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Case study 6

Cameroon – Dja Wildlife Reserve

One forest and two dreams: the constraints imposed on the Baka in Miatta by the Dja Wildlife Reserve

by Samuel Nguiffo

May 2001

Case study 6 – Cameroon – Dja Wildlife Reserve 195

CameroonCentralAfrican

Republic

Congo

GabonEquatorial

Guinea

Nigeria

Chad

LakeChad

B i g h to f

B i a f r a

DoualaYAOUNDE

Kribi

Yokadouma

Moloundou

Campo Ma’anNational Park

Dja WildlifeReserve

Boumba Bek/NkiNational Park Lobéké

NationalPark

Contents

1 Introduction 197

2 Methods and approach 197

3 Context of the study 198

4 The situation before the project 202

5 The legal framework 204

6 The problem of coexistence between the Miatta Baka and the project 207

7 The situation as it relates to the underlying principles of the new model of conservation 209

8 The Baka community’s hopes for the reserve 212

9 Assessing the long-term impacts of the conservation programme 212

Acronyms 213

Bibliography 214

196 Case study 6 – Cameroon – Dja Wildlife Reserve

1 Introduction

The uneasy coexistence of indigenous peoples and conservation projects and,more generally, of conservation objectives and development preoccupations hasbeen the subject of numerous controversies. While of longer standing in otherclimes, this debate only took off in Cameroon in the early nineties under the dualinfluence of the concept of structural adjustment and the impact of the Rio EarthSummit.1 The Government’s new passion for protected areas, expressed in thetarget of classifying 30% of national land as protected zones, served to reinforcethe threats hanging over communities living in forests. It would seem that formany of those involved in conservation in Cameroon, establishing local peoples’involvement in strategies for protecting biodiversity has not been achieved, eventhough it is being sought. Both indigenous populations and conservation projectsnurse numerous grievances against each other: the projects consider that theresident populations take too much game from protected areas, sometimes forcommercial gain, and contribute to access by poachers, while indigenous peoplesfeel they are being excluded from humanity in the name of preserving importantpockets of biodiversity for present and future generations. The opposition betweendevelopment and conservation – between the world view of conservation projectsand that of indigenous populations – is blatant and seems unlikely to be resolvedin the short term, given the gulf of understanding that separates them. Wetherefore find ourselves, in so many of these cases, with one forest and twodreams: one being that of conservation organisations, who are concerned aboutpreserving species, and the other being that of the indigenous communities,whose modes of living are inextricably linked to the forest.

2 Methods and approach

The objective of this study is to gain an understanding, using a local case, of howlocal communities perceive the constraints imposed upon them by the presence ofa conservation project near to their territory. The study was based upon datacollected during April and May 2001 in Miatta village, which is situated on thesouthern periphery of the Dja Wildlife Reserve. The information used in this reportwas obtained from three main sources:

• interviews with Baka from the Miatta camp. These took place during twovisits made in April and May 2001;

• a literature review, which provided access to the relevant legislation, andbaseline data on the lives of the Baka, and the management plan of the DjaWildlife Reserve.

• personal observation, which served to complement the other informationcollected.


This study focuses on the following: a description of the scope of the study; thesituation prior to the conservation project; an overview of the legal situation; adescription of the Baka’s experience living with the project; and a summary of theconstraints which they face which are directly linked to the underlyingmanagement principles for protected areas.

3 Context of the study

The review of the legal background and of the principal players reveals differingvisions of the forest, which clash in an unequal battle between two contradictorydreams for the same forest. One of these is the age-old dream of the Baka, whosesurvival is closely linked to their relationship with the forest, and the other is thevision of a number of external actors (the State, donors and conservation projects)who, prompted by noble concepts of conservation, jeopardise the traditionalmanagement methods of the local communities, frequently giving communitiesthe impression that the forest is being protected from them.2

Geography

The district of Djoum is situated in southern Cameroon, approximately 30 kmsouth of the Dja Wildlife Reserve. The natural vegetation is composed ofevergreen, semi-deciduous and Atlantic forests. The forest is severely degradedalongside the dirt roads, due to pressure from housing and agriculture. Logging ishighly developed in the region, represented by five logging companies (nationaland international), which are actively exploiting a wide range of concessions (cutsales and forest management units). The zoning plan for Cameroon’s forestsindicates five categories of forest in this district:

• a communal forest, belonging to the district, and intended for commercialexploitation. This has already become the subject of a logging contractbetween a Cameroonian company and the Djoum Rural District;

• a wildlife sanctuary, the Mengame Gorilla Sanctuary, governed by amanagement agreement between the State and a Lebanese company(SOFOPETRA);

• a game reserve, the Dja Reserve, the largest in Cameroon, and one of theoldest;

• production forests, designated for industrial logging;

• the National forest estate, intended for multiple use, including industrialexploitation, agricultural development, and the creation of communityforests, etc. This represents a relatively small proportion of the forest overall.


Five ethnic groups live in Djoum district: Baka, Kaka, Bulu, Fang and Zaman.

The Bantu (Bulu, Fang and Zaman) are sedentary, and have settled alongside theforest tracks in villages generally no larger than 400 people. They generallypractice slash and burn agriculture.

The Baka are present as the oldest inhabitants of Cameroon’s forests. Over thecenturies they have lived from hunting and gathering. Traditionally they lived insmall forest encampments, moving every three or four days. Under pressure fromthe colonial government’s sedentarization policy which continued afterindependence, they increasingly settled in camps around the Bulu, Fang andZaman villages. Consequently, quite often people from different clans will befound in the same camp. Most activities are carried out communally.

The life of Djoum’s Baka communities is strongly tied to the exploitation of forestresources, and the Miatta Baka regard the forest as their ideal universe. Theirpreference for the forest over the sedentary ‘village’ life doubtless constitutes asecurity-driven retreat, the forest being their protector from the effects of outsideinfluences and, above all, the conflicts that they generate. Similarly, the forest isregarded as a framework for their survival, with an abundance of game, food andmedicinal products. In spite of the extensive decline in biodiversity, which hasbeen noticed and deplored by many Pygmies,3 the forest still retains, in their view,the essential ability to keep them nourished. All in all, it appears to be where theirculture blossoms, a place for rites, such as the Baka’s Djengui ceremony. ThePygmies have maintained a harmonious relationship with their environment, andhave adapted to nature’s forces, rather than trying to change them. Abega notesthat the identity of the Baka is closely tied to the existence of the forest, of whichthey consider themselves an integral part (Abega, 1998:25).

The economy of the Pygmies living along the dirt roads is based on sharing withinthe camp and on bartering with the neighbouring Bantu. By the very nature oftheir culture they have no interest in accumulating goods or planning for thefuture. The forest, with its abundant resources, is there to provide all their needswhatever the season. Their sources of income are limited to:

• the sale of game;

• wages from day labour for the Bantu. The daily wages paid to Pygmies arelower than those paid to Bantu (e.g. 250 FCFA per day for a Baka inKoumela, and between 200 and 500 FCFA per day in Djoum, whereas aBantu will earn 1,000 FCFA);4

• the practice of traditional medicine. Pygmies are well known for theirknowledge of traditional medicines, fetishes, and the making of charms.Patients sometimes come from very far away to obtain the benefits of Pygmy


healers, who are paid between 1,000 and 3,000 FCFA (Rasek and Schmidt,1997).

Baka cosmology assigns a primordial place to the forest. According to Brisson(1999), this can be put in the following way: ‘In the beginning, before anything,there was the forest’. In the image of the creation story of Christian tradition, itexpresses an ideal situation, an earthly paradise: ‘a number of Baka encampmentswere scattered across the high forest away from the village of the god Komba’. It isinteresting to note that if Komba created everything that exists, then the forest andthe Baka were already there in the beginning. Komba, the chief of the forest andits inhabitants, is feared by the Baka: as god-protector, he presides over the livesof the Baka and, at their death, assures their reincarnation as forest spirits(Brisson, 1999). Komba also creates death. The forest belongs to Komba. Thus thenotion of ownership of the land, let alone of the forest, does not exist amongst theBaka. It is Komba who makes the land and forest available to the Baka, so thatthey can draw on the resources they need for their subsistence. Nothing canreplace Komba as the true owner of the forest and its resources.

The Dja Wildlife Reserve

With an area of around 526,000 ha, the Dja Wildlife and Hunting Reserve wascreated on 26 June 1950 by decree No. 319 of the French High Commissioner forCameroon. In 1981, at the instigation of the Cameroon branch of UNESCO’s Manand the Biosphere programme, it became a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve. TheUNESCO World Heritage Site scheme was extended to the Dja Reserve in 1987.

The Dja Reserve straddles two provinces of Cameroon (the South and EastProvinces), and covers six arrondissements: Lomié, Abong-Mbang, Bengbis,Mintomb, Mayomessala, and Djoum. The Dja River forms a natural boundary tothe reserve, protecting it to the south, west and north. The population densityaround the reserve is estimated at 1.5 people per square kilometre(MINEF/ECOFAC, 2000:59).

Since 1992 the reserve has been managed by the ECOFAC project (Central AfricanForestry Ecosystems), the fruit of cooperation between Cameroon and theEuropean Union. The Cameroon ECOFAC Project is one component of a regionalprogramme, organised by the IUCN at the request of the European Commission,with the aim of promoting: ‘the conservation and rational use of forestry ecosystemsin Central Africa’. Financed by the EDF VI (European Development Fund), theECOFAC programme is initiating the establishment of a network of protected areasacross Central Africa, with the goal of safeguarding important tracts of biodi-versity in the face of exploitation of forest resources in the countries concerned(Mendouga, 1999).

The selection of sites within this regional initiative take into account their


importance for regional and worldwide biodiversity. In Cameroon, the aim of theproject is to implement initiatives and measures intended to promote the conser-vation and sustainable use of the reserve’s resources. Theme-based activities areundertaken inside and around the periphery of the park to address the followingissues:

• post-exploitation development of the forest;• instigation of new forms of production;• use of the diversity of forest products available;• rational use of wildlife;• research;• development of tourism, etc.

An important activity undertaken by the reserve has been to draw up amanagement plan, incorporate it into an appropriate institutional framework andimplement it.5 The ECOFAC project is based at Somalomo, to the east of thereserve, with local offices all around the reserve. The project is now in its thirdphase.

The Baka community in Miatta

Miatta village is located on the main road from Djoum to Sangmélima, about tenkilometres from the centre of the town of Djoum. It has around 100 people, themajority of whom are young. Before they settled in this Bulu village, the Baka ofMiatta lived in Mabé,6 a village in the Dja Reserve, about 50 km from where theynow are. According to Mrs Mengue Claire, the wife of the Miatta Baka chief, it wasat the request of the local authorities that they moved to this location from, ‘whatyou call the reserve’ between 1940 and 1950. This migration occurred under theaegis of the State's National Sedentarization Policy. They were invited to Miatta byNdongo Zanga and Evina Nzanga, the Miatta Bantu chief and his younger brother.

The Baka’s old village, Mabé, is situated in the heart of the Dja Reserve. It wasonly a few years ago that the Miatta Baka were informed that this area, which theyhad always considered as their village of origin, was now part of the Dja Reserve.It was when they were moving around the forest in their usual way that theyfound out they no longer enjoyed the same freedom to carry out their activities inthis part of the forest, an area characterised by the richness of its fauna and flora.Despite the fact that Miatta and Mabé are over 50 km apart, some of the MiattaBaka still go back there regularly. This frequent movement through the forest isjustified by their need to hunt,7 and to seek out other food products. The Reserveis also a meeting point for Baka from a number of surrounding areas: Lomié,Messamena, Bengbi and Somalomo.

The process of relocating the Baka community to its present site was carried outin two stages, with the help of the family of Miatta’s Bantu chief.8 First, the Baka


settled at Ma’an, where the Miatta Bantu plantations are located. The Bantuhelped the Baka with their agricultural activities, and the Baka passed a fullagricultural season there before moving to Miatta village. This migratory dynamicdemonstrates well how instrumental the Bantu were in the State’s sedentarizationpolicy. They were even more effective as agents of transition for this policybecause they gained an obvious economic benefit from having the Baka near theirvillage – free labour, and permanent access to the Baka’s expertise with medicinalplants and at hunting – all at a relatively low cost.

The Baka in Miatta have now become a hybrid community as regards their culture– their life carries on equally well in the village, and in the forest, where theycontinue to spend several months a year.9 Having ceased to be truly of the forest,neither are they completely ‘of the village’. The youngsters born along the dirtroads are the ones most afflicted by this identity crisis.

4 The situation before the project

Before their departure from Mabé, and before the start of the project, the MiattaBaka had a lifestyle that was similar, in many respects, to that of other Baka livingnomadically in the forest. It is important to make the distinction here between twoperiods: life at Mabé, and life at Miatta before the project.

a Life at Mabé

Few Baka from Miatta have personal experience of living at Mabé. Only a fewelders retain a nostalgic memory of that time. For the purposes of this study it was,therefore, not possible to obtain detailed information about that period.

Social organisation

At Mabé the Baka formed a group united by friendship, blood ties or marriage.They lived semi-nomadically in the forest, moving frequently in order to hunt, orto search out forest goods. The egalitarian nature of Baka society prevailed. Theabsence of a strict hierarchy within the group did not, however, precluderecognition of certain members’ roles and skills; for example: the birthright of theKobo (the elders); skill and courage in hunting (killing an elephant conferreddefinite respect); recognised knowledge of the forest, of every game-filled nookand cranny – such were the criteria for social esteem. The entire camp was obligedto respect the decisions of the leader when they affected the whole group, whileindividuals remained autonomous in personal decisions (Brisson, 1999).

Economic activities

At Mabé the Baka lived exclusively on forest products. Hunting inside the reserve


was the main activity of the Baka communities. The Dja River and the surroundingmarshlands supplied an abundance of fish. Fishing was mainly women’s work. Thechildren devoted themselves to collecting caterpillars, termites and other edibleforest insects. Other Baka production activities included the collection of wildfruits, honey, mushrooms, bark, roots, wild tubers and other non-woody products.The forest’s main characteristic was the abundance of produce it offered the Baka,‘There was always something to eat’, said one elder when comparing the twolifestyles. The Baka lived in the forest almost the whole year round. Occasionallythey would go to the villages in order to barter with the villagers. The Baka wouldbring forest products, game, ivory, mystical forces, and exchange them forclothing, salt, subsistence goods, metal tools, paraffin, soap, etc. Between thesetwo communities there were good relations and more complex exchanges knownas lothi. A Bantu would go and find a Baka who would hunt for him and in returnreceive village goods or help in resolving a problem. The Miatta Baka have happymemories of lothi from before they became more sedentary, because they believethe remuneration for their efforts was fairer then than that which they receivetoday.

b Life at Miatta before the project imposed its constraints

On arrival at Miatta, after their detour in the Bantu plantations, the life of theBaka changed somewhat. Their social structure did not change. Nor did thecomposition of the camps, even if in their camp they did meet more and morepeople from other clans because of the close proximity of other Baka camps (atDjouze, Mveng and Nyabibeté, all of which were established in the 1960s).Oppression became part of their daily lives. Their relationship with the Bantuevolved from lothi, a sort of friendly and preferential exchange system, to almosttotal vassalage. The Pygmies were perceived by the Bantu as sub-human, aspeople to raise up, to ‘civilise’. This approach is not without its similarities to therelationship between white and black during the colonial era. The authorities alsoreinforced this view of Bantu-Baka relations. They were completely unaware of thePygmies’ traditional authoritative system, favouring instead that of the Pygmies’Bantu neighbours, thereby putting the village chiefs in the role both of judge andjudged in conflicts pitting Bantu against Pygmy. (Rasek and Schmidt, 1997:18).The result was a loss of confidence on the part of the Pygmies in the settling of conflicts by State and Bantu institutions, which are perceived as beingsubjective.

As is happening everywhere else, the sacred view of the forest among the MiattaBaka is undergoing profound mutation because of their sedentarization. They aredevoting more and more time to agriculture, clearing the forest in order toestablish food-producing crops. Collecting for daily subsistence is reflected in theway they practice agriculture, because they do not (except in very rare cases)produce cash crops. This interest in growing subsistence crops can be explainedboth by the precarious nature of their land tenure situation along the dirt roads,


and by the compromise it represents with their traditional lifestyle. The strugglefor survival is a fundamental determinant of Pygmy activities. Settled along thedirt roads, in close proximity to Bantu villages, often against their will, thePygmies are trying to adapt to the difficulties of co-existence with the Bantu, whiletheir conditions worsen with the erosion of the forest around them. Coping withthis precarious situation, when combined with the heavy debts that many owe toBantu neighbours, is making them increasingly vulnerable. Conflict managementis, therefore, not high on their list of priorities in their collective struggle forsurvival.

Their economic activities have undergone changes: in addition to their traditionalactivities, Baka have started to sell their labour to their Bantu neighbours asagricultural labourers. In addition, Baka now hunt with rifles on behalf of Bantu,who provide the equipment (arms and ammunition), in return for payment,generally in kind (one cartridge in four or five is for the Baka).

It must be said that the changes in the systems of production result more from theBaka’s sudden sedentarization and the accompanying constraints (removal fromthe big forests, competition for access to resources with poachers from the village,logging, pressure from the Bantu to take on agricultural activities), than from thebans on hunting, fishing and collecting in the forest. As pointed out by AlfredMendouga, talking of the Bajwe people from the north-west of the reserve: ‘from1950 to 1992, the indigenous peoples went about their traditional activities free fromlaws or regulations’ (1999:40).

5 The legal framework

In 1993 Cameroon adopted a forestry policy that established the cardinal principleof community participation in forest management. The new law, taking theprescriptive interpretation of this policy, contains several clauses intended to bringabout resident populations’ involvement in managing natural resources in forestedareas. Three elements of this new legal framework seem pertinent for analysis ofthe relationship between the Miatta Baka and the administrative body chargedwith managing the Dja Wildlife Reserve: the regulations covering usage rights; thestatus of protected area recognised by the reserve; and the hunting regulations.

a The regulations covering usage rights

Article 8(1) of the 1994 Forestry Law governs usage rights that apply to residentpopulations. In effect, the latter enjoy the right to exploit all forest products –animal and fish – apart from protected species, for personal use. This Article raisesthe following points:

• Every inhabitant of the forestry zone is entitled to usage rights;


• Protected species alone are, in principle, excluded from the application ofusage rights;

• Products taken in accordance with usage rights must be destined for personaluse. All commercial use is, therefore, prohibited.

b Regulations governing protected areas

The Dja Reserve is a wildlife reserve according to the nomenclature set out inArticle 24 of the Forestry Law. Within this framework it forms part of the forestestate, as the private property of the State. It has been ‘set aside for conservation,the development and propagation of wildlife, as well as the protection anddevelopment of its habitat,’10 and hunting is forbidden, except for developmentpurposes as approved by the Minister responsible for wildlife. Finally, habitationor other human activities are regulated or forbidden.11 It is interesting to note thatthe law makes no mention of exceptions for indigenous peoples, some of whosemembers continue, however, to lead a semi-nomadic life in the heart of some ofthe protected areas, especially in the Dja Reserve.12

c Hunting regulations

The law on wildlife and its decree on enforcement identify two types of hunting:sport hunting and traditional hunting. As traditional hunting is the only form ofhunting available to the Baka, this is what we will focus on. It is governed byArticle 24 of the decree which sets out the modes of application of the regulationson wildlife, guaranteeing the freedom to carry out traditional hunting throughoutthe territory, except in the protected areas, where it is subject to restrictions underthe requirements of the management plan. The decree here restating the law,indicates, however, that ‘products resulting from traditional hunting are intendedexclusively for eating purposes, and cannot, in any circumstances, be sold’.13 Thisrequirement lodges traditional hunting within the context of usage rights. Thevery nature of traditional hunting has been the topic of numerous controversies,relating to the type of implements used: is the ‘traditional’ character determinedby the people involved? Or rather by the nature of the weapons used? In the lattercase, is an arrow with an iron head a traditional weapon or not? The vaguenesssurrounding the definition for the notion of ‘traditional’ could serve to introduceadditional restrictions to the practice of usage rights by Baka populations asregards hunting.

These legal arrangements are, however, at variance with the customary practicesof the Baka, which could lead to misunderstandings or conflicts. The concept ofprotected areas is unknown within the Baka concept of space. The entire forestand its products were made available to the Baka by Komba. It is therefore all themore difficult for the Baka to comprehend the restrictions imposed on their forestactivities when, in their culture, no one other than the Creator owns the forest. Forthe Baka, the only restrictions to the use of forest products are those related to


taboos. In certain cases there are flagrant contradictions between protected arealegislation and Baka culture. Elephant hunting provides an excellent example: thewildlife decree classifies elephants within Class A, one of the most protectedspecies, but in Baka culture, elephant hunting is a particularly status-enhancingactivity for the relevant individuals, and every Baka male aspires to kill at leastone during his lifetime. Furthermore, barter and, increasingly, the sale of forestproducts constitute a major source of revenue for the Baka. Whether carried outwith local villagers or strangers, these transactions are totally against the rulesgoverning usage rights, which only permit the taking of forest products forpersonal use.

The second point of conflict between the law and traditional Baka practices relatesto the Zoning Plan. Established by Decree No 95/678/PM on 18 December 1995,the Zoning Plan defines, amongst other forest areas, the multiple use zones, whereactivities by the population are allowed. The areas where the Baka enjoycustomary rights do not, unfortunately, fall into these zones but instead arelocated within the Permanent Forest. This is the case for the Miatta Baka, whosecustomary land rights apply to the Mabé area. Unfortunately, within the reserve,they cannot enjoy the rights to which they are entitled under forest law, as thereserve is outside the multiple use zone, in which, for example, local people canbenefit from community forests.

Although the 1995 decree specifies that the Forest Zoning Plan is only ‘indicative’,it seems difficult to imagine the boundaries of the reserve being amended toaccommodate Baka claims. There are two obstacles to making this change:

• the boundaries of the Dja Wildlife Reserve were already definitivelyestablished under the founding documentation, prior to the Forest ZoningPlan;

• the reserve has natural boundaries (the Dja River, which forms a loop aroundthe reserve), which makes access to the Mabé region difficult for the peopleof Miatta.

Finally, the hunting regulations also penalise them. The law on hunting wouldseem to make the Baka’s traditional – and most commonly used – huntingmethods illegal, such as the snares made from steel wire, or metal-tipped arrows.Similarly, hunting with rifles, previously a minority activity, is now widespreadamongst the Baka who receive firearms from their Bantu patrons.

As it falls within the current legal framework, whose rules it is obliged to enforce,the Dja Reserve conservation project contains fundamental contradictions withBaka perceptions of the reserve and its environs.


6 The problem of coexistence between the Miatta Baka and theproject

Creation of the reserve had no immediate impact on access to resources, not leastbecause the authorities had no means of enforcement. It was with the arrival ofthe ECOFAC project in 1992, that the reserve would be equipped with compre-hensive resources and would attempt the systematic implementation ofCameroonian protected area legislation.

The arrival of the project marked the beginning of a gradual rupture with the Bakalifestyle for those living in the village of Miatta and of a series of important restric-tions to resource access. The first manager of the reserve arrived in Somalomo in1990. According to him the ECOFAC project started in 1992, but was notoperational until 1993.

The Miatta Baka are not very well informed about the project’s objectives andrequirements. The nature of the restrictions imposed varies according to who youtalk to. Some say that hunting is forbidden in the reserve. Others say it is accessto the reserve that is forbidden. Others still, say hunting is forbidden ‘everywhere.If you are seen with game, it’ll be taken off you’. These contradictory positionsexpress a serious lack of information amongst the Miatta Baka about the project,its objectives, and the constraints it imposes on the lives of the local populations.There are, however, some people in the camps who acknowledge having heardabout the project both from the Djoum authorities and ECOFAC staff. The maingrounds for frustration seem to be the decision to include Mabé within thereserve: ‘They did not tell us why Mabé is in the reserve. They did not tell us why wemust not hunt there. Perhaps they told the sous-préfet’.

The Miatta Baka tell of how they have had game confiscated, even when it wasfor personal consumption. Although they are not numerous, there are tales of howgame for sale, displayed on the roadside, was confiscated by local authorities. Therarity of these cases can be explained by the relatively small number of conser-vation and ECOFAC staff along this section of the reserve’s southern perimeter.Some Baka also account for this situation by the care they now take in trans-porting game after hunting trips, now that they know there is a real risk of havinggame confiscated by the authorities. All the same, the interviews revealed at leastone case where the Baka benefited from the ‘understanding’ of ECOFAC agents: ‘Iremember being lucky once, when they surprised us carrying game we had smoked.They forbade us to carry on hunting, but did not confiscate our game’.14

The project’s immediate impact on access to resources

The establishment of the project has manifested itself in a number of conflicts withthe resident communities through the contradictory and occasionally mutuallyexclusive perceptions and practices of Baka and project staff.


Lack of consultations with Baka

The Miatta Baka maintain that they were neither informed of nor invited toparticipate in the creation of the Dja Reserve. They also maintain that they wereinformed later (without being able to give a precise date) of the existence of aconservation initiative by the authorities and the ECOFAC personnel. According tothem, the objective of the project that would affect their village was the ban onhunting within the reserve.15 This ban was attributed to excessive poaching thathad to be stamped out. They report cases of meeting ECOFAC agents on patrol inthe forest, culminating in having their cargo searched. This has reinforced theirbelief that their future is under threat, insofar as they will no longer be able tomake use of forest resources. By the same token, this reinforces their belief thateverything that happens does so with the support of the local authorities: ‘We seethem pass this way pretty often. Perhaps they tell the sous-préfet about everythingthey do to us,’ declared Nkoumto Emmanuel from Miatta village.

The consequences on the lives of the Baka at Miatta

For the Baka at Miatta, the situation in which now they find themselves equatesto a ‘diminution of the forest’ manifested by an unbalanced diet and limitedmobility. The Baka cannot conceive of a balanced diet without animal protein.Although they have put a great deal of effort into creating plots for growing foodcrops, they consider that their diet is poor because they lack game. The forestbehind the village huts cannot satisfy their hunting needs, because of itsdegradation due to the intensity of human activity. The protected area remains theideal place to carry out hunting throughout the year. The ban on entering thereserve has limited the movement of the Baka within the forest. In Baka tradition,the forest is the symbol of freedom. For the Baka it is the ultimate refuge from theconstraints of village life.

Claims for rights to ‘their forest’

The Miatta Baka are claiming their rights to one part of the reserve: ‘Mabé is wherewe come from, and it is also our forest. We have to go there to look for fruit, vines,game and other products because the forest is very rich there’. They complain ofhaving been dispossessed of their forest.

Suspicion towards agents of the conservation project

Distrust prevails in the relationship between the Baka and the reserve’s conser-vation agents. This is due to the Baka’s insecurity regarding their current andfuture activities in the reserve. Because, according to one Baka: ‘At present it’sdifficult to hunt game there. If the agents catch you in the forest with bags, theysearch you, and if they see you’ve got meat, they arrest you’.16


Resistance to the project

It is difficult for the Baka at Miatta to conceive of a life being normal withoutgoing to Mabé. This restriction on their movement due to the new rules createsdoubts about their future: ‘We still have to go to Mabé to find fruit, vines, honey andother products that we need in the village, because that is our forest’. Caution is theconsequence of their resistance to the ban: ‘When I go to Mabé, it takes me abouttwo or three days to walk there. There is a big river. I cross it to hunt the buffalo. Imust also watch out that the project agents do not catch me’ (Nkoumto Emmanuel).

7 The situation as it relates to the underlying principles of the new model of conservation

In 1996 the IUCN and WWF set out conservation principles relating to the rightsand interests of indigenous peoples. Although these institutions are not involvedin managing the Dja Reserve, it would seem important to compare these principleswith the practices of the organisations active in this protected area, as perceivedby the Baka at Miatta.

The following are the principles to be considered in this analysis: participation andconsultation of the indigenous peoples; co-management; recognition ofindigenous peoples’ rights to traditional use of the reserves; and the recognitionof land rights.

Participation and consultation of the indigenous peoples

Following on from the African Charter of Rights,17 Cameroon’s framework environ-mental law established the principle of public participation in the management ofits natural resources. Evidently inspired by Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration, inarticle 9(e) of Cameroon’s framework environmental law all decisions likely tohave an impact upon the environment are subject to: ‘dialogue with . . . concernedgroup . . .’. This legal requirement is a recognition of the rights of citizens to ahealthy environment as recognised by Cameroon’s constitution.18 The forest law ismore specific, and makes the following provision, in Article 26: ‘The act ofclassifying a forest estate takes into account the social environment of the indigenouspeoples, who retain their customary usage rights’. The 1995 decree laying downforest regulations provides the modes of classification for a permanent forest, intowhich category wildlife reserves fall: a 30-day period is allocated, during whichthe Minister, by means of public notice, informs those affected by the proposedclassification. During this period (which in certain cases can be extended to 90days), the peoples can lodge their reservations or objections with theauthorities’.19

The law specifies, however, that the exercising of usage rights can be restricted if


these rights are in conflict with the objectives set for the said forest (which wouldappear to be the case, in the mind of the legislator, for protected areas). It isinteresting to note that in this case, the law makes provision for the establishmentof compensation for indigenous peoples.20 In the context of the Dja Reserve, theseprovisions were not taken into account with regard to the Baka of Miatta. Theywere not involved in drawing up the reserve boundaries, and did not have theopportunity to participate in preparing the management objectives. In fact, theywere never informed about the project’s objectives and the role that they couldplay. On completion of the project, it could be said that the reserve’s creation pre-dated the framework of the environment law and the forest law, which wouldexplain why it was not possible to extend the procedures and their plannedbenefits to the Miatta Baka. This justification, while valid for the creation of thereserve and the conceptualisation of the first phase of the project, is hardlyadmissible for the more recent period, which has been witness to new phases ofthe project. Likewise, the Baka of Miatta do not recall having received anycompensation for usage rights lost due to the existence of the reserve, asstipulated, however, under the forest law. For the Miatta Baka, the reserve’sexistence has always been synonymous with bans of every kind (access and use).

Co-management

In their opinion, the Baka of Miatta have never been perceived as partners in theconservation proposals for the reserve. They have had no dialogue with conser-vation authorities, and are not even familiar with the conservation objectives forthis protected area. The only activity they mention when referring to the reserveis the ban on hunting. They also complain of the uncontrolled proliferation ofpoaching. For the park’s administration there has therefore never been anyquestion of treating the Baka as ‘legitimate and equal partners’ in the implemen-tation of the reserve’s conservation strategies, as set out in the principles. TheBaka’s knowledge of the reserve and its surrounding areas could, moreover, havebeen put to use in monitoring the activities of outside agents within the reserve(in the fight against poaching and illegal logging, for example).

Recognition of the Miatta Baka’s rights to traditional use of the reserve

The question of Baka rights to use the resources and areas of the reserve has neverbeen challenged under law, nor debated with the Dja Reserve management. Itshould be acknowledged that the management principles for protected areasassume that ‘legal recognition of rights is not included in the mandate of adminis-trators of protected areas’.21 The Miatta Baka’s incursions into the reserve are thussimply tolerated when they are not involved in hunting, which is rare, if notimpossible, as the Baka themselves state: ‘If you go into the reserve, it is to hunt’.


The recognition of Baka land rights

The question of forest peoples’ rights to land in Cameroon is more delicate.According to the land tenure law, all land that is not held under private titlebelongs to the State. This rule is contrary to customary rules, which define theprinciples of land acquisition and transfer between all the different forest peoples.The overlap between modern and customary law is detrimental to the Bantu, whoare transformed into ‘virtual owners’ of land through their use of it, but whoserights are not recognised and guaranteed under modern law. In fact, it isinteresting to note that Cameroonian law and jurisprudence favour modern lawover custom. Thus the Supreme Court, straight after independence asserted: ‘Inevery case relating to custom, where legislated, the law takes precedence overcustom’.22 Furthermore, by mitigating the principle that stipulates that the optionof jurisdiction carries the option of legislation, jurisprudence allows: ‘. . . In theabsence of customary provisions governing problems submitted to them, the[customary] courts must make reference to the written law’.23 In fact, as anadditional precaution, the judge should disregard the custom when it runs counterto public order and to accepted standards of behaviour, or when the solution towhich its application leads is not as good as that proposed by the written law’.24

The Baka’s situation is even more dramatic: none of them holds recognisedcustomary land rights in the permanent forests that are home to their formervillages and, since their sedentarization, they are simply ‘lodgers’ on Bantuterritory alongside the tracks, as in Miatta. They enjoy no rights to the land, whiletheir traditional rights to their former lands are ignored under forest law, whichseverely limits the rights of access and usage for resident populations ofpermanent forests. In the case of the Baka of Miatta, Mabé, their old village, isnow within the reserve. Because of the restrictions arising from the new status ofthis territory, they are no longer able to perform all their traditional activities therewithout breaking the law. It should also be pointed out that here too, recognitionof land rights does not come under the authority of the project, but of the State,which has total sovereignty over its law and whose legislation on this subject hasnot taken into consideration the specific situation of indigenous peoples.

The current discord between modern law and Baka customary norms relating tothe use of space constitutes a fundamental obstacle to the Baka being involved incommunity forestry: the areas where they might claim traditional rights over theland and the forest are all located within permanent forests where, by law,community forests may not be created. The non-permanent forest estate that lieson either side of the roads, comes under Bantu customary land ownership. ThePygmies living there enjoy no customary land rights and therefore find it difficultto develop their own community forest activities.25


8 The Baka community’s hopes for the reserve

The Miatta Baka are not all of one mind in their long-term vision for the reserve.Some consider it would be good if the reserve were for the exclusive use of theBaka. Others think that they should simply be allowed to hunt in the reserve,without necessarily forbidding access to non-Baka peoples. However, they allagree that this is their forest, and they are all opposed to restrictions on their usagerights. They say that they are being forbidden to hunt, without being offered anyother alternative: ‘To be Baka is to hunt. So, what do they expect us to do?’

9 Assessing the long-term impacts of the conservationprogramme

It is difficult to make an evaluation of the conservation programme on the basisof such a limited case study. We chose, therefore, not to dwell on the entire project,but on the Miatta region alone. Two findings stand out, based on observation andthe interviews with the Baka there.

• Poaching is being carried out, often in a well organised way, by well knownindividuals who operate from camps within the reserve, beyond the DjaRiver. The game is sent to the markets of Sangmélima (around 100 km fromMiatta) or Yaoundé. After having been a major market for poached game, thelittle market at Djoum is now more closely monitored by the conservationproject. But the war against poaching is far from over.

• The tract of forest between the reserve’s southern boundary and the dirt roadalongside which Miatta is located is subject to intensive industrial logging.The forestry tracks opened up by these activities facilitate access by poachers,and allow for much easier removal of their game.

These two activities, which complement one another, are significant sources offorest degradation, and contribute to increased pressures on the reserve. It isdifficult to convince the Baka that their traditional [forest-based] activities areillegal if, at the same time, others who transgress the law or whose actions impactfar more negatively on the forest and its resources act with impunity.

Notes

1 Cameroon started a programme of structural adjustment in 1988. Good forest management (ofwhich conservation is an important part) was a principal element. The impact of the 1992Earth Summit in Rio (when the Convention on Biodiversity was adopted) was to influence thepolicies and practices of the State’s funders and emerged as conservation requirements forforest ecosystems.


2 We would like to point out that this study is based on the Miatta Baka community’s perceptionof the conservation project and the constraints that it imposes on them.

3 Personal communications by the author with Bakola from the Campo and Kribi regions inJanuary and May 1995, and with Baka from Djoum and Lomié between 1996 and 1998.

4 See Arno Rasek and Jutta Schmidt (1997). Trade, craft and livestock raising remain marginalsources of income for ‘pygmies’.

5 The management plan for the reserve was prepared during 2000 by the ECOFAC project andMINEF.

6 Mabé signifies Moabi in Baka. [The Moabi tree (Baillonella toxisperma)].7 Koumto Emmanuel is a Baka with a reputation as a great buffalo hunter. He admits that he

frequently stays in the reserve, sometimes for several months, to pursue this activity.8 According to Mengue Claire, the wife of the Baka village chief, it is thanks to Ndongo Nzanga,

the Bantu chief and Evina Nzanga, his younger brother, that they were able to go there.9 During interview, several Baka told us that they would spend more than three months in the

forest on hunting and gathering expeditions.10 Article 2(7), 1995 decree setting out the wildlife regulations.11 Ibid.12 The Miatta Baka indicate that there are still camps in the heart of the reserve. Similarly, they all

mentioned the camp where Goloko, the famous Baka healer, lives.13 Article 24, 1995 decree setting out the wildlife regulations.14 Interview with Nkoumto Emmanuel.15 They indicated, however, that fishing would continue to be permitted within the reserve.16 Interview with Eyinga Jean Bosco.17 See article 13 of the Charter.18 See the preamble to the Constitution of Cameroon, January 1996.19 See Article 18 of the Decree of 23 August 1995 setting out the forest regulations.20 See article 2(1) of the 1994 forest law.21 See The Principles and Guidelines on Protected Areas and Indigenous/Traditional Peoples, Point

No. 2.4.22 See the Supreme Court of Cameroon, Affaire Bessala Awona c/ Bidzogo Géneviève Cor. A No

445, 3 April 1962.23 See the Supreme Court of Cameroon, Affaire Menamae c/ Eyene, J. CS COR. A of 4 January

1966, Penant, April-May-June 1967.24 See Supreme Court, Affaire Ateba Victor c/ Dame Ateba Mari CSA No 70/L of 8 July 1976.25 The Bosquet community forest, located in the Lomié Region, is the only one belonging to a

Baka community. This is an exception, and its creation was far from straightforward despite thepresence of a foreign development agency (SNV).

Acronyms

ECOFAC Central African Forestry EcosystemsEDF European Development FundIUCN IUCN – The World Conservation UnionMINEF Ministry of the Environment and ForestsSNV Netherlands Development OrganisationSOFOPETRA La Société forestière PETRAUNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization


Bibliography

Abega, Séverin Cécil. 1998. Les Pygmées baka, le droit à la difference, Yaoundé, May 1998.

African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. 1981. OAU Doc. CAB/LEG/67/3 rev. 5, 21I.L.M. 58 (1982), adopted June 27, 1981 entered into force Oct. 21, 1986.

Brisson. 1999.

IUCN/WCPA/WWF principles and guidelines on protected areas andindigenous/traditional peoples.

Mendouga, Alfred. 1999.

Présidence de la République camerounaise. 1996. Preamble to the Cameroon constitution,Loi n° 96-06 du 18 janvier 1996, Yaoundé.

Rasek, Arno and Jutta Schmidt. 1997. ‘Analyse comparative des systèmes de productionagricole Baka et Bantu de la région de Djoum', CED, Yaoundé.

République du Cameroun. 1994. [Article 2(1)] of the 1994 forest law.

République du Cameroun. 1995. [Article 18] of the 23 August 1995 Decree governing theforestry regulations.

République du Cameroun. 1995. [Article 2(7)], 1995 decree setting out the wildliferegulations.

Supreme Court of Cameroon. 1962. Affaire Bessala Awona c/ Bidzogo Géneviève Cor. A No445, 3 April 1962.

Supreme Court of Cameroon. 1967. Affaire Menamae c/ Eyene, J. CS COR. A of 4 January1966, Penant, April-May-June 1967.

Supreme Court of Cameroon. 1976. Affaire Ateba Victor c/ Dame Ateba Mari CSA No 70/Lof 8 July 1976.


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