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Bryan Townley
4/11/13
Sociology 3488
Causes of Racial Segregation
Introduction
Residential racial segregation has been a problem in the United States since this
country's inception. From the times of slavery to Jim Crow laws and into the current era as well,
the spatial separation of population based on race is a dynamic conundrum. Even though
actions such as the Fair Housing Act of 1968 have outlawed housing discrimination, and hostility
between races is on the decline, segregation is still a major problem across the country. In this
paper I will examine aspects of three theoretical perspectives, and further gauge which best
explains the causes behind the persistence of residential racial segregation in the United States.
The first theory I will examine is Robert Merton's notion of manifest and latent functions
and how it relates to certain unintended consequences. Second, I will look at Erving Goffman
and his idea of stigma. Lastly I will examine Peter Blau's ideas concerning intrinsic and extrinsic
rewards. It will be interesting to observe these three theories because they branch very diverse
perspectives. Merton, coming from the structural functionalism camp, will view the causes of
racial segregation very differently than Goffman, coming from a symbolic interaction
perspective. Merton's idea of functions is much more collective-oriented than Goffman's
stigma, which focuses more on the individual. On the other hand, Blau's idea of intrinsic and
extrinsic rewards, while also focusing on the individual, is both rational and nonrational-
focused.
Robert Merton and functions
Robert Merton was critical of prior functionalists' idea that all aspects of society are
functional, and that these functions are positive. Instead, he demonstrated that previous
functionalist ideas were based out of completely abstract ideas and not real observation. Thus,
he created the idea of manifest functions, or the intended goals of an action, and latent
functions, which are unintended consequences of the action. Theses latent functions are
described as still being functional for society, while Merton's idea of dysfunctions are processes
that are not functional and are negative for society. These dysfunctions might still be functional
for some people, while dysfunctional for others. A key strength of this theory comes from the
fact that, while still within a structural functionalist perspective, it takes into account some
ideas of conflict theory, including Merton's notion of dysfunctions. However, Merton's theory
does not take into account the difficulty in some situations of discerning what exactly is
manifest or latent: a guilty person may state that a consequence of their action was unintended
even when it could have been an intentional action all along.
This leads into the question that one could ask within Merton's theory of functions and
dysfunctions: For whom is this something functional? While Merton is not a conflict theorist,
this idea comes more from the conflict side of the argument because it deals with power.
Through this logic, it seems as though what is functional for the mainstream (or majority) of
society would be what is accepted. However, this does not mean that these functions for one
part of society are not dysfunctional for another part. This idea of functions and dysfunctions
creates a system of power in which the groups that a specific item is functional for have a clear
advantage over the group that suffers from the dysfunction. These dysfunctions can also be
classified as manifest or latent. Manifest dysfunctions are recognized and expected items, while
latent dysfunctions are unintended negative consequences.
Municipalities across the United States create zoning codes which regulate how land is
to be used and managed. In some instances, these zoning codes also dictate the density of the
use allowed in certain districts. The manifest function of these zoning laws is to distribute
certain uses over the land in such a manner that creates a functional atmosphere. For example,
zoning was initially created in order to keep polluted factories away from residential
neighborhoods. Nowadays, neighborhoods go so far as to use zoning for economic
development through requiring minimum residential lot sizes. These requirements promote the
construction of homes sitting on large lots which in turn cost more to purchase. This type of
zoning allows those who can afford the house live in the area, but those who cannot are forced
to live elsewhere. However cruel this may seem, it is still a manifest function because it is
functional for the municipality (higher tax revenue from the larger purchase) and it is intended.
In addition, areas of high density and low density often do not come into contact with one
another. Nevertheless, these types of zoning regulations also have a latent dysfunction.
Because, in the United States, some minorities tend to have a lower average income than
Caucasians (Caucasian average income: $51,861; Hispanic: $38,039; African American: $32,584)
they are disproportionately excluded from these areas where zoning calls for minimum lot sizes
(U.S. Census Bureau 2012). This forces these excluded individuals to live in other areas with
similarly excluded people. Hypothesis #1: Therefore, I believe that higher segregation rates will
be seen in areas that enact restrictive zoning codes due to racial exclusion being the zoning's
latent dysfunction.
Merton's hypothesis test
The article Density Zoning and Class Segregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas looks at the
effects of municipalities' enacting zoning codes which enable/prohibit the ability to construct
residential units at certain densities. Jonathan Rothwell and Douglas Massey find, consistent
with my hypothesis, that zoning which restricts residential density geographically separates and
isolates housing units of different types, and therefore different economic classes and
ultimately races. They state that "fiscal incentives" were the original intentions, but this type of
zoning has many other possible consequences. The article The Perpetuation of Residential
Racial Segregation in America: Historical Discrimination, Modern Forms of Exclusion, and
Inclusionary Remedies by Marc Seitles examines the historical and contemporary forms of
residential racial segregation in the United States also explains that exclusionary zoning results
in discrimination and segregation. However, he states that municipalities enacting such zoning
laws do so intentionally; that the racial segregation that results is a manifest dysfunction, not
latent. In another of Rothwell and Massey's articles, The Effect of Density Zoning on Racial
Segregation in U.S. Urban Areas, they explicitly state that segregation between Caucasians and
African Americans is a direct result of density zoning. They say that municipalities enact
maximum zoning (that which allows for higher densities), segregation is shown to decrease.
They also posit that this is due to the rising costs associated with housing in areas with lower
density.
However, there are studies which state that exclusionary zoning does not lead to racial
segregation. In Ethnic Preferences and Residential Segregation: Theoretical Explorations Beyond
Detroit, Michael Macy and Arnout van de Rijt contend that institutional practices such as zoning
are not inherent factors in the creation of racial segregation and they may not come into the
equation at all. Instead they argue that in-group racial preferences drive racial residential
segregation (much like what I argue in Blau's section later in this paper). Similarly, as described
in a section the book The Geography of Opportunity: Race and Housing Choice in Metropolitan
America by Camille Zubrinsky Charles, institutional factors enacted by municipalities do not
have as large an effect on racial segregation or integration, and that individual racial
preferences for neighborhood composition actually are larger drivers of segregation. Much like
the previous two sources, Mark Fossett in Ethnic Preferences, Social Distance Dynamics, and
Residential Segregation: Theoretical Explorations Using Simulation Analysis, describes that
segregation can occur even in the absence of formal (manifest) and informal (latent)
discrimination, and is instead driven by racial preferences.
Erving Goffman and stigma
As stated by Erving Goffman, stigma are attributes of an individual which do not allow
that individual to act as a "normal" within society, and could be rejected altogether. In
accordance with Goffman's idea of dramaturgy, the act of the individual with the attribute is
ruined, and the individual thus fails to receive the desired reaction from the audience. A stigma
greatly affects interaction between individuals. Goffman also describes that there are two
different types of stigma: discreditable and discredited. Discreditable stigma is not known to
the audience and forces the individual to constantly monitor how much of their personal
information is displayed during their "act." On the other hand, discredited stigma deals with an
attribute that is completely visible to the audience. The individual can do nothing but try to
save face by reducing the conflict that comes about during interactions. In line with Goffman's
other ideas, this can lead a person into a constant "front stage performance;" one where the
individual is always on guard. It is this discredited stigma that I will elaborate more on
throughout the paper.
A strength of Erving Goffman's idea of stigma is that it deals greatly with individual
interactions, and these interactions allow the stigma to be perpetuated and reaffirmed.
However, Goffman's theory does not fully explain the ways in which a stigma can be reaffirmed
through institutional means. A question one could ask within the terms of Goffman's stigma
theory would be: What power does a stigmatized individual have? The idea of the discredited
stigma is that it greatly constrains what a person can and cannot do. Because of this, the
majority of the power lies in the hands of the audience, who react to the stigmatized person.
The individual, however, does have the power to then judge the audience's reaction, and in
turn try to manage and control the effects of the stigma. This process is much easier (and may
not even occur) for individuals with a discreditable stigma. Those with a discredited stigma
must always be wary of how the "normal audience" will receive them. Since individuals with a
discredited stigma can never completely hide their true nature, they are constrained into
certain roles, and are completely excluded from others. Another question one could ask is: Can
Goffman's notion of stigma be translated to objects? I believe that it can. Just as individuals can
have attributes which greatly affect their ability to interact and be "normal," objects can also
have similar attributes that harm their ability to be utilized. For example, neighborhoods,
communities, or even individual properties can gain a "bad reputation;" a reputation that is not
necessarily based on quantitative facts such as crime statistics or poverty rates, but an overall
feeling portrayed by individuals. This "feeling" plays into the nonrational realm of stigma.
Just as Goffman describes how individuals with a discredited stigma are avoided or are
met with conflict and tension, the same is true for stigmatized objects. Neighborhoods or
communities that illicit a negative "feeling" from individuals are likely to be avoided or looked
down upon. The lack of demand for living in a stigmatized neighborhood drives the living price
down. Therefore, those who have the means to live somewhere other than the stigmatized
neighborhood will likely do so, while those who are unable to afford other housing options are
stuck living in the stigmatized community. Because certain minority races have a lower average
household income than Caucasians (as mentioned in the Merton section), it seems as though
they would be disproportionately affected. Hypothesis #2: Thus, I believe it will be shown that
areas that illicit a negative "feeling" from individuals and gain a "bad reputation," even if this
feeling is not based on quantitative facts, will be areas containing high rates of racial
segregation.
Goffman's hypothesis test
The study Segregation Through the Lens of Housing Unit Transition: What Roles Do the
Prior Residents, the Local Micro-Neighborhood, and the Broader Neighborhood Play? by John
Hipp suggests a manner in which certain neighborhoods or even individual properties receive
certain reputations. He describes how "signals," based on a cursory glance of an area's
attributes, can sway residence buying choices one way or another. These signals represent a
prospective buyer's first impression; they gain a "feel" of the neighborhood based on certain
cues. If enough prospective buyers are signaled negatively, it seems as though this is a manner
in which locales can become stigmatized. However, the study also suggests that areas that are
viewed as unfavorable to some are favorable to others, and that these factors combine to
create racial segregation. Another study, Seeing Disorder: Neighborhood Stigma and the Social
Construction of "Broken Windows" by Robert Sampson and Stephen Raudenbush, explains the
effect that apparent "disorder" has on the perception of a neighborhood. They explain that
individuals believe that this perception of a disorderly neighborhood will breed further disorder
in the area. This creates a self-fulfilling prophecy in which those who are able move away from
the neighborhood. Those who do not have the resources and are unable to move are stuck in
the area, being a possible cause of racial segregation as argued by the authors. In addition, the
article Race, class and the stigma of place: Moving to "opportunity" in Eastern Iowa by Danya
Keene and Mark Padilla, which looks at Chicago natives who moved to Iowa, not only states
that neighborhoods can gain a bad reputation, but just being an inhabitant of one of these
neighborhoods can automatically give an individual a negative reputation. The study specifically
cites Goffman in its explanation: "this negative portrayal may contribute to the construction of
'spoiled identities' among persons who are tainted by the nature of their residence in
stigmatized places" (Keene and Padilla 2010).
However, in the study Long-Term Correlates of High School Racial Composition:
Perpetuation Theory Reexamined, Elizabeth Stearns states that racial segregation is caused by
the environment students experience in school. She explains that the school environment
mirrors future neighborhood and workplace environments for the individual in the future. For
example, if an individual attends a highly segregated school, then their workplace and future
residential area will be similarly segregated. Similarly, the article Evidence on the
Intergenerational Persistence of Residential Segregation by Race by Casey Dawkins dictates
from the perpetuation approach that the rate of segregation of one's neighborhood is similar to
the amount of segregation in their parent's childhood neighborhood. In this sense, segregation
is repeated across generations. The only way that the pattern can then be broken is if an
individual gains more interracial contact at some point in life. It is argued that this interracial
contact will make the individual more racially tolerant and accepting of being in a more
integrated neighborhood. Also contrasting my hypothesis, the article Diversity, Racial Threat
and Metropolitan Housing Segregation shows that segregation is an effect of the reaction of
Caucasians who feel a threat from a minority's presence. Robert DeFina and Lance Hannon
state that when a minority population increases in an area that was originally majority
Caucasian, that area will become highly segregated, reflecting the idea of "white flight."
Consistent with the previous two studies, DeFina and Hannon suggest that interracial contact
reduces the perceived threat and the effects of "white flight."
Peter Blau and extrinsic rewards
Peter Blau, from the rational choice camp which dictated that rewards must be greater
than costs, described two different types of rewards: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic rewards
focused on interactions or friendships that are inherently valuable to an individual; they are
enjoyable in and of themselves. Extrinsic rewards on the other hand do not come from means
themselves, but on the ends that can come through association: Extrinsic rewards are
motivated by a rational self interest. Individuals who exude the promise of extrinsic rewards
become "socially attractive." These individuals are those who are desired to be associated with.
Blau's theory of rewards is interesting because it places exchange process in the midst of
individual human interaction. This is could be a strength in that this thought is not covered by
many theories, but it can also be a weakness because it seems as though he is arguing that
there is no true "love;" everything is motivated by selfish interests.
A question one could ask within Blau's version of Rational Choice theory could be: What
power do individuals have in their interactions? In accordance with the idea of extrinsic
rewards, individuals will choose what is in their rational self interest, or what will allow them to
reap the most rewards. Individuals will align themselves with socially attractive people, not to
gain the intrinsic benefits of their company, but to receive rewards down the road. Another
question one could ask is: Who are these socially attractive people? If those looking to
maximize rewards look to socially attractive people in order to maximize benefits, these
attractive people must have some measure of "success." If that is true, then what is success
defined as? It seems apparent that mainstream society deems success through monetary
means: more money is equated with more success and those who have careers with high
salaries are "successful." While this is not a blanket definition of success for everybody, I believe
it is for mainstream society. Because of this idea of success, the extrinsic benefits that one
desires from another's company come in the form of monetary gains. If this is true, the higher
the promise of monetary success, the more socially attractive the person becomes.
But then again, what if the intrinsic rewards of a relationship outweigh the extrinsic
rewards of another relationship? In this case, the individual would be motivated by nonrational
elements, instead of acting in their "rational" self interest. For example, even if a relationship
with an individual promised a certain amount of economic gain, if that relationship brought
with it a certain level of uncomfortability, it might not be chosen. Instead the individual would
choose a relationship that was comfortable or enjoyable, even if it does not satisfy the person's
rational economic interests.
As established above, If individuals seek to gain extrinsic rewards in the form of money,
they will desire to be in the company of those who are monetarily successful. As described in
both the Merton and Goffman sections, Caucasians have a higher average income than that of
certain minority groups. This could lead to the idea that minority groups would seek to live in
the proximity of whites who are "socially attractive" because of the economic success. This idea
would suggest that integration would occur everywhere, as minority groups would be acting in
their rational self interest. However, because racial segregation still exists today, it is obvious
that other factors must come into play. I believe that intrinsic rewards can play a large role in
the perpetuation of segregation. If individuals deem that remaining in their segregated
neighborhood is more intrinsically beneficial, they will forgo a move to another neighborhood
with the promise of extrinsic rewards. These intrinsic rewards could come in the form of a
feeling of acceptance, normalcy, or comfortability that would outweigh any monetary benefit
that could come from living in another area. If the individual would not feel a similar
acceptance or feel as comfortable in the more extrinsically beneficial neighborhood, it will not
be chosen. Hypothesis #3: Through Blau's idea of rewards, I believe that intrinsic benefits such
as acceptance and comfortableness of a neighborhood perpetuate residential racial segregation
in a given area.
Blau's hypothesis test
In the article Metropolitan Heterogeneity and Minority Neighborhood Attainment,
Jeremy Pais, Scott South, and Kyle Crowder study the barriers that different racial groups face
when moving into areas. They find that even when minority groups have the ability to afford a
move into any neighborhood they so desire, they still, on average, move into neighborhoods
that are "less white." This seems to back up the notion that intrinsic rewards are at play. Much
in the same way, in the article Inter-neighborhood Migration and Spatial Assimilation in a
Multi-ethnic World: Comparing Latinos, Blacks and Anglos, Scott South, Kyle Crowder, and
Jeremy Pais find that minority individuals are much more likely to move into a neighborhood
comprised of predominantly their own race, rather than a different race. In addition, the study
Learning Apart, Living Apart: How the Racial and Ethnic Segregation of Schools and Colleges
Perpetuates Residential Segregation by Pat Rubio Goldsmith states that individuals become
used to the environments they are raised in, and that individuals are predisposed to be guided
towards similar environments throughout life, simply based on familiarity.
However, there is some literature which stands in contradiction to my hypothesis. In
Perpetuation Theory and the Long-Term Effects of School Desegregation, Amy Stuart Wells and
Robert Crain describe a "self selection bias" in which minority individuals would choose to
attend a desegregated school, in order to have success in a "white world." They state that these
individuals would be motivated by a rational self interest: trying to gain access to traditionally
"white" jobs, or what they deem as being "successful." In addition, the study Recent Evidence
on the Continuing Causes of Black-White Residential Segregation by Casey Dawkins suggests
that while there is evidence to suggests that minorities self-segregate, it is not as great as the
percentage of Caucasians who decide to self-segregate. Instead, it is posited that for minorities,
a greater amount of individuals desire to live in neighborhoods which are majority white,
contrasting my hypothesis. Also, the article Attitudes on Residential Integration: Perceived
Status Differences, Mere In-Group Preference, or Racial Prejudice? by Lawrence Bobo and
Camille Zubrinsky states that the effects of minority in-group preference (wanting to live with
one's own race) are negligible, also showing difference from my hypothesis.
Strengths and Weaknesses: Hypothesis #1
Based on the evidence received, my first hypothesis that municipalities that enact forms
of exclusionary zoning will be more racially segregated appears strong. The three studies I
examined describe how zoning regulations which prohibit the construction of high density
residential units restrict access for those individuals who cannot afford to live in such low
density areas. The studies describe that lower density units are usually associated with higher
costs, which helps municipalities gain more tax revenue. While this is a manifest function of
certain types of zoning, the studies describe how zoning creates a cost restriction which
disproportionately affects several minority groups who cannot move to the area; a latent
dysfunction.
The evidence I found against my first hypothesis appeared to be much weaker than the
evidence I found for it. All three studies did not seem to deny the fact that racial segregation
could be a consequence of zoning laws; they could only state that it isn't the only factor that
plays into it. The studies mainly described that segregation is instead driven more so by racial
preferences, both on the part of Caucasians and minority groups. These arguments are more in
favor of my third hypothesis. However, a potential weakness of my first hypothesis is that it
does not take into account minority individuals who can afford to live in areas of low density
housing. For example, if average household incomes for minorities continues to trend upward,
and a greater share of those populations have the ability to purchase low density housing, the
latent dysfunctions of zoning would cease to exist. In this case, if racial segregation still
occurred in the area, other factors must be at play.
Strengths and Weaknesses: Hypothesis #2
It appears as though my second hypothesis, that neighborhoods with negative
perceptions will show high rates of segregation is strong based on the fact that I could not find
evidence that directly showed that a neighborhood with a negative perception did not cause
racial segregation. The evidence that I used in favor of my hypothesis directly dealt with how
perceptions of neighborhoods dictate residential patterns. The first two studies described how
individuals received cues from the neighborhood upon cursory glance. If these cues give the
feeling of "disorder," it is likely that the individual could believe that crime occurs in the area,
even if, based on quantitative data, crime actually does not occur. This is how neighborhoods
become stigmatized (the last study even going so far as to quote Goffman), as many
homebuyers avoid the area. As described above, this lack of demand drives prices down,
ultimately leading to a concentration of low income homebuyers, and ultimate a racially
segregated area. In the article Race, class and the stigma of place, it is further stated that
stigmatized neighborhoods can also imprint this stigma on its inhabitants.
I believe that the main weakness of my second hypothesis is that it assumes that
housing prices will always be driven down when the perception of the neighborhood is
negative. The hypothesis also assumes that low income individuals have no other choice but to
live in stigmatized areas. Finally, the second hypothesis, like the first and the third, takes into
account the income disparities between Caucasians and minorities. Therefore, it should be
obvious that my hypothesis should not be a blanket statement used in absolutely all situations.
Strengths and Weaknesses: Hypothesis #3
I believe that the evidence given in Metropolitan Heterogeneity and Minority
Neighborhood Attainment provides much backing to my third hypothesis. In the study it is
found that even when income restrictions for minorities are taken out of the picture, minorities
still choose to live within their own racial group. This seemingly proves that intrinsic rewards
are definitely at play. This notion is augmented by another study, Learning Apart, Living Apart
which states that individuals become comfortable within a certain atmosphere and feel
accepted within it. A move to another environment would not be as intrinsically rewarding. My
third hypothesis was also boosted by the fact that some of the other studies I used to
contradict my other hypotheses seemingly backed it up by stating when racial preference is
examined, both Caucasians and minority races tend to have in-group preferences.
Much like in the first hypothesis, the evidence found in contradiction seemingly cannot
deny that the connection posed in my hypothesis exists and has an effect on segregation. Two
of the three contradictive studies I examined specifically stated that minority in-group
preferences did exist, however they stated that the effects are negligible. Instead, they posited
that minorities would rather live in closer proximity to Caucasians due to extrinsic benefits such
as social networks that could be established or access to better education. However, it seems as
though current evidence suggesting this idea is few and far between.
Synthesis and Conclusion
Based on the evidence that I have gathered, it is apparent that all three of my
hypotheses and the theories behind them have some weight in explaining the causes of racial
segregation. Simply based on the hypothesis tests and the evidence gathered, it appears that
my second hypothesis is the strongest because contradicting studies could not be found. The
only way to run counter to my hypothesis was to consider studies which did not even mention
or take into account the perception or reputation of a neighborhood. My first hypothesis was
also very convincing because even the studies that stated that the impact of zoning on racial
segregation was negligible could not deny the fact that it did have an effect. Much was the
same for the third hypothesis, where even the contradicting evidence could not deny that in-
group racial preferences cause racial segregation. Because of the breadth of evidence that was
covered in the paper across all three hypotheses, and the fact that all hypotheses appear to be
strong, I think it could easily be said that one hypothesis or theory on its own does not explain
the entire picture of racial segregation.
For instance, I believe that Goffman's theory of stigma and Merton's theory of functions
and dysfunctions greatly complement each other. Exclusionary practices in zoning lead to the
creation of pockets of wealth and pockets of poverty, as a latent dysfunction. Once perceptions
of these areas are formed by individuals, they can become stigmatized in certain ways.
Individuals who have the resources to avoid these stigmatized areas do so, while those who do
not have the means must remain in place or move to similar areas. This is where Blau's theory
of intrinsic and extrinsic rewards comes into play. Individuals living in neighborhoods, either
with negative or positive perceptions, become accustomed to their home surroundings. By
staying with the familiar, individuals gain intrinsic rewards such as a level of comfortableness
and a sense of belonging. Even if economic barriers in moving to another neighborhood did not
exist, the intrinsic benefits of staying with what is comfortable outweigh the extrinsic rewards
that a move to a better-perceived neighborhood would offer. In this manner, all three
hypotheses and theories complement each other to describe the causes of racial segregation.
However, since I stated that exclusionary zoning practices were the first step in the
process, I believe it could be considered the most important factor in the racial segregation that
is seen in the United States today. While zoning may be used by municipalities to increase their
tax revenue, its manifest function, it undoubtedly has the latent dysfunction of excluding
certain individuals. This also shows that Robert Merton's theory of functions and dysfunctions
can be a very powerful theory, in that it makes one critically evaluate not only the intended
consequences of an action, but also those which are unintended. Because of this, I believe that
the idea of manifest and latent functions and dysfunctions could be used to explain many of the
other social ills in today's world. While it is obvious that some problems are the result of bad
intentions, Merton's theory simply demonstrates that even actions with benign or benevolent
intentions can have cruel consequences.
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