Daniel SmithWentworth Institute of Technology

M-Arch 2013

iii

“The street is a stage, and the sense that an audience is watching pervades the gestures and movements of the

players on it.”-William Whyte

v

AbstractThe modern urban public space is home to six categories

of users: the people in repose, commuters, tourists, buskers,

thrill seekers, and activists. These six groups all play their own

role on the urban stage with regards to the notion of spec-

tator verses performer. Everyone is a spectator, but at the

same time, anyone can become another’s performer. This

social dynamic creates temporal social exchanges between

the users. By employing the methodology of observational

research, we can design the spatial relationships of an urban

space to stimulate this social phenomenon.

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ContentsSetting the Stage Research Question Research Essay Research Methodology Narratives Design ProbePlaces Everyone! Ethnographic Experiment The People in Repose The Commuters The Tourists The Buskers The Activists The Thrill SeekersOn with the Show Site Proposed Design Spectator | Performer Spatial Hybridity Using the Research Conclusion Final PosterBibliography

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Setting the Stage

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Research QuestionIs the methodology of research-led design

an appropriate device for designers?

Research-based design: A process of designing

based on evidential facts discovered by the designer.

Environmental Psychology: The study of inter-

play between human interaction and setting.

Psychological Ecology: The theory that setting

has more of an influence on a person’s behavior than

personality.

Observational Research: The process of detecting

patterns by visually surveying human behavior.

Pattern Language (Christopher Alexander): The

understanding of characteristics within the interplay of

human interaction with the built environment.

The Black Box (John Chris Jones): A term to de-

scribe the design process as being “shielded from the

eye of research”

Definitions

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13

What role should the research of human behavior play

in the design process? Unfortunately, designers have not gained a

sense of the interplay between setting and behavior. The sources

in this paper begin to have a conversation that derives from the

concepts of environmental psychology. Some authors suggest a

methodology for designers that incorporates lessons learned from

the field of psychology. The strategy at hand focuses on grasping

an understanding of human behavior ; documenting characteris-

tics of that behavior, discovering patterns within those results, and

designing with a foundation of evidential facts. The question then

becomes, is this process of research-based design a valid tool for

designers?

David Wang discusses the role of research in the world

of design. He outlines various ways in which research can inform

design. He writes, “Input goes into the human mind and design is

the processing of many discrete decisions that produces a figural

outcome.”1 Wang brushes through the topic of computer generat-

ed rule-based design. He claims this strategy is superficial and does

not reveal where the solution of the design comes from.2 Re-

search-based design has the ability to be the foundation and source

of design solutions.

The root of research-based design comes from the under-

standing of human behavior, often times stemming from the field

of environmental psychology. One’s environment, whether it is the

built world or a natural setting, will affect how he or she behaves.

Distinguished author, Winifred Gallagher, in her book The Power of

Place, references a study conducted by Roger Barker, a Professor

of Psychology at the University of Kansas. Barker studied the daily

lives of people in small towns. Gallagher describes his findings as

“un-American” in which he found that “[people’s] settings were

more important determinants of his subjects’ behavior than their

1 David Wang. “Design in relation to Research,” Chapter 5, 103. 2 Wang, 103

Research Essay

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personalities.”3

Barker classifies this phenomenon as “psychological ecolo-

gy”4. He found that when a person enters a particular space, he or

she has an understanding of how to behave. This is a habit that has

been reinforced since infancy. Gallagher writes, “Throughout child-

hood, [an infant] also learns to match his states – sleep, excitement,

concentration – to his places – bed, the playground, school…”5 A

human’s understanding of environment is constantly growing into

adulthood. The influence of setting is a perfect opportunity for

designers to truly make an impact on the experience of the users

within a space.

Walls and ceilings do not always define space. Paul Bell, a

professor at Colorado State University, considers a much more

dynamic idea of an individual’s environment in his book, Environ-3 Winifred Gallagher, The Power of Place (New York: Harper Perennial, 1994), 127.4 Gallagher, 127.5 Gallagher, 130.

mental Psychology. He discusses the phenomenon of “personal

space” and defines the term as “a portable, invisible boundary

surrounding us. Others may not trespass.”6 It is a “mechanism” to

avoid overstimulation and obtain an adequate level of privacy.7 The

scope of one’s personal space alters depending on “interpersonal

relationships”. Bell points out that an “intimate distance” has many

different sensory qualities than a “public distance”.8 These qualities,

in turn, convey a myriad of different behaviors that designers must

take into account when constructing space.

To further understand human interactions, with the built

environment and with each other, one must employ the approach

of observational research. It is the only way in which to gain a true

sense of human behavior. This system of research takes into ac-

count not only the conscious mind, but the unconscious as well.

John Zeisel claims the methodology of observational

research is about “planning it, doing it, and using its results.”9 In

his book, Inquiry by Design, Zeisel explains the various methods

one can use to obtain useful information. He states that the most

effective way of research is to observe traces. As he explains this 6 Paul A. Bell et al., Environmental Psychology, 3rd ed. (Fort Worth: Har-court School, 1990), 228.7 Bell, 229.8 Bell, 231.9 John Zeisel, Inquiry by Design: Tools for Environment-Behavior Re-search (Monterey, Calif.: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co, 1981), Preface i.

15

practice, he keeps the subject of the observation quite vague. It

could be anything from an observation of the built environment, to

an observation of the people using the environment.10

The image above is an experiment into Zeisel’s idea of

obtaining information through observation. Patterns of movement

were recorded over a period of thirty minutes on the Northeast-

ern University Campus. The observer discovered that people were

most likely to follow the defined longer path rather than cut across

the sloped grass.

Zeisel suggests that an observer should choose a vantage

point. This is not a physical vantage point from which to observe,

10 Zeisel, 89.

but rather a decision on how involved one should be with whom

he is observing. Zeisel divides the notion into two categories: an

outsider and a participant. An outsider could be a secret one in

which subjects are not aware they are being observed. An outsider

could also introduce him or herself to the subjects. This may have

the downside of the participants possibly altering their behavior

near the observer.11

An observer can also be a “marginal participant” or a “full

participant”.12 A marginal participant presents him or herself as just

another person people encounter in their daily lives. A full partic-

ipant uses the positions they are currently in to observe. Zeisel

uses the example that “full participants in a study of housing design

might be residents of a neighborhood.”13

In Inquiry by Design, Zeisel writes about the importance

of focused interviews and standardized questionnaires. He writes,

“You can use a focused interview with individuals or groups to find

out in depth how people define a concrete situation…”14 William

Whyte, a pioneer in the field of observational research, disagrees

with Zeisel’s statement. In Whyte’s book, City: Rediscovering the

Center, he discusses a case where he concluded that people are 11 Zeisel, 117.12 Zeisel, 118.13 Zeisel, 119.14 Zeisel, 137.

16

attracted by other people, and therefore prefer to be in congestion

rather than alone. Whyte feels questionnaires can be misleading.

In the book he asks the rhetorical question, “How many people

would say they like to sit in the middle of a crowd?”15 The most

productive way to research is strictly through observation. It allows

the observer to document both the conscious and subconscious

attributes of people.

After obtaining results through observational research, the

next step is to discover patterns within the data. This can be done

in various ways. Often times, a graph, chart, or diagram is helpful

when organizing information. This technique may start to suggest

correlations within the data.

William Whyte was a master at organizing and conveying

results to show patterns. One of his early experiments docu-

mented conversations at a busy street corner. His hypothesis was

that “[people] would gravitate to the unused foot or so of buffer

space along the building walls.”16 For two weeks, using a time-lapse

camera, he recorded conversations on the street corner. He doc-

umented the results by mapping a quick plan of the corner condi-

tion and placing a dot where conversations lasted longer than two

15 William H. Whyte, City: Rediscovering the Center (New York: Double-day, 1989), 10.16 Whyte, City, 8.

minutes. This diagram showed a clear correlation of where most

people stopped to have a dialogue with another.17

The pattern proved to be the opposite of what Whyte had

originally thought. He expresses his amazement in his book, City:

Rediscovering the Center. He writes, “To our surprise, the people

who stopped to talk did not move out of the main pedestrian flow;

and if they had been out of it, the moved into it.”18

Much of the content in Whyte’s City: Rediscovering the

Center came from his work with the Street Life Project in New

York City in 1979. He and a group of other researchers created a

17 Whyte, City, 9.18 Whyte, City, 8.

17

film called The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. The purpose was

to find out what public spaces were successful and which ones

were not.19 The film looks a bit dated, but the information present-

ed has a timeless quality to it.

The film primarily explores how people tend to interact

with each other and the built environment. The team used ob-

servational research as a means to gather data and determine

patterns. An important conclusion they derived was that “most

used plazas had a higher proportion of people in twos or threes.”20

Occupants of the spaces were coming in groups, and often times

remaining in those groups without interaction between them.

Whyte acknowledges he was surprised by the amount of

different activities he documented in the public spaces. However,

the activity that most visitors partook in was perhaps the most

simple: people watching.21 It seems as though Whyte finally comes

to terms with the interest of people watching when he writes City:

Rediscovering the Center. He declares, “The street is a stage, and

the sense that an audience is watching pervades the gestures and

movements of the players on it.”22

Later in the film, Whyte offers another major pattern his 19 William H. Whyte “The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces” (1979). 3:3220 Whyte, The Social Life, 4:4021 Whyte, The Social Life, 5:0822 Whyte, City, 21.

team finds in their collection. He states, “The most important thing

about a space is its relationship to the street.”23 Whyte points out

that often times, a space will be sunken, raised, or fenced off to cre-

ate a retreat from the busy city streets. He claims this is the wrong

move, and the proof is in the results from data collecting. Once a

plaza or open public area is taken from the street, its number of

occupants drops.24 The street feeds a public space, and it is there-

fore the role of the space to compliment the street rather than

separate itself.

23 Whyte, The Social Life, 22:2324 Whyte, The Social Life, 27:35

18

The image on the previous page shows an aerial view of

Seagram’s Plaza in New York City. Whyte considered this particular

plaza one of the most successful spaces in the city due to its seat-

ing directly on the street. The plaza proved to be a perfect place for

“people watching”.

City: Rediscovering the Center touches upon the dynamic

attitude of the pedestrian. Through his research, Whyte has deter-

mined a number of characteristics of movement within the city. He

offers that pedestrians usually walk on the right side, travel in pairs

or threesomes, and men walk faster than women.25

Paul Bell considers the walking patterns of pedestrians

as well in his book, Environmental Psychology. He has found that

“generally people conform their speed to that of people around

them.”26 A crowd crossing a crosswalk might move slower than an

individual going through an alleyway.

Both Environmental Psychology and City: Rediscover-

ing the Center explain that the observer is likely to see informal

paths when documenting pedestrian movement. People often

times choose to cross over a lawn rather than take a winding path

around it. Bell and Fisher point out that this occurrence is easily

25 Whyte, City, 57.26 Bell, 410.

documented “on most college campuses, despite the presence of

nearby sidewalks.”27

The essence of the observational research methodology

comes after patterns are extracted from the data collected. These

patterns must be taken into account in future designs. The gap

between research and design is rarely traversed.

Paul Bell declares that, “psychology can offer insights into

the complex process of information gathering and decision-making

that occurs in the design process.”28 He specifically suggests that

this methodology can benefit the idea of congruence within a con-

text. Once one gains an understanding of the people using a space,

the design can become more connected to them. The approach

boosts function and does not lose form.29

Bell feels post-occupancy evaluations are an overlooked

tool in the design process. Designers are missing a perfect oppor-

tunity to “learn from past mistakes and successes and integrate

the findings into future research and design.”30 The book continues

by recommending that not just designers take part in the post

occupancy evaluation. Bell thinks the process needs to be “inter-

disciplinary”. It must be a conversation between the using clients, 27 Bell, 41028 Bell, 369.29 Bell, 370.30 Bell, 373.

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designers, and researchers.31 David Wang touches upon this idea in

his article Design in Relation to Research. He references John Chris

Jones’s term “the black box” as describing the research and design

processes as non-communicating. When discussing post occupan-

cy evaluations. He writes, “One way to reduce the mystery of the

black box is to know as much as we can going into the project, and

then evaluate the outcomes of the project after completion so that

we can be more informed about the next design effort.”32 Wang

believes the two processes are independent but equal. Research

must always be the foundation of design.

In William Whyte’s film, The Social Life of Small Urban

Spaces, he starts to explain a few patterns he finds through his

observations, and suggests ways to improve spaces by using these

patterns. For instance, he observed where people chose to sit in

a public space. His conclusion, as simple as it might be, is, “people

tend to sit where there are places to sit.”33 Whyte then offers that

a way to make a public space more successful is to “make spaces

sit-able”. He argues for designers to get the most out of ledges

on the sidewalk, create benches large enough for multiple people

to sit, and explore the abilities of a planter.34 This simple example 31 Bell, 37432 Wang, 108.33 Whyte, The Social Life, 12:1334 Whyte, The Social Life, 13:55

expresses the spirit of the observational research methodology.

Observe, discover patterns, and design using the results.

Christopher Alexander sees the potential in designing

through research as well. The patterns in his book, The Pattern Lan-

guage, cover a wide range of design opportunities. Some include

the organization of roads, pedestrian paths, and shelving options.

Alexander states, “Each pattern describes a problem which occurs

over and over again in our environment, and then describes the

core of the solution to that problem, in such a way that you can

use this solution a million times over without ever doing it the

same way twice.”35

Christopher Alexander proved the process of designing

through the understanding of patterns is valid when he took on

the master planning of the University of Oregon. His book, The

Oregon Experiment, “describes a practical way of implementing

these ideas [from The Pattern Language] in a community.”36 Alexan-

der presents a process that he hopes will be used by any institution

similar to the University of Oregon.

35 Alexander, A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction, x.36 Christopher Alexander, The Oregon Experiment (New York: Oxford University Press, USA, 1975), 3.

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Many modern architects would oppose the idea of design

based solely on research. Ideals of modernism really puts the ar-

chitect, rather than the users, as the controller of the design. Often

times in modern architecture, function will be sacrificed for aes-

thetics. A perfect example of this is Peter Eisenman’s House VI. The

idea behind the project was to completely invert the occupant’s

thoughts. Sets of stairs were upside down, a column was placed in

the center of the dining table, and even had a window that looks

out, not onto the nature surrounding the house, but instead to

another one of the house’s walls. The house became unlivable for

most people.

Other instances have shown that the idea of the architect

as the figure of authority can have disastrous effects. The Pruitt-Igoe

housing development was a total failure. It was designed after Le

Corbusier’s theory of urban redevelopment. The occupants were

displaced families from slums that were placed in the development

as an only option. The buildings became stricken with poverty and

crime, ultimately leading to its destruction in the mid 1970s. It is

regarded as the iconic failure of modern urban design.

Many feel that the project was doomed from the start

because the architects, Leinweber, Yamasaki & Hellmuth, did not

21

understand whom they were designing for. One of the project

architects, George Kassabaum, stated, “You had middle-class whites

like myself designing for an entirely different group.” Aspects of the

design such as the public “gallery” spaces and the skip-stop elevator

system provided a breeding ground for gang violence in all of the

thirty-three buildings. When a designer does not understand the

behavior of the user, it can have catastrophic results.

The method of designing through observational research

challenges the idea of traditional architectural theory. What gives

designers the right to impose their concepts on the public? This

underutilized process gives the user a voice in what is built and will

prove to foster an ever-growing cohesion between human instinct

and built form.

.

Conclusion:

The process of observational research holds the key to cre-

ating design solutions that respond to users needs. Designers must

take a step back and develop an understanding of the patterns in

behavior of whom he or she designs for. Research must become

the basis for design decisions.

Can the methodology of observational research be

used to develop a pattern language in which to base

design on?

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23

Research MethodologyThis thesis started as an interest into the importance of

architects understanding how humans behave in a public

space. Architects have continually reached a greater un-

derstanding on how site analysis can influence a design.

The next step is to apply this rigor of research to users

of the design. This becomes a way of designing from

the bottom-up rather than the traditional top-down

approach. As designers, we can employ visual anthropol-

ogy to aid in the design process for a public space that

encourages a social exchange between its users.

I chose to use the methodology of observational re-

search to document characteristics of users within public

spaces. The following pages examine a series of films

I produced to test the methodology of observational

research.

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Fun with a Sawhorse (Film)

The control test. There proved to be a strong correlation that people would much rather push a door open, rather than pull it open.

I placed a sawhorse 6 inches away from the door. People were forced to pull the door open.

When the sawhorse was moved back to a foot and a half from the door, every-one went back to pushing the door open.

The objective of this test was to assess the method of observing people through the medium of film. It is a simple experiment that proved I could observe, draw patterns from my observations, and form conclusions. The conclusion for this test was that people are reluctant to pause their movement, even if it means having to maneuver around something.

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Observing Faneuil Hall (Film)

The pedestrian light is the primary order. However, density of traffic plays as a secondary order.

When a bench is available, most people will choose to sit to one side.

Crowds have the ability to create a temporary wall that people will seek an alternate route around.

People are more inclined to stop for a visual stimu-lation rather than an audio simulation.

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29

Government Center Plaza Trailer (Film)

As a possible site consideration, I chose to observe Government Center Plaza (near the “T” Station). The most prominent pattern I observed there was the variety of activities users would partake in. There was an interesting phenomenon of people sitting or paus-ing just to take in the sites and sounds of the plaza. I saw Government Center as an “Urban Stage”, within which there are specta-tors and performers. The Government Center Plaza Trailer was my abstraction of this urban stage. I asked myself: what would this space look like if it were a feature film?

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Documenting Public Spaces (Film)

The Cancer Garden of Hope is an extremely un-derutilized space. There are plenty of places to sit,

but due to its location up and away from the street, people will not go out of their way to visit it.

Boston Haymarket is a very popular temporary open market. In many ways the space could be considered

an urban stage. There is an interesting interaction between groups of tourists and individual locals.

Union Street Park’s primary attraction is the New En-gland Holocaust Memorial. The space has become more of a transition space. It is well populated but people are

passing through the space rather than occupying it.

Washington Street Extension is a perfect space to take a break from the busy street. The space is mostly used for quick cell phone conversations and people watching. The benches terrace up from the sidewalk to offer a great vantage point.

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33

Spectators of the Urban Stage (Film)

I chose to travel around Boston and document my future clients for an urban stage. I decided that I couldn’t generalize them as “people”. I needed to discover who are the spectators, and why are they spectating. I found that a main reason people relax in a public space is when they are eating. This keeps people in a space for a while. Quick rests usually occur when people are smoking or talking on their cell phone. The bus stop is also a large reason for people to stop and rest.

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Performers on the Urban Stage (Film)

Along my travels, I observed what people were watching, whether they would stop and spend few minutes or catch a peek as they walked by. Street performers were a popular sight to see. In my earlier film, Observing Faneuil Hall, I concluded that people stop for a visual stimulation and do not for an audio stimulation. It was encouraging to find this conclusion quite relevant in my more recent film. Another strange phenomenon is people’s infatuation with birds, mainly pigeons. People will blankly stare at them for long peri-ods of time. It is only fitting to include them as performers on the urban stage.

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NarrativesSpectator

I look at my watch. 12:15. I think I’ll take my much needed

lunch break after having a load of work dumped on me by my

boss. A state job isn’t all that its cracked up to be. It’s a brisk sunny

day and I should probably grab my jacket. I tell Denise to hold my

calls for the next hour. A skip outside City Hall, and I am already

feeling the stress of the office melt away. Let’s see, do I want pizza,

a sub, or a quick bite from Dunkin Donuts? I had Pizza last night so

why not keep the streak rolling?

I head over to the small food court attached to the “T”

station. The food here is okay…it will get you through the day; but

what draws me here is how active the space is. I grab a couple

slices of peperoni and make my way out of the line to search out

a place to sit and enjoy my meal. I find a small concrete bollard

just big enough for me. The pillar is about 3 feet high but I am able,

with a small hop, to sit myself on top of it. I like this spot because I

am able to peer over the balcony to the newly renovated station,

which seems quite lively today. A woman and her child sit patiently

waiting for their train to arrive. She brushes the little girl’s hair as

they make use of this pause in their trip. I smile to myself, imagining

my wife doing the same thing.

I glance over to the latest train arriving from Park Street. A

family of four wanders off the train not having a clue where to go.

Must be tourists. I somewhat feel bad as locals rush passed them.

The parents struggle to locate where they are on a basic “T” map

and the kids, two nerdy-looking boys, stand in awe. They hold tightly

to their parents’ hand doing everything they can not to be swept

away with the crowd. Man, have I been there! I really feel bad for

the dad here. I’m sure he will get an earful from his wife for not

knowing exactly where to go.

The squeaky wheels of the train run through my ears, a

sound that would startle me if I were anywhere else. Instead, it

becomes part of the atmosphere of the hustle and bustle of the

38

station. I glance at my watch. 12:50. I can spare a few more minutes

here.

I decide to spend my remaining time as a free man outside

the building but still under the canopy. I relax on a bench by a teen-

ager skateboarding. Why isn’t he in school? I can tell he has been

skateboarding for a while now. He is very good. It might be that I

can’t ride a skateboard to save my life, but this kid is really enter-

taining. Skateboarders must love the area surrounding the station.

The myriad of ramps and raised platforms seem to encourage any

and all wheeled sports. It’s an inviting oasis in a world of no tres-

passing signs for skaters.

Whoops! 1:15. I better get back to work. I pick up the pace

on my walk back to City Hall. Denise catches me as I sneak back

in. She hands me a sticky note with my missed calls, eight of them.

Back to reality.

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Performer There is no way I am taking that test in Biology today. Sure I

could have studied for it but who has time for that? I have to make

it look like I’m heading to school so my mom doesn’t get suspi-

cious. I am up early and even pack my backpack. I grab my skate-

board and jet out the door.

The wheels clack against the bricks as I weave through

crowds of people making their way to work. I pull off Boylston

Street and head into the Public Gardens. What a perfect way

to spend the day! Its about 60 degrees out and I am starting to

question whether I needed to bring my sweatshirt. The gardens are

nice with its paths but I think I will make my way into the commons

along Tremont Street so I can have some fun with the unused

benches and planters.

I do a few runs over a couple benches and a cop spots me.

Oh crap!

“Now Brian, how many times do we have to go through

this.”

“Yes sir, won’t happen again.”

“I should hope not. This is your last warning. Why don’t you

skate up by the new “T” stop? They love you guys up there”

I nod my head and push my board along the sidewalk up

to the Government Center stop. I love the new landscape around

the station and skating there is a dream. The only problem is that

my mother works by Faneuil Hall and is always around that area. I

might as well chance it. I earned this day off…kind of.

The new station has perfect pavement to skate on. The

sloping landscape lets me gain a pretty good amount of speed,

which allows me to do some great tricks. The only thing better

than the landscape is the amount of people watching me. And they

don’t get in my way! It’s around 1 o’clock and the lunch crowd is

eager to watch me and applauds my better tricks. If I fall, I will look

like an idiot. I won’t push my luck.

Other skateboarders and rollerbladers are practicing

around me and the space makes for a great atmosphere for all of

42

us to challenge each other. People flow out of a station at a con-

stant speed and pause for a bit to watch us. The patrons in the

food court perhaps have the best vantage point. Most people try

to get a spot at the bar that looks out onto the new plaza. The

windows are open today and I can hear the excitement of those

inside after each trick. I feed off it.

I am totally in the zone and feeling invincible. I am hitting

trick after trick until I see a familiar face. It’s my mother. She was on

her lunch break and saw me from inside. She expresses her disap-

point which I would rather keep to myself. I have been instructed

to go straight home and wait for my father to get home. Back to

reality.

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Design ProbeTesting Alexander’s Pattern Language

The following exercise was to examine Christopher Alexan-

der’s “Pattern Language”. The language is composed of 253

patterns that create a linear methodology of designing. His

book, A Pattern Language, starts with general patterns in-

volving urban design and leads to patterns of details in con-

struction at the end. Alexander suggests starting with broad

patterns and work into the details. In the book, Alexander

writes, “Each pattern describes a problem which occurs over

and over again in our environment, and then describes the

core of the solution to that problem, in such a way that you

can use the solution a million times over, without ever doing it

the same way twice.” Each pattern implemented into a project

spawns multiple ways to solve the problem. I chose to exper-

iment with his process using Government Center Plaza. I cre-

ated simple master plans according to his patterns of “Activity

Nodes”, “Promenade”, and “Positive Outdoor Space”.

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30. Activity NodesExisting Proposed

Problem: Community facilities scattered individually through the city do nothing for the life of the city.

Solution: Create nodes of activity throughout the community spread about 300 yards apart. First identify those existing sports in the community where action seems to concentrate itself. Then modify the layout of the paths in the community to bring as many of them through these spots as possible

Right now Government Center Plaza does not function as an activity node. It serves as a space of transition between Cambridge Street and the rest of downtown Boston. There is a strong path between the activity nodes of Haymarket and Faneuil Hall, but ac-cording to Alexander’s solution, Government Center Plaza should become a space of destination for people and link with the two existing nodes.

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31. PromenadesExisting Proposed

Problem: Each subculture needs a center for its public life: a place where you can go to see people, and to be seen.

Solution: Encourage the gradual formation of the promenade at the heart of every com-munity, linking the main activity nodes.

Christopher Alexander outlines in his book that a great way to link activity nodes is through promenades. A very successful prom-enade, Union Street, exists between Haymarket and Faneuil Hall. The street does not see a high amount of vehicular traffic, which allows pedestrians to occupy it. Local restaurants and bars line the street and provide a great atmosphere. Government Center Plaza should learn from this and develop promenades within the plaza as a means to link to the existing activity nodes.

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106. Positive Outdoor SpaceExisting Proposed

Problem: Outdoor spaces which are merely “left over” be-tween buildings will, in general, not be used.

Solution: Make all the outdoor spaces which surround and lie between your buildings positive. Give each one some degree of enclosure; surround each space with wings of buildings, trees, hedges, and fences until it becomes an entity with a positive quality and does not spill out indefinitely around corners.

Possibly the biggest flaw with Government Center Plaza is its vastness. The space is so undefined that it has become an area of movement, a transition space. Christopher Alexander calls for a way to break up the space and start to give some degree of enclo-sure to the spaces without completely isolating them. The space just outside City Hall needs definition. Government Center should look at positive spaces in the city, such as Faneuil Hall, and start to break up its overwhelming space.

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Places Everyone!

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Ethnographic ExperimentMy own research started as an ethnographic experiment

looking into people within public spaces. I turned to the ethno-

graphic pioneer, Bronislaw Malinowski. In his book, Method and

Scope of Anthropological Fieldwork, he points out three necessities of

ethnographic research. These are:

1. The student must possess real scientific aims.2. They must put him/herself in good working condi-

tions.3. They must apply methods of collecting evidence.1

I used these three conditions as a foundation for my own

ethnographic experiment. First, my scientific aim was to study users

of public spaces. I was interested in who they were and what were

their tendencies or needs. Next, my working conditions were pub-

lic spaces around Boston, both successful and unsuccessful. These

included, Copley Square, Faneuil Hall, Government Center Plaza,

The Boston Commons, and Downtown Crossing. I also observed

these spaces throughout the different seasons in the year. Lastly, I

used ethnographic film as a means to gather information.

1 Malinowski, Argonauts, 47.

Through my research, I discovered that users of a public space

could be broken into six categories:

• The People in Repose

• The Commuters

• The Tourists

• The Buskers

• The Activists

• The Thrill Seekers

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The person in repose is usually either smoking, eating, waiting

for transit, talking on the phone, or watching a performer. They

often like to sit along heavily traveled paths. However I have

noticed that smokers will usually position themselves away from

others. In today’s age of the smart phone a person in repose

will often times, be playing on their mobile device, even if it’s

just an excuse to ignore others around them. I have observed

that when a person chooses to sit down, they will do so almost

always to one side of a bench or a stair. I imagine this is a way to

try not to sit next to anyone.

The People in Repose

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Commuters are quite prominent in Government Center Plaza.

They are almost always individually traveling through spaces.

They try to use direct paths when traveling and do everything

they can to avoid stairs, even if it means adding a bit more dis-

tance. The commuter does not respond to an external stimu-

lation. They are focused on getting from point “A” to point “B”.

I have observed that one out of every three commuters have

headphones in.

The Commuters

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The tourists operate quite a bit differently than the commuters.

They are mostly in groups of two or three, and travel much

slower through space. They do not necessarily utilize direct

paths, mostly because they do not always know the direct path.

They are drawn towards landmarks, such as statues, sculptures,

and architectural structures. Because tourists are basically mov-

ing spectators, they respond well towards an external stimula-

tion, whether it be visual or audio.

The Tourists

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Proximity to the street is the most important aspect of a space

for a busker. This allows them the ability to solicit visitors off the

sidewalk. Food stands and take out spots are also important in

a space. People gravitate towards food and become a person in

repose once they obtain it. Next he argued that an architectural

backdrop or some other landmark helps people gather into a

space, especially tourists. They also prefer seating surrounding

the performing area that could quickly become “stand-able” as

an audience begins to grow.

The Buskers

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The activists operate quite similar to the buskers. Where the

buskers seek compensation in the form of a payment, the ac-

tivists merely seek attention. Proximity to the street and heavily

traveled paths is extremely important. Often times, an activist

will step into the paths as a way to grab someone’s attention.

Activists trying to get a petition signed usually use this tactic. I

have observed that activists prefer spaces close to civic buildings

or statues to emphasize the importance of their cause.

The Activists

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The last group is the thrill seekers. They mainly prefer a space

where they are simply welcome. Many public spaces prohibit

skateboarders, rollerbladers, or any other extreme sport enthu-

siasts. This is a shame because many users within a public space

enjoy their presence and often times seek them out. A series

of benches or an empty reflecting pool fulfill the needs of this

group.

The Thrill Seekers

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On with the Show

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SiteI chose Government Center Plaza as my site. As it stands, the

area is a vast wasteland of never-ending brick pavers. The space

has become a transition void between Boston Commons and

Faneuil Hall. Locals have no reason to spend time there, and

visitors of the city are confused as to what function it serves.

My intervention focuses on the Government Center “T” station.

Trains stations have an inherent ability to create the temporal

human connections I am looking for.

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Proposed Design

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Section A

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Section B

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Section C

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Section D

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Spectator | PerformerThrough my ethnographic experiment, I became interested in

the idea of people watching. Within my observational research,

a form of people watching in itself, I tried to find which of the

categories were the spectators and which were the performers.

I found when trying to divide them this way, it was not definitive

as to who was what.

I discovered that everyone is a spectator, but at the same time

anyone can become another’s performer. I call this phenomenon

“The Urban Stage.” All six user groups seem to put on their

own performance.

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“Everyone is a spectator, but at the same time anyone can become another’s performer.”

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Spatial Hybridity

I took this idea of hybridity between spectator and performer

and started to apply it to spatial conditions on the site. First I

looked into interior and exterior conditions. What does it mean

to distort the boundaries between the two?

• The use of a line of trees with a trellis above softens the

edge between interior and exterior.

• The ground and roof planes are shifted and skewed to cre-

ate an in-between space.

Interior | Exterior

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Next, I examined above and below ground conditions. What

does it mean to distort the boundaries between the two?

• I used a series of levels and mezzanines the users would

climb with as they ascend from and descend to the station.

• I used trees as a constant through multiple levels of the de-

sign. This allows the users to interact with them on various

stages.

Above Ground | Below Ground

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Using the Research The essence of the thesis comes from how I applied my own

observational research to the final design.The strategies for the

design come straight from my ethnographic experiment. The

overall form is based off pedestrian paths existing in Govern-

ment Center Plaza. I added a focal point, a statue, at the end

of a strong axis from Faneuil Hall. This helps with way finding

for tourist, and serves as a gathering spot. I activated the steps

along City Hall by widening them to make them more sit-able.

The large overhang is perfect for a performance in bad weath-

er. Finally, I used ramps instead of stairs when ascending from

and descending to the train station. When people interact with

stairs, they are forced to look down. I don’t want anyone looking

down when they visit this space. It is a space for watching and

being watched at all times.

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ConclusionHaving finished my thesis year, I have learned one thing is for

sure: my thesis is not done, and this excites me. It has opened

my eyes to a totally new way in which to design. I learned that

the use of observational research as a means of designing is

quite valid. It complements the architect’s style, while giving the

end user a voice.

This was the first strictly public space I have designed and I rath-

er enjoyed it. I loved studying and discovering the essence and

innocence of a public space. I learned that these types of spaces

are really about how users interact with them. It is about making

a few moves, and turning it over to the people.

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BibliographyAlexander, Christopher. The Oregon Experiment. New York: Oxford University Press, USA, 1975.

Bristol, Katherine G. The Pruitt Igoe Myth. Journal of Architectural Education. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 1984.

Malinowski, Bronislaw. Argonauts of the western Pacific; an account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagoes of Melane-

sian New Guinea,. London: G. Routledge & Sons;, 1922.

Wang, David. “Design in relation to Research,” Chapter 5 in Architectural Research Methods by Linda Groat and David Wang

Alexander, Christopher, Sara Ishikawa, Murray Silverstein, with Max Jacobson, Ingrid Fiksdahl-King, and Shlomo Angel. A Pattern

Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.

Christopher Alexander’s book, The Pattern Language, explains a strategy in which to base design on. Alexander describes a pat-

tern as “a problem that occurs over and over again in our environment.” The goal of his book is to offer a way to design anything from a

master plan of a town, to a detail of a window. The book showcases 253 patterns and declares that anything can be designed from com-

bining those patterns. I feel this is an extremely bold claim. Alexander identifies the patterns very well. If you wish to design according to a

particular pattern then this book is perfect, but to say that you can design anything from 253 patterns is misleading. Christopher Alexan-

der is a former professor at the University of California, Berkeley.

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Bell, Paul A., Jeffrey D. Fisher, Andrew Baum, and Thomas Christopher Greene. Environmental Psychology. 3rd ed. Fort Worth: Har-

court School, 1990.

In Environmental Psychology, Paul Bell states that the purpose of their work is to “produce a readable book that would help stu-

dents analyze environmental phenomena in a scientific manner.” The book outlines clearly what each chapter is suggesting. The chapter ti-

tled “Architecture, Design, and Behavior” was the most helpful in my process of understanding. This chapter discusses how much a setting

influences a person’s behavior. It also covers the role of understanding human behavior and how it can be used in the design process. A

useful technique used in the book is the use of bolding important terms. Paul Bell is a professor at Colorado State University. He special-

izes in Aging and Alzheimer’s Disease, Social and Environmental Psychology.

Gallagher, Winifred. The Power of Place. New York: Harper Perennial, 1994.

Winifred Gallagher’s book, The Power of Place: How Our Surroundings Shape Our Thoughts, Emotions, and Actions, asserts that

environment psychologically affects human behavior. Gallagher backs up this claim with interviews with environmental psychologists and

observational research documenting human interactions with both the built and natural world. The author’s purpose is to argue the

theory of environmental determinism in order to suggest the concept of environmental probabilism where she claims that some human

behaviors are more likely to occur in a particular environment. This book was a great way for me to build a foundation of the understand-

ing of environmental psychology and serves as a basis for my thesis. Gallagher has contributed to publications such as Atlantic Monthly,

Rolling Stone, and the New York Times.

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Whyte, William H. City: Rediscovering the Center. New York: Doubleday, 1989.

William Whyte’s book, City: Rediscovering the Center, is focused on the aspect of fundamental research as a means to inform

design strategies. The book itself is a pleasure to read, as the author does not weigh the reader down with monotonous facts about

gathered data. In the dry, humorous tone that Whyte is famous for, he shows the reader a clear understanding of his original hypotheses,

offers observational data he collected, and suggests possible reasons for the outcomes. The first three chapters of the book, “Social Life

of the Streets”, “Street People” and “The Skilled Pedestrian” all coincide with my thesis. Whyte examines the social dynamics of the city

street and those who inhabit it. The book will prove most helpful as I continue my method of observational research through means of

film. William Whyte was a pioneer for documenting urban conditions through observational research. He graduated from Princeton Uni-

versity in 1939 and later worked on the New York City Planning Commission. His other publications include The Organized Man, The Last

Landscape, and Cluster Development.

Whyte, William H. The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. The Municipal Art Society of New York, 1979. Film

This documentary is a comprehensive look into the realities of urban planning. The purpose of the film is to document the suc-

cesses and failures of public spaces in New York. William Whyte does an excellent job at showing human interactions, both with and

within, the built environment. It is a bit dated but has a quality of timelessness that keeps the content of the film relevant today. The film

is inspiring as I continue to execute my own observational research. The piece is an exceptional precedent to look to when preparing my

research, organizing the results, and conveying patterns. William Whyte was a pioneer for documenting urban conditions through observa-

tional research. He graduated from Princeton University in 1939 and later worked on the New York City Planning Commission. His other

publications include The Organized Man, The Last Landscape, and Cluster Development.

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Zeisel, John. Inquiry by Design: Tools for Environment-Behavior Research. Monterey, Calif.: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co, 1981.

Zeisel states that the purpose of his book “is about using environment-behavior research to make better design decisions and to

develop knowledge.” He starts by telling the reader his main area of interest is the research behind how environment and behavior inter-

act. How does one plan an experiment, execute it, and use its results? Part II of the book, which is extremely helpful with my thesis, offers

insight to methods of research. It dives into the more “hands on” aspect of behavioral research. Zeisel suggests ways in which to gather

useful data, such as physically observing traces, using focused interviews, and asking people to take part in standardized questionnaires.

John Zeisel studied at Columbia University and Harvard’s Graduate School of Design. Most recently he has been a professor at McGill

University’s and the University of Minnesota’s Architecture Departments. He has also written “I’m Still Here: A New Philosophy of Alzhei-

mer’s Care”.

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