Comparing the Ethics of Citizen Photojournalists and Professional Photojournalists: A...

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Comparing the Ethics of CitizenPhotojournalists and ProfessionalPhotojournalists: A CoorientationalStudyTara Mortensen aa School of Journalism & Mass Communications, University of SouthCarolinaPublished online: 16 Jan 2014.

To cite this article: Tara Mortensen (2014) Comparing the Ethics of Citizen Photojournalists andProfessional Photojournalists: A Coorientational Study, Journal of Mass Media Ethics: ExploringQuestions of Media Morality, 29:1, 19-37, DOI: 10.1080/08900523.2014.863125

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Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 29:19–37, 2014Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0890-0523 print/1532-7728 onlineDOI: 10.1080/08900523.2014.863125

Comparing the Ethics of CitizenPhotojournalists and Professional

Photojournalists: A Coorientational Study

Tara Mortensen

School of Journalism & Mass Communications

University of South Carolina

In the digital news environment, amateur images—citizen photojournalism—appear next to pro-

fessional photojournalists’ photos, contributing to a probable tension and sense of professional

threat among professional photojournalists. Using the coorientation approach, this study explores

the ethical values of citizen photojournalists and professional photojournalists, the extent to which

they agree about these values, how accurate they are in assessing each others’ values, and how

congruent they perceive they are with each other.

Professional photojournalists are in competition with “a billion roaming photojournalists, up-loading the human experience,” as a recent Sprint commercial muses (Sprint, 2012). Profes-sional photojournalists no longer provide an exclusive and essential service, basic requirementsof a profession (Haug, 1977; Sarfatti-Larson, 1979). Thus, their very sense of professionalauthority is threatened, and their journalistic autonomy is weakened (Lewis, Kaufhold, & La-sorsa, 2010; Merrill, 1974; Mortensen & Keshelashvili, 2013; Witschge & Nygren, 2009). Buteven while professional photojournalists strive to protect their professional authority (Andén-Papadopoulos, 2013; Örnebring, 2013), the news organizations for which they work are so-liciting citizen content (e.g., Jones, 2009; Laurent, 2012; Oliver, 2007; Picard, 2009). Inparticular, citizen photojournalism is solicited, and sometimes given more prominent playthan professionals’ work (Andén-Papadopoulos & Pantti, 2011). They are these “roaming”citizens who are first on the scene, partaking in “accidental” or “random” acts of journalism(Allen, 2013, p. 6; Andén-Papadopoulos, 2013; Lasica, 2003; Mahoney, 2012). Recent news,including the devastation of Hurricane Sandy, the killing of former Libya dictator Muammar

Manuscript submitted September 11, 2013; revision accepted October 31, 2013.Correspondence should be sent to Tara Mortensen, School of Journalism & Mass Communications, University of

South Carolina, Coliseum 4027D, Columbia, SC 29208. E-mail: [email protected]

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20 MORTENSEN

Gaddafi, and the brutality of Syrian rebels have been documented by citizens-with-cameras(Andén-Papadopoulos, 2013; Chivers, 2013; Pantti, 2012; Yaschur, 2012). In summer 2013,the Chicago Sun-Times laid off its 28-person photojournalism staff (Associated Press, 2013).In 2011, CNN laid off nearly a dozen photojournalists, specifically citing affordable digitalcameras and citizen journalism (Zhang, 2011). And NBC News in August 2013 acquiredStringwire, giving the company a continuous stream of non-professional visual content (Stelter,2013).

This trend of “de-professionalism,” in which professionals struggle to defend their practicesas unique from nonprofessionals (Abbott, 1988), is prevalent in the 21st century (Becker &Vlad, 2011). Journalists have been quick to criticize the values of citizen journalists—“amateurs: : : who produce news”—particularly the ethical stances (e.g., Garcia, 2012; Lowery, 2006;Mahoney, 2012; Örnebring, 2013, p. 36; Pantti, 2012; Singer, 2003, 2011). Citizens’ ubiquityin covering visual news sometimes outweighs the fact that they have neither professionalnor ethical training, concerning many journalists (see Örnebring, 2013). One journalist saidblatantly of citizen journalists: “Until you can abide by these [ethical] guidelines, stop hurtingour democracy by peddling your garbage” (Mahoney, 2012, n.p.). Professionals maintain thatalthough “everyone can be a publisher,” “that does not mean : : : that everyone can be ajournalist” (Singer, 2011, p. 214).

The ability of citizens to post images online, the interest from news organizations to publishthese images, and the appearance of professional and amateur photographs on an equal planeall contribute to a probable tension and sense of professional threat among professional pho-tojournalists (Lewis, Kaufhold, & Lasorsa, 2010; Mortensen & Keshelashvili, 2013; Phillips,Singer, Vlad, & Becker, 2009; Witschge & Nygren, 2009). The purpose of this study is toexamine that potential tension through the lens of ethical values, a spot of particular discussionin the professional/amateur divide (e.g., Andén-Papadopoulos, 2013; Friend & Singer, 2007;Lewis, Kaufhold, & Lasorsa, 2010; McGuire, 2007; Örnebring, 2013). Chaffee and McLeod’s(1968) theory of coorientation is used to examine the level of understanding between the twogroups and to glean insight into professionals’ potential threatened sense of professionalism,as well as citizen photojournalists’ own ethical values.

PROFESSIONAL ETHICAL VALUES OF PHOTOJOURNALISTS

Professionals are workers who have a public-service orientation in performing their workand provide an essential service to society (Freidson, 1984). Those in professions hold skillsand abstract knowledge obtained through higher education and training (Haug, 1977; Sarfatti-Larson, 1979), which informs the values that guide their work. These values are codifiedthrough socialization, professional societies, and codes of ethics (Abbott, 1988; Carr-Saunders& Wilson, 1933; Wilensky, 1964). The essential nature of professionals provides them withthe autonomy to define and control their values and practices and allows them to buildbarriers regarding who may enter the field (Becker & Vlad, 2011; Freidson, 1984). Journalistsand photojournalists possess some characteristics of professionals and are considered “semi-professionals” (Beam, 2003, p. 371). They do have a professional culture, share professionalvalues, and, most importantly, profess to abide by codes of ethics (Deuze, 2005; Örnebring,2013).

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COORIENTATIONAL STUDY OF ETHICS 21

As journalism and photojournalism were professionalizing at the turn of the 20th century,they developed ethical guidelines to distinguish their work from that of nonprofessionals.The Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ) was founded in 1909, and its code of ethics wasestablished in 1973 (Singer, 2007). Photojournalists developed the National Press PhotographersAssociation (NPPA) in 1946 (Cookman & Stolley, 2009). Some of the ethics outlined in thesecodes reflect the libertarian values that can be traced to the ideals of free expression borneof the Enlightenment (Merrill, Gade, & Blevens, 2001; Merrill, 1974; Siebert, 1956). Peopleare viewed as rational and ethical, capable of reasoning and self-governing as long as they aregiven open access to truthful information in an “open marketplace of ideas” (Gade, 2011, p. 64;Merrill, 1974; Siebert, 1956, p. 44). One of the professional roles is verifying and uncoveringfacts, discrediting untruths and ensuring that the truth rises (Örnebring, 2013; Siebert, 1956).Reflective of this role, the SPJ code of ethics admonishes journalists to seek truth and reportit by verifying the accuracy of information. The NPPA code of ethics, too, calls for truth,accuracy, and verification, resisting staged-photo opportunities and not altering a photograph’scontent (NPPA, 2013).

Contemporary journalism and photojournalism gained their values also from an emphasis onsocial responsibility brought about by the 1947 meeting of the Hutchins Commission (Borden,2007; Merrill, 1974; Siebert, Peterson, & Schramm, 1956). The resultant report stated that thefreedom that the press enjoys necessitates an obligation of responsibility toward the societyit serves (Hutchins, 1947; Peterson, 1956). The SPJ code of ethics instructs journalists to beaccountable to their readers, show compassion for those who may be affected adversely bynews coverage, and tell of the diversity and magnitude of the human experience boldly (SPJ,1996). The NPPA, too, encourages photojournalists to treat subjects with respect and dignityand represent topics comprehensively and accurately (NPPA, 2013).

ETHICAL VALUES OF CITIZEN PHOTOJOURNALISTS

Örnebring (2013) refers to citizen journalists simply as “amateurs as opposed to professionals”who produce news (p. 36). Citizen photojournalists are the most prominent (Pantti & Andén-Papadopoulos, 2011). Citizen photojournalists often do not even self-identify as such (Allan,2013). He says: “Any sense of journalism is likely to be far from their mind” when they takeand share their citizen journalism (p. 1). They are not bound by educational guidelines, socialorganizations, newsroom pressure, or codes of ethics. Some blogging codes of ethics have beenproposed (e.g., Blood, 2002; Dube, 2003; Kuhn, 2007; O’Reilly RadarPer, 2007), and a fewbloggers claim to subscribe to codes of ethics and embrace accuracy, credibility, and etiquette(Perlmutter & Schoen, 2007). But without any social organization, there is no way to enforcethem (Perlmutter & Schoen, 2007; Singer, 2007). While citizens have done some valuablework, much citizen photojournalism is frivolous and self-expressive (Bentley et al., 2005;Howe, 2008; Örnebring, 2008; Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). Citizen photojournalists’ notionsof truth are different from those of professional photojournalists (Singer, 2007). Rather thanviewing truth as coming from an official institution, they share a postmodern belief that truthis elusive, emerging from the network society’s collective knowledge (Gade, 2011; Jenkins,2006; Lyotard, 1984; Singer, 2007). Facts are not verified prior to dissemination, but are refinedthrough crowdsourcing (Howe, 2008; Singer, 2007).

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THE JOINING OF CITIZEN PHOTOJOURNALISTS AND

PROFESSIONAL PHOTOJOURNALISTS

Professional photojournalists with experience and education are being laid off while newsorganizations are becoming increasingly welcoming of citizen content, even publishing thiscontent on the same plane as that of professionals; a likely threatened sense of professionalismexists (Butcher, 2012; Hermida & Thurman, 2008; Laurent, 2012; Oliver, 2007; Picard, 2009;Singer, 2011; Sonderman, 2013). That many professional journalists are not enthusiastic aboutcitizen journalism from the ethical point of view (McGuire, 2007; Singer, 2007, 2011) is oflittle surprise. In this study, coorientation theory is used to study the tension that may exist aswell as the two groups’ overall understanding of each other.

Coorientation Theory

A coorientational framework can reveal how citizens and professionals share consensus abouttheir perceived values, think about their values in relation to each other, and draw boundaries inrelation to each other (Stegall & Sanders, 1986). Having different values and backgrounds canbe a source of friction between groups performing similar tasks. For example, the relationshipsbetween journalists and public relations practitioners (Stegall & Sanders, 1986) and doctorsand hospice caretakers (Kelly, Thompson, & Waters, 2007) have been studied through acoorientational approach. The theory can be used regardless of the present communicationalrelationship between two groups but does rest on the assumption that communication canincrease understanding. Coorientation theory has roots in the work of social psychologistswho asked questions about how individuals make sense of themselves in relation to others,for example, the work of Charles H. Cooley, George Herbert Mead, and Erving Goffman.These theories assume that the behavior of a person is influenced by the way they perceiveothers’ perceive them. Therefore, coorientation theory makes the assumption that people have aperception of an issue, and also have an estimate of how others perceive that same issue (Chaffee& McLeod, 1968). Using these two sets of cognitions, there are three kinds of perceptions inthe coorientation model (see Figure 1):

� There are the first person’s cognitions, which can be compared to the second person’s.The extent that they are similar is called agreement.

� There is the extent to which each person’s estimate of the other person’s cognitions matchwhat that second person actually thinks. This is called accuracy.

� There is the extent to which the two groups perceive themselves as similar. This is calledcongruency.

McLeod and Chaffee (1973) say that agreement is not a good measure of understanding. As theauthors note, “each person’s values are based on a lifetime of experiences that no other personhas undergone” (p. 663). It is unlikely, therefore, that two groups of people will ever reachcomplete agreement. Accuracy is the most important element and increases as communicationincreases. This is because accurate information allows each group to know what the other groupis thinking (McLeod & Chaffee, 1973). Congruency is interesting because it is a perception

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FIGURE 1 The coorientation model. © SAGE Publications. Reproduced by permission of SAGE Publica-tions. Permission to reuse must be obtained from SAGE Publications.

by one person of a relation between his cognitions and another person’s. If congruency isinternally motivated, there is a chance that congruence will be low regardless of the amountof communication. That is, if a person does not want to be similar to another person, he willnot perceive himself as such.

The Research Questions

Using the coorientation framework, the following research questions are asked:

RQ1: To what degree do professional photojournalists and citizen photojournalists agreeabout their perceptions of professional photojournalism ethical values?

RQ2: How accurately do citizen photojournalists perceive professional photojournalists’perceptions of professional photojournalism ethical values?

RQ3: How accurately do professional photojournalists perceive citizen photojournalists’perceptions of professional photojournalism ethical values?

RQ4: To what degree are citizen photojournalists’ perceptions of photojournalism profes-sionalism congruent with professional photojournalists’ perceptions of professionalphotojournalism ethical values?

RQ5: To what degree are professional photojournalists’ perceptions of photojournalismprofessionalism congruent with citizen photojournalists’ perceptions of professionalphotojournalism ethical values?

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24 MORTENSEN

METHODS

A web-based survey was circulated to professional photojournalists and citizen photojournalistsMay 27 to June 18, 2012. The sample of professional photojournalists included NPPA memberswho were not students. Of the 1,175 NPPA still-photography members who were contacted,448 responded (38.12% response rate). Of the respondents, 69.7% were men, 10.6% werewomen, and 19.7% did not indicate gender. Ages range from 18 to 76, with the averageage being 44, and with 17% of respondents not indicating age. Of the respondents, 5.5%have 0–1 years of experience, 20.2% have 2–5 years of experience, 14.2% have 6–10 years ofexperience, 45.4% have more than 10 years of experience in photojournalism, and 13.8% did notanswer the question. They report that 58.4% of their income is obtained from photojournalismwork.

Defining a “citizen photojournalists” (e.g., amateurs as opposed to professionals who con-tribute news) is a challenge, as they are nonsocialized into a group—a core assumption ofthis study (Allan, 2013). They perform what Allan (2013) refers to as “accidental journalism”(p. 1) and what Lasica (2003) refers to as “random acts of journalism” (p. 73). By accessingcitizen photojournalism Flickr group members, a sample of people who had attempted to havea photo included in the news could be drawn. Flickr is a photo-sharing website that hosts manygroups that solicit citizen-shot news images for inclusion in legacy news outlets or exclusivelycitizen-journalism news outlets. In the spirit of this “random” citizen photojournalism, it didnot matter how many photos the person had submitted, and often it was only one. Thefollowing groups were used: Citizen Photojournalism 2.0, Wikinews, CNN iReport, Broowaha

San Francisco, Broowaha New York, The Rapidian, CincyVoices, NoComment News, Now

Public Photography, NowPublic, Yahoo! News: Your Breaking News Photos, and Chi-Town

Daily News. 6,012 citizen photojournalists were in these groups at the time the sample wasdrawn and 932 took the survey, a response rate of 15.5%. Because the survey is based uponU.S. journalism values, those members who were not U.S. citizens were excluded, leavinga total N of 396. The response rate for Internet surveys ranges from 1% to 30% (Wimmer& Dominick, 2006) and continues to decrease (e.g., De Leeuw & De Heer, 2002; Groves,2006). Citizen photojournalists are particularly difficult to access (e.g., Kaufhold, Valenzuela,& De Zúñiga, 2010) especially because many of the members of the groups contacted werenonactive. However, this does not necessarily decrease validity (Keeter, Miller, Kohut, Groves,& Presser, 2000; Templeton, Deehan, Taylor, Drummond, & Strang, 1997). Measures weretaken to increase the responses, including sending the survey from a reputable education-basedsponsor, using easy-to-understand questions, emphasizing the social utility of the study, andsending two follow-up messages (Dillman, Smyth, & Christian, 2010). Of these respondents,66.3% were men and 31.1% were women. 2.6% citizen journalists did not provide gender.Ages ranged from 18 to 81, with the average age being 42.0 years. 5.4% did not provideage. Most (56.1%) of the respondents report that they have no experience in photojournalism;however, some respondents indicated that they had some past photojournalism experience,although not necessarily professional experience. Specifically, 9.9% report that they have 0–1 year of experience; 19.4%, 2–5 years of experience; 6.1%, 6–10 years of experience; 6.9%,more than 10 years of experience; and 1.5% citizen photojournalists did not answer. The citizenphotojournalists in this sample indicate that they currently obtain about 94% of their incomefrom sources other than photojournalism.

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Participants were asked to indicate their level of agreement with five professional pho-tojournalism ethical values, based on a 7-point Likert-type intensity scale. Although thereare established, reliable scales of journalism ethics, the researcher wanted to pose statementsreflective of journalism values applied to photojournalism as well as photojournalism-specificvalues. Such a scale does not exist in the literature. Therefore, an original scale was used. Thestatements were crafted based upon the SPJ and NPPA codes of ethics admonishments. Thesestatements reflected both the news values of libertarianism and social responsibility. Statementsone and three most closely resemble the values of social responsibility, while statements two,four, and five most closely resemble the values of libertarianism. The first three statementsare reflective of the ethical standards of journalism and photojournalism, while the last twostatements are more specific to photojournalism. To measure coorientation, respondents werethen asked to respond to the same statements based upon how they perceive the other group

would respond.

� News media should provide accurate portrayals of the diverse constituencies in society.� It is OK for journalists to post information online before it can be verified as truthful.� Journalists should show compassion for inexperienced people who happen to find them-

selves in the news.� Professional news photography is often “staged” or posed to make images look better.� It is ethical for a photojournalist to use computer software to rearrange elements in an

image.

The ethical statements primarily address norms, with the exception of statement four thataddresses an actual ethical practice, staging news photography. On the Likert scale, a 1 indicatesstrong disagreement, and a 7 indicates strong agreement. Note that the second, fourth, andfifth statements are reverse-stated to prevent respondent fatigue. The Cronbach’s alpha for allrespondents on the construct was .388, even when reverse-stated items were reverse-coded,much less than the acceptable level of .70 (George & Mallery, 2003). Reliability decreased to.296 when the statement addressing staging photographs was eliminated and no eliminationsprovided acceptable reliability. Journalists value elements of both freedom and responsibility tovarying degrees, even among themselves (Merrill, 1974; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). Researchershave not often approached the study of photojournalism ethics quantitatively, which is a strengthof this study, but rather is a challenge to reliability (Tull, 1973). Original scales with reliabilitiesbetween .49 and .59 have been published in coorientation studies (e.g., Kelly, Thompson, &Waters, 2006). It was the strategic decision of the researcher to examine the items individuallyon this small scale, providing richness in understanding which specific values the groupssubscribe to, agree upon, or view themselves similarly or differently from the other. Thisapproach has been used by many other coorientation studies where richness is a goal (e.g.,Avery, Lariscy, & Sweetser, 2010; Swindell, 2006; Vercic, Vercic, & Laco, 2006).

Research questions one through three use independent-samples t-tests to test whether thereare significant differences between the two groups’ responses. To measure congruence—research questions four and five—it is essential to match individual responses of perceptionswith how the same individual perceives the other group thinks; therefore, a paired samples t-testis used (Agresti & Finlay, 2009). Throughout the results, the means are noted parenthetically.

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26 MORTENSEN

RESULTS

Agreement

Research question one examines the extent to which citizen photojournalists and professionalphotojournalists agree with each other about their perceptions of professional photojournalismethical values. The two groups’ responses on each statement show that the professional photo-journalists and citizen photojournalists have significantly different degrees of attitudes towardthese ethical values (Table 1). It is important to note, however, that to each of the statements,the significance lies in the degree or strength of the attitudes. In other words, the two groupsagree about the same general attitude (agree or disagree).

Professional photojournalists indicate stronger adherence to professional ethical values thancitizen photojournalists on four of the five statements. The mean differences between thetwo groups’ responses are greatest (1.76) to the practice of staging photographs; professionalphotojournalists (1.76) are less inclined than citizens (3.52) to believe that news photos arestaged. To the statement addressing an ethical breach: “It is OK for journalists to post infor-mation online before it can be verified as truthful,” professionals (1.62) indicate more negativeattitudes than citizens (2.11). Again, in response to the statement “news media should provideaccurate portrayals of the diverse constituencies in society,” professionals (6.21) and citizens(5.93) have significantly different strengths of attitudes, with professionals responding morepositively. Continuing this pattern, there are significant differences in the strength of attitudesabout manipulating photographs using computer software between professionals (1.21) andcitizen journalists (2.04). Just one statement meets stronger positive attitudes among citizens(5.11) than professionals (4.89): “Journalists should show compassion for inexperienced peoplewho happen to find themselves in the news.”

TABLE 1

To What Degree Do Professional Photojournalists and Citizen Photojournalists Agree

About Their Perceptions of the Elements of Professional Photojournalism Ethics?

Respondent

Professionals Citizens

Variable N Mean N Mean

Mean

Difference t

News media should provide accurate portrayals ofthe diverse constituencies in society.

433 6.21 (1.16) 391 5.93 (1.27) 0.28 3.38**

It is OK for journalists to post information onlinebefore it can be verified as truthful.

432 1.62 (1.13) 392 2.11 (1.47) 0.49 5.38**

Journalists should show compassion forinexperienced people who happen to findthemselves in the news.

430 4.89 (1.55) 391 5.11 (1.42) 0.22 2.13*

Professional news photography is often “staged” orposed to make images look better.

434 1.76 (1.38) 389 3.52 (1.77) 1.76 15.83**

It is ethical for a photojournalist to use computersoftware to rearrange elements in an image.

433 1.21 (0.96) 391 2.04 (1.56) 1.83 9.04**

Note. * D p < .05, ** D p < .01. Standard Deviations appear in parentheses below means.

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Accuracy

Research questions two and three ask how accurately citizen and professional photojournalistsperceive the other group’s attitudes toward professional photojournalism ethical values.

RQ2: Citizens’ accuracy. To four of the statements, citizen photojournalists are inaccuratein assessing the degree of professionals’ responses, and to one statement (compassion), citizensare inaccurate in assessing professionals’ overall attitude (Table 2).

To every statement, citizens underestimate professionals’ adherence to the ethical standards.To the statement addressing the role of the news media in portraying diverse constituenciesin society, citizens’ perception of professionals’ responses (5.57) are significantly lower thanprofessionals’ actual responses (6.21). Again, citizen photojournalists inaccurately think thatthe professionals would be significantly more moderate (2.98) in their attitudes toward the ideaof posting unverified information online than professionals actually indicate (1.62). Citizenphotojournalists perceive, further, that professionals will not think that photographers stagenews photographs (3.11), yet they significantly underestimate the degree to which professionalswill respond negatively (1.76). Citizens are again inaccurate in their perceptions of the extent ofprofessionals’ attitudes about the ethics of using computer software in rearranging elements inan image (citizens’ perceptions of professionals D 2.87; professionals D 1.21). Finally, citizenphotojournalists think that professionals will be near moderate in their attitudes about showingcompassion for those who find themselves in the news (3.96), but professionals actually indicatepositive responses (4.89).

TABLE 2

How Accurately Do Citizen Photojournalists Perceive Professional Photojournalists’ Perceptions

of Professional Photojournalism Ethics?

Respondent

Citizens’

Perceptions

of Pros

Professionals’

Responses


Mean

Difference t


385 5.57 (1.50) 433 6.21 (1.16) 0.61 6.72**


385 2.98 (1.89) 432 1.62 (1.13) 1.36 12.32**


384 3.96 (1.76) 430 4.89 (1.55) 0.93 8.00**


385 3.11 (1.94) 434 1.76 (1.38) 1.35 11.37**


382 2.87 (2.08) 433 1.21 (0.96) 1.66 14.32**


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28 MORTENSEN

TABLE 3

How Accurately Do Professional Photojournalists Perceive Citizen Photojournalists’ Perceptions

of the Elements of Professional Photojournalism Ethics?

Respondent

Pros’

Perceptions

of Citizens

Citizens’

Responses


Mean

Difference t


376 4.97 (1.54) 391 5.93 (1.27) 0.96 9.39**


377 4.79 (1.71) 392 2.11 (1.47) 2.68 23.11**


375 4.91 (1.79) 391 5.11 (1.42) 0.20 1.71


385 5.30 (1.37) 389 3.52 (1.77) 2.07 14.54**


378 4.65 (1.77) 391 2.04 (1.56) 2.61 21.53**


RQ3: Professionals’ accuracy. Professional photojournalists are significantly accuratein perceiving citizen photojournalists’ attitudes toward showing compassion for inexperiencedpeople who happen to find themselves in the news (professionals’ perceptions of citizens D

4.91; citizens D 5.11). But this is where the accuracy ends. To each of the other four statements,professionals significantly underestimate citizen photojournalists’ level of ethical adherence(Table 3). To two statements—addressing editing and staging photographs—professionals in-accurately perceive that citizens will hold an entirely different attitude.

Professionals’ perceptions of citizens’ attitudes about portraying the diversity of society issignificantly lower (4.97) than citizen photojournalists actually indicate (5.93). And profession-als expect that citizen photojournalists will agree that it is OK to post unverified informationonline (4.79), while citizen photojournalists strongly disagree with this practice (2.11). Profes-sionals are also significantly inaccurate in perceiving that citizen photojournalists will believethat professional news photography is often staged (5.30), but citizen photojournalists do notindicate such a belief (3.52). Finally, professional photojournalists are significantly inaccuratein perceiving that citizen photojournalists will agree with manipulating photographs usingcomputer software (4.65). Citizen photojournalists actually strongly disagree with this practice(2.04).

Congruence

Congruence is addressed in research questions four and five, which measure perceived agree-ment between two groups, or how similar or different they think they are to the other group.

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TABLE 4

To What Degree are Citizen Photojournalists’ Perceptions Congruent with Professional Photojournalists’

Perceptions of the Elements of Professional Photojournalism Ethics?

Respondent

Citizens

Citizens’

Perceptions of

Professionals


Mean

Difference t


384 5.93 (1.27) 384 5.57 (1.50) 0.36 4.24**


385 2.11 (1.46) 385 2.98 (1.89) 0.86 8.14**


384 5.11 (1.42) 384 3.96 (1.76) 1.15 12.16**


382 3.52 (1.77) 382 3.11 (1.94) 0.41 4.21**


381 2.04 (1.56) 381 2.87 (2.07) 0.83 7.83**


RQ4: Citizens’ congruence. Citizens perceive themselves as significantly incongruentwith professionals on all five statements addressing photojournalism ethics (Table 4). On fourof the five statements, they perceive that they adhere significantly more to the values thanprofessionals. To one statement, they perceive that professionals will respond more in alignmentwith ethics. Further, to four of the five statements, the significance is in the degree or extent

to which citizens perceive themselves as different from professionals, and in one statement,citizens perceive that they hold an entirely different attitude from professionals.

Citizen photojournalists think that professionals’ belief in the news media’s role in accuratelyportraying society is weaker (5.57) than their own (5.93). They further perceive that profession-als will be less inclined (2.98) than themselves (2.11) to disagree with the practice of postingunverified information online. The citizens also think that they are less in agreement with theuse of computer software to rearranging elements in the image (2.04) than are professionals(2.87). But citizen photojournalists think that they have a somewhat more neutral attitudeabout whether professional photojournalists stage photographs (3.52) than professionals (3.11).One statement indicates a perception of complete attitude difference: Citizen photojournalistsperceive themselves as being compassionate for inexperienced people finding themselves in thenews (5.11), but they perceive the professional photojournalists will be almost neutral (3.96).

RQ5: Professionals’ congruence. Professional photojournalists perceive themselves assignificantly incongruent with citizens on four of the five statements (Table 5). To three ofthese four incongruences, professionals perceive that they have an entirely different attitudefrom citizens. Professional photojournalists do perceive that they hold the same attitude as

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TABLE 5

To What Degree are Professional Photojournalists’ Perceptions Congruent with Citizen Photojournalists’

Perceptions of the Elements of Photojournalism Professionalism?

Respondent

Professionals

Professionals’

Perceptions of

Citizens


Mean

Difference t


376 6.21 (1.12) 376 4.97 (1.54) 1.24 13.22**


376 1.62 (1.04) 376 4.79 (1.72) 3.35 31.56**


374 4.89 (1.56) 374 4.91 (1.80) 0.02 0.41


379 1.76 (1.26) 379 5.30 (1.37) 3.54 33.45**


376 1.21 (0.95) 376 4.65 (1.77) 3.44 32.53


citizen photojournalists with regard to showing compassion (professionals D 4.91; professionalsperceptions of citizens D 4.89). But the remaining four statements reveal large incongruities.

Professionals think their positive attitude about the news media’s role of accurate portrayalof the society is significantly stronger (6.21) than that of citizen journalists (4.97). Whileprofessional photojournalists strongly disagree that it is OK for journalists to post unverifiedinformation online (1.62), they are under the impression that citizens will moderately agreewith this practice (4.79). They again believe that they object to professional photographybeing “staged” more strongly (1.76) than citizens (5.30). And finally, professionals stronglydisagree with using a computer to manipulate photographs (1.21), but they believe that thecitizen journalists would moderately agree with this practice (4.65). To each of these latter twostatements, the mean differences are large (mean differences are greater than 3.44).

Results Summary

Professional photojournalists are less accurate in understanding the responses of citizens (withmean significant differences .96–2.68) than citizens are at perceiving professionals’ responses(with mean significant differences .61–1.66). Professionals especially perceive themselves asmore ethical with regard to staging and editing photographs (mean differences are greaterthan 3). The other values of accurately portraying society, verifying information, and showingcompassion show a smaller degree of disagreement (mean differences less than .50). Citizenphotojournalists’ greatest inaccuracies in assessing professional photojournalists are statementsaddressing editing photographs with software (mean difference D 1.66), posting information

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online before it can be verified (mean difference D 1.36), and staging photographs (meandifference D 1.35). Professional photojournalists also perceive themselves as much moredifferent (incongruent) from citizens (significant mean differences 1.24–3.54) than citizensperceive themselves from professionals (significant mean differences .36–1.15). In each state-ment, professionals perceive their embrace of values as greater than those of citizens, andcitizens also perceive themselves as embracing the values more than professionals, with theexception being the idea of staging photographs for citizens.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

While both professional and citizen photojournalists have a reasonably clear conception of whatprofessional photojournalists should do, there is no similarly clear conception of what citizenjournalists should do. Ultimately, citizen photojournalists themselves think that they shouldbehave the way they think professionals should also behave, but they do not have a senseof how they are any different from professional photojournalists. Neither group understandsthe others’ ethical stance (inaccuracy), but professionals’ greater underestimation of citizens’responses suggests an overall distrust of the ethics of citizens’ practices. Citizen photojournalistsshow that they also have a level of skepticism of professional photojournalists’ ethics bymisperceiving the extent to which professionals will disagree with these ethical breaches. Theidea of ethics is clearly a value by which professional photojournalists set themselves apartfrom citizens in trying to define their occupational turf. There is also an impression amongcitizen photojournalists that their own photojournalism practices may actually be more ethicalin some ways than those of professionals.

Some of the greatest disagreements, inaccuracies, and incongruities in this study addressstaging and editing news photographs. Professional photojournalists reflect the NPPA’s instruc-tion to avoid staged photo opportunities and to not manipulate or edit photographs by morestrongly rejecting these practices. Citizen photojournalists, however, are not ignorant to ethicalpractices in photojournalism, also disagreeing with both of these ethical breaches. But whilecitizens reject the idea of editing photographs, they are only somewhat in disagreement thatprofessional news photography is often staged to make the photo look better, suggesting thatcitizen photojournalists are less clear on their own ethical stances.

Contrasting the postmodern ideas of shifting multiple truths, no single method for itsrevelation, and the practice of crowdsourcing to fact-check (Howe, 2008; Lyotard, 1984),citizen photojournalists do value the verification of facts. Professionals value it slightly more,reflecting how the value of truth is an important element of their professionalism. However,the two groups inaccurately perceive each other as carelessly posting information online.Professionals are much less accurate than citizens, showing their distrust and misunderstandingof citizens’ ability to pursue and find truth in journalism. Further, professionals in particulardistinguish themselves from citizens by perceiving themselves as embracing the verification offacts much more (incongruence). Citizens, interestingly, also see themselves as more greatlyvaluing verification of facts.

The concept of compassion revealed some interesting findings in the present study, suggest-ing there is a general understanding among professional photojournalists and citizen photojour-nalists that showing compassion toward those in the news is important to citizen photographers.

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Citizens respond more positively, suggesting that citizens have greater connection with theseordinary people. Citizen photojournalists inaccurately think that professionals are less devotedto this value. Professionals, on the other hand, accurately perceive citizens’ devotion to com-passion.

Integrating with Coorientation Literature

Professional photojournalists do adhere to the ethical values of photojournalism more thancitizen photojournalists, but the two groups indicate the same direction of response on everystatement (agree or disagree). However, this does not imply that the two groups understand eachother; they simply have some relatively similar opinions on some values (Chaffee & McLeod,1968). Accuracy, however, is a good indicator of understanding (Chaffee & McLeod, 1968), andaccuracy was poor in this study, particularly among professionals. Professionals’ inaccuracymight be explained by the fact that professional journalists have not historically had to careabout the values of nonprofessionals. In the past, journalism was whatever journalists said itwas (Merrill, 1974), and there was a clear divide between journalists and audiences. Todaythat line is blurring, and professionals have only recently begun to work alongside amateurs.Nonetheless, it seems clear that substantive communication between the two groups has notyet taken place. The coorientation literature would suggest that communication between thetwo groups can increase accuracy and thus understanding.

Both professional photojournalists and citizen photojournalists perceived themselves as in-congruent with—and more ethical than—the other group. For professionals, these incongruitieswere much higher. Further, professionals’ levels of incongruence were much higher than theirinaccuracy on four out of five statements, while citizens’ level of incongruence was lower thantheir inaccuracy on all statements. Chaffee and McLeod (1968) note that when congruence islower than the levels of agreement and accuracy this may indicate an internal motivation tobe dissimilar to the other—the groups do not want to be similar. In this case, no amount ofagreement or accuracy will affect the congruence level. Thus, the results of this study suggestthat professional photojournalists may not want to be similar to citizen photojournalists andhints toward a possible perceived sense of professional threat. Citizen photojournalists, onthe other hand, show a similar level of inaccuracy and incongruity, suggesting that theirincongruity is resultant of mere misunderstanding. This finding supports the literature thatstates professionals will feel threatened when their “market shelter” is weakened and theirability to control entry into the field is lost (e.g., Abbott, 1988; Becker & Vlad, 2011; Sarfatti-Larson, 1979). Professional journalists are pointing to their ethical values as ways to distinguish

themselves from amateurs (Beam, Weaver, & Brownlee, 2009; Lowery, 2006; Singer, 2011;Witschge & Nygren, 2009).

Implications

It seems inevitable that citizen photojournalism will continue to grow (Outing, 2004), and thereis little argument that citizens can do and have done some valuable work that professionals couldnot (e.g., Mahoney, 2012; Yaschur, 2012). Overall, citizen photojournalists and professionalphotojournalists share some similar values, and there is much to be gained in increasing

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the accuracy and congruity (level of understanding) between the two groups. By citizenphotojournalists understanding professional photojournalists’ values and practices, the levelof trust and faith in the professional and ethical stances can increase, thus raising awarenessof the value of professional photojournalism. While disagreement in this study was not drasticcompared to the other concepts, professional photojournalists did indeed indicate higher levelsof ethical professionalism. At a time when the visual newsmix is increasingly supplementedby citizen shots, it will become increasingly important for professional photojournalists tocommunicate their ethical values. Doing so will not only increase their own credibility but canalso help foster more ethical practices among the audience-as-citizen-photojournalist when thataudience finds itself at the scene of news. Further, with this study having revealed a more limitedethical compass of citizen photojournalists, full disclosure of the practice is merited. That isnot to say, however, that professional photojournalists should assert their professionalism at theexpense of undermining the value of citizen photojournalism. By professional photojournalistsgaining a better understanding of the not-so-different ethical stances of citizen photojournalists,they can better appreciate the advantages of such citizens, namely that of “right-place, right-time” photography. Supplementing professional photography with citizen photography whenneeded can result in stronger visual storytelling.

In this study, it was found that professionals perceive themselves as very different fromcitizen photojournalists, and the coorientation literature suggests that this might be becauseprofessional photojournalists dislike citizen photojournalists, hinting toward the idea of pro-fessional threat. By professional photojournalists gaining a better understanding of citizenphotojournalists, acknowledging their strengths, and recognizing that citizens are not egre-giously unethical people, professional photojournalists may be more willing to let go of theprofessional threat and work to implement citizen photojournalism to the betterment of thevisual journalism product.

Shortcomings

The sample obtained for this study did contain some citizen photojournalists who reported thatthey did have some photojournalism experience. However, citizen photojournalists by their verynature are widely varied in terms of their level of experience, participation, and motivation,and it is unclear whether such photojournalism experience was professional or not. The factthat they obtained 94% of their income from other sources suggests that their photojournalismwork is overwhelmingly unpaid. Further, a random sample of professional photojournalists wasnot possible since there is no way to contact all photojournalists in the United States, and arandom sample of citizen photojournalists was not possible given their varied, scattered nature.Therefore, the generalizability of this sample is limited to the extent to which the NPPA,ASMP, and Flickr groups represent all professional and citizen photojournalists. Reliability ofthe scale was a further shortcoming, and the researcher was limited to examining the individualstatements.

Suggestions for Future Research

Given the high levels of misunderstanding with regard to ethical values, future researchersshould explore these ethical principles in a more thorough and reliable survey of journalism

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and photojournalism ethics. A logical next step would be to assess (nonphoto) journalists’threatened sense of professionalism in the face of citizen journalism. Further, future researchcould look not only at the rank-and-file journalists’ perceptions but also at newsroom editors’and management’s impressions of and reactions to citizen photojournalism. News organizations’use of citizen photography will provide challenges for managers and editors who overseephotography staffs who may perceive that they are less necessary and less respected. Researchshould explore media organizations’ incorporation of citizen content and seek to find posi-tive manners by which professionals and citizens can coexist as the implications of citizenphotography continue to be revealed.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author would like to thank Dr. Peter Gade for his countless hours of contribution towardthis project. She would also like to thank Ana Keshelashvili who helped prepare earlier versionsof the paper.

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Comparing the Ethics of Citizen Photojournalists and Professional Photojournalists: A...

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