DEATH OF MASTER PLAN INEVITABLE: A case of mixed land-use in delhi

DEATH OF MASTER PLAN INEVITABLE:

A CASE OF MIXED LANDUSE IN DELHI

GGSIPU

Aditya Tognatta, New Delhi

B.Arch, University School of Architecture and Planning, 2005

Roll No: 0451731605

DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

BACHELOR IN ARCHITECTURE

BY

©Aditya Tognatta, New Delhi 2010

GURU GOBIND SINGH INDRAPRASTHA UNIVERSITY,

Kashmere Gate-110006

University School of Architecture and Planning

JANUARY 2010

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Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable:

GGSIP UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND PLANNING

KASHMERE GATE, NEW DELHI

Dissertation Title

DEATH OF MASTER PLAN INEVITABLE:

A CASE OF MIXED LANDUSE IN DELHI

Approval Certificate

The following study is hereby approved as a creditable work on the approved subject, carried out

and presented in a manner sufficiently satisfactory to warrant its acceptance.

It is to be understood that by this approval the undersigned does not necessarily endorse or

approve any statement made, opinion expressed or conclusions drawn therein, but approve the

study only for the purpose for which it is submitted and satisfies himself as to the requirements

laid down by the dissertation committee.

Name of the student Name of the Guide

Aditya Tognatta (Prof. Rupinder Singh)

(045/USAP/2005)

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ABSTRACT

Delhi is the capital city of India and home to a population of almost 16 million people. It

remains one of the largest urban agglomerations in the world. Therefore, it is important to look at

the state of urban planning in the city and its responses to the growth and management. The

Master Plan for Delhi is supposed to be the main policy document for this purpose, a legally

enforceable instrument which lays down the planning strategies and development controls

applicable to the city. To meet the ever growing demands of commercial sector and to put an end

to their non conformity to premeditated systems of planning, the MPD 2021 has advanced their

efforts in promoting mixed land use in the capital city of Delhi. This paper attempts to provide a

critical analysis of this feature of the Master Plan, keeping in mind the recent controversies

regarding the demolition drive in the city against unauthorized construction. My attempt is to

deconstruct the provisions of the plan in the face of the ground realities facing the inhabitants.

Special attention is given to the debate over stringent and outdated development controls and

zoning regulations in the city as the theoretical underpinnings of this debate. The paper also

looks at some examples of cities across the world to get a feel of some of the international trends

in planning for better cities. The paper finds that there are serious shortcomings in Delhi draft

plan, which has failed to address the demands of the residents of the city. It also argues that the

Master Plan would eventually die out, as it does not possess requisite tools and strategies in its

arsenal to implement mixed use. Strategic land use plans have a long dismal history not only in

country such as India but overseas as well. Furthermore, the paper seeks to show that the logic of

master plan does not acknowledge the full complexity of mixed use development to sustain

globally developing cities today. I have also argued, for greater participation by the people in the

decision making process rather than a top down planning approach, and there is an urgent need

to review the Master Plan and upgrade our urban tools. Through an examination of Curitiba

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(Brazil) and London (United Kingdom) the article shows how strategies that have been prepared

for these cities were geared towards enhancing them to a ‗world city‘ status without the

implementation of a Master Plan and also highlight tools that can be inculcated into the planning

system for constructing better urban environments in the today.

Key words: Mixed Land-use, Master Plan, Urban Tools and Urban Planning.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The journey has been long and there have been numerous co pilots. I‘d like to thank all of them.

First of all I would like to express my indebtedness towards my computer and the world wide

web, which stood by me at each and every second of my academic semester and after him, my

parents and friends who have been instrumental in shaping me as I am.

I‘d like to thank Prof. Rupinder Singh, my guide, who was persistent, patient and

considerate towards my idea and for planting all the seeds in my mind, directly or indirectly.

I would also like to thank our seminar coordinator Prof. Ashok lal for his consistent

guidance and update of the study, and for his immense support and consistent guidance that was

never short of encouragement whenever it was needed the most.

I‘d like to thank my friends who have been constantly the source of new ideas and who

gave me invaluable inputs. And it would not have been possible without Usap and its walls and

its memories.

And a special thanks to Google.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page ………………………………… i

Approval ………………………………... ii

Abstract ………………………………... iii

Acknowledgements ………………………………... v

Introductory Brief ………………………………... vi

Table of Contents ………………………………... vi

Hypothesis ………………………………... viii

Objectives ………………………………... viii

Research and Methodology ………………………………... viiii

Scope and Limitations ………………………………... ix

Significance of study ………………………………... x

CHAPTER 1 Introduction..………………..... 1

DELHI: City In Need Of Viable Planning Solutions…

It includes the trigger to the argument that the master plan is in requisite in its

wholesome sense, and cannot adhere to mixed-uses in its present structure; an attempt

has been made to prove this argument, through a detailed dismal history of Master Plan

of Delhi, also citing various other aspects for its own dismissal in the future. It also

includes various other aspects of the master plan where, it falls short both in terms of

content and focus as well as overall layout and user friendliness

CHAPTER 2 Case Studies…..……………… 11

CURITIBA: City that rejected its Master Plan, For A Better Future…

Curitiba has been studied in respect to its compliance to Master Plan, and also through

the strategies and guidelines it laid for improving the infrastructural facilities to

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legitimize mixed use in their land use policy.

LONDON: City Based on Temporal Strategies and Extensive Mixed Use Zoning…

The transformation of the city has been studied, in respect to its land use requirements and

planning strategies. That was developed to counter the effects of extreme globalization. The

role of the Mayor and governing bodies have been highlighted, justifying as to how have they

been able to incorporate mixed use developments in spite of the chaotic nature of the city and

booming population.

CHAPTER 3 Inferences & Conclusions…….. 36

Conclusions have been made based on the case studies done in the previous chapters,

these conclusions have been drawn keeping in mind the aspirations and requirements of

Delhi today.

CHAPTER 4 Tools And Strategies..………... 40

This chapter include tools and strategies that are essential for sustaining mixed use

developments across the city, it revolves around Transit Oriented Development(TOD) and

Three Dimensional GIS Tools for inculcation the same. It also talks about the role of the

developing authorities in implementing timely strategies for improving the overall urban

environments

BIBLIOGRAPHY ………………………………. 49

APPENDIX ………………………………. 52

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HYPOTHESIS:

In urbanism today, the preference for mixed land use is a truism, but to sustain this typology

involves re-thinking of our urban tools and urban forms. A strong adherence to mixed land use

would eventually lead to finding the Master Plan a tool both inadequate and problematic.

In globally emerging mega-cities mixed-use developments are among the approaches in

land use planning which constitute a part of the public policy and regulations. Whatever the

approach adopted, it is subject to the provision of other factors such as public policy and

regulations, economic factors and social and cultural ideas and values, etc. Thus indicating that a

dead piece of paper is incapable in structuring the growth of a city adhering to such planning.

OBJECTIVES:

- To Study and generate an understanding of the parameters governing Mixed land use and also

highlight as to why the Master Plans is incapable of sustaining such a typology, leading to

DEATH OF THE MASTER PLAN.

- This paper also seeks to analyze the various problems, potentials and factors that are to be

considered for the establishment of this typology and hence, suggest various tools and strategies

for a successful amalgamation of this typology in the city.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY:

First, generating a case for the typology known as‘ Mixed Land use‘ in Delhi and analyzing the

various factors and forces responsible for the legitimacy of such a planning typology.

This would be achieved by the critically analyzing the relevant literature

Second, highlight the dismal history of the Master Plan of Delhi over the years and project how

in requisite the tools and strategies of MPD are for sustaining Mixed Land-use in the city.

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Through critical analysis of the role of MPD, citing an example of one such area in the

city and also through drilling discussions with advisors and experts in the field

Third, understand the implications on master and land use plan on the introduction of such a

planning typology.

This would be achieved by analyzing various successful cities that have managed to

sustain this planning typology over the years

Fourth, highlight the various tools and strategies required in the current planning system, for

mixed land use to be successful in Delhi.

Concluded from the case studies of the cities done in the previous chapters

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS:

This research particularly focused on mixed-use developments by using the case studies

at the scale of city level planning. Then a generalization to various implications that would lead

to the ‗DEATH‘ of the master plan on the introduction of mixed-use developments is derived.

It is assumed that mixed-use developments is the need of the hour in cities like India,

which is seen as a profitable investment market by developed countries, thus leading to higher

commercial activity in the city. Since the Scope of the study is vast, the case studies and the

conclusions would be determined on the basis of the material available.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS STUDY:

Zoning theories that got implemented up to avoid to the harmful effects of Industrial

Revolution have led to creation of non-cohesive city planning in Delhi today. Segregation of

land uses has created large mono-functional zones, linked only physically by a miss-managed

transportation network. Due to population explosion, especially in metropolitan cities, the

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existing land mass has come under pressure. This work becomes all the more relevant in light of

the widespread protests and controversies that these plans have generated in the masses today.

There is a huge urban planning quandary here. On one hand denizens are protesting against the

demolition drive launched by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi against unauthorized

constructions whereas on the other hand the implementing agencies and judicial bodies are

helpless who are saddled with the task of ensuring the implementation of the existing provisions

of the master plan. The city is demanding a change in the draconian land use policy. Thus,

forcing the authorities to inculcate mixed use developments within the city. We all know that,

mixed use developments bring various facilities in proximity to each other making a much more

efficient use of space. Development of multi-use complexes can help optimize the tremendously

increasing pressure on the transportation system as it reduces the commuting time of users.

The MPD 2021 has recognized the situation and given go-ahead to mixed use

developments in Delhi. But, the question is how relevant and effective is the Master plan, both in

their objectives and in their implementation. Do they pragmatically take into consideration the

actual ground realities or are they too utopian in nature? Is due consideration given to the

financial viability of such plans? What revisions in its zoning phenomenologies and urban tools

have been made to support mixed use developments? And most importantly to what extent does

this planning process curtail the rights of individual citizens to use their properties as they see fit,

and to pursue any means of self-improvement that the city has to offer. Yet the new Master Plan

is not without its own shortcomings. The paper aims to provide a critical analysis of the existing

draft plan in this context and to collate examples of successful urban planning the world over.

“Thus various tools and methods must be recognized by the public policy developers to develop

a competent system to adhere to the problems above through proper planning strategies”.

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CONCEPT OF MIXED LAND USE:

Mixed use of space can be achieved by combining various urban activities in the following

way:-Horizontal Mixing refers to a state when different activities are arranged in the vicinity of

the other activities in a way acting like an integrated complex. Horizontal mixing may be of two

types:

Horizontal mixed use – Attached. A single structure which provides retail/commercial or

service use in the portion fronting the public or private street with attached residential or office

use behind.

Horizontal mixed use – Detached. Two or more structures on one site which provide

retail/commercial or service use in the structure(s) fronting the public or private street, and

residential or office use in separate structures behind or to the side.1

Vertical Mixing refers to situation when different activities take place in layers arranged

vertically one above the other. The general trend has been to locate functions of high public

nature on the ground floor and those of lesser public nature on the upper floors. Residential uses

are provided n upper floors due to privacy.

1 sills, Aaron. Mixed use town cnters design guide. A case study. New zealand: Northshore city council, 2005.

Fig 0.1(Source: Refer footnote1)

Horizontal mixed use detached

Fig0.2 (Source: Refer footnote 2)

Horizontal mixed used attached

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A vertical structure results in comfortable circulation in horizontal direction, on ground

as well as vertical direction, in the building itself.2

2 wells, Dunbar. Design Standards: Mixed use standards. Article. Boston, 2006.

Fig 0.3(Source: refer footnote 1)

Vertical mixed use developments

Fig 0.5(Source: Refer footnote 2)

Using Mixed use typology Fig 0.4(Source: Refer footnote 2)

View of a typical mixed use

development

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Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: Chapter One: Delhi

DEATH OF MASTER PLAN INEVITABLE: A CASE OF MIXED LANDUSE IN DELHI

Delhi, Curitiba, London…

DELHI:

A City In Need Of Viable Planning Solutions…

“It is futile to plan a city’s appearance, or speculate on how to endow it with a pleasing

appearance of order, without knowing what sort of innate, functioning order it has.” 3

Few cities in the world have been as dramatically transformed as Delhi in the last fifty

years. A Mughal city in the 16th

century, at the end of the 19th

century it began to emerge as the

colonial seat of power and then finally it became the capital of independent India. Delhi is now

one of the largest and fastest growing mega-cities in the world. Spread across three states, the

metropolitan region now has a population of 16million. However, this apparent success hides a

series of virtual civic collapse. Despite the ambitious master-plans and large sums of money,

3 Source: (Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities)

Fig 1.1(Source: www.cs.jhu.edu)

Master Plan of Delhi 1962; showing

the walled city and Lutyens Delhi.

http://www.cs.jhu.edu/~bagchi/delhi/pics/Delhi1.html

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Delhi has proved unmanageable. Is there another way?

According to the Delhi District Gazetteer of 1883-844, Delhi had a

population of 173,303 in the late nineteenth century. The grandeur of the Mughal court was long

forgotten and, after 1858, it was no more than a large provincial town. This changed when the

British colonial government decided to shift the capital to Delhi in 1911 and hired Edwin

Lutyens to design a city to reflect imperial grandeur. Lutyens created what is effectively the first

―master-plan‖ for New Delhi. It was meant for a population of 60,000 – mostly government

officials and their retainers. The old city was still expected to remain the commercial hub.

Lutyens Delhi was completed in the mid-thirties but the urban plan collapsed barely a decade

later as the city found it-self with hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing West/East Pakistan.

The authorities dealt with the crisis with ad-hoc arrangements but in 1962, a new master-plan

was devised with the help of Ford Foundation5. Reflecting the thinking of the times, the master

plan was a framework for low-rise suburbia where the government would decree land-use and

zoning. From their ―commanding heights‖ the planners declared that ―there is undesirable

mixing of land-uses almost everywhere in the city.‖ Just as the government has the right to

control economic activity through licenses, it also has the right to tell people where to live and

where to work. The 1962 master plan was a dismal failure. The city developed in unpredictable

ways while the government failed to deliver on many promises. The second plan was formulated

20 years later, that is in 1981 but with the advent of the 1982 ASIAD games it was put on hold

and the new plan came into effect only in 1991.By the year 1982, only three of fifteen district

4 For reference view document: District., Delhi. "Gazetteer of the Delhi District." Gazetteer of the Delhi District,

1883-4 (1884): p.p. x, 215, xxvi : 8vo,

<http://openlibrary.org/b/OL17263026M/Gazetteer_of_the_Delhi_District_1883-4> 5 The Ford Foundation is a social organization, which got chartered in 1936, by Edsel Ford. Since then, it has been

promoting helping countries in pursuing sustainable development all across the globe. The organization is still active

in India today is working towards the upliftment of the society. For more details, Refer < www.fordfound.org>

http://openlibrary.org/b/OL17263026M/Gazetteer_of_the_Delhi_District_1883-4

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centers proposed in the master-plan had been developed. Offices, clinics and shops moved into

residential areas as the designated commercial areas were grossly insufficient. Even by 1992,

with the population now at 9 million, only six of the fifteen district centers were developed.

These were mainly land development plans, the strategy being that DDA was to acquire

new lands and develop them for housing and commercial purposes with a subsequent auctioning

of flats/shops/plots. Throughout, planning followed a top down approach with the formulation of

a master plan and keeping in mind its aims, subsequent zonal and sub zonal plans were made.

Both these plans were beset with problems particular to them. It is beyond the scope of this paper

to elaborate these in detail but for most part, faulty projections for population, housing demand,

rise in vehicles, demand for civic amenities resulted in plan targets failing to keep in touch with

the real world. Implementation failures, complicated and unnecessary restrictions on land use

and the inherent corruption in the planning agencies like the DDA and MCD also resulted in

blatant violations of the plan guidelines and a severe shortfall in civic amenities and housing.

Fig 1.2(Source: www.dda.org.in)

Master Plan of Delhi 1962

Fig 1.3: (Source: www.dda.org.in)

MCD Proposals in 1981

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This led to increased theft of public resources and rise in illegal encroachments and unauthorized

constructions. Liberalization created economic opportunities that pushed the gap between plan

and reality to breaking point. Eventually the pressure exploded out into suburbs like Gurgaon

and Noida. The official response was yet another master-plan announced in 2007 called Delhi

2021. But, after fifty years of zoning, segregation, stratification and continuation of strategies

that began in 1962, the new Master Plan (2021) states that!

“To meet the growing demand of commercial activities and overcome the shortfall of

available commercial space, a liberalized provision of mixed use in residential areas has

been adopted to achieve better synergy between workplace, residence and

transportation” as quoted in Delhi Master Plan 2021.

The statement above is in direct conflict with the existence of the master plan "which

solely survives on dissecting land on functional and utility basis‖, indicating that the MPD 2021

has set the precedent for tomorrow‘s planning, without the introduction of any new tools and

strategies for addressing the issue of mixed land use, until eventually leading to the rejection of

its own master plot, i.e. DEATH OF THE MASTER PLAN.





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Another reason being that mixed use developments cannot be sustained through primitive

zoning strategies, but through a total integration and up gradation of like governance, transit and

various other supportive services amalgamated in a way that the whole system functions as one.

As its name states, mixed-use developments define the widest scope for all kinds of aggregations

of different urban elements to take place. It allows a mix of all kinds of activities of different

people at different times for a variety of purposes in the urban fabric. Therefore, it gives

flexibility to the city and provides complexity in the urban settings which is the only way to cope

with the urban change and growth. It is important to state that complex problems cannot be

solved by simple methods. Therefore, using simplified measures such as segregation of land use

planning to deal with the complex city is not plausible. Too much attention has been given to

zoning and segregation of land uses in all our previous Master Plans. This derives from the

determined neatness of planners and it has nothing to do with the proper growth of a community

(Gummer, 1994).

In the past fifty years the population of Delhi has exploded from 0.6 million in 1950‘s to

18 million in 2009, but still the same methodology is used. Whereas countries such as Britain

have scrapped off the master plan system and advocated mixed land use development policy by

adopting an ‗urban village‘ scheme since 1992 or the Curitiba‘s ‗Plano diretor’ that acted as

guidelines for the growth of the city clubbed with timely strategic interventions, After the

Agache‘s Plan was dissolved.

The Master Plan of Delhi has a colossal list of failures embedded into its history, but the

persistent authorities do not accept these failures and forces to stretch and follow similar

outdated means further fragmenting the city via their atrocious land use and incapable

development plans. These plans do not just fail as guidelines, but even on the implementation

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front, as the authorities never seem to meet their deadline on time. Firstly, the most obvious

problem with master-planning in Indian cities is the lack of governance. The civic authorities

simply do not have the ability to enforce the master-plan even in the national capital. Secondly,

all master-plans require proper implementation and sequencing of public investment. A

combination of corruption and incompetence means that important aspects of the 1962 master-

plan remain unimplemented even today.

As it is a vestige of socialist-era thinking that presumes a predetermined trajectory of

urban development, therefore it cannot deal with organic evolution of a living and vibrant city. It

is the same reason that the Mahalanobis model of economic planning was doomed to fail. There

was no way in which Lutyens could have predicted Independence and Partition in 1913 and the

1962 master-plan could not have anticipated Gurgaon‘s BPO boom.

There is, however, a more fundamental flaw with the whole master-planning approach

towards mixed land-use development. Since, there have been no additions of tools and strategies

in our master plans beginning from 1960‘s, not even the colors of zoning have been altered. In

addition to this the ‗GIS‘ Geographic Information Systems were based on approximations before

the MPD 2001, which were used to construct building by laws, decide on FAR restrictions and

road widths. For example, the authorities of Delhi had to bring down large amount of structures

and increase the road widths and divert lanes for the construction of the Delhi metro, in spite of a

preliminary plan introduced in 1980 by the DMRC, simply because the plan was prepared using

outdated GIS data that was used to formulate the structure of Delhi Metro, and the master did not

have any contingency plans for advancing the growth of the city, for the accommodation of the

elevated metro, Thus creating a mass panic in city in the name ‗Demolition Drive‘. It is only now

that satellite GPS and GIS systems are being been used for accurate mapping of the areas.

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Besides this, only minor revisions and strategies in utility and building by-laws section have

been made to legitimize the idea of mixed land use, which are not requisite enough to sustain

mixed land use. The plan (MPD 2021) ironically envisages the formulation of pre defined

mixed-use zones with outdated urban tools, which runs counter to the whole theory of mixed use.

For example, the main vision of MPD 2021: develop a world class city with multistory

buildings, but not much increase in the GC or FAR. Secondly, Area (sqm) / person decreased for

the commercial, education facility & recreational area. Thirdly, the plan promotes motorized

vehicles at the cost of non-motorized vehicles, but the parking space has not been increased

substantially. Mixed Land Use Policy shows very arbitrary, discriminatory, & rigid standard.

Not mentioning the basis for specifying plot sizes & FAR. Thus introduction to this new

typology in the master plan should be accompanied by new interventions and strategies to

legitimize this typology in the society, or else DEATH OF MPD is certain.

Besides this there are other there are other frames in the document of master plan which

reflect the areas where the plan falls short both in terms of content and focus as well as overall

layout and user friendliness. 6

Data insufficiency and contradictions

The first glaring insufficiency in the plan is lack of data and information. For a plan that

is supposed to chalk out the effective management of land resources in the city, very little actual

data is provided on the availability of land and the various uses to which is being put to. The plan

talks about the number of housing units or commercial or industrial but there are no estimates

given for the total land area under each of these uses. Moreover, if at all the data is provided has

6 To read more and understand the other major flaws in detail. Dewal, snigdha. Master Plan for Delhi: 2021 A

critical Analysis. Working paper no.160. Delhi: Center for civil society, 2008.

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not been substantiated with reasons for using that particular estimate or the source from which it

has been obtained or the relevant year. The land use figures that have been prescribed have not

been substantiated with any line of reasoning as to why such a distribution should be preferred

over any other.7

Tone of the document

The MPD is a legally enforceable document, supposed to provide clear guidelines on

urban planning and infrastructure yet it reads more like a policy document and not a clear legally

enforceable text. The tone is vague and only attempts to provide suggestions, in terms of things

that ‗should/ ought to be done‘. There is an attempt made to provide positive and enforceable

guidelines. For example, on the issue of re-densification of low-density areas, the plan states,

―There is a large proportion of underused land with a number of vacant sites or unutilized built

areas falling in the central city…the areas are recommended to be comprehensively planned for

improvement and redevelopment in order to make best use of land resources as per the

prescribed norms.‖ How one is to work out a comprehensive policy for re-densification from this

rather vague suggestion is apparently left to the discretion of the DDA officials. 8

Conceptual Flaws

The problems with the plan are not just superficial but run deeper at the conceptual level.

The plan repeatedly states that the problem of in-migration into Delhi is a chronic one. But the

solutions suggested are to limit migration by discouraging labour intensive units from coming up

in the capital. The plan states

7 Refer. Appendix A1.1, for more details and calculations

8 The draft also makes extensive use of abbreviations without giving any information on keys to decipher their

meaning, which makes the document very difficult to comprehend for a layman. Moreover no definitions are given

for frequently used technical terms like FAR (floor area ratio), plinth area, set back norms etc. There are also

numerous grammatical errors and the layout is not very user friendly with the text repeatedly being cut in by endless

tables, instead of these being provided in a separate appendix.

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― it is envisaged that no new major economic activities, which may result in the

generation of large scale employment related inflows, be located in the national capital

territory of Delhi (NCTD). And only activities necessary to sustain the local population of

Delhi should be permitted, and the quality of infrastructure and life in general

significantly improved.”

Despite being vague, this statement actually chillingly sets the agenda for the plan as

being a growth limiting one, with a deliberate clamp on the growing economy of the city and

limiting it possibly only to supposedly less problematic administrative uses. This is simply not a

feasible option; first, because the migrants into Delhi are coming from chronically poor regions

of the country such as Rajasthan and Bihar and end up in the city because of a number of push

and pull factors. It will be difficult to limit the migration of such people who actually have very

little to live on from where they come. Secondly, there is actually a great demand for the kind of

services rendered by the migrant labourers, ranging from rickshaw pullers to hawkers,

construction labourers to domestic help. These people form a vast network of people providing

informal services and contribute very actively to the economy. The plan does suggest a number

of policy solutions to better guide the working of this sector but it is not detailed enough.

Ignorance of new theories and concepts in urban planning

All over world there is a move towards the concept of transit oriented development and

containing the unchecked growth of urban sprawl, Delhi it seems chooses to go the other way. In

trying to preserve the primitive structure of the city it prescribes greater growth in the suburbs

and shifting of economic activities out to these areas to tackle the growing population. Whether

one chooses to live in the suburbs is a matter of personal choice but it is true that increasing

suburbanization leads to a large growth in the number of vehicles, problems of pollution,

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congestion and parking. World over there is a trend to build more ‗walk able‘ communities and

encourage the use of bicycles, public transport etc. and re-develop, have higher density living in

inner city areas. The master plan also plays lip service to the notion of redevelopment and re-

densification of inner city areas but falls short of stating any clear policy objectives in this

regard.

Policy on Special Areas

In its policies for Special Area (Walled city, Pahar Ganj, Karol Bagh) and urban villages,

the plan in its eagerness to maintain their ‗essential character‘ and preserve this urban heritage

forgets to take into account the needs of the actual residents of these areas. For example under

MPD 2001 when the move to transfer industrial units within the walled city to other areas was

passed, the affected people were left in a lurch. New shops and lands were not allotted to them

on time, they did not have adequate infrastructure in the new areas, and users were asked to

cough up higher rentals. To provide only 16% of the targeted built-up area designated for

commercial purposes.

Lack of Financial Accounting

Last but not the least the plan almost completely fails to address the fiscal aspect of the

situation. There are no estimates provided for the additional expected cost of catering to the

additional demands of the city and how this will be borne. There is also no accounting for what

kind of rents and revenues the state departments expect to earn and how much of these are to be

channelized into urban development and how funds are to be distributed among the different

civic and planning agencies.

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Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: Chapter Two: Curitiba

CURITIBA:

City that rejected its Master Plan, For A Better Future…

Brazil is an emerging economy like India and has very similar issues—thus a look at the city of

Curitiba is not without relevance.

Brazil was a Portuguese colony in the 16th

century until they gained independence in

1822 as the Brazilian Empire, and the country had been a republic since 1899. It was one of the

last countries to ban slavery, but a resultant of that is a multi-ethnic population which traces its

origin from within the Americas, Southern Europe and Africa, Asia. These racial groups are

largely a Portuguese speaking and multiethnic society, Brazil is a melting point for varied ethnic

groups and there is racial tension—but the bigger issue is the difference between ―haves‖ and

―have-nots.‖ Brazil has often been in the headlines for ―flash-kidnapping,‖ and has their own

version of ―encounter-specialists.‖ Like India, Brazil is one of the emerging economies and often

noted as part of the BASIC countries—it is at present the fifth most populous, and the eighth

largest economy by nominal GDP and the ninth largest by purchasing power parity.

Brazilian urbanism is marked by Rio de Janeiro—which will be the hosting the Olympics

in 2016—which is home to roughly 10 million people today and is not unlike Delhi and Mumbai.

In other words Rio‘s history is plagued by similar problems, including issues of compliance to

Master Plan9 and ever-changing government authorities with clashing ideas further worsening

the situation of the city, and these urban pressures reign all over Brazil. In this case which has

done well with these issues is city of Curitiba. The capital of the state of Paraná, located in

southern Brazil having an area half the size of Delhi, with a metropolitan region population of

9 Donat Alfred Agache (1875-1959) is best known for Beaux- Arts master plan for Rio de Janeiro. He had an

important impact on Rio and on the development of modern Planning in Brazil, As he later on went on to do the

master plans for Sao Paulo and Curitiba. But his ideas were never realized fully due to political differences and

financial crisis. The Agache Plan was, however, one of the first comprehensive Master Plans in the modern sense. It

resulted from new requirement from federal that mandated municipalities to produce a master plan in order to

receive federal funds for capital improvements-from Fundo de Participacalo dos Municipios.

Tognatta | 12


2.7 lakhs.

Curitiba has a six-decade-old history of formal urban design and planning. It started with

Agache Plan in 1943, designed by French urbanist Alfred Agache, when Curitiba had 120,000

inhabitants. Through the re structuring of the street network, this plan established guidelines for a

concentric growth of the city and provisions for land-use zoning, sanitation measures, the

distribution of open spaces, and the allocation of areas of urban expansion The plan assumed the

dominance of the automobile and the principle approach was massive infrastructure investments,

including construction of circular boulevards and major radial arteries similar to that of Lutyens

Delhi- the Civic center with local state and federal public agencies- commenced construction in

accordance in 1952.The master plan ostensibly aimed to provide the city a development scheme

that gave priority to public services such as sanitation, easing traffic congestion and creating

centers that enabled the growth of both social life and commerce.

Curitiba‘s population reached 180,000 inhabitants at annual growth rate of over seven

percent in the 1955-more than what Agache plan had anticipated and only 10% of the Master

plan had been realized by then. Then when the country hit rock bottom on financial fronts and

the progress was halted. By the 60s, Curitiba's population had ballooned to 430,000, and

financial turmoil only worsened and some feared that the growth in population threatened to

drastically change the character of the city. The 1943 master plan was seen as inadequate in

addressing this dire situation—because the large open Baroque boulevards were very expensive

to construct, difficult to maintain and did not service the largest segment of the population,

which was bus-bound. Consequently, the Mayor Ivo Aruza immediately dismissed the master

plan. This called for a rather radical but a sustainable approach towards urban planning that

would not only save the city from the current scenario but also pave a path towards a better life

Tognatta | 13


for the inhabitant of the city.

In 1964, the Mayor solicited proposals for the same10

. Architect Jaime Lerner11

, who later

also became mayor of Curitiba, led a team from the Universidade Federal do Paraná that

suggested strict controls on urban sprawl, a reduction of traffic in the downtown area,

preservation of Curitiba's Historic Sector, and a convenient and affordable public transit system.

But not a Master Plan to do the same. These were more like guidelines. These directives led to

the formalization of the principle directive of the preliminary plan of 1965(―subsequently know

as the Master Plan‖) which aimed to transform the city‘s radial configuration of growth to a

linear model of urban expansion.

10

The municipality of Curitiba opened a public completion to create new urban plan of the city. A planning and

architectural form from Sao Paulo, Sociedade Serte de Estudos e Projectos Ltd., in collaboration with Arguitetir

Associates, led by architect /planner Jorge Willheim, was selected in 1965 to create the Plano diretor, which was

developed in consultation with some city architects ‗Jamie Lerner’ and city officials in Curitiba and the

participation of some elite groups, and was approved in 1966. 11

On top of his professional and political skills, Jamie Lerner has enjoyed abundant good fortune in his political

career. The first term of Lerner as mayor (1971-74) coincided with the prosperous phase of national development

known as the ―Brazilian miracle‘. In his third term as mayor, he administered a city budget of $R 850 million, $R

600 million more than the budget of his predecessor Requiao.

Fig 2.1: (Source: www.library.cornell.edu)

Agache‘s Plan; showing the beaux de arts

approach of planning-

Fig 2.2:(Source: www.solutions-site.org/)

The new Plano Diretor; with guidelines to

direct the growth of the city, through the

creation of five structural axes.

http://www.library.cornell.edu/Reps/DOCS/agache.htm

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By this time, Curitiba had almost 500,000 inhabitants and an annual growth rate of 5.6 percent.

Not like Agache‘s Plan. Which was based on concentric circles, the Plano diretor was based on a

city growth concept of, linear expansion of city from its center, employing integrated

transportation of growth, the promotion of industry, and the improvement of the environmental

and urban quality of the city.

The Plano diretor 12

conceived major physical interventions in the city, including a

number of significant urban design projects. The greatest intervention was the creation of the

five structural axes of transportation radiating from the center of the city, guiding the direction

and concentration of growth. The structural axes plan combined massive public transportation

infrastructure with zoning that allowed mixed uses and significant density. Although the zoning

had begun with the precious plan in the 1950‘s, the new plan instituted creative approaches to

shaping the urban fabric, channeling growth and defining the establishment of specific zones

such as central zone, the structural Sectors for business and other services, and residential Zones.

Residential growth was encouraged near street with concentrations of transportation and

services. Special interest Preservation Units were established to restore buildings of historical

12

The Plano diretor is the Portuguese word for urban master plan guidelines

Fig 2.3: (Source: www.solutions-site.org/)

Radial approach proposed by Alfred Agache.

Fig 2.4: (Source: www.solutions-site.org/)

Creation of structural axes to promote

transit oriented development.

Tognatta | 15


significance. It also laid the guiding principle that mobility and land use cannot be disassociated

with each other if the city's future design is to succeed. In order to fulfill these goals of providing

access for all citizens, the main transport arteries were modified over time to give public

transport the highest priority.

This approach not only bought about a new revelation in urban planning but also made

the inhabitants realize the importance of transport in cities, which in Delhi has always been given

a back seat considering the previous state of affairs. I will discuss here three key aspects of this

approach in Curitiba—Policy implementation, road system, land-use, and Mass Transit.

Firstly-One of major directives derived from the new Plano diretor was the creation in

1966 of the institute of urban research and Planning of Curitiba (IPPUC) to implement the plan

and to develop all complementary projects. IPPUC established a team of planners working

outside the institutional framework, able to respond to developmental pressures with agility.

Since its founding, IPPUC has efficiently led the transformation of Curitiba physical structures,

devising the projects and facilitating their translation into works.

IPPUC also paid attention to the preservation of the city‘s history and enhancement of its

identity with the help of Revitalization Plan for Historic District in Curitiba. In 1971 the first

revitalization plans was established, resulting in the variation of cultural facilities as well as the

rehabilitation of historic buildings. Old abandoned or underutilized buildings became home to

orchestras, art workshops, theatres, and museums; an old army headquarters facility was

transformed into the Curitiba Cultural Foundation; a gunpowder deposit became theaters; and a

glue factory became the Creativity Center. In 1972, the city‘s first main street-Rua XV de

Novembro-became Brazil‘s first pedestrian mall.13

Later its popularity made it a model emulated

13

The way this action was carried out was very bold and fast. Quick implementation has been a hallmark of the

Curitiba experience. The pedestrian mall was built during a weekend to prevent opposing shop owners from taking

Tognatta | 16


in other cities of Brazil.

The success of Curitiban planning primarily comes from the cohesion of various public

offices working in parity14

, and delivering rapid action strategies required in time for smooth

function of the city. Just like revitalization plan in the 1970-That transformed old vacant

buildings, and the slum relocation plan 1976- To assist families living in squatter settlements in

risk areas were introduced to comprehend the rapid growth of the city.

Secondly- Probably the epitome of Curitiban Urban policy- achieving much more benefit

for much less investment- has been the transportation program(cerevo,1195; Ravinovitch and

lietman, 1993) The structural main transit axes began to operate in 1974, significantly, the

transportation program has been used to promote development along these axes. A new street

system created priority avenues, and re direct traffic away from downtown by establishing

connector streets between neighborhoods and major avenues. Also at this time new streets were

built to connect established avenues, and new traffic circulation patterns were established. The

ternary System was also established were principle artery was divided into three parts…The

three- tier road system of each axis is made up of one central street with exclusive lanes for

any legal action against it until it was too late. Then, children were invited to hold a painting fair in the middle of the

street, further preventing any action against the works. Curitiba‘s mayor convinced the opposition to give the project

a try. Meanwhile, the children‘s fair became a weekly event. 14

It is relevant to note here that the coincidence of interest groups around a major vision is also a key in the

development of the Curitiba experience, together with the concurrency of the three aforementioned factors, namely,

the creation of supportive political institutions, the continuation of political regimes, and the participation of elites.

Fig 2.5: (Source: IPPUC homepage)

Street planning in Curitiba

Fig 2.6: (Source: www.gettyimages.com)

View of a boulevard street in Curitiba

with pedestrian lanes in the middle.

Tognatta | 17


efficient public transportation and slow local access traffic lanes with parking. To either side of

the central street are one-way Arterial Street of traffic (express lanes) headed into or away from

the downtown area. This road system was created through a re-definition of the existing street,

not by resizing the street or constructing overpasses.

Simultaneously actions were taken to build the city in accordance to the transit and road

system introduced demarcating a clear direction for the growth of the city and the primary tool

that helped to achieve this was land use planning. The land use here is reconfigured into built-

form—importance was given not to assign single-use zones, rather the correlation of built form

with transit system. TOD before the term was canonized. The road hierarchy was directly

responsible for the density of the built form. The highest density of residential and commercial

development are concentrated in the two blocks at the center of the spine, with diminishing

densities in the blocks to either side, thus preserving large areas for low-rise residential

development in the sectors between axes.

As the need for economic support for a city that was growing at rates higher than five

percent a year in the 1960‘s led to the creation of Curitiba‘s industrial district(cidade industrial

de Curitiba, CIC), and special connecting sectors were designated to effectively integrate the

industrial district into the rest of the city. The CIC was designed with suitable urban

infrastructure, providing basic services, housing, preservation areas, and integration with urban

transit system.


Change in the densities with various

hierarchies of roads.

Tognatta | 18


Curitiba reached the 1970‘s with 650,000 inhabitants and a population growth rate of 5.3

percent a year. This reasoned out the need for zoning for specific purposes and occupation

parameters guided public and private investments and projects in Curitiba. A 1975 law further

defined land use in the city, creating areas for residential, services, manufacturing, and rural

activities. The law also defined structural sectors, pedestrian areas, natural and riverside

preservation areas, parks, and the Historic District. To solve environmental problems in fragile

areas, special land-use and occupation sectors were created.

Thirdly- The transit system began to operate in the year 1974, when architect Jaime

Lerner was the Mayor of Curitiba, in coordination with the Master Plan they began to construct

the first two out of five arterial structural roads that would eventually form the structural growth

corridors and dictate the growth pattern in the city. These structural corridors were composed of

a triple road system with the central road having two restricted lanes dedicated to express busses.

These restricted buses lanes succeeded in providing excellent access and mobility. The two

features essential for the success of this all-bus network transit system are15

(1) reliable high-

capacity buses running along trunk lines on the structural axes where the greatest population

15

Curiously enough, alcohol-fueled buses were indeed used for tourist routes. This tells us that the government was-

aware of the greater ecological value of the alcohol-base buses, and wanted their use to be linked to the image of the

city and the environmental concerns it carried with them.

Fig 2.8: (Source: www.lightrailnow.org)

Development along transit routes in

Curitiba

Fig 2.9: (Source: www.enviroboys.com)

Transit oriented development in Curitiba

http://www.lightrailnow.org/facts/fa_brt004.htm

Tognatta | 19


lives and works, featuring exclusive lanes with a limited number of cross streets, signal pre-

emption, high platforms for entry and exit, and pre-paid boarding; and (2) a complementary

network of color-coded feeder and express buses, all with free transfer, providing dense coverage

of the entire city.

Next is the question of the acceptance of such an all-bus system by the citizens as the

fares of the bus transit system reflected the operational cost of each line separately. Because they

were less lucrative, the longer lines had higher fares, posing high costs for the low-income

population located at the periphery of the city. The government began what came to be known as

‗single fare‘ with one single fare reflecting the cost of the entire system, persons commuting long

distances (often the low-income population) are subsidized by those making shorter trips.

Besides being socially just, the single fare facilitated the implementation of fare integration

between different companies. It was estimated that around 80% of users benefited by the

integration.

The bus system is organized by URBS (Urbanization of Curitiba S/A), the public

transportation corporation, and 16 private companies are sub-contracted to operate and maintain

the buses. In 1986 the operating companies, which until then had received income directly from


Double articulated buses

Fig 2.11: (Source: www.lightrailnow.org)

Dedicated corridors for buses

http://www.lightrailnow.org/facts/fa_brt004.htm

Tognatta | 20


their passengers, changed to a system whereby they were paid per kilometer. The municipal

government collects detailed operational information (fleet, timetable, kilometers run, etc.),

audits the implementation, collects income received daily from the whole system, and pays the

operators for services rendered in real costs. Detailed regulations establish the rights and

obligations of the operating companies, define the faults and penalties, and seek to eliminate

waste while constantly improving the quality of service. This arrangement ensures the fair

distribution of income among operators and prevents unhealthy competition among drivers over

specific routes.

The Tube Station, started in 1984, is a bus platform elevated to the level of the

entrances/exits of the bus, where automatic doors operated by the tube conductor open parallel to

the bus doors. Passengers pay an entrance fare at the turnstile and wait for their respective direct

or express bus to pass. Disembarking passengers leave the stations through a direct exit. The

Tube can allow controlled access and safe and secure embarkation. The establishment of the

Tube Stations guarantees that the bi-articulated buses have the necessary operational conditions

to support the growth in demand predicted for the next coming years. The bi-articulated bus has

a large capacity (270passengers) and travels in an exclusive lane. It has no steps or fare


Tube station

Fig 2.13: (Source: eyesonbrazil.wordpress.com/)

View of the tube station from outside

http://eyesonbrazil.wordpress.com/2008/04/16/curitibas-urban-planning-lessons-from-lerner/

Tognatta | 21


collection and use the Tube Station for passenger embarking and disembarking. The first line

was implemented in December 1992, with 33 vehicles carrying 100,000 passengers per day on

the downtown areas.

The low congestion consequently made it easier to promote other means of travel in the

city center. Hence, the city created a pedestrian network, covering an area equivalent to nearly

fifty blocks, in the downtown area. Although at first local merchants were opposed to the idea,

they quickly found the pedestrian zone to be a tremendous economic boost; much more space

was available in the area for customers rather than vehicles, the shopping environment was more

pleasant, and people had more time to shop when they did not have to drive and park. Bus

terminals on the periphery provide frequent access to the area. Furthermore, the Curitiba Public

Works Plan for 1992 calls for 150 km of bicycle paths to be built, following river bottom valleys

and railway tracks and connecting the city's districts to make the entire city accessible to

bicycles.

Due to the system design with special lanes, prepaid passenger boarding and the priority

the buses receive in road hierarchy, the bus system can operate with a much higher capacity than

traditional city bus systems. In terms of cost-effectiveness, the bi-articulated bus system in

Curitiba is very effective with the cost of U.S.$3 million per kilometer to construct compared

with U.S.$8-12 million per kilometer for a tram system and around U.S.$50-100 million per

kilometer for a subway. The new system offered riders greater comfort, and operating costs fell

6% lower than the other systems. The new system has evolved since then linking downtown to

the neighborhoods through exclusive traffic lanes. The lanes enable a considerably higher

average bus speed without jeopardizing passenger safety. Today there are now 58 Km of

exclusive bus lanes which crisscross the city along all the cardinal directions. The structural axes

Tognatta | 22


created are complemented by 270 km of feeder routes and 185 Km of inter- district routes,

serving about 65% of the urban area. The integrated Transportation Network promoted the use of

public transport and reduced the use of private cars. Around 1.9 million passengers use the bus

transit system daily with an 89% user satisfaction rate. This change reduces congestion, fuel

consumption, and air pollution, and result in a better environment for the entire population.

Actually, Curitiba has shown one of the lowest levels of ambient air pollution in Brazil.

The most crucial piece or the crown jewel in this whole scheme would be the green

intervention done by the city planners, they managed not only to reclaim land from low lying

basins in the regions but proposed and intervened larger green spaces interlinked with each other

forming a network throughout the city, thus preserving the ecological life present in the lakes and

maintaining an ecological balance with the forces of nature. The city has about 50 square meters

of parkland per person (i.e. 12 acres per 1000), most of which has been created in the last 30

years. The protected land is complemented by compact housing, as the city of 1.5 million has a

population density of 10,750 per square mile (which is around the same as Philadelphia or

Washington, D.C.).

Fig 2.14: (Source: blogs.bootsnall.com/) Botanical gardens in the city

Fig 2.15: (Source: http://cityparksblog.org/)

Low lying areas converted into natural green

buffers

Tognatta | 23


Roughly 21 million square meters (5,190 acres) are linear parks along rivers and streams

that act as buffers between flood-prone rivers and the city. Legislation set aside certain low-lying

areas and river basins as special protection and management areas. The city also used a loan to

purchase land at a number of critical sites around the city. Engineers built small damns and

created new lakes that act as holding basins when flooding occurs. In effect, these green spaces

are giant storm water facilities.

None of this would have been achieved if a Master Plan was being followed. The mass

transit integration was only possible when one realizes the clear co-relation of land use and

transit. Today, Curitiba boasts 70% of the citizens use the public transit systems instead of

private automobiles. This reduction in automobile use in seen regardless of the fact that, Curitiba

has among the highest household incomes and the second highest automobile ownership rate in

Brazil. If a master plan was being followed it would have taken years beyond reckoning to built

the infrastructure prior to the implementation of the master plan- Delivering the city into the a

state of chaos, The dismissal of the master plan came as a blessing in disguise for the Curitibans-

They could run a number of programmes simultaneously, with the formulation of strategies and

even structure new strategies for upcoming problems in the city. Thus, Making the city

economically sustainable in itself, and harnessing prospects for future growth as a pollution free

city. The scenario would not be the same, if a master plan was been followed. The reason being

that even for a microscopic change or addition of new interventions takes months even years of

approval and discussion in the state assembly for them to be inculcated in the master plan.

Today the planning effort of the city of Curitiba is a model for how to integrate

sustainable transport considerations into business development, road infrastructure development,

and local community development without a master plan. The city thrives as a unique example of

Tognatta | 24


how transit oriented development can help evolve cities into more livable urban environments.

It‘s a city that has valued three primary aspects that are essential for the future of the society:

mobility, sustainability, and identity. There are four key elements in the success story of

Curitiba…

First, a low cost metropolitan transport system. By utilizing the existing corridors and

adopting measures to intensify development along these corridor roads, public transport systems

can be established at relatively low cost. This low-cost public transportation system showed the

ability to more quickly and more effectively serve an entire metropolitan population.

Second, the integration of land use, road systems and mass transit is a powerful tool.

Through the use of land-use instruments, local governments can direct population growth and

thereby establish effective systems of transportation.

Third, vision, leadership, and flexibility lead to success of urban planning. Curitiba is one

of the few cities that realized its urban intention. The factors of Curitiba‘s success are these: a

clear long-term vision, strong leadership to implement the plan, and flexibility in adjustments by

utilizing a step-by-step approach.

Fourth, understanding the people and your society. The sole purpose of planning a city is

to create a livable environment for the citizens to thrive for the construction of a successful city.

One that understands the needs of the people. At the core of Curitiba's success is the vision of a

city as a structure where people both live and work. Citizens are happy in their environment and

take pride in their city because they are creating and maintaining systems that work, such as

transportation, recreation, and education. As Lerner states, the city has become "more intelligent

and more humane," (Curitiba video, 1992) and, above all, there is a strong sense of solidarity

among citizens

Tognatta | 25

Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: Chapter Two: London

LONDON:

City Based on Temporal Strategies and Extensive Mixed Use Zoning…

London has a long and complex history that stretches back for over 2,000 years. It was

one of the countries in the west to witness the after-effects of industrialization. It soon realized

the problems the city had developed overtime, quite similar to what Delhi had become after

independence. In terms of its population and spread, though, it has been the last two hundred

years that have seen the greatest change. London and the walled of city of Delhi (shahjahanabad)

are highly comparable on the lines of rapid exploitation of land use, and heavy mixed use

developments, In spite both being the capital city of their respective nation and under similar

governance, what is interesting to notice is the different evolutionary paths, the urban forms of

the two cities have taken and what have they finally transformed into. Due to the initiative taken

by the government to improve the urban environments of the city, through systematic and well

implemented temporal strategies have led London to a platform were it is recognized as a world

class city-given the honor for hosting the 2012 Olympics. On the contrary, the negligence

showed by the British towards the improvement of shahjahanabad before independence has

continued even today by the national government and the ―walled city‖ decays slowly with the

Fig 2.16: (Source: blogs.bootsnall.com/) The streets of London in the early 18

th

century; showing just how chaotic they

were due to the pressures imposed by the

railways, carts, goods carriers and shops

on the streets. people lived on the streets

mostly due to mixed use developments.

Leading to inhabitable conditions on the

streets. http://www.oldbaileyonline.org

Tognatta | 26


passing of each year, the authorities have very beautifully marked the zone as ―special area‖ and

has not made any reformation in the structure or in the economical up-liftment of the city.

In 1801, when London had one million people, it was still a compact city mainly

contained within a radius of some 3 km16

.This happened because London was one of the biggest

inland ports which was used to transfer goods with the city. Moreover it had twelve stations that

terminated at the center of the capital city. The streets were filled with workers, cars and carts

and people carrying goods. The whole city seemed on the verge of coming to a standstill, due to

the had-hoc mixed use developments that had sprawled up at heart of London. By the 1851

census, the population had doubled, but the radius was still less than 5 km (Hall 1992).

This meant the further expansion of London‘s built up area, not at the center, but the

creation of suburbs, which further led to planning challenges over the years17

.Over the next one

hundred years, London spread itself out to reach broadly its present extent. The Second World

War and the physical damage to London stimulated new thinking about the planning of the

capital in the post-War era. Now there was a need of planning the downtown and suburbs of the

city as well. Patrick Abercrombie‘s Greater London Plan, published in 1945, and was the first

attempt at a regional plan for London. War or not, it was long overdue. For the area covered had

16

In the 18th-Century Sir Christopher Wren's gave a plan for rebuilding London after the great fire destroyed seven-

eighths of the city. Wren, at this point an Oxford astronomer with comparatively little architectural experience, was

among the first to present a plan to Charles II after the catastrophe. The narrow streets which had helped the fire's

progress are replaced on his plan by monumental avenues radiating from piazzas. The influence of the classical

buildings and formal street plans which Wren had studied in Paris are a clear influence. He also proposes the

construction of a Thameside quay from Bridewell to the Tower, replacing the ramshackle wooden wharfside

buildings with warehouses. A vignette of 'Thamesis' (the putative river god) with London burning in the background

has been added in the lower margin. Wren's plan was never used. Perhaps due to his eagerness to produce a plan

quickly, he was inaccurate in making his ground plan and did not consider contours adequately. Neither king nor

parliament were to ever take it seriously despite the title's assertion that it was an approved plan 17

This was very unlike with what the British did to old city of Delhi, though the area was small but strategic

enhancement of the transit movement and road widths, could have transformed the city for a better future to what it

is seems today. But they completely avoided improving the old region and secluded the walled city. To accomplish

this they constructed the railway‘s line, acting as an barrier between the walled city and the newly designed Lutyens

Delhi.

Tognatta | 27


143 local authorities and, while almost all of them had either prepared a planning scheme or

were in the process of drawing one up, there was virtually no co-ordination (Cherry 1972).

The Greater London Plan was notable for its apparent simplicity and its clarity. With its

four concentric zones overlaid by a revised transport system by introducing a new underground

commuter railway system, it effectively promoted planned expansion of London‘s built-up area.

That was also the role of the third zone, a 15 km deep ring of land, which was the basis for the

present Green Belt. It was to curtail any further sprawl of the second zone, the outer suburbs, and

there would be no further growth of any of the smaller towns within it. Another key feature of

the Plan was its strategy of reducing densities in the first of the zones (the inner urban ring)

through re-housing some one million people in an outer country ring beyond the Green Belt.

Some 400,000 of these people were to be accommodated in eight new towns some 30–50 km

from London. But this plan could be realized fully and demanded revisions on temporal bases to

adhere to the ever increasing population and the formulation of new suburbs.

However, to implement this plan they had to decongest the central zone and maintain a

continuous motion with the help of transit. All this was achieved with the coming of the

commuter railways, which enabled Londoners to escape from the congested central areas to live

in the fast growing and much more spacious suburbs. This was one of the major achievements

that the London planning authorities came up with. Showing that you do not need a Master Plan

to divert the growth of the city or solve the persisting problems in it. Due to the had-hoc mixed

use developments all over the city, the streets were working way beyond their road capacity.

Since the re-routing or re-structuring of the streets was not a possibility, as they were the life-

lines and would lead the city to a complete standstill, if anything were to happen to them. The

only solution considered that time was the introduction of an underground railway system that

Tognatta | 28


would help people and goods to travel in an out of the city at a much faster rate. This commuter

railway is known as London Underground today. One of the busiest and the most successful tube

networks the makes the city of London habitable and functional in today‘s era of multi-tasking.

Furthermore, this Plan did not propose to alter the land use pattern in the central areas,

but tried to become a part of its grains. This was accomplished by further promoting mixed use

developments, but segregating them on the basis of one strong functional character dominating

the area. This process continued until a new revised plan was introduce in 2004.

In 1965, the Greater London Council (GLC) was set up, replacing the former London

County Council. It produced a statutory plan, the Greater London Development Plan, but this

had little apparent influence on the major problem of the day, the collapse of manufacturing

industry in the capital. Linked to this, unemployment rose tenfold from 40,000 in the mid-1960s

to 400,000 in 1985. And London‘s dockyards, increasingly obsolete in an era of container ships,

were ceasing activity. Ironically, just as the first of the docks were closing, the GLC was

planning for a belt of new heavy industry and commercial activity on both sides of the Thames

(Hall 1998).

Margaret Thatcher came into power in 1979 and set in train huge changes – from which

planning was not immune. No more regional studies were begun and the tone of her initial stance

on planning was set by a regional planning policy statement on the South East of England which

was contained within three and a half sides of paper. The government‘s emphasis had switched

in a major way from regulation to the unleashing of private enterprise. As an early sign of this, it

introduced the enterprise zone (EZ) in which firms would be free of normal planning controls

Tognatta | 29


and able to enjoy a ten-year freedom from property taxes. One of these EZs was set up at the Isle

of Dogs in East London. This enterprise is today known as the Canary Warf18

business district.

A second innovation was the setting up of urban development corporations. In 1981, a

2,000 ha area of former docklands came under the control of one such body, the London

Docklands Development Corporation. This was a hugely powerful organization run by a board

appointed by the Secretary of State and directly accountable to parliament. It had full

development control powers and was able to assemble land through compulsory purchase.

In 1986, the government abolished the Greater London Council. Responsibility for

planning passed to 33 unitary planning authorities (the 32 London Boroughs and the Corporation

of the City of London). These bodies were charged with producing Unitary Development Plans

(UDPs), but there were no provision for any overall plan for London (Simmons 1990).

18

Canary Wharf is built on the site of the West India Docks on the Isle of Dogs. From 1802, the area was one of the

busiest docks in the world. By the 1950s, the port industry began to decline, leading to the docks closing by 1980.

Canary Wharf itself takes its name from No. 32 berth of the West Wood Quay of the Import Dock. This was built in

1936 for Fruit Lines Ltd, a subsidiary of Fred Olsen Lines for the Mediterranean and Canary Island fruit trade. At

their request, the quay and warehouse were given the name Canary Wharf. Canary Wharf is a large office and

shopping development in East London, located in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets. Rivaling London's

traditional financial centre, The Square Mile, Canary Wharf contains three of the UK's tallest buildings.

Fig 2.17: (Source: commons.wikimedia.org)

Canary Wharf on the Isles of Dogs

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_India_Docks

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isle_of_Dogs

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fred_Olsen

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mediterranean

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canary_Island

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/East_London,_England

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_Borough_of_Tower_Hamlets

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/City_of_London

http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Canary.wharf.from.thames.arp.jpg

Tognatta | 30


This highly radical step was widely criticized by planning bodies at the time. Would it

not have been better to have reformed the GLC so that it could concentrate on key strategic

functions, was one of the arguments made (TCPA 1985). But what actual difference did the

abolition make? Strategic issues were dealt with through various cooperative arrangements aided

by the London Planning Advisory Committee (LPAC), a joint committee of the London

Boroughs and the Corporation of the City of London. And from above, the Government Office

for London (GOL) produced strategic guidance following consultation with LPAC and other

interests (GOL 1996).

Looking at the complexity of the situation and the formation of various planning

authorities it was difficult to work cohesively in one framework for the future planning of the

city. Thus, in the year 1992, the LPAC decided to adopt the concept urban village 19

for the

central area and later, transect20

planning system to control the suburban sprawl into the city.

But many issues were not being tackled. Infrastructure, in particular, the underground

system, was being allowed to decline and key functions such as waste disposal had been given

little strategic direction. There were huge deficiencies in training to enable the jobless to acquire

the new tertiary services skills increasingly in demand. But above all, an adverse image was

spreading of an increasingly congested and uncared for London. With no overall voice to put its

case, and no overall vision, there was a fear that London would decline relative to continental

cities.

19

An urban village is an urban planning and urban design concept. It refers to an urban form typically characterized

by: Medium density development, Mixed use zoning, The provision of good public transit and emphasis on urban

design - particularly pedestrianization and public space 20

A transect is a planning tool intended to counter suburban sprawl. It offers a different way of visualizing how to

build communities with a strong sense of place.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urban_planning

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urban_design

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mixed_use

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_transit

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pedestrianization

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_space

Tognatta | 31


The Greater London Authority Act 1999 provided for the re-establishment of citywide

governance. However, the Greater London Authority (GLA) that it created is a very different

organization from the former GLC. For one thing, it is a much smaller organization with fewer

functions. For another, it has an elected mayor who is supported by a separately elected

Assembly. The mayor has direct responsibility for strategic planning in London and, in

particular, for producing a spatial development strategy.

With the birth of the Greater London Authority, London was given a two-tier planning

system once more and an ability to develop a wider, strategic vision for its future. Initially, its

planning powers were quite tightly constrained. Thus, planning applications for individual

developments were to continue to be determined by the Boroughs, with the Mayor being

consulted on a limited number of cases ―that may raise issues of strategic importance‖. He was

given the power to direct refusal of such applications, but this power was expected to ―be used

selectively, and as a matter of last resort‖. It would apply, for example, in the case of a major

shopping development whose catchment extended beyond a Borough‘s boundaries.

Looking at the amount of turmoil the government was going through one can easily infer

the intensity of the aspirations of the authorities to transform and plan the city for its own

Fig 2.18: (Source: http://www.nzetc.org)

London underground station

Fig 2.18: (Source: www.virtual-london.com)

London underground Platform

http://www.virtual-london.com/information/transport/travelling-on-the-london-underground.html

Tognatta | 32


citizens. This was the time when the mayor stepped in to revolutionize the way London was

thought of, there were still many problems in the commuter railways combined with the

congestion in the central zone of the city that needed immediate attention. To counter this new

method of sustaining an urban village, schemes were device and congestion charge lanes were

introduced. The primary goal was the smooth functioning of the mixed use developments and

pedestrian friendly streets in the central area. The visionary Ken Livingstone ―Mayor of

London‖, wanted to make the city ―world class‖, bidding for 2012 Olympic Games in the years

following his reign. He started constructing new railways line and even increased the frequencies

at which the London underground operated.

In 2004, the London Plan was revised and Mixed Land use developments were given

higher priority, with the addition of new rising opportunity areas near the suburbs, the land use

segregation was done primarily on the basis of prioritizing one functional character in the mixed

use area of central London, Such as Mixed use area with a strong ―legal‖ character, Mixed use

area with a strong ―academic‖ character etc. Towards the end of 2005, the government consulted

on proposals to grant the GLA additional powers that would enable it ―to provide strong

effective leadership for London‖. That leadership was needed to enable ―this successful world

city to meet future challenges – including the hosting of the 2012 Olympic and Paralympics

Games‖. The final proposals gave the Mayor and the Assembly enhanced roles and

responsibilities over a range of areas, including planning. Thus, in detail, they gave the Mayor

the power to direct changes to Borough programmes for the preparation of local development

plans, a stronger say on whether those plans are in general conformity with his London Plan, and

the discretion to determine planning applications of strategic importance (DCLG 2006). The

package has now been brought into law as part of the Greater London Authority Act 2007.

Tognatta | 33


The primary objectives of this plan was to – To accommodate London‘s growth within its

boundaries without encroaching on open spaces, to make London a better place to live in, a more

prosperous city with strong and diverse economic growth, to promote social inclusion and tackle

deprivation and discrimination, to improve London‘s accessibility, make London a more

attractive, well-designed and green city. Besides steps were taken utilize transit system to realize

the growth of city in structured way, the railways hubs emerged as huge complexes housing

varied public functions, an era of transit oriented development had begun in London.

Further, to tackle the persisting problems, a ―spatial strategy‖21

combined with

congestion charging22

programmes were introduced to relive the CAZ23

.The plan even

introduced three dimensional land use model mapping. This made the decisions on FAR systems

and height restrictions easier but also helped in generating a vision for future planning. This

model has been used in CCZ (central charge zones) to solve the land use arrangements. In spite

planning for 20years as indicated in the spatial strategy the plan has already been altered 5 times,

with major additions in its transport management. Which clearly goes to prove that master plan

21

Regional Spatial Strategies are expected to: Establish a ‗spatial‘ vision and strategy specific to the region - for

example, identifying in general terms areas for development or regeneration for a period of about 20 years ahead and

contribute to the achievement of sustainable development. Establish regionally specific policies, which are expected

to add to rather than replicate national ones, address regional or sub-regional issues that may cross county, unitary

authority or district boundaries and outline housing figures for district and unitary authorities to take forward in

their Local Development Frameworks. Thus, establish priorities for environmental protection and enhancement, and

define the ‗general extent' of areas of belt. Besides this produce a regional Transport Strategy as part of the wider

spatial strategy, outline key priorities for investment, particularly in infrastructure, and identify delivery

mechanisms, in order to support development, identify how the region's waste should be dealt with and be consistent

with and supportive of other regional frameworks and strategies. 22

The London congestion charge is a fee for some motorists travelling within those parts of London designated as

the Congestion Charge Zone (CCZ). The main objectives of this charge are to reduce congestion, and to raise funds

for investment in London's transport system. The zone came into operation in parts of Central London on 17

February 2003 and it was extended into parts of West London on 19 February 2007. 23

The Central Activities Zone (CAZ): This is a term used in the London Plan, which derives in its turn from

definitions used in the local plans of the various boroughs whose areas form part of Central London. It covers only

those areas with a very high concentration of metropolitan activities, generally those where 50 per cent or more of

each street block is in commercial use. This results in a small and extremely irregularly shaped area.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Local_Development_Framework

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_London

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_London

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_Plan

Tognatta | 34


has to be dynamic in nature with scope for improvements and contingencies as the city grows,

because cities are dynamic and exposed to changes and growth.

Currently, the Mayor has a significant role in representing London‘s planning interests in

discussions about broader regional planning matters. Such interests include the Thames Gateway

in its entirety and planning in the broader South East Region. However, his most important role

lies, overwhelmingly, in his responsibility for the SDS. It is on the effectiveness of the London

Plan and its successors that the new planning arrangements should largely be judged. So, how

effective is the Plan? Is it working? Also, what lies ahead?

So far, the signs are promising. First, the Plan has provided a firm, clear vision for London that is

coupled with incisive policies and reasoning. It is a highly readable document, a far cry from

many other plans which, too often, are characterized by formulaic, lowest common denominator

policies. Secondly, it is a ―spatial strategy‖, the first example of a new type of regional plan for

England that goes beyond the traditional confines of land use plans; it includes, for example,

spatial policies on education and health (Thompson 2004).

Thirdly, the London Plan ―goes with the grain‖. It seeks to work with and accommodate what the

Mayor calls ―the phenomenal pressures for growth‖. There are deep-rooted factors that are

driving this change, in particular the continuing expansion of the finance and business services

sector. For planners, it is a question of ensuring that desired development can occur in the right

place, at the right scale and at the right time, and that it is properly co-ordinated with transport

links and other necessary facilities. The Plan gives out the right messages but it cannot itself

guarantee smooth implementation.

Fourthly, there is a widespread acceptance of the Plan. Indeed, at its Examination in

Public there was relatively little dissent, even in respect of its more radical proposals. The expert

Tognatta | 35


Panel largely supported its policies, although they did agree with some objectors that there was

too much of a focus on central London and not enough on some of the outer areas. As stated

earlier, changes were made and the result is a more polycentric strategy.

London Today

Fig 2.18: (Source: www.boston.com)

Panoramic view the city

Fig 2.18: (Source: www.boston.com)

Panoramic view of the heart of the city

Tognatta | 36

Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: Chapter Three: Inferences & Conclusions

INFERENCES:

My feelings or intuition is that Curitiba or London is a success because it held its officials

responsible and not deployed a dead paper weight called Master Plan. Curitiba is as much an

example of what can be achieved by not having a Master plan. Whereas London sets an example

for how can mixed use developments be handled, by orderly paving the way with timely needed

interventions on transit systems and public health.

There are two main issues of looking at the success of Curitiba and London: one is that it

is driven by individual visions—and is dependent on continuing good leadership. And second is

the aspect that there was no Master Plan to either hold them back or to blame (or even if there

was a Master Plan it was being subjected to change and additions in schemes)—and therefore to

shield a bad leadership. At times bad leadership can actually use or misuse the legal limits of a

Master Plan to go against its grain: the illegal colonies of Delhi are example of this…and more

can be thought about.

What is the problem of not having a Master Plan? I don‘t think it is the lack of directive

for development. It doesn‘t take a Master Plan to say –this road system should be built here or

this transit system should be proposed here, these are all vision and need based strategies, which

are subject to temporal changes over the years. And any city continues to do this, for example

Delhi is upgrading its infrastructure for Common Wealth Games, but hasn‘t looked at the Master

Plan to do this. In some areas the construction is going against the ordeals of the master plans .It

hasn‘t asked for the Master Plan to change or accommodate something.

In the absence of a MP, vision can be long term, but the steps can be immediate and

immediately executed. I can create a transit system with the entire infrastructure and as it gets

done, I can formulate strategies for amalgamating this with land-use. This is clearly not

Tognatta | 37


achievable at such a rate, while abiding to a master plan. The problem of absence of MP is

largely a problem of bureaucracy. The LPCA followed a master plan but kept upgrading its

strategies and urban tools; otherwise it would have met the same future as Delhi today. What

happens in the absence of Master Plan in Nehru Place? Nehru Place already has controls. In fact

each ―colony‖ has them. So, it‘s not the question of sustaining a built environment, but a

necessary means by which the development authorities attains power to practice their ‗big stick‘

policy, and reign all over the city.

Now having said that master plan is disposable and must be dismissed for a better and

organized development. What precisely would replace it, were Delhi to follow Curitiba or

London? My criticism of master-planning does not mean that I am advocating a free-for-all.

Even in a market economy, the State is needed to provide basic governance and public goods.

Thus, the city needs a simple set of municipal rules regarding property rights, traffic, street-

hawking, advertising signage and so on. The government should concentrate on enforcing these

rules. Similarly, the authorities should worry about parks, public health, sewage disposal and

other public amenities. The government should not be concerned about whether or not an up-

market restaurant should be allowed in an abandoned mental asylum.

Of course, the government will, from time-to-time, need to make large strategic

interventions in order to cut through intractable gridlocks in the urban eco-system. However,

these should strictly be interventions that will open out new urban vistas and have large

multiplier effects. The Delhi Metro is an example of such a strategic investment that was

necessary to get away from Delhi‘s reliance on roads. The Metro is changing the urban eco-

system of Delhi in unpredictable ways, but that is the idea.

Tognatta | 38


CONCLUSIONS:

My conclusions are short…

First, Delhi has been the exception to a worldwide move towards mixed use

developments. The basic reason for the gap is the prevalence of land use control mechanism as

well as the town planning controls and tools, which are not flexible enough to facilitate the use of

mixed-use developments. As a result of the conflict between economic orientated objectives and

other objectives, various planning committees of Delhi have been slow to acknowledge the

benefit of mixed-use development.

Second, the concept of mixed use development need to be implemented at three different

scales, i.e. district, street and building level and to do so all you require is the up gradation of

your planning system with current tools (GPS and GIS Satellite Mapping Systems, Three

dimensional Mapping, Transit Oriented Development).

Third, mixed use should be interlinked with transit systems within the city, as it is this

relationship that helps cities function appropriately and also advances its growth in a more

structured way. This is indeed required for sustaining mixed use developments.

Fourth, another important deduction that can be drawn is the role of the government

which in the case of Delhi needs to be re-structured i.e. it should be more transparent. More

public participation is required for the formulation and implementation of strategies, as these

strategies are for the denizens. Public-Private partnership investment must also be inculcated to

increase the level of competition between various agencies, thus increasing the quality of service

that they provide.

Last but the not the least I would also like to conclude here that, mixed land use is not a

silver bullet. There are other aspects that one needs to improve, such as the water managements,

Tognatta | 39


electrical systems and city level greens etc. At the same time, mixed land use is key for not only

efficiently developing the cities such as Delhi but also other tier 2/tier 3 towns (Jaipur and

Gurgaon).

I would like to say that just to plan is not enough: strategies, concepts, tools and their

implementation is what make the difference at the end.

Tognatta | 40

Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: Chapter Four: Tools & Strategies

TOOLS AND STRATEGIES:

After having discussed various case studies in the previous sections, some important

urban tools and strategies can be extracted from them, while introducing mixed use

developments in the urban environment of Delhi today.

Electronic GIS Systems

As cities transforms into more complex and populated structures, so should our urban

tools and strategies. Electronic geographic information system (GIS) technology helps planners

to research, develop, implement, and monitor the progress of their plans. It provides planners,

surveyors, and engineers with the tools they need to design and map their neighborhoods and

cities. Planners have the technical expertise, political savvy, and fiscal understanding to

transform a vision of tomorrow into a strategic action plan for today, and they use GIS to

facilitate the decision-making process.

Planners can use GIS to prepare plans, which set the standard for policy decisions

regarding long-range changes to a community‘s physical environment. They can also make use

of GIS to smoothen the progress of citizen participation and community input as they develop a

vision for the community that enhances the quality of life for all citizens. ESRI GIS tools help

planners analyze problems more quickly and thoroughly, formulate solutions, and monitor

progress toward long-term goals for the community. It not only shows the current scenario of

growth and services, but also simulates future expansion of the zones. Thus providing the

planner with various growth patterns that, the land is subjected to in accordance to the specific

data programmed by them. Through this technology one can easily structure the growth of the

city according to their plans. This tool can be of great use in a city such as Delhi, where growth

patterns are highly erratic and violations of regulations highly common. A sense of unified

Tognatta | 41


schemes can developed with the help of these of software‘s that can guide us in improving the

infrastructural facilities, before implementation of the real schemes.

The advent of Geographical System (GIS) has created a large field of opportunity for

development of new approaches to computer processing of geographically referenced data,

which has added a new dimension to the management, analysis and presentation of large

volumes of information required in decision-making process. The use of GIS has enhance the

rationality of the decision making process by improving data accuracy and accessibility and as a

consequence leads to better decision. GIS provides the facilities to deal with the data requirement

for the functions mentioned above. One important GIS capability is in handling both digital

cartographic data and the associated databases of attribute information for map features

(Healey,1988). GIS systems can store the map coordinates of point locations, linear and areal

features. These features have attributes that must be stored in the database. Once all the data are

stored, both the digital map and the database can be manipulated simultaneously. This is

particularly important in many land use planning applications, which require data on a wide

variety of physical and environmental attributes.

As Delhi is a city subjected to immense urban renewal problems with its massive and

segregatated political system, tools such this can help bring together all potential players to work

collaboratively on a common vision for their community. Besides, it can also measure and

compare performances of different planning scenarios according to planner- or citizen-defined

indicators for land use, transportation, natural resources, and employment, to name a few. This

allows planners and citizens to work cohesively and also to efficiently create and test alternative

development scenarios, and also, determine their likely impacts on future land use patterns and

associated population and employment trends, thus allowing public officials to make informed

Tognatta | 42


planning decisions. Besides the usual use of land use plans the this tool also assists incorporating

transport water supply and various other tier level services that helps the planner get a better

understanding of the scenario ahead of time. These systems are a boon for developing countries

such as India where, funds are of highest priority and implementing schemes does not come

cheap.

Three Dimensional Tools:

Additional to the traditional land use maps 3D visualization provides valuable

information for applications in the field of spatial planning, related to ecological and agricultural

policy issues. Maps of future land use do not always reveal the appearance of the physical

environment (the perceived landscape) as a result of land use changes. This means that 3D

visualizations sheds light on other aspects of changed land use, such as expected differences in

height or densities of new volume objects, or the compatibility of these changes with particular

characteristics of the landscape or urban built environment. In the case of mixed use

developments, where agglomerations are highly dense and where, utmost precision in building

regulations and services are required. These visualization tools becomes good aiding tools, that

can help the authorities to formulate new regulations such as FAR‘s, building heights, road

widths, and setbacks based on the computer generated model.

Fig 4.1: (http://www.nzetc.org)

Three-dimensional model for

land use management

Tognatta | 43


Transit Oriented Development:

Considering the Transit system as a tool for guiding the growth of a city

The most obvious deduction one can make is the interdependency of mixed use developments on

the transit systems, thus establishing the term transit oriented development. (TOD) is a walk

able, mixed-use form of area development typically focused within an accessible radius from a

transit station – a Light Rail Transit (LRT) station or Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) stop, prior to the

arrival of LRT. Higher density development is concentrated near the station to make transit

convenient for more people and encourage ridership. This form of development utilizes existing

infrastructure, optimizes use of the transit network and creates mobility options for transit riders

and the local community and also guided the city towards a hierarchical layout for a regularized

development scheme. TOD projects, by definition, improve transit options, in two senses. The

housing components of such projects give residents easy access to trains, streetcars and buses for

commuting to work elsewhere. The commercial components create jobs that people living in

other places can more easily reach by public transportation. Thus, configuring the city towards

sustainable development.

Successful TOD provides a mix of land uses and densities that create a convenient,

interesting and vibrant community for local residents and visitors alike. It is also about enabling

sustainable long-term urban growth. Cities without geological barriers such as Curitiba, typically

consuming large areas of easily available land for low-density development. This pattern of

development is costly to build and maintain, and consumes large tracts of productive land. TOD

can help mitigate these negative impacts by creating mixed-use communities in key strategic

areas around the City, in our established communities.

One of the earliest and most successful examples of TOD is Curitiba, in Brazil. Curitiba

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Curitiba

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil

Tognatta | 44


was organized into transport corridors very early in its history. Over the years, it has integrated

its zoning and transportation to place high density development next to high capacity

transportation. Since the failure of its first, rather grandiose, city plan due to lack of funding,

Curitiba has focused on working with economical forms of infrastructure, so it has arranged

unique adaptations, such as bus routes (inexpensive infrastructure) with routing systems, limited

access and speeds similar to subway systems. The source of innovation in Curitiba has been a

unique form of participatory city planning that emphasizes public education, discussion and

agreement.

Today, TOD has become a necessity in cities that are considering mixed use

developments, due to the fact that transit not only holds the key to establishing such typology,

but indeed is a indispensible tools for the future development of cities both economically and

socially. I would also like to conclude that TOD cannot be achieved just by restructuring the

transit facilities, but various other tier level services that are necessary as well.

Public Private Partnerships:

A tool for sustainable growth and urban economic development of the city

Another lesson learned from the above case studies is that, sometimes, achieving a more

compact, mixed use urban development often requires a shift in infrastructure investment. Thus,

the requirement for a friendlier environment for promoting Public-Private relationships was

observed, by inferring this I do not mean privatization. Rather, a cohesive partnership between

various agencies for a sustainable and economic development of the city. This becomes more

rational an argument in the case of mixed use developments, as it has various levels of services

that require attention to ensure smooth functioning of its infrastructure. But, the limited resources

and funds determine the government agencies as incapable for managing all the services. The

Tognatta | 45


sustainable transport system of Curitiba24

, exemplifies this scenario very effectively. The country

being very weak on financial fronts, had to develop a transport system that could sustain itself.

This was achieved by introducing public-private mergers between various transport agencies and

the government. The result, a transport system that not just generated funds to sustain itself, but

also provided funds for the overall developments in the city. Giving rise to the word ―sustainable

urban development‖.

'Partnerships' by its very meaning implies working together, where each player has an

equally important role. PPP in infrastructure may be seen as a tool in introducing private sector

management, efficiency and expertise; and private sector investments to the extent feasible. Its

efficiency and expertise can be dovetailed in public services through robust and balanced

contractual arrangements. Private sector most importantly brings in competencies that are as

much applicable in public services, such as - customer orientation, application of management

principles, financial discipline and cost competitiveness. Thus improving the quality of services

provided to the denizens of the city. As the local governing bodies also tend to change the

priorities in their planning. This shift often includes prioritizing transport funding for public

transport, walking and cycling, and quality, higher density, mixed use urban centres. Proper

integrated planning is typically best supported by similarly integrated funding packages. A

transit orientated development, for example, is likely to work well if funding is provided to

develop the transport infrastructure, i.e.: public space landscaping, private housing, community

services, and commercial elements of the area. Focusing public investment into a local,

integrated development can increase the value of the land and properties involved. This increase

in land values resulting from public investments can often attract private investors. As well as

increase the economic value of an area, focused public investment can also improve local

24

Refer page no.19 for more details

Tognatta | 46


economic activity and amenity value of a community as a whole. Mechanisms used

internationally to achieve increased land values from public investment include the use of urban

development agencies (UDAs) and planning agreements. Planning agreements can help to ensure

private developers meet required qualitative development standards in areas tagged for more

intense mixed use development.

There are a lot of other reasons to initiate PPP‘s in urban development programmes,

especially in the case of Delhi. Where, funding has always been the primary concern, for

initiating any job. Neither national nor local governments seem have sufficient budgetary

resources to extend services and infrastructure or to subsidize inefficient state enterprises or

agencies. But the introduction of PPP‘s would create synergy between the public and private

sectors. Thus, financing projects that can be implemented via public funding- as there is always

continuity in capital investment, mostly by a private bank in such mergers. Besides this a PPP

collaboration also makes the public party identify the risks explicitly and can potentially avoid

risks by transferring them to the private partner. Furthermore, it also has the potential to improve

services, lower the cost and increase income collection, as well as changing the method of

service provision. Furthermore, it can also be argued that public-private partnership (PPPs) and

other forms of cooperation deliver goods and services more efficiently than the government

agencies, as they are always under the scrutiny of the government. Also involving the private

sector brings stronger managerial capacity, access to new technology, and specialized skills that

governments cannot afford to develop on their own. Most importantly is that forming public-

private partnerships to assume functions that were formerly public sector responsibilities has

potential benefits for both citizens and governments.

Tognatta | 47


The public-private partnerships (PPPs) and other forms of collaboration between the

private sector and local and national governments have been widely used around the world for a

range of objectives. For example, the Curitibans25

in spite of being able in financial crisis, were

able to transform into a world city, by promoting PPP in their transit systems, Similarly, Canary

Wharf26

also exemplifies the similar approach, in which one organization was able to get so

much of capital into city for the funding of public programmes, by providing jobs and generating

taxes for the government. Later on the TFL started congestion-charging scheming to generate

more taxation for the utilization of public roads within the city, thus generating capital for the

maintenance of roads, and the maintenance was handed over to private organization. This

ensured flow of funds from public to private and also vice-versa in terms of services.

India too has now recognized this phenomenon, and agencies like the JNNURM

(Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission )27

.The organization today is functional in

60 cities including Delhi. The organizations promote PPP‘s by encouraging private organizations

to participate in public scale projects, under the supervision of government agencies. The

JNNURM is a good example, which shows how PPP‘s can work towards providing basic

infrastructure and services to the urban poor. But, government agencies across the globe fear this

participation would eventually lead to a loss of their control over the city and thus, to maintain

their prowess they continue to refrain themselves in indulging into this franchise with the private

organizations. This attitude is clearly visible in the UDA‘s of Delhi, as they do not easily

entertain any private organizations that easily. Adding to it , is the immense pressure the pose on

25

Refer page no.19 for more details 26

Refer page no.29 for more details 27

Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission is a massive city modernization scheme launched

by Government of India. It envisages a total investment of over $20 billion over a period of 5–6 years. It is named

after Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of Independent India. The scheme was officially inaugurated by

the Prime minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh on 3 December 2005 as a programme meant to improve the quality of

life in the cities. The organization has currently has 60 cities under the scheme.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government_of_India

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dr._Manmohan_Singh

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2005

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quality_of_life

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quality_of_life

Tognatta | 48


the companies, which include, delayed payments, supply of bad materials on site, bribes for

attesting documents. This behavior in turn refrain many private organizations in getting into a

merger with the developing authorities.

On the whole PPP‘s can be looked upon as a powerful urban tool, for generation and

regulation of city‘s capital. It also provides scope for building a sustainable society. It becomes a

mandatory feature in the case of mixed use developments, as the pressure on facilities and

services increase exponentially. Furthermore, it‘s a one hand solution for the majority of

problems persisting in the cities today.

Tognatta | 49

Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: References

REFERENCES:

CHAPTER 1

- K . T Ravindran, Professor SPA, Lecture in NASA Convention‘98 at Chennai, 24th Dec

“In the foreseeable future, integrated multi functional horizontal and vertical mega

structures will play an increasingly strong role in building design and economics”.

- Master Plan for Delhi 2021, February 2007 edition. Delhi Development Authority, 2007

- Master Plan for Delhi 1962, September 1962 edition .Delhi Development Authority, 1962

- Dewal, snigdha. Master Plan for Delhi: 2021 A critical Analysis. Working paper no.160.

Delhi: Center for civil society, 2008.

- Sanyal, Sanjeev. "Reinventing Delhi: Cutting the Gordian Knot." 3 09 2009. India

Banao,Building our India. <http://indiabanao.org/component/option,com_mojo/Itemid,/p,57/>.

- Susan Gorman / Blair Brown / ITPI Journal 4: 1 (2007) 44 – 50

- Government of India. 2005. Eighth Report of Standing Committee on Urban Development.

Ministry of Urban Development. http://164.100.24.208/ls/CommitteeR/urban/8rep.pdf

- Fedako, J. 2006. Zoning is theft. http://www.mises.org/story/2077

CHAPTER 2:

- Gossop, Chris. "Towards a More Compact City –." Planning of London 13 02 2008: 47-55.

- Mayor of london. "London Government." London government: The London Plan. 28 12 2009

<ttp://www.london.gov.uk/>.

- Taniguchi, Cassio. Transport and Urban Planning in Curitiba. Article. Curitiba: Mayor‘s

Office, 2001.

- Urban Age :A world wide investigations into the future of cities. "London: Europe's Global

City." Urban Age Conference. London, 2005. 1-3.

- Dismantlement Corporation. Dismantling the cities. 30 12 2009 <http://www.dismantle.org/

>.

http://164.100.24.208/ls/CommitteeR/urban/8rep.pdf

http://www.mises.org/story/2077

Tognatta | 50


- Parasram, Vidisha. "Efficient transportation for successful urban planning in Curitiba ." A

Horizon Solutions Site. 25 12 2009 <http://www.solutions-

site.org/artman/publish/article_62.shtml>.

- URBS, Urbanização de Curitiba. < http://www.curitiba.pr.gov.br/>

- IPPUC, Institute for Research and Urban Planning of Curitiba Universidad Livre do Meio

Ambiente. < http://www.solutions-site.org/cgi-bin/>

CHAPTER 4:

- Jawaharlal Nehru Urban Renewal Mission. JNNURM. 1 01 2010

<http://jnnurm.nic.in/nurmudweb/toolkit/broucher.pdf>.

- Ramachandran, M. Convention on urban infrastructure. Report. New delhi: federation of

indian chambers of commerce and industry, 2008.

- Spackman, M. (2002), "Public – private partnerships: lessons from the British approach",

Economic Systems, Vol. 26 pp.283-301.

- Jeneleniewski, M. Public-private partnership: Who is afraid of public private partnerships?

Paper presented at a workshop on Inner city development in transitional economies, Rotterdam,

Netherland, 1997.

- Ahris Yaakup, Susilawati Sulaiman. GIS as Tools for Monitoring the Urban Development in

Metropolitan Region:. Phd Thesis. Skudai, Malayasia: Department of Urban and Regional

Planning, 2008.

- Esri International. "About us: Esri International Gis software that give you geographic

advantage." Esri corporation web site. 2 1 2010 <http://www.esri.com/>.

Mr Matthew Burke, Professor A. L. Brown. "Rating the Transport Sustainability of Transit

Oriented Developments: will developments achieve objectives?" Urban Research Program,

Griffith University. Brisbane, Australia: Griffith University Press, 2006. 1-13.

MISCELLANEOUS:

- Hunter, Gayle (May 2008) Mixed use developments, Mondaque Business Briefing

http://www.curitiba.pr.gov.br/

http://www.solutions-site.org/cgi-bin/

Tognatta | 51


“Mixed use developments reflect a response to urban sprawl, as well as a response to

how to maximize economic returns on the high cost of land, particularly in city centers.”

- Irazábal, Clara. "City making and urban governance in the Americas: Curitiba and Portland."

Irazábal, Clara. Urban Planning In Cities. Hants, England: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2005.

88-110.

- Zeidler, Ebenezer H (1983) Multi-use Architecture in the Urban context, USA, Van Nostrand

Reinhold Company

"Examines the multi-use building as an urban structure of the past and of the future. An

essential work for all architects and planners to whom building means building in an

urban context."

- Volkmar, Pamer (March 2008) Climate Proof MILU (Multifunctional and Intensive Land

Use), International Federation of Housing and Planning

“Multifunctionality and intensively used space is seen as a crucial approach to mitigate

climate change and adapt to the outcomes of this change”.

- Hall, A.C. (1997) Dealing with Incremental Change: An Application of Urban morphology to

Urban Design Control, Journal of Urban Design

- Rowley, Alan (1994) Definition of Urban Design: the nature and concerns of urban

design, Planning Practice and Research, v 9; 3-94,179-198, Carfax Publishing Company.

- Ansari J.H, Mixed Land use- Concepts and Approaches

“Mixed land use patterns have both inherent advantages and disadvantages.”How to

achieve an optimum trade-off between the two, e.g. How much of privacy can be

sacrificed to gain convenience of easy accessibility to shops or to the residential areas is

a wider issue that needs to be sorted out before a viable mixed land use pattern can be

suggested”.

- Das, Surobhi (2000) Mixed land use developments and its effect on ruality, Unpublished

dissertation, Department of Architecture, SPA

- Sawhney, Nomita –Globalization; the third wave and its manifestation in Architecture and

City, Unpublished dissertation, Sushant School of Art and Architecture

Tognatta | 52

Death Of The Master Plan Inevitable: Appendix

APPENDIX A:

A 1.1

In terms of availability of urbanisable land in NCT-Delhi 2021, there are clearly severe

limitations with respect to urbanisable land in Delhi. In the words of the Base Paper for

Preparation of Regional Plan 2021, there is specifically a ―significant shortage of land to

accommodate the 2021 projected population within NCT-Delhi‖. In order to accommodate this

projected population – estimated at 230 lakhs by the draft MPD 2021 – in NCTD, a review of

available land for urbanization must be made. Table 1 details land availability figures drawn up

by the Draft NCR Plan 2021.

Table 1: Land Availability in Delhi

S.NO Land Use Area(Ha) Percentage to

Area

1 Total Geographical Area- NCT Delhi 1,48,3000 100

2 Built-up Area 70,162 47.31

3 Natural Features 19,509.10 13.16

Forest 303.56

Wildlife sanctuaries 28.54

Ridge 7777

Northern 87

Tognatta | 53


Central 864

South-Central(Mehrauli) 626

Southern 6200

River Yamuna 9700

Other water bodies/drains 170

4 Sub-Total(Built-Up + Natural Features) 89,671.10 60.47

5 Balances land available in NCT- Delhi(1-4) 586828.90 39.53

6 Land to be Kept reserved for:

(i) Disposal of Solid Waste generated up

To 2501(sanitary landfill, processing

& statutory green belts)

10000 6.74

(ii) Metro Services/Utilities e.g. power

Plant, grid station water and sewerage

Treatment plant, etc.

10000 6.74

(iii) Agriculture zone in NCT Delhi including

Dairy farming, horticulture, greenbelts etc.

11000 7.42

7 Sub Total-6 31600 20.90

8 Proposed/Actual Land available for urbanization(5-7) 27628.90 18.63

9 Total Urbanisable area 2021(including built up area 1999)

(2+8)

97790.90 65.94

10 Population, which an be accommodated in 97,790.90 ha@

225 PPH = 220 lakhs

Source: MPD 2021

Tognatta | 54


These are the plan estimates but other estimates appear to be less optimistic. In their paper on

―Land Policy for Development considering the Techniques of Land Pooling‖, the Association for

Urban Management and Development Authorities claims the figures as described in Table 2.

Table 2: Availability and Distribution of Land

S.NO LAND USE AREA(Ha)

1 Total area 148300

2 Built up 70200

3 Ridge/riverbed, canals, forestland: 28800

4 Double cropped agricultural land 6400

5 Total land NOT available for development(2+3+4) 105400

6 Remainder/urbanisable land(1-5) 42900

7 Single cropped agricultural land 3800

8 Farmhouses 4900

Source: Land Policy for Development, The Association for Urban

Management and Development Authorities

This set of figures, suggesting a possible 42,900 Ha for urbanisation before reserving land for

specific purposes, also gives a rough break-up of the current deployment of the ‗urbanisable‘

land. The Khanna Committee Report (2006) also observes that there is substantial divergence

Tognatta | 55


between the base-line land uses assumed by the DDA while formulating its 2001-21 Draft update

of the Plan and the actual position obtaining on the ground. For example, many areas shown as

falling in the agricultural zone and available for further urbanization, have actually been under JJ

Clusters for the last 2 decades, or more. Not just in this instance there are other cases where one

is faced with contradictory data. In the distribution of land into different administrative zones

and the area under each zone, the DDA in fact contradicts itself as different sets of data are

provided in the draft document and on its website.

Another shortcoming can also be seen in the slum rehabilitation policy

Slum Rehabilitation Policy

The 8th Report of the Standing Committee on Urban Development noted that DDA had taken

over possession of 67354.88 acres of land acquired through the Land Acquisition Collector of

Delhi, till March 2003. Till March 2005, DDA had acquired land totaling upto 69,890 acres.

While the Committee noted that acquisition of land for planned development is an ongoing

process, they were concerned to note that about 1475.85 acres of DDA lands are under

encroachment by JJ clusters. There is no clear policy on slum resettlement given in the plan

despite the figures revealing that it is a chronic and growing problem. According to the Tejinder

Khanna Committee Report, a presentation by HUDCO has brought out the stark fact that since

DDA started its activities, it has been able to provide only 16% of the targeted built-up area

designated for commercial purposes. Figure 3 mentions the type of resettlement and the

estimated population in these resettlements.(Table on page. 56)

Tognatta | 56


Source: Government of NCT Delhi. 2004. Economic Survey of Delhi, 2003-04.

Department of Planning

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DEATH OF MASTER PLAN INEVITABLE: A case of mixed land-use in delhi

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