their

people. For Mediterranean island or countries, like Malta and Sicily, these are the areas

most available for development activities. Despite national, subregional, regional and

global efforts, current approaches to the management of marine and coastal resources

have not always proved capable of achieving sustainable development, and coastal

resources and the coastal environment are being rapidly degraded and eroded in many

parts of the Mediterranean area.

Mediterranean States commit themselves to integrated management and

Recommendations

Basis for action

Objectives

147

sustainable development of coastal areas and the marine environment under their

national jurisdiction. To this end, it is necessary to, inter alia:

a) Provide for an integrated policy and decision-making process, including all involved

sectors, to promote compatibility and a balance of uses;

b) Identify existing and projected uses of coastal areas and their interactions;

c) Concentrate on well-defined issues concerning coastal management;

d) Apply preventive and precautionary approaches in project planning and

implementation, including prior assessment and systematic observation of the impacts of

major projects;

e) Promote the development and application of methods, such as national resource and

environmental accounting, that reflect changes in value resulting from uses of coastal

and marine areas, including pollution, marine erosion, loss of resources and habitat

destruction;

f) Provide access, as far as possible, for concerned individuals, groups and organizations

to relevant information and opportunities for consultation and participation in planning

and decision-making at appropriate levels.

Each Mediterranean partner should consider

establishing, or where necessary strengthening, appropriate coordinating mechanisms

(such as a high-level science policy planning body) for integrated management and

sustainable development of coastal and marine areas and their resources, at both the

local and national levels. Such mechanisms should include consultation, as appropriate,

with the academic and private sectors, non-governmental organizations, local

communities, and resource user groups. Such national coordinating mechanisms could

provide, inter alia, for:

a) Preparation and implementation of science policies for sustainable development;

b) Implementation of integrated coastal management and sustainable development

plans and programmes at appropriate levels;

c) Preparation of coastal profiles identifying critical areas, including eroded zones,

physical processes, development patterns, user conflicts and specific priorities for

management;

d) Prior environmental impact assessment, systematic observation and follow-up of

major projects, including the systematic incorporation of results in decision-making;

e) Contingency plans for human induced and natural disasters, including likely effects of

potential climate change and sea level rise, as well as contingency plans for degradation

and pollution of anthropogenic origin, including spills of oil and other materials;

f) Improvement of coastal human settlements, especially in housing, drinking water and

treatment and disposal of sewage, solid wastes and industrial effluents;

g) Periodic assessment of the impacts of external factors and phenomena to ensure that

the objectives of integrated management and sustainable development of Mediterranean

coastal areas and the marine environment are met;

h) Conservation and restoration of altered critical habitats;

i) Integration of sectoral programmes on sustainable development for settlements,

agriculture, tourism, fishing, ports and industries affecting the coastal area;

j) Infrastructure adaptation and alternative employment;

k) Human resource development and training;

Activities

A) Management-related activities.

148


l) Public education, awareness and information programmes;

m) Promoting environmentally sound technology and sustainable practices;

n) Development and simultaneous implementation of environmental quality criteria.

Mediterranean partners, with the support of international organizations, upon

request, should undertake measures to maintain biological and cultural diversity and

productivity of marine species and habitats under national jurisdiction. Inter alia, these

measures might include: surveys of marine biodiversity, inventories of endangered

species and critical coastal and marine habitats, especially underwater archaeological

sites; establishment and management of protected areas; and support of scientific

research and dissemination of its results.

Mediterranean partners, where necessary, should

improve their capacity to collect, analyse, assess and use information for sustainable use

of resources, including environmental impacts of activities affecting the coastal and

marine areas. Information for management purposes should receive priority support in

view of the intensity and magnitude of the changes occurring in the coastal and marine

areas. To this end, it is necessary to, inter alia: develop and maintain databases for

assessment and management of coastal areas and all seas and their resources; develop

governance, environmental and socio-economic indicators; conduct regular

environmental assessment of the state of the environment of coastal and marine areas;

prepare and maintain profiles of coastal area resources, activities, uses, habitats and

protected areas based on the criteria of sustainable development; exchange information

and data. Develop international cooperation, and, where applicable, subregional and

regional mechanisms should be strengthened to improve their capacities to achieve the

above.

The role of

international cooperation and coordination on a bilateral basis and, where applicable,

within a subregional, interregional, regional or global framework, is to support and

supplement national efforts of Mediterranean partners to promote integrated

management and sustainable development of coastal and marine areas. Mediterranean

partners should cooperate, as appropriate, in the preparation of national guidelines for

integrated coastal zone management and development, drawing on existing experience.

Mediterranean partners should

cooperate in the development of necessary coastal systematic observation, research

and information management systems. They should provide access to and transfer

environmentally safe technologies and methodologies for sustainable development of

coastal and marine areas to developing countries. They should also develop

t e c h n o l o g i e s a n d l o c a l s c i e n t i f i c a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l c a p a c i t i e s .

Mediterranean partners should promote and

facilitate the organization of education and training in integrated coastal zone

management and sustainable development for scientists, technologists, managers

(including community based managers) and users, leaders, local communities,

fisherfolk, women and youth, among others. Management and development, as well as

environmental protection concerns and local planning issues, should be incorporated in

educational curricula and public awareness campaigns, with due regard to traditional

ecological knowledge and socio-cultural values. International organizations, whether

B) Data and information.

C) International and regional cooperation and coordination.

A) Scientific and technological means.

B) Human resource development.

Means of implementation

149

subregional, regional or global, as appropriate, should support Mediterranean partners,

upon request, in the areas indicated above, devoting special attention to developing

countries.

Full cooperation should be extended, upon request, to

Mediterranean partners in their capacity-building efforts and, where appropriate,

capacity-building should be included in bilateral and multilateral development

cooperation. Mediterranean partners may consider, inter alia:

a) Ensuring capacity-building at the local level;

b) Consulting on coastal and marine issues with different stakeholders, local

administrations, the business community, the academic sector, resource user groups and

the general public;

c) Coordinating sectoral programmes while building capacity;

d) Identifying existing and potential capabilities, facilities and needs for human resources

development and scientific and technological infrastructure;

e) Developing scientific and technological means and research;

f) Promoting and facilitating human resource development and education;

g) Supporting "centres of excellence" in integrated coastal and marine resource

management;

h) Supporting pilot demonstration programmes and projects in integrated coastal and

marine management.

The ARCHAEOMAP Manual is based on two main components that should be

considered together:

A) A proposed indicator framework that integrates governance, ecological and

socioeconomic dimensions, with a focus on outcomes or results rather than on

processes;

B) Proposed menus of indicators forARCHAEOMAP based on previous experiences and

literature review. Users can adapt the indicators to suit their specific needs by further

developing, testing and refining them. Also incorporated are results, outcomes and

lessons learned from the nineARCHAEOMAP case studies (pilot sites).

These studies provide examples of the development and application of ARCHAEOMAP

indicators through their testing and validation in real situations. They serve as a reference

for the adaptation of the approaches suggested in this Manual, use of which should be in

conjunction with the companion collection of the case studies.

A monitoring and evaluation plan and associated indicators served both as a

corrective function for the ARCHAEOMAP International Committee during the project,

enabling timely adjustments, and as a guide to structuring future projects more effectively.

Sustainable use of Mediterranean coastal areas and their resources must involve the

consideration of governance, ecological (including environmental) and socioeconomic

dimensions, as well as the interaction between them; this must form the basis of

ARCHAEOMAP project. While environmental indicators have long been used to monitor

the state of the coastal and marine environment, socioeconomic indicators have seen

very limited application, and governance indicators have been applied mainly in reporting

of the management process. A great challenge lies in developing appropriate sets of

governance, ecological and socioeconomic indicators that will allow decision-makers to

determine whetherARCHAEOMAP interventions are achieving their intended goals.

C) Capacity-building.

Guidelines


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CHAP. 4.2ENVIRONMENTAL INITIAL ANALYSIS for Underwater and Coastal Sites

Introduction

The Initial Environmental Analysis is performed both to identify significant

environmental aspects that affect the site and to determine the indicators.

The analysis includes a description of the site, its location, description of all

activities within it, the analysis of environmental issues, their quantification and

determination of the significance of them.The Initial Environmental Analysis is a crucial

activity for the determination of indicators and the resulting definition of the objectives of

sustainable development of the site.

The Archaeomap project concerns both coastal and underwater archaeological

sites, so this template of analysis was meant to be applied to these two type of sites. The

template are linked together, the order of application is the following:

1. EIAphase 1 for both coastal and underwater archaeological sites

2. EIAphase 2 for underwater sites

3. EIAphase 2 for coastal sites

These first three template can be used to assess the state of the site at the present

and after they can be linked to the Indicator for Integrated Coastal Management (ICOM).

These guidelines are useful to identify a certain number of indicators.

The identified indicators, both qualitative and quantitative, will help to suggest the

goals of sustainable management in the short, medium and long term. The same

indicators will provide a measuring instrument to understand whether the management is

improving the status of sites, if getting worse or if the situation remains unchanged.

1.1 General setting aim is to make available all the necessary information to mark out the

territorial contest under Environmental Management System.

Archaeomap GIS file (fig.1)

1.2 Area general features description through previous data collection or through studies

carried on in site inside

1.2.1 Geo-territorial, geo-morphological and hydro-geological setting: contest short

description possibly supported by data or maps available

1.2.2 Site historical setting: site historical-temporal short survey and documented

relevant events description (accidents, pollutions, natural events like earthquakes,

landslides, etc…)

1.2.3 Climatic and meteorological setting: short description of the local contest with

particular reference to the relevant weather events (floods, tornadoes, tsunamis, water

spouts, etc…)

1.2.4 Site socio-economic evaluation (brief description with available data on economic

activities, especially tourism, in site or its environs)

PHASE 1 - GENERAL SETTINGS AND AVAILABLE DATAANALYSIS For coastal and

underwater sites

1 – TERRITORY GENERAL SETTINGAND PREVIOUS DATAESTIMATION

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1. G

IS c

ard

for

underw

ate

r arc

haeolo

gic

al sites


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PHASE 2 for Undewater Sites

1 – TERRITORY GENERAL SETTING AND PREVIOUS DATA ESTIMATION

2 – CHECKLIST: THOROUGH ANALYSIS THEMES

1.1 General setting aim is to make available all the necessary information to mark out

theterritorial contest under Environmental Management System.


carried on in site inside


description possibly supported by cartographic tools and synthetic data representation

ones



landslides, etc…)


particpular reference to the relevant weather events (floods, tornadoes, tsunamis, water

spouts, etc…)

Fill in the spaces of interest, crossing the squares and giving a short as well as exhaustive

description

2.1 Human activities linked to the Site.

a. Human presence

Public or private ownership of the area: ...............

Public access to area: ..........................................

Human settlements presence: ..............................

b. Activites

Tourist activities: ……………………………............

Mining activities: …………………..........................

Aquaculture activities: ……………………………...

Ichthyic activities: ……………................................

Other: ………………………………………………...

2.2 Naturalistic and ecological aspects

a. Deterioration and pollution conditions: short description possibly supported by

scientific contributions or monitoring activities references.

b. Ecological aspects.

Relevent vegetal species presence: description and normative references

Relevent animal species presence: description and normative references

Relevant habitats presence: description and normative references

c. Hydrodynamic Site contest

Estuary: ……………………………………..............

Delta: …………………………................................

Beach: …………………………...............................

Lagoon: ………………………….............................

Archipelago: ……………………………..................

Archaeomap site GIS file.

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¨

153

Coastal plain: ………………………………….........

Coastal lake: …………………………….................

d. Substratum type

Rocky coherent: …………………………................

Organogenic: ….......................................................

Sedimentary: ……………………...............................

Mixed: ……………………..........................................

e. Depth

0 – 2 metres (inshore area): ……………………........

2 – 20 metres (downshore area): ……………….......

20 – 30 metres (photic zone ): .................................

Over 30 metres (disphotic zone): ……………...........

f. Distance from shore

0 – 30 metres (inshore area): ………………….........

30 – 200 metres (nearshore area): ……………........

Over 200 metres: ……………...................................

g. Presence of risks

Hydro-geological: ………………................................

Seismic: ……….........................................................

Floods: ……..............................................................

Failures ( landslides – rock falls): ………..................

Tsunamis / sea-quakes: ...........................................

Eruptions : ................................................................

Tornadoes / Twisters: ...............................................

Turbidity currents: ……………...................................

Regulation system in force identification, listing and describing the set of rules of

reference.

a. Body/Organization general description.

b. Management areas:

Researches and surveys: …………………................

Opening/excavation: …………..................................

Movable finds recovery: …………………...................

irremovable finds treatment: ...........................

conservation and maintenance: ......................

Site closing: ..............................................................

c. Activities/processes list.

(For each selected management area, list the necessary operations or groups of

operations necessary for works carrying out, using numbers or letter to mark them).

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3 – REGULATIONS IDENTIFICATION

4 – ORGANIZATION IN CHARGE OF SITE MANAGEMENT

In situ

In situ


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5 – ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS

cause effect

Phase 1 – Identification of the interactions between activities and environment

“Environmental Aspects-Impacts Table”

“Environmental Aspects”

Phase 2 – Identification and significance of the environmental aspects

“Identified environmental aspects list”

Phase 3 – Definition of the performance indicators set

Environmental aspects are brought about the interaction between the

activities/processes that take place in the Site and the different components of the

eco-system in which the Site is situated.

The aspect is the of the impact, that is the change of the environment, or the .

The identification of environmental aspects develops into three correlated phases:

On the basis of the list of the activities carried out in the site, interactions of these latest

ones with the environment, are identified. To this end, all environmental aspects listed in

the , used to identify the possible interactions

of the activities with the environment, will be taken into consideration and carefully

evaluated. The interactions of the activities with the environmental aspects can be

inferred from the check-list and from the

. The matrix reports the environmental aspects on every single line and the

management area on every column; every single interaction must be marked at the

intersection between the involved management area in the column and the

corresponding environmental aspect on the line.

The environmental aspects singled out for every management area have to be reported in

the . On this basis, the significance of the

related impacts has to be evaluated. The list of the significant environmental impacts

obtained will be the basis for an efficacious strategy of intervention aimed at improving the

environmental sustainability.

In relation with the significant environmental aspects identified, an indicators set, required

for performance control and for the achievement of unbroken improvement both in

efficiency and sustainability, has to be placed.

“Interactions

Matrix”

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203 SOx emission Air pollution, air quality GhG, acid rain

204 Suspended particulate Smog and Air pollution, air quality

205 Greenhouse-Gas (CO2, CH4,

N2O, HFCS, PFCS, SF6):Air pollution, life damages > CO2 in atmosphere

206 Benzene Air pollution, life damages

207 Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) Ecosystem, fishing damages,biodiversity

>CO2 (< O2 produced)

208 Dispersions (oils, fuel…) Ecosystem and economic damages > CO2 in atmosphere

209 Thermic contamination Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere

EXCAVATIONAREA

301 turbidity modification / normalsunlight supply

Ecosystem damages, biodiversity >CO2 (< O2 produced)

302 Occupation Biodiversity

303 Contamination Ecosystem damages > CO2 in atmosphere

304 Distruction Ecosystem, fishing damages,biodiversity

> CO2 in atmosphere

305 Benthos modification Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere

306 Off-shore structure introduction Occupation, contamination risks,biodiversity

ENERGY

501 Fuel consumption Non-renewable sourcesEmpoverishment, gas-serra

> CO2 in atmosphere

502 Electric consumption Pollution. Indirect from powerstations

> CO2 e GhG inatmosphere

WASTE

601 Waste from workingequipments Waste scarcerly recyclable

602 Solid waste Dioxine Pollution, energy andmaterial loss

CH4 (GhG)

603 Packages Sea pollution deforestation, + CO2

604Waste from consumptionmaterials Energy and material loss

TOURISM

601 Mass tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors.

> CO2 in atmosphere

602 Niche tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna.

603 Organized fruition Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors

> CO2 in atmosphere

604 Free fruition (not organized) Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors.

> CO2 in atmosphere

LOCAL701 Noises

Acoustic pollution, disturbance tofauna

PROBLEMS 702 Vibrations Flora and fauna disturbance

BIODIVERSITY

801 Sessile organism removal Local extinction risk

802 Excavation operations Ecosystem damages > CO2 in atmosphere

803 Protected area in proximityLocal extinction riskfor protected flora and fauna

> CO2 in atmosphere

804 Alien species introduction Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere

OPERATIVEDIVISIONS

ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LOCAL IMPACTSGLOBAL

WARMING

WASTE WATERS101 Waste waters Sea and groundwater pollution > CO2 in atmosphere

TRANSPORTS /

201 COx emission Air pollution, air quality Greenhouse-Gas(GhG)

LOGISTICS

202 NOx emission Air pollution, air quality GhG, acid rain

5.1 - ASPECTS – IMPACTS TABLE


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d. ENERGY

Fuel consumption

Electric consumption

e. WASTE

Mechanical waste

Solid waste

Packages

Waste from consumption materials

f. TOURISM

Mass tourism

Niche tourism

Organized fruition system

Free fruition system (not organized)

g. LOCAL PROBLEMS

Noises

Vibrations

h. BIODIVERSITY

Sessile organism removal

Excavations operations

Alien species introduction

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5.2 – Environmental aspects identification.

Bar the items produced by the activities/processes carried out in the Site and described in

Chapter 4.

a. WASTE WATERS

Waste waters

b. TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS

COx Emission

NOx Emission

SOx Emission

Suspended particulate

Greenhouse-Gas ( CO2 ,CH4 ,N2 O,HFCS,PFCS,SF6 )

Benzene

Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..)

Dispersions (oils, fuel…)

Thermic contamination

c. EXCAVATION AREA

Turbidity modification / normal sunlight supply

Occupation

Contamination

Distruction

Benthos modification

Off-shore structure introduction

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WASTE

501Mechanical waste Less recoverable waste,pollution

CO2 e GhG

502Solid waste Dioxine Pollution, energyand material loss

CH4 (GhG)

503PackagesSea pollution

deforestation, +CO2

504From consumption materials Energy and material loss

TOURISM

601Mass tourims Ecosystem alteration,damages to flora andfauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transportovercrowiding, structuresand visitors

> CO2 inatmosphere

602Niche tourism Ecosystem alteration,damages to flora andfauna

603Organized fruition Traffic impacts andmeans of transportovercrowiding, structuresand visitors

> CO2 inatmosphere

604Free fruition (not organized) Ecosystem alteration,damages to flora andfauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transportovercrowiding, structuresand visitors

> CO2 inatmosphere

LOCAL701Noises Acoustic pollution,

disturbance to faunaPROBLEMS

702Vibrations Flora and fauna disturbance

BIODIVERSITY

801Sessile organisms removal Local extinction risk

802Excavation operationsEcosystem damages

> CO2 inatmosphere

803Protected area in proximity Local extinction riskfor protected flora andfauna

> CO2

atmosphere

804Alien species introduction Ecosystem damages,biodiversity

in

OPERATIVEDIVISION

OPERATIVE AREAS

ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS

ExcavationSITE

FINDS

RECOVERYEXPOSITION

IN SITUEXCAVATION

CLOSINGLOCAL IMPACTS

GLOBALWARMING

WASTEWATERS

101Waste waters Sea and groundwaterpollution

> CO2 inatmosphere

TRANSPORTS /

201COx emission Air pollution, air quality Greenhouse-Gas(GhG)

LOGISTICS

202NOx emission Air pollution, air quality GhG, acid rain

203SOx emission Air pollution, air quality GhG, acid rain

204Suspended particulate Smog and air pollution

205Greenhouse-Gas (CO2, CH ,4

N2O, HFCS, PFCS, SF6)Air pollution, life dameges > CO2 in

atmosphere

206Benzene Air pollution, life damages

207Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) Ecosystem, fishingdamages, biodiversity

>CO2 (< O2

produced)

208Dispersions (oils, fuel…) Ecosystem and economicdamages

> CO2 inatmosphere

209Thermic contamination Ecosystem damages,biodiversity

> CO2 inatmosphere

EXCAVATIONAREA

301Turbidity modification /normal sunlight supply

Ecosystem damages,biodiversity

> CO2 inatmosphere

302OccupationBiodiversity

>CO2

(< O2 produced)

303Contamination Ecosystem damages

304Distruction Ecosystem, fishingdamages, biodiversity

> CO2 inatmosphere

305Benthos modification Ecosystem damages,biodiversity

> CO2 inatmosphere

306Off-shore structureintroduction

Occupation, contaminationrisks, biodiversity

ENERGY

401Fuel consumption Non-renewable sourcesEmpoverishment, gas-serra

> CO2 inatmosphere

402Electric consumption Pollution. Indirect frompower stations

> CO2 inatmosphere

6 - INTERACTIONS MATRIX

157


PHASE 2 for Coastal Sites

1 – TERRITORY GENERAL SETTINGAND PREVIOUS DATAESTIMATION

1.1 General setting aim is to make available all the necessary information to mark out the

territorial contest under Environmental Management System.


carried on in site inside.


description possibly supported by cartographic tools and synthetic data representation

ones.



landslides, etc…).


particular reference to the relevant weather events (floods, tornadoes, tsunamis, water

spouts, etc…).

Link hereArchaeomap site GIS file.

159

7 – IDENTIFIED ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LIST

Insert, in the following list, the environmental aspects come out from the analysis of the

interactions, the activities/processes in which they take place and the possible

interventions to mitigate the impacts:

IDENTIFIED ASPECTS ACTIVITIES POSSIBLE MITIGATION ACTIONS

1 EXAMPLE 1: benthosmodification

Using sorbona(excavation)

Stricter limitation of the excavation area,Eco-compatible management of the site whereoperations takeplace

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

….

2 – CHECKLIST: THOROUGH ANALYSIS THEMES

Fill in the spaces of interest, crossing the squares and giving a short as well as exhaustive

description

2.1 Human activities linked to the Site.

a. Human presence

Public or private ownership of the area: ...............

Public access to the area: ....................................

Human settlements presence: ……......................

¨

¨

¨


160

b. Activities

Tourist activities: …………………………………....

Mining activities: …………………..........................

Agricultural activities: ……………………………….

Ichtyc activities: ……………...................................

Other: ………………………………………………...

2.2 Naturalistic and ecological aspects

a. Deterioration and pollution conditions: short description possibly supported by

scientific contributions or monitoring activities references.

b. Ecological aspects.

Relevant vegetal species presence: description and normative references

Relevant animal species presence: description and normative references

Relevant habitats presence: description and normative references

c. Hydrodynamic Site contest

Estuary: ……………………………………..............

Delta: …………………………................................

Beach: …………………………..............................

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

Lagoon: …………………………............................

Archipelago: ……………………………..................

Coastal plain: ………………………………….........

Coastal lake: …………………………….................

d. Substratum type

Rocky coherent: …………………………................

Incoherent (cobbles, sand, etc…): …....................

Earthy: ……………………......................................

Mixed: …………………….......................................

e. Distance from sea

0 – 30 metres (inshore area): ……………………..

30 – 200 metres (nearshore area): …………….....

Over 200 metres: ……………................................

f. Presence of risks:

Hydro-geological: ………………............................

Seismic: ……….....................................................

Floods: ……...........................................................

Failures ( landslides – rock falls): ………...............

Tsunamis / sea-quakes: ........................................

Eruptions : .............................................................

Tornadoes / Twisters: ............................................

Turbidity currents: ...........…………………………..

Coastline erosion: ………………………….............

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

3. – REGULATIONS IDENTIFICATION

Regulation system in force identification, listing and describing the set of rules of

reference


The identification of environmental aspects develops into three correlated phases:

On the basis of the list of the activities carried out in the site, interactions of these latest

ones with the environment are identified. To this end, all environmental aspects listed in

the “ ”, used to identify the possible interactions

of the activities with the environment, will be taken into consideration and carefully

evaluated.The interactions of the activities with the environmental aspects can be

inferred from the check-list “ ” and from the “

”. The matrix reports the environmental aspects on every single line and the

management area on every column; every single interaction must be marked at the

intersection between the involved management area in the column and the

corresponding environmental aspect on the line.

The environmental aspects singled out for every management area have to be reported in

the “ ”. On this basis, the significance of the related

impacts has to be evaluated. The list of the significant environmental impacts obtained

will be the basis for an efficacious strategy of intervention aimed at improving the

environmental sustainability

In relation with the significant environmental aspects identified, an indicators set, required

for performance control and for the achievement of unbroken improvement both in

efficiency and sustainability, has to be placed

Phase 1 – Identification of the interactions between activities and environment

Environmental Aspects-Impacts Table

Environmental Aspects Interactions

Matrix

Phase 2 – Identification and significance of the environmental aspects

Identified environmental aspects list

Phase 3 – Definition of the performance indicators set

161

4. – ORGANIZATION IN CHARGE OF SITE MANAGEMENT

5 –ENVIRONMENTALASPECTS

a. Body/Organization general description

b. Management areas:

Researches and surveys: ............…………………...

Opening/excavation (starting): ................…………..

Movable finds recovery: ………………..................…

irremovable finds treatment: .........................

conservation and maintenance: ...............…..

c.Activities/processes list.

(For each selected management area, list the necessary operations or groups of

operations necessary for works carrying out, using numbers or letter to mark them.)

Environmental aspects are brought about the interactions between the

activities/processes that take place in the Site and the different components of the eco-

system in which the Site is situated.

The aspect is the cause of the impact, that is the change of the environment, or the effect.

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

Iin situ

In situ

OPERATIVEDIVISION

ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LOCAL IMPACTSGLOBAL

WARMING

WASTE WATERS

101 Waste waters Sea and groundwater pollution > CO2 in atmosphere

102 Systematic consumption Local hydrologic modifications

TRANSPORTS /


LOGISTICS



204 Suspended particulate Smog and air pollution

205 Greenhouse-Gas (CO2 , CH ,4

N2O, HFCS, PFCS,SF6)Air pollution, life damages > CO2 in atmosphere

206 Benzene Air pollution, life damages


>CO2 (<O2 produced)

208 Thermic contamination Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere

EXCAVATIONAREA

301 Occupation Anthropogenic pressure increase

302 Visual impact Degraded landscape

303 Deforestation Ecosystem damages > CO2 in atmosphere

304 Fertile Soils removal Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere

305 Hydro-geologic alteration Hydro-geologic risk, ecosystemdamages

> CO2 in atmosphere


162

ENERGY


> CO2 in atmosphere


CO2 and GhG

WASTE

601 Waste from workingequipments

Scarcerly recyclable waste

602 Solid waste Dioxin Pollution, energy andmaterial loss

CH4 GhG

603 Packages Sea pollution Deforestation, > CO2

604 Office supplies Energy and material loss

TOURISM

601 Mass tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors

> CO2 in atmosphere

602 Niche tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna


> CO2 in atmosphere

604 Free fruition (not organized) Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors

> CO2 in atmosphere

LOCAL701 Noises Acoustic pollution, disturbance to

faunaPROBLEMS

702 Vibrations Flora and fauna disturbance

BIODIVERSITY

801 Sessile organism removal Local extinction risk

802 Excavation operations Ecosystem damages > CO2 in atmosphere


> CO2 in atmosphere

804 Alien species introduction Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere

5.1 - ASPECTS – IMPACTS TABLE

OPERATIVEDIVISION

OPERATIVE AREAS

ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS

ExcavationSITE

FINDSRECOVERY

IN SITUEXPOSITION

LOCAL IMPATSGLOBAL

WARMING

WASTE WATERS101 Waste waters Sea and groundwater pollution > atmospheric CO2

102 Systematic consumption Local hydrologic modifications

TRANSPORTS /


LOGISTICS



204 Suspended particulate Smog and air pollution,

205 Greenhouse-Gas ( CO2 ,CH4

,N2 O,HFCS,PFCS,SF6 ):Air pollution, life damages Ozone damages,

> atmospheric CO2

206 Benzene Air pollution, and life damages .


>CO2 (< O2 produced)

208 Thermic contamination Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > atmospheric CO2

EXCAVATION AREA

301 Occupation Ecological footprint improvement

302 Visual impact Degraded landscape

303 Deforestation Ecosystem damages > atmospheric CO2

304 Ready soils (Podzol) removal Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > atmospheric CO2

305 Hydro-geologic alteration Hydro-geologic risk, ecosystemdamages

> atmospheric CO2


d. ENERGY

Fuel consumption

Electric consumption

e. WASTE

Mechanical waste

Solid waste

Packages

Waste from consumption materials

f. TOURISM

Mass tourism

Niche tourism

Organized fruition system

Free fruition system (not organized)

g. LOCAL PROBLEMS

Noises

Vibrations

h. BIODIVERSITY

Sessile organism removal

Excavations operations

Alien species introduction

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

163

5.2 – Environmental aspects identification.

a. CONSUMPTION/WASTE WATERS

Waste waters

Systematic consumption

b. TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS

COx Emission

NOx Emission

SOx Emission

Suspended particulate

Greenhouse-Gas ( CO2 ,CH4 ,N2 O,HFCS,PFCS,SF6 )

Benzene

Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..)

Dispersions (oils, fuel…)

Thermic contamination

c. EXCAVATION AREA

Turbidity modification / normal sunlight supply

Occupation

Contamination

Distruction

Benthos modification

Off-shore structure introduction

Bar the items produced by the activities/processes carried out in the Site and described in

Chapter 4.

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

¨

6 - INTERACTIONS MATRIX

ENERGY


> atmospheric CO2


CO2 e GhG

WASTE

601 Waste from workingequipments Waste scarcerly recyclable

602 Solid waste Dioxin Pollution, energy andmaterial loss

CH4 GhG

603 Packages Sea pollution, deforestation, > CO2

604 Office supplies Energy and material loss

TOURISM

601 Mass tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors

> atmospheric CO2

602 Niche tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna.


> atmospheric CO2

604 Free fruition (not organized ) Ecosystem alteration, damages toflora and fauna. Traffic impacts andmeans of transport overcrowiding,structures and visitors

> atmospheric CO2

LOCAL 701 NoisesAcoustic pollution, disturbance tofauna

PROBLEMS702 Vibrations Flora and fauna disturbance

BIODIVERSITY

801 Sessile organisms removal Local extinction risk

802 Excavation operations Ecosystem damages > atmospheric CO2


804 Alien species introduction Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > atmospheric CO2

7 – IDENTIFIED ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LIST

Insert, in the following list, the environmental aspects come out from the analysis of the

interactions, the activities/processes in which they take place and the possible

interventions to mitigate the impacts:

IDENTIFIED ASPECTS ACTIVITIES POSSIBLE MITIGATION ACTIONS

1 EXAMPLE 1: COx Emission Excavation bymechanic vehicles

Reduced use of excavators, increasedefficiency, catalyst adoption, etc.

2 EXAMPLE 2: deforestation Site opening Eco-compatible management, restoration ecc.

3

4

5

6

7

8

….


164

Table

1.M

atr

ix o

f re

levance o

fIC

OM

govern

ance indic

ato

rs to

goals

and

obje

ctives (

G1-1

5)

CHAP. 4.3Indicators for integrated coastal management (ICOM)


165

Table

2.M

atrix

of re

levance

of IC

OM

ecolo

gic

al in

dic

ato

rsand p

ara

mete

rs to

goals

and

obje

ctiv

es (E

1-9

)Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies

166

Table

3.M

atr

ix o

f re

levance

of IC

OM

socio

econom

icin

dic

ato

rs t

o g

oals

and

obje

ctives (

SE

1-6

)Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites

167

Table

4.M

atrix

of re

levance

of IC

OM

socio

econom

icin

dic

ato

rs to

goals

and

obje

ctiv

es (S

E7-1

3)


168

Table

5. W

ork

sheet of IC

OM

goals

, obje

ctives a

nd

indic

ato

rsGuide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites

169

Table

6. W

ork

sheet o

f ICO

Mexam

ple

s o

f indic

ato

rsim

porta

nt fo

r diffe

rent

sta

kehold

ers


170

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