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GENERAL EMILIO AGUINALDO
A documentary drama in 2 Acts
by Edmundo Farolan
Copyright 2009
ACT ONE
There are 2 stage levels: the lower stage is thrust towards the audience who sit on 3
sides. The lower stage is raked towards the upstage area which becomes steps that
will be used for the court scene where the judges will sit, or where rallies take place,
etc; the upper stage, like the Shakesperean stage,has a balcony at stage right. This
can can be used for scenes that require balcony scenes, such as Aguinaldo's
declaration of Independence. T
Scene 1
Gregorian music in the background during blackout. As lights fade in, music fades
out. Narrator at centerstage:
NARRATOR: General Emilio Aguinaldo. President of the First Republic of the
Philippines. Blacklisted by Philippine Hisotry after he had Andres
Bonifacio shot to death because Bonifacio refused to accept his
leadership. (Emphatic) General Emilio Aguinaldo. Condemned by
historians, critics and writers as an assassin for condemning the
Katipunan Supremo Andres Bonifacio to a firing squad. (To audience)
You be the jury, ladies and gentlemen.
Scene 2
A court room. Judges forming a tribunal of 5 men at upper center stage. Alfredo
Saulo, historian and Aguinaldo biographer is Aguinaldo's defense attorney. He is
beside Aguinaldo who is in a witness stand, stage left.
JUDGE 1: General Aguinaldo, how do you plead to the charges brought against
you by Philippine hisotirans, critics and writers that you murdered the
Katipunan Supremo, Andres Bonifacio?
AGUINALDO: Not guilty, your honor.
JUDGE 2: You may proceed, Counsellor.
SAULO: Thank you, your honor. General Aguinaldo, would you recount to us
the events that led to Andres Bonifacio's death?
AGUINALDO: Yes, Professor.
As he narrates, the main area of the stage lights up and actors enact the events as
they are narrated by Aguinaldo. Other multi-media effects through film can also be
projected unto the cyclorama.
AGUINALDO: Let me begin with the Tejeros Convention. It was March 22,
1897. The convention took place in the barrio of Tejeros, Cavite.
Its purpose: to establish a revolutionary government for the
purpose of carrying on the revolution against Spain. The
Convention was initiated by the Magdiwang Council headed by
Andres Bonifacio. Earlier, On December 31, 1896, the day after
Jose Rizal's execution, the Imus Assembly was called by the
Magdalo Council. Since there were two factions fighting against
a common enemy, the Tejeros convention was held in response to
public clamor for the union of the two revolutionary councils.
Sometime after the Cry of Cavite on August 31, 1896, and the
beginning of its rule over some 14 liberated towns of Cavite
province, the Magdiwang council or government through
Artemio Ricarte invited Bonifacio, then hiding in the hills of San
Mateo and Montalban, to come to Cavite to see the difficult yet
satisfactory conditions in which the Cavite Katipuneros found
themselves. Bonifacio replied by congratulating the Magdiwang
leaders on their glorious success, but politely declined the
invitation to go to Cavite because in his opinion, it was not
advisable that all the leading Katipunan chiefs whould be in the
same district or province.
SAULO: Doubtless, Bonifacio remembered the saying: "Don't put all your
eggs in one basket."
AGUINALDO: Exactly. Bonifacio rightly foresaw the grave danger to the
revolution if the top revolutionary leaders were concentrated in
one small place and captured by the enemy. But upon the
insistence of the Magdiwang leaders, Bonifacio finally accepted
the third invitation sent by Ricarte. He arrived in Cavite on
December 1, 1896 with his party including his wife Gregoria de
Jesus, his two brothers, Procopio and Ciriaco, General Lucino,
and 20 soldiers.
I recall I was leading insurgent forces against the Spanish troops
and we were fighting a wide front from Zapote, Arumahan and
Las Pinas upto Pintong Bato in Bacoor. I learned at this time of
Bonifacio's arrival in Cavite. Without losing time, I sent
Generals Noriel and Pio del Pilar to welcome the Katipunan
Supremo. I joined them later.
The Supremo and I were very happy to see each other again,
although we had been separated for only a short time. I took
the visitors to Imus, the Magdalo Capital, where they were
welcomed by the people led by the Magdalo Council, including
Baldomero Aguinaldo, Edilberto Evangelista, Vito Belarmino,
Crispulo Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, Felix Cuenca, Licerio
Topacio, Cayetano Topacio, Jose Tagle, Sixto Espinosa and
others. (Actors at lower stage shaking hands, welcoming,
interacting, etc.)
The Bonifacio party stayed at the Castañeda residence for the
night. Here, Bonifacio recounted his trials and tribulations after
the Cry of Pugad Lawin, admitting to the virtual break-up of the
Katipunan, whereby some units were openly defying his attack
orders against enemy positions in Balintawak, Masambong,
Baesa, Sta. Mesa, San Juan and other places. (Actor playing
Bonifacio miming all this, while the other actors mime
sympathy by nodding their heads, etc.) He added apolegetically
that he could not keep his agreement to stop the enemy in the
eastern part of Manila, and told us that it was good we were
successful in Cavite. Otherwise, more Filipinos would have
been killed by the cruel friars.
The next morning, the entire Magdiwang Council from San
Frncisco de Malabon arrived in Imus to pay their respects to the
Supremo. They were: (as he narrates the names, the actors
playing the roles individually shake the Supremo's hand in what
might be some sort of protocol lineup) Mariano Alvarez,
President; Ariston Villanueva, Minister of War; Mariano Trias
y Closas, Minister of Justice; Emiliano Riego de Dios, Minister
of Natural Resources; Diego Mojica, Minister of Finance;
Pascual Alvarez, Minister of the Interior; Jacinto Lumbreras,
Minister of the Exterior; Santiago Alvarez, Captain General;
and Artemio Ricarte, Lieutenant General.
The enemy had learned of the Supremo's arrival. It started
bombarding rebel positions (canon and gunfire in the
background), and fighting flared up anew in Zapote (war cries
and slides depicting battle in Zapote). I had to leave
immediately for the front line. Bonifacio and his party left with
the Magdiwang officials for their headquarters.
All along the nine kilometer route from Noveleta to San
Francisco de Malabon, the Magdiwang capital, the houses were
gaily decorated with flags and bamboo arches had been put up
at strategic points. (Actors start decorating lower stage and
enacting the scene as it is being narrated.) A brass band met the
party one kilometer outside the poblacion, and from there, a
caravan of calesas wound up its way to the parish church where
they were met by the priest under a canopy. All the church's
chandeliers were lighted (bright lights come up) and the bells
pealed a clangorous welcome (sound of church bells). With the
choir chanting TE DEUM (choir in background singing TE
DEUM) Bonifacio walked under the canopy accompanied by
Father Manuel Trias, the parish priest. The huge crowd
gathered at the town plaza and greeted Bonifacio with
MABUHAY ANG HARI NG PILIPINAS! (crowd of actors
shouting "Mabuhay!" "Mabuhay si Bonifacio!", "Mabuhay ang
hari!", "Hari, Hari ng Pilipinas!")
With the arrival of their highest official, Bonifacio, the
Magdiwang Council was finally completed. The officials wore
very impressive costumes during their meetings. From the
"king" to the "captain General", they wore big red ribbons
decorated with gold tassles across their shoulders. (actors enact
this) Sometimes they wore these badges of distinction when
they made their rounds so that people would recognize their
positions in the government. Everywhere they went they were
given the customary welcome of bambooarches, music bands,
pealing of church bells and canopied entry in churches amidst
the singing of TE DEUM. Shots of "Mabuhay ang mga
Tagalog!" (Repeat enactment of above, this time without
Bonifacio).
The Magdiwang officials never had it so good because the 14
towns under their control were peaceful, since they were
located far from the battlefronts. On the other hand, the
Magdalo forces had almost daily encounters with the enemy at
Zapote, Almanza, San Nicolas, Arumahan, Pintong Bato, and
Molino in Bacoor, the first Cavite town under attack by enemy
troops coming from Manila (slides and war noises depicting
these encounters).
It's sad to say that on several occasions the enemy succeeded in
penetrating positions on the south bank of the Zapote river
because our soldiers, fatigued from incessant fighting, did not
notice the enemy coming. The enemy would have easily
wedged, expanded and deepened their attacks had it not been
for the timely arrival of the “bolo men” under Generals Mariano
Noriel and Pio del Pilar who pounded relentlessly on the
enemy, driving it back to its original position. Not infrequently,
the waters of Zapote River turned red with human blood as a
result of the daily carnage. (Slides)
SAULO: Let's go back to the Tejeros Convention. Would you describe
to us what happened?
AGUINALDO: I was not present at the Convention at the time because I was
directing insurgent forces defending Pasong Santol, a few
kilometers east of Dasmariñas. Dasmariñas had already fallen
in enemy hands.
From what I gathered, though, the timing of the Tejeros
Convention was bad because not many Magdalo officials
attended due to intensified enemy pressures on their territory.
Furthermore, the notice for the Convention was only given by
the Magdiwang president midnight of March 21st, advising the
Magdalo president of the convention at the Tejeros estate house
the next day, March 22nd.
It was a lopsided convention since 90 percent of the delegates
present were Magdiwang followers. However, the estate house
buzzed with life as more rebels, some of them uninvited, came.
Nine officers were to be elected by popular vote: the President,
Vice-President, Captain General, Director of War, Director of
the Interior, Director of State, Director of Finance, Director of
Fomento, and Director of Justice.
The Convention started after two in the afternoon under the
chairmanship of Jacinto Lumbreras, Magdiwang Minister of the
Interior. Teodoro Gonzales of the Magdiwang camp acted as
secretary.
SCENE 3
Fade out upperstage court scene; fade in lower stage: Tejeron Estate House.
People in auditorium buzzing in and out. Actors mingle with audience as lights in
auditorium come up. There is a presidential table centerstage. Seated at center is
Lumbreras, Gonzales at his side, Bonifacio, and other Magdiwang officials.
Questions raised from the floor should come from actors planted with the audience.
Spotlight focuses on actor who "takes the floor" from the auditorium.
SEVERINO DE LAS ALAS (FROM SOMEWHERE IN THE AUDITORIUM,
standing): Mr. Chairman, I would like first
of all to ask the delegates of this convention to first determine
what kind of government should be set up to administer the
country. Will it be monarchical? Republican? Etcetera.
(laughter, comments, buzzing from audience)
BONIFACIO: (from his chair at the presidential table) I'll answer that. The
letter "K" in the Katipunan flag speaks for itself. It stands for
liberty.
DE LAS ALAS: It still does not identify the kind of government to be
established.
ANTONIO MONTENEGRO (from somewhere in the auditorium): I agree. If we
do not act upon the suggestion of Mr. de las Alas now, we, the
rebels will be likened unto a mere pack of highway robbers, or
worse, like animals.
SANTIAGO ALVAREZ (FROM THE PRESIDENTIAL TABLE, angry, looking
at Montenegro): We, the rebels of Cavite, recognize the
Katipunan government. (Sarcastic, with anger in his tone) If
you want to set up another form of government, you can go
back to your own province and wrest authority from the
Spanaiards, as we have done here. We of Cavite do not need
any adviser of your standing.
Noise, confusion, everyone talking at the same time. Tension.
LUMBRERAS (POUNDING ON THE TABLE with his gave,trying to go above
the noise and confusion): Order Order, please!! (Noise begins
to subdue.) Let us recess for 10 minutes. You are requested to
return to your seats promptly after 10 minutes. (Pounds on his
gavel).
At this juncture, actors in the audience lead spectators outside; some may remain
and continue the debate. When 10 minutes are up, audience returns to their seats
led by actors, ushers, etc. Lumbreras, Bonifacio and others take their seats at the
presidential table.
LUMBRERAS: (pounding on the table with his gavel) Ladies and gentlemen,
the meeting will now come to order. At this juncture, I would
like to yield the chairmanship of this convention to Mr Andres
Bonifacio.
Reaction from audience.
SPECTATOR 1: Very good!
SPECTATOR 2: This is unfair. He is running for president. He can't be the
Chairman.
SPECTATOR 3: Why not? He is the President of the Supreme Council of the
Katipunan. Why can't he be the presiding officer of this
convention?
OTHER SPECTATORS: Yes, yes that's true. Let's proclaim him
chairman. (Applause.)
BONIFACIO: Thank you for your support, my friends. (very confident)
Before we begin with the elections, let us be aware of one very
important principle. Let us all abide and respect the will of the
majority.
Applause. A murmur of "ayes", and "majority wins".etc.
May I ask Mr. Ricarte to be the secretary and to put on record
the following: Let us all respect and abide by the will of the
majority.
Applause, comments from spectators: "That's fair", "Agreed".
Let us now have nominations for President.
SPECTATOR 4: I would like to nominate Mr. Andres Bonifacio for president!
(Applause and seconds )
BONIFACIO: Thank you, my friend.
SPECTATOR 5: I would like to nominate Mariano Trias y Closas for president.
(Slow reaction from audience).
SPECTATOR 8: I second.
SPECTATOR 6: (timidly) I nominate General Emilio Aguinaldo for president.
Rumours of dissent from some delegates. Jealous reaction from Bonifacio.
SPECTATOR 7: (objecting) That can't be. I object! He's not present and cannot
be nominated!
SPECTATOR 9: Why not? He is not here because he is fighting the Spaniards at
Pasong Santol. Why should he not be nominated? (Ayes and
other positive reactions).
SPECTATOR 7: (disgruntled) Oh, all right. I withdraw my objection.
Applause and mixed reaction: boos, and ayes.
SPECTATOR 9: I move that the nominations be closed. Seconds from
delegates.)
BONIFACIO: Now that the nominations are closed, may I ask Mr. Ricarte and
his assistants to distribute the ballot forms for you to write
down your choice. In a few minutes, the ballots will be
collected. (Ricarte and assistants distribute the ballot forms. A
few minutes while this takes place and spectators write out their
choice.
BONIFACIO: (after looking over auditorium and seeing everyone has
finished) Mr. Ricarte, will you now please collect the ballots.
Ricarte and assistants collect ballots through ballot boxes . An actor installs a
blackboard for the tally.
BONIFACIO: Mr. Ricarte, will you now read the results?
RICARTE:
Aguinaldo...Aguinaldo...Aguinaldo.....Trias...Aguinaldo...Bonif
acio...Aguinaldo...(At the end of the enumeration, Aguinaldo
comes out triumphant with the majority of votes).
BONIFACIO: (HURT AND FEIGNING SPORTSMANSHIP) Aguinaldo is
proclaimed President.
Loud applause from audience.
BONIFACIO: Let us go on and elect the Vice-President.
DE LAS ALAS: I suggest that the Supremo be automatically declared Vice
President since he received the second highest number of votes.
Lukewarm reception from the body of delegates.
BONIFACIO: (Trying his best to hide his disappointment) Thank you for
your suggestion, Mr. de las Alas, but I think we should continue
with the nominations.
Elections continue in pantomime as NARRATOR speaks. Spotlight on
NARRATOR.
NARRATOR: It was entirely a Magdiwang affair after that. Mariano
Trias y Closas won handily over Bonifacio, de las Alas, and
Mariano Alvarez, all of the Magdiwang Camp. Bonifacio's
disappoiintment must have deepened. For the position of
Captain General, Artemio Ricarte, probably Bonifacio's most
loyal follower, defeated Santiago Alvarez, who was already
occupying that position in the Magdiwang Council. To the
surprise of everybody, Ricarte stood up and declined his
election. But it was disapproved by the convention.
It was getting late in the afternoon and in order to complete the
election, the secret balloting was abandoned in favor of an open
election. Emiliano Riego de Dios of Maragondon was elected
Director of War over Ariston Villanueva, Daniel Tirona and
Santiago Alvarez. Andres Bonifacio, after two unsuccessful
tries, was finally elected Director of the Interior over Mariano
Alvarez and Pascual Alvarez. But then, Daniel Tirona
protested.
TIRONA: (in the audience, amidst voices of protest and complaints,
spotlight on him) I hear voices and complaints saying that
Bonifacio should not be given the post of Director of the
Interior because such a job requires an educated man. I think
Atty Jose del Rosario of Sta. Cruz de Malabon will fit the
portfolio much better.
Applause, boos, remarks.
I do not mean to belittle the Supremo or insult him. I beg the
Supremo's forgiveness. It's just that I'm merely voicing the
suggestion of the people around me.
BONIFACIO: (firmly and adversely) If educated men were required for all
the positions, point to me who among those elected could be
considered truly educated.
TIRONA: (challenging) Let us elect Atty. Jose del Rosario as Director of
the Interior!
Boos from the audience, and remarks like "You"re out of order!", "Bonifacio has
already been elected!", etc. Tirona insists three more times shouting: "Del Rosario
for Director of the Interior!" There is now chaos, and Bonifacio, unable to control
his emotions says:
BONIFACIO: (ANGRY) This convention is not a convention of gentlemen!
As presiding officer, I declare all elections null and void!
He walks out followed by his close associates. After he exits, the Batangas
delegates protest.
BATANGUEÑO: (from the auditorium, addressing the audience) Everybody
knows our loyalty to the founder of the Katipunan and the
Magdiwang. But if against all reason the result of an election
so thoroughly agreed upon among all is invalidated, we, the
Batangueños, will impose it by force, and we will do it alone if
the sons of Cavite will not respect it.
Applause from audience. Spotlight now on the NARRATOR.
SCENE 4
NARRATOR: It was Col. Vicente Riego de Dios of the Magdiwang
Council who came at the head of a group to notify Aguinaldo of
his election as Presidente. He advised him to take his oath so
that the new revolutionary government could function
immediately. Aguinaldo begged to be excused saying that the
situation at the front was very critical. Then a second team
arrived to summon him. This time it was headed by his older
brother Crispulo. Again, Aguinaldo tried to excuse himself
pointing out that the failure to halt the Spanish advance at
Pasong Santol would mean the fall of Imus and, subsequently,
the fall of Cavite province. He assured his younger brother and
said:
CRISPULO: (in the midst of battle, soldiers fighting around them, to
Aguinaldo) Let me say here and now that the Spaniards can
take this place only by passing over my dead body! (Aguinaldo
embraces his older brother who takes over command of the
troops as Aguinaldo and his aides exit).
NARRATOR: Emilio Aguinaldo, accompanied by his staff, proceeded
to the parish convent of Sta. Cruz de Malabon. (This scene is
enacted in mime on another part of the stage while it is
narrated). There, inside the parish convent, before a huge
crucifix hanging on the wall, President-elect Aguinaldo and
Vice-President-elect Mariano Trias Closas knelt on two
cushions and with their right hands raised, took their oaths
before the parish priest, Fr. Cenon Villafranca.(Fade out.
Spotlight now on NARRATOR.) To General Emilio Aguinaldo,
the newly inducted President of the first Filipino revolutionary
government, it was the costliest oath-taking ever. The strategic
Pasong Santol, gateway to the capital of Imus, was finally taken
by the enemy. True to his word, over the dead body of his older
brother, Lt. General Crispulo Aguinaldo.
Red spotlight fades in slowly on Crispulo's dead body in the battlefield of Pasong
Santol. Fade out, as lights fade in at upperstage. We are back at Aguinaldo's trial
scene. He is at the witness stand. Saulo continues the cross-examination.
SAULO: And then what happened?
AGUINALDO: (as he narrates, he enacts the scene with the other characters)
After the oath-taking that same evening, I called my
companions--Generals Mariano Trias and Riego de Dios--and
also General Ricarte to a meeting. I told them of the need for
the lieutenant of every town not engaged in battle to come to
Sta. Cruz de Malabon and help General Crispulo Aguinaldo in
Pasong Santol. I had barely made the suggestion when General
Ricarte stood up and said he was feeling dizzy. So, he went out
without even bidding the three of us goodbye. I was amazed at
such a behaviour by a general of our army! However, I did not
mind it at all. The other two generals gave me all the support I
needed and followed my suggestion. That night, dispatches
were sent to all the troops of the Magdiwang.
At ten o'clock the next morning, March 24, I was very happy to
see the arrival of a battalion from Naik under the command of
Major Andres Villanueva, son of former Minister of War,
Ariston Villanueva in the Bonifacio cabinet, in response to our
request. So, I sent Villanueva and his men immediately to
General Crispulo Aguinaldo in Pasong Santol. One by one,
more companies and battalions arrived in Sta. Cruz de Malabon
from the Magdiwang towns of Ternate, Maragondon,
Magallanes, and other municipalities. I immediately dispatched
all of them to Pasong Santol.
But what a bitter disappointment and sorrow I had when I
learned that our troops bound for Pasong Santol had all been
intercepted by General Ricarte, upon orders of the Supremo.
They were gathered inside the big yard of Mrs. Estefania
Potente in the poblacion of San Francisco de Malabon where
they were told by the Supremo not to succor the Pasong Santol
defenders but simply wait for the enemy in Magdiwang
territory. In addition, the troops were given an express order to
intercept and kidnap me on my way to Imus after my oath-
taking in Sta. Cruz de Malabon.
When I learned about this evil plot, I just heaved a sigh and said
to myself "Our revolution is bound to fail because of the
selfishness and vindictiveness of one man: Bonifacio".
Angrily reacting to the news of the dastardly plot against me,
General Trias suggested that I order the arrest of the traitors.
SAULO: Go on, General.
AGUINALDO: On the night of March 25th, like a thunderbolt, the horrible
news came that Pasong Santol had been taken by the enemy,
and my dear brother Crispulo had been killed after a bitter and
bloody fight. True to his pledge, General Crispulo Aguinaldo
fought as he had never fought before, but the enemy, vastly
superior in both men and arms, finally captured the strategic
pass--over his dead body. (Pause. Aguinaldo controls his
emotions. A painful look registers in his face.) If the strong
reinforcements that I had dispatched to Pasong Santol had not
been intercepted, perhaps not only the Spanish General Anonio
Zaballa would have been killed and buried in that battleground
but a far greater disaster could have aggravated the sudden
illness of Governor and Captain General Polavieja. (Pause.
Takes a drink of water.)
I set out for my return trip to Imus. I would pass through San
Francisco de Malabon, the Magdiwang capital. Worried about
my safety, General Trias decided to accompany me. As we
were about to board a carretela, the troop reinforcements under
Major Gregorio Jocson arrived. They had just seen action at
Pasong Santol. It was from Jocson that I got first-hand
information about the death of my brother Crispulo. After a late
breakfast Jocson and his troops accompanied me to Imus.
After taking Pasong Santol, the Spanish juggernaut swept past
minor rebel positions, then raced to the northwest in an effort to
take the Magdalo capital of Imus by storm. All that my troops
could offer was delaying action. I did not have enough forces
to stop the enemy offensive. Shortly before the capture of Imus
on March 25, I had a malaria attack. I was forced to leave to
my cousin, Baldomero Aguinaldo and othr Magdalo generals
the defense of the Imus poblacion. I and members of my family
left on a carretela bound for Naik, some 35 kilometers to the
southwest, where I set up my headquarters.
It was a good thing the enemy was busy shouting Viva España
as it climbed over our trenches surrounding Imus, for then we
were able to retreat immediately and avoid being captured. Had
the enemy pursued us, we could have been overtaken, and
surely I would have been placed inside an iron cage, specially
built for me, for public display at the Luneta.
After the fall of Imus, the Spanish troops under General
Lachambre spearheaded on to Bacoor, then to Kawit, Noveleta,
and Rosario. It is interesting to note that it was the Magdalo
troops fighting all the way as they retreated. They put up a
strong defense of the Magdiwang towns of Noveleta, Rosario
and finally San Francisco de Malabon, the Magdiwang capital,
which Bonifacio and Ricarte had abandoned as soon as the
Spaniards entered Imus, some 20 kilometers to the northeast.
When the enemy finally entered San Francisco de Malabon on
April 7, Bonifacio and Ricarte had long transferred their
headquarters to Naik. I asked myself: "When will the Supremo
finally come face to face with the enemy?"
Bonifacio, Ricarte and their followers were the first to arrive in
Naik. They occupied the Recollect estate house, a veritable
fortress, for their headquarters. When I arrived in Naik, shortly
before Holy Week, still weak from my bout with malaria, I
stayed in the residence of Major Jocson. On the night of April
19, as I lay ill in the Jocson residence, Bonifacio gathered his
Magdiwang followers in the Recollect estate house near the
Naik church and prepared a four-paragraph military agreement
establishing a separate army under the command of General Pio
del Pilar. Another associate of mine, General Mariano Noriel,
had been deceived into joining this new army. The trick that
persuaded these two generals of mine to cast their lot with the
Katipunan Supremo was an anonymous letter.
Fade out.
SCENE 5
Fade in on Saulo. Aguinaldo is back at the witness stand.
SAULO: How did you find out about the Bonifacio-Ricarte plot against
you?
AGUINALDO: I felt uneasy at the Jocson residence. I could not understand
why no preparations were being made for the defense of Naik in
the face of the approaching enemy offensive. The Magdiwang
capital of San Francisco de Malabon had fallen, and the capture
of the next town, Sta. Cruz de Malabon, was a foregone
conclusion because the craven mayor, Francisco Valencia, had
already instructed his people to hang out white flags on the
windows of their houses. Between the last and Naik was a
stretch of savanna without any natural obstacle that could delay
the enemy advance.
I sent a 60-man reconnaisance patrol under Major Lazaro
Makapagal on the afternoon of April 19. It was already dark
when Makapagal came back alone and panting. He recounted
to me that he and his men had been invited to drop in and take
some food at the Bonifacio headquarters and, once inside the
big estate house, they were locked up in a room on the ground
floor. Makapagal managed to escape and report the incident to
me.
I was furious. I sent Generals Baldomero Aguinaldo and
Tomas Mascardo to the estate house to investigate. They were
not allowed entry by the guard as Bonifacio and his followers
were then in a secret conference on the second floor. Through
my host, Major Jocson, I sent word to Col. Blas Bustamante to
get his men ready to surround the estate house. I took my gun
and dagger and went straight to the Bonifacio headquarters. I
was surprised to see Baldomero Aguinaldo and Mascardo still
waiting at the entrance.
SCENE 6
Fade into scene of Bonifacio's headquarters. We see 2 guards blocking Baldomero
Aguinaldo and Mascardo. Enter General Aguinaldo.
AGUINALDO: (TO THE TWO) What are you two still doing here?
MASCARDO: They wouldn't let us in, sir.
AGUINALDO: (to guards) Do you know me?
GUARDS: Yessir!
AGUINALDO: Am I your enemy?
GUARDS: No, sir!
AGUINALDO: Why then didn't you let my generals in?
GUARDS: We had strict orders from the Supremo, sir, not to let anyone in.
AGUINALDO: We're not the enemy. Let us in!
GUARDS: (letting them in) Yessir!
Aguinaldo and his generals pass through the gate. Before he goes upstairs to the
meeting room, he admonishes his generals.
AGUINALDO: Wait for me here. I'm going up alone. I'll fire my weapon if I
need help.
MASCARDO: Understood, sir.
Aguinaldo climbs up to upperstage where the Bonifacio's secret meeting is taking
place. Before he enters, he stops at the doorway and listens.
Bonifacio reads the anonymous letter to his followers: Artemio Ricarte, Santiago
Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, and many others including Generals Pio del Pilar and
Noriel.)
BONIFACIO: I have just received this anonymous letter about Aguinaldo's
surrender to the Spaniards. Let me read it to you: "General
Aguinaldo has surrendered all the arms of the revolutionists in
Cavite to the Spanish government as requested in the letters of
Jesuit Father Pio Pi and Fiscal General Comenge to Aguinaldo.
The surrender was finalized in a letter which was sent to
General Lachambre through Domingo Martinez, a Spanish
prisoner, who was being kept in the house of General Tomas
Mascardo." This is the reason why until now General
Aguinaldo has been malingering. Isn't it our good fortune that
this letter reached me on time? I trust that our new captain
general, Pio del Pilar (pointing to him) will endeavour to form
just one strong army for our government.
Simultaneously, Procopio Bonifacio comes up the stairs, greets Aguinaldo, and
announces his presence as he enters the meeting room.
PROCOPIO: Gentlemen, General Aguinaldo is here.
AGUINALDO: (polite and cool) Good evening to you all!
Everyone is dumbfounded. Reactions. Comments such as "Paano siya
nakapasok?" Pio del Pilar and Noriel try to hide from embarassment.
BONIFACIO: Come in, General and join us.
AGUINALDO: Thank you, but no. I was not invited. Good night to all. (Starts
descent to lower stage)
BONIFACIO: (calling to Procopio) Ask him to come back. I need to talk to
him. (Procopio nods and goes after Aguinaldo.)
The following scene should be orchestrated and timed so that by the time Procopio
reaches Aguinaldo at the lower stage, Aguinaldo will have released his captured
troops.
AGUINALDO: (reaching lowerstage, joining his 2 generals, and noticing a door
leading to a large room. He opens the door and sees Major
Makapagal's troops detained there) You may get out now and
stay in formation close by.
PROCOPIO: (reaching lowerstage; to AGUINALDO) The Supremo
insists in your presence in our meeting, General.
AGUINALDO: (politely) Please tell the Supremo that I was not previously
invited, and I feel it improper to participate. Please thank him
for the invitation. And would you please ask Generals Noriel
and del Pilar that I would like to see them.
PROCOPIO: All right, General.
SCENE 7
Fade out. Fade into Aguinaldo's headquarters. Aguinaldo at his desk. Enter
Generals Noriel and del Pilar. They salute him.
AGUINALDO: (with a tone of rebuke in his voice) I did not expect you two to
be with Don Andres.
DEL PILAR: We were blinded by false promises, sir.
MASCARDO: We admit our mistake, sir.
AGUINALDO: Go back to your soldiers and do your duties as officers.
BOTH: (saluting) Yes sir! (Exit)
Enter Colonel Agapito "Intong" Bonzon, Major Ignacio Pawa and Major Felipe
Topacio. They salute Aguinaldo.
AGUINALDO: I would like the three of you to talk to the Supremo. Try to
convince him that there's no point having two opposing factions
against one common enemy. Tell him that if our armies are
divided, we'll never defeat the Spaniards. Convince him that our
campaign against the common enemy will be more effective if
we fight together.
BONZON: Yes, sir. We'll see him right away. (Salutes from him & the
two Majors.
SCENE 8
Fade out. Fade in Bonifacio's headquarters in Naik. Bonifacio is with his brother,
Ciriaco. Enter Bonzon, Pawa and Topacio.
BONZON: Good evening, Supremo.
BONIFACIO: Good evening. How can I help you?
BONZON: Supremo, we were sent by General Aguinaldo to ask you to join
forces with him.
PAWA: He suggested that thee was no point in having two opposing
factions fighting a common enemy.
TOPACIO: If our armies are divided, we'll never defeat the Spanish forces.
BONZON: Our campaign against a common enemy will be more effective
if we reconcile and fight together.
BONIFACIO: I think he has a point there. Why indeed should we have two
separate armies when we only have one common enemy?
CIRIACO: Brother, I think it would be a bad decision to join forces with
him. (Angry) Why will you let these three convince you?
You're the Supremo. If you join forces with Aguinaldo, you'll
end up being his lackey!
BONIFACIO: Let me think about the General's offer. I'll let you know as soon
as I make a decision.
Exit the three officers.
SCENE 9
Fade in. We're back at the court scene. Saulo continues the cross-examination.
SAULO: Did he finally decide to join you?
AGUINALDO: No, he did not.
SAULO: What happened next?
AGUINALDO: After the Supremo decided against us, he and his followers left
Naik and went to his mountain hideout in Limbon. Upon the
suggestion of my Secretary of War, General Emiliano Riego de
Dios, I dispatched Generals Baldomero Aguinaldo and Tomas
Mascardo, Colonel Bonzon and Majors Pawa and Topacio
together with half a battalion of soldiers to arrest him.
SCENE 10
Fade in: Limbon, mountain hideout of Bonifacio. His hideout is surrounded by
trenches. Bonzon enters with a platoon of soldiers.
BONZON: (calling out) Supremo, we would like to talk to you.
GUARD: (in one of the trenches) Halt to be recognized!
BONZON: I am Colonel Bonzon. I want to speak with the Supremo.
GUARD: Stay where you are. (Leaves trench and enters hideout. Comes
out again.) Okay, you can come in. Alone. Leave your
weapons behind.
Bonzon takes his gun out of his holster and leaves it with one of the members of
his platoon.
BONZON: I'm coming in. I'm unarmed. (He approaches hideout with his
hands up. Guard approaches him and frisks him. Then calls
another guard to escort him into the hideout. They climb up to
upperstage where Bonifacio is sitting with his followers.) Good
day, Supremo.
BONIFACIO: Well, we meet again. (Suspicious) What is it this time?
Another reconciliation?
BONZON: No, Supremo. This time I have orders from General Aguinaldo
to take you back to Naik!
BONIFACIO: Take me back? Who does he think he is? Tell your "Captain"
Aguinaldo that I'm not returning there. There's nothing to eat
there.
BONZON: Nothing to eat? When you left the Recollect estate house, you
left a lot of cooked food that just went to waste.
BONIFACIO: I'm not talking about our group. I'm referring to the families of
our soldiers who died in San Francisco de Malabon because of
lack of food supplies. Tell your leader I'm not going back there.
And that's final!
BONZON: All right, Supremo. I'll convey the message.
Bonzon starts descending to lower stage observing and remembering the set-up of
Bonifacio's hideout. Just as he is about to join his battalion, shots are fired from
the Bonifacio camp. Ciriaco Bonifacio fires at them with his Mauser rifle killing
Bonzon's sergeant, a corporal and 3 other soldiers. Returning the fire, Bonzon's
men joined by the rest of the battalion's officers and soldiers kill Ciriaco and
wounds the Supremo and some of his soldiers. Procopio Bonifacio and the
remaining soldiers are outnumbered and are captured alive. Andres Bonifacio is
put in a hammock and carried away.
SCENE 11
We're back in Aguinaldo's headquarters in Naik. Aguinaldo is surrounded by his
staff: Generals Riego de Dios, Baldomero Aguinaldo, and Mascardo. Cannons and
shots from enemy lines heard in the background.
AGUINALDO: What do we do with the Supremo? Should we try him and his
brother before a Council of War?
RIEGO DE DIOS: I don't think so, General. We're in a state of war, and we're
clashing with the enemy almost every day. I think it would be
untimely to create a Council of War at the present moment.
BALDOMERO: It's obvious that the Bonifacio brothers have committed treason
against the revolutionary government.
MASCARDO: You were right there, General, when he read that
anonymous letter accusing you of an alleged plot to surrender to
the Spaniards.
RIEGO DE DIOS: We also have proof that he plotted to assassinate you.
BALDOMERO: Colonel Bonzon reported that he blatantly refused to cooperate
with us to fight a common enemy.
MASCARDO: Adding insult to injury, he wanted to form his own
counterrevolutionary government.
RIEGO DE DIOS: I conclude, sir, that these crimes and other overt acts aimed at
overthrowing the government warrants immediate execution
without benefit of trial.
AGUINALDO: I understand your concerns. (Stands, paces a few seconds, then
in a deliberate and calm tone) I am very sorry to differ with you
on the matter. I believe that even if we are in a state of war, it
is absolutely necessary that we act like prudent and civilized
human beings. The life of a person, no matter who he is, needs
to be respected. I don't think it right to have anyone, especially
our brothers, shot just like animals. Whatever their crimes are,
they are entitled to a fair trial. While it is true that ordinary
laws are suspended during wartime, it is equally true that we
follow laws during war. We have military courts to render
justice. I will set the investigation and get the trial under way
without delay. I am appointing Colonel Jose Lipana as Judge
Advocate and Colonel Jose Elises as Fiscal.
Fade out.
SCENE 12
Fade in. We're back at the court scene.
SAULO: Then what happened?
AGUINALDO: The court-martial of Bonifacio and his brother Procopio was
held on May 5 with Placido Martinez acting as counsel for the
Supremo, and Teodoro Gonzales for Procopio. The charges
against the accused were: 1) treason and conspiracy to
overthrow the newly established revolutionary government; 2)
attempted assassination on me; 3) bribing government soldiers
to join them in their seditious plot. The Council of War heard
the pleas of the defense counsel and gave Bonifacio a chance to
explain his side. After due deliberation, the Council on May 6
found the Bonifacio brothers guilty as charged and
recommended the death penalty. On the same day, the Council
of War forwarded its decision to me; I referred it to Judge
Advocate General Baldomero Aguinaldo for review. He
recommended approval of the verdict.
I deliberated the matter for two days after which I decided to
commute the death penalty. On May 8th, I wrote out the order
of commutation.
SAULO: Your honors, I have as Exhibit A the order of commutation.
(Gives Exhibit A to one of the judges.)
JUDGE: Would you please read the order, General Aguinaldo? (Passes
exhibit A to him.)
AGUINALDO: Certainly, your honor. (Reads) "Considering the present
situation of this land and the fact that the guilty ones are true
sons of this country; following likewise the merciful policy of
the government never to draw blood uselessly...I hereby pardon
Andres Bonifacio and Procopio Bonifacio from the death
penalty, and instead grant the punishment of exile in an isolated
place, where they will be held in solitary confinement, watched
by prison guards, and will not be allowed to speak to each other
or to the people."
SAULO: Why did the order of commutation not go through?
AGUINALDO: The reaction to my commutation order was immediate and
negative. Within a couple of hours, Generals Pio del Pilar and
Mariano Noriel together with leading representatives of the alsa
balutan refugees, Jose Zulueta, Anastacio Francisco and
Mamerto Natividad came to convince me to withdraw the order.
SCENE 13
Fade in Aguinaldo Headquarters. Aguinaldo surrounded by Generals Pio del Pilar,
Mariano Noriel, Zulueta, Francisco and Natividad.
NORIEL: Sir, to keep Bonifacio alive is to endanger the cause of the
revolution. We cannot afford to be divided at this critical
moment.
DEL PILAR: As you can see, sir, it's either you or he!
ZULUETA: We urge you, sir, to withdraw the commutation order.
FRANCISCO: I represent the manileños, and I believe that Bonifacio alive is
more dangerous than if he were dead.
NATIVIDAD: I represent Nueva Ecija, sir, and I believe with my fellow
revolutionaries there that Bonifacio will do more harm than
good to the revolution if he is kept alive.
SCENE 14
Fade in court scene. Upperstage.
SAULO: And so, you were convinced by the logic of their arguments.
AGUINALDO: That is correct. (As he narrates, actors enact the scene at lower
stage.) I verbally withdrew the commutation order whereupon
General Noriel ordered a squad of soldiers under Major Lazaro
Makapagal on the morning of May 10 to take the Bonifacio
brothers to the foot of Mount Hulog, about four kilometers west
of the poblacion of Maragondon, where they were executed.
(Drumbeats. Sound of gunshots.)
SAULO: Any concluding statements or afterthoughts, General, about the
execution?
AGUINALDO: While I deeply deplored Bonifacio's loss, I could not show
weakness. The times and circumstances demanded of me
firmness and sternness however heavy my heart was. His death
made me the undisputed leader of the revolution, together with
its tremendous responsibilities and sacrifices. I could not afford
to patch up the disunity Bonifacio had created by another form
of disunity I would have created resulting from differences over
his punishment.
Spotlight on NARRATOR, lower stage.
NARRATOR: Before you pass judgment, ladies and gentlemen of the
jury, let us hear what some critics and historians said about
Bonifacio's execution. First, the Bonifacio biographer, Teodoro
Agoncillo.
AGONCILLO: (from somewhere in the auditorium, spotlighted) I maintain that
the trial conducted by the Council of War was a farce and the
members of the court could have been saved the trouble of a
mock trial if the Bonifacio brothers had been shot outright since
the Naik Military Agreement was a concrete proof of
Bonifacio's guilt involving sedition. I might add, however, that
since there were no concrete proofs of the crimes adduced in
the course of the trial, Bonifacio should have merited at least a
less severe punishment.
NARRATOR: Let's hear what Teodoro Kalaw, historian and former
director of the national library had to say.
T. KALAW: (from the balcony section of the auditorium, spotlighted) Unity
had to be maintained. All opposition had to be put down with
an iron hand.
NARRATOR: Maximo, the younger Kalaw, former Dean of the
University of the Philippines, had this to say.
M. KALAW: (from the back of the orchestra section, spotlighted) The
revolutionists could not afford to be divided. One of two
courses had to be taken: either the continuation of the
Katipunan government under Bonifacio or the maintenance of
the new revolutionary government under Aguinaldo which had
the support of the majority. The revolutionary government was
forced to eliminate him.
NARRATOR: And last but not least, the Filipino scholar Epifanio de los
Santos.
DE LOS SANTOS: (from around the middle of the auditorium, spotlighted)
The Bonifacio execution was not only justified but inevitable
because of Bonifacio's plan to head a counterrevolution;
because of pressure of the enemy who was then sweeping
Cavite with a broom of lead and steel; because of pressure of
those outside, among them Clemente Jose Zulieta and Felician
Jocson; and, more than all these, because of the terrible general
panic.
(Drumbeats. Fade in court scene.)
JUDGE: Ladies and gentlemen of the jury, how do you find the
defendant: guilty or not guilty?
Spotlight on 12 members of the jury seated in different areas of the auditorium who
stand up one by one to say NOT GUILTY. After the last "not guilty", drumbeats
are heard, followed by Gregorian music. Lights fade out from stage, and
auditorium lights come up to end the Act.
Page 55
GENERAL EMILIO AGUINALDO
ACT TWO
SCENE 1
(Gregorian music during blackout; as music fades out, spotlight focuses on
NARRATOR, centerstage.)
NARRATOR: General Emilio Aguinaldo. Born 1869. Died 1964. He
said: "Truth will triumph over falsity and deceit." During his
lifetime, lies were told about him. Lies about his role in the
Philippine Revolution of 1896. Lies about his role in the
Philippine-American War that followed. But Emilio Aguinaldo,
a humble man, a religious man, refused to confront these critics.
He knew that in time, history would vindicate him. (Fade out.
When spotlight returns, Aguinaldo is at centerstage. He is 30
years old, wearing his general's uniform.)
Page 56
AGUINALDO: When I look back at the history of mankind, it all boils down to
greed, selfishness, avarice, imperialism, expansionism, and the
means to all these: war and violence. Man's cruelty to man.
The strong over the weak.
We Filipinos were puppets of so-called "democratic" nations--
Spain and the United States. We were peons in their war
games; they decided, and we fought their wars. Despite our
idealism, the idealism of democracy taught to us by these
foreigners, we realized when it was too late that we were being
fooled by all their talk of democracy. It was democracy and
freedom for them, not for us, the indios. When they speak of
"freedom for all people of the world", they mean freedom for
the whites, the white people of the world.
I was young. All of us were young idealists--Agoncillo, Basa,
Tolentino, Ferrer, Canon--we trusted the old seadog Dewey
when he said: "The U.S. had come to the Philippines to protect
Page 57
its natives and to free them from the yoke of Spain." He went
on to say: "America is rich in territory and money; it needs no
colonies." We believed the old man because we were young,
only to find out later that we were being used, our expendable
indio blood shed to protect their white skins from being
blemished.
Fade out.
SCENE 2
Lights fade in another part of the stage. The 29-year old Aguinaldo is given the
honors of a general by a section of the US Marine guards aboard the flagship
Olympia . Commodore Dewey, 62 years old, meets him. After the honor guard
ceremonies, the two sit down and talk:
Page 58
AGUINALDO: Commodore Dewey, is it true that you sent all those telegrams
to Consul Pratt in Singapore assuring Philippine Independence
undr an American naval protectorate?
DEWEY: Yes, it's true. We came to the Philippines to protect the Filipino
people from Spain. There is no doubt whatsoever about the
recognition of Philippine Independence by the United States.
All we ask is if you could exhort your soldiers to make a short,
sharp and decisive campaign against the Spaniards.
AGUINALDO: (softspoken and modest) Our battles and skirmishes against the
Spanish forces will speak for themselves. Our main problem
now is the fact that we are running out of arms and ammunition.
I'm expecting the first arms shipment from Consul Wildman.
Unless I receive these supplies, I cannot begin the campaign.
DEWEY: We'll have to do something about that. (Thinking.) This is
what I can do for you. I'll dispatch a steaner to Hong Kong to
carry the arms. In the meantime, you have at your disposal all
Page 59
the guns seized aboard the Spanish warships as well as 62 rifles
and ammunition which the Petrel brought in from Corregidor.
AGUINALDO: Thank you, Commodore. (Pause. Then, with a deliberate but
calm and modest tone.) Before leaving Hong Kong, the
revolutionary junta held a meeting to discuss the possibility
that, after the Spaniards were defeated, the American
government might not recognize our independence. In such a
case, we might have to fight another war against you. If this
happens, we will surely be defeated. we will be battle-weary by
then; we'll be short of arms and ammunition after fighting the
Spaniards, etcetera. I'm sorry for my frankness, but my
question is: Do the doubtsd and misgivings of my countrymen
have any basis?
DEWEY: (laughing politely) I'm glad you're open and frank with me. I
sincerely believe that Filipinos and Americans should be friends
and allies. We must iron out all doubts and misgivings. I
assure you that the United States will recognize the the
Page 60
sovereignty of the Filipino people. The word of honor of
Americans is more binding than any written treaties and
agreements signed by the Spaniards. I say this because I am
aware of what happened between you and the Spaniards in the
Pact of Biak-na-Bato. In fact, I suggest that the Philippine flag
be hoisted jointly with the American flag to inspire the respect
and esteem of all foreign nations.
Fade out from this scene.
SCENE 3
Fade in on NARRATOR.
NARRATOR: "American perfidy", as one Filipino historian would say.
American perfidy and doublecross. What happened next?
Well, the Americans sat down comfortably in their warships in
Manila Bay the next few weeks after giving arms and
ammunition to their "little brown brothers", and let them fight
Page 61
for them their war against the Spaniards. We saw how
Aguinaldo acted in good faith. It never crossed his mind that
Americans were capable of deceit. After meeting with Dewey,
he met with his revolutionary junta in Hong Kong.
SCENE 4
Scene now takes place in a rooming house in Hong Kong where the Filipino exiles
are together discussing plans for Philippine Independece with General Aguinaldo.
Date: May 4, 1898.
AGUINALDO: I have absolute confidence in the history and tradition of the
Americans who fought for their independence against England,
who campaigned against the abolition of slavery, and on the
strength of being a free nation, posed as the champion liberator
of oppressed peoples.
AGONCILLO: I totally agree. I strongly believe that the United States will
Page 62
recognize our independence. The United States declared war
against Spain to free Cuba. I don't foresee that the Americans
would act otherwise in our case.
SANDIKO: I also agree with your thesis. If Washington proposes to carry
out the fundamental principles of the American Constitution, it
is highly improbable that an attempt will be made to colonize or
annex us. I likewise strongly believe that independence will be
guaranteed.
ALEJANDRINO: I know it's a great risk to accept the American invitation to
cooperate with them in the common struggle against the
Spaniards, but it's a risk we must take. We have no choice. We
have no arms nor ammunition, and only the Americans can sell
us arms and ammunition, as well as manpower.
AGUINALDO: Dewey wants us to return to the Philippines and induce the
Filipinos to rise in rebellion against the Spaniards. He assured
me that the American government will furnish us with all the
Page 63
arms and ammunitions we need. He told me that he didn't have
the authority, but there was no doubt in his mind that our
sovereignty will be recognized if we cooperated and assisted
them in defeating the Spaniards, the same way they did to the
Cubans.
Fade out.
SCENE 5
Fade in NARRATOR.
NARRATOR: The Cubans. Yes, the Cubans. Look at them now. Anti-
americans, obviously because of American treachery. That's
what it boils down to: treachery, exploitation, expansionism,
call it white chauvinism, arrogance and add to that,
intimidation. The United States agains the third world
countries. The strong against the weak.
Page 64
Going back to the Philippine scene: the USA took a 180 degree
about face in her policy toward the Philippines, in contrast to
what they did in their Free-Cuba policy. Manifest Destiny.
Claro Mayo Recto had elaborated on this in his speeches and
essays years after McKinley and his advisers Theodore
Roosevelt, Russell Alger and others came up with this
resolution. The resolution simply meant that the United States
would abandon her traditional foreign policy of non-
intervention in the affairs of other nations, and put in its place a
policy of expansionism, or as the American political strategists
would euphemistically refer to as "a policy of destiny".
The naval strategist Captain Alfred T. Mahan commented:
Spotlight on MAHAN in one section of the stage.
MAHAN: Expansion arose through no premeditated contrivance of our
own; our wishes made no difference at all; it was natural,
necessary, irrepressible.
Page 65
NARRATOR: Secretary of State John Hay chorused:
Spotlight on HAY in other section of the stage.
HAY: No man, no party, can fight with any chance of success against
a cosmic tendency.
NARRATOR: Still another influential expansionist, Chauncey Dephew
said the following with certainty and confidence in regard to the
destiny of the United States of America:
Spotlight on Dephew in another section of the stage.
DEPHEW: To crave for colonial possessions is in the blood, and no power
can stop it.
NARRATOR: The young, impetuous Assistant Secretary of the Navy
who would later become President of the United States,
Page 66
Theodore Roosevelt, shaking his fist at a Gridiron Dinner
commented:
Spotlight on Roosevelt sitting somewhere in the audience.
ROOSEVELT: (shaking his fist) McKinley has no more backbone than a
chocolate eclair. We will have this war for the freedom of
Cuba in spite of the timidity of commercial interests.
NARRATOR: Another expansionist cabinet member, Secretary of War
Russell Alger, a former Civil War Army General, said:
Spotlight on Alger.
ALGER: President McKinley must declare war against Spain. He's
making a great mistake. He's in danger of ruining himself and
the Republican Party by standing in the way of the people's
wishes. Congress will declare war in spite of him. He'll get run
over, and the party with him.
Page 67
NARRATOR: The American Congress finally declared war against
Spain over Cuba. What McKinley did not reckon with was that
the Cuban War, with all its too idealistic message of liberating
the Cubans from Spanish tyranny, was used by the scheming
Roosevelt and company as a cover up for colonial expansion in
the Pacific. The flimsy excuse given was to prevent the Spanish
fleet from attacking the west coast of the United States. But
everyone knew how flimsy this reason was. Long before the
Spanish American War, naval experts in Asia knew the
deplorable state of the Spanish fleet in Manila, which was
composed of decrepit warships incapable of crossing the
Pacific. It exerted no threat whatsoever to the American West
Coast or to anything. Commodore Dewey's one-sided victory
over Montojo's ancient armada was a foregone conclusion long
before the start of the Battle of Manila Bay.
Now, the $64,000 question. Why did the United States want
the Philippines? The answer: greed. Back to our original
Page 68
thesis: mankind's greed and avarice. In the case of the USA, it
was American Big Business. The Philippines was an ideal
springboard to the vast Asia mainland market. Professor
George Taylor, in his book America in the New Pacific says:
Spotlight on Taylor.
TAYLOR: China and Japan had to be brought into the world market for
our good, not their own.
NARRATOR: The same idea was articulated by W.H. Seward with
prophetic insight.
Spotlight on Seward.
SEWARD: We are rising to another and more sublime state of national
progress--that of expanding wealth and rapid territorial
aggrandizement. Commerce has brought the ancient continents
near to us, and created necessities for new positions--perhaps
Page 69
connections or colonies there.
NARRATOR: I could go on and on regarding the American dream for
economic expansion, but I think we have enough proof to serve
as background to our story about our victim, General Aguinaldo
who took the blame of Philippine history. He was the president
and naturally, as the saying goes, "the buck stops here".
Furthermore, considering that Philippine history was written by
Filipino historians educated in the United States...well, there
you are, you have the American slant: the Americans now
appear to be the "good guys" in Philippine History, and the
Spaniards, the "bad guys". Cowboys and Indians. Yes,
Aguinaldo, the indio, caught in-between, the scapegoat in all
this political mess of power and greed, the man who had to be
blamed for the mistakes made by Filipinos. Aguinaldo, the
expendable pawn, sacrificed in this game of historical chess.
SCENE 2
Page 70
(The scene takes place in Felipe Agoncillo's home. Agoncillo is writing a letter to
General Aguinaldo. As he writes, we hear his thoughts projected on tape through
loudspeakers.)
VOICE ON TAPE: (while Agoncillo writes) May 27th, 1898. Your
Excellency General Aguinaldo. Sir: You ahould try to find out
the real intentions of the Americans toward our unfortunate
country. We have duly informed them that we will aid them for
the sake of our independence; hence, if they obtain victory
through our assistance, and, as a result of the negotiations, they
refuse to give us independence and they show intentions of
either enslaving us or of selling our country, we have then the
right in the eyes of the world to fight them for the welfare of our
country. We have to send a representative to the United States
to ascertain American intentions regarding the Philippines.
Respectfully, Felipe Agoncillo.
SCENE 3
Page 71
Aguinaldo writing at his desk in Kawit, Cavite.
VOICE ON TAPE: (voice of Aguinaldo as he writes) August 7, 1898.
Distinguished friend, Don Felipe. It is important that you
should go to the United States as soon as possible so that
McKinley's government knows the true situation here. Show
him that our peopel have their own government, civil
organizations in the provinces already exist, and soon the
Congress of Representatives of these provinces will meet.
Emilio Aguinaldo.
SCENE 4
The scene takes place at the Oval Room of the White House in Washington.
October, 1898. Agoncillo & Mckinley are seated. They are surrounded by reporters
and photographers taking flash pictures. Beside McKinley is his interpreter who is
seated beside him. He translates simultaneously as Agoncillo speaks.
Page 72
AGONCILLO: Señor Presidente. El gobierno filipino, igueal que los Estados
Unidos, es un gobierno democrático. Fue sancionado por el
pueblo filipino y nuestro jefe invincible el general Emilio
Aguinaldo fue elegido por sus compatriotas, los ciudadanos
filipinos. Vengo como representante de nuestro gobierno y
nuestro jefe el General Aguinaldo para informarle otra vez a
Vd. y al gobierno estadounidense del hecho de que existimos
como una república tal como la de ustedes, una república
soberana e independiente. Esperamos que esta nación
norteamericana lo reconozca en su total soberanía.
INTERPRETER: (simultaneously) Mr. President. The legal government now in
force in the Philippines has been sanctioned by the only
legitimate source of public power, by the vote of its citizens.
This government under the invincible leader General Emilio
Aguinaldo was elected by Filipino citizens. I represent our
government and our president General Aguinaldo to inform you
and the US government that we do exist as a republic similar to
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yours, a sovereign and independent republic. We hope that the
United States recognizes our total sovereignty.
MCKINLEY: I'll see to it that the American peace commissioners in
Paris will take this matter into serious consideration.
Meantime, I suggest you follow up the matter when you go to
Paris.(Shaking his hand) Welcome to the United States of
America!
INTERPRETER: (translating simultaneously for Agoncillo) Voy a enviar su
mensaje a la delegación norteamericana en París. Le aconsejo
que vaya Vd. allá para confirmarlo. Bienvenido a los Estados
Unidos!
AGONCILLO: Gracias, señor Presidente.(Exits)
MCKINLEY: (to interpreter, patronizingly) If there were more Filipinos
like that chap Agoncillo, there would be no question about their
right to govern themselves.
Page 74
SCENE 5
(American Episcopal Convention, Washington, D.C. October 1898. Hustle-bustle
as delegates take their seats in the auditorium. A big banner across the stage reads
"AMERICAN EPISCOPAL TRIENNIAL CONVENTION")
MODERATOR: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. This morning we have a
special guest, the Ambassador from the Republic of the
Philippine Islands who will say a few words about the present
situation in the Philippines. Mr. Felipe Agoncillo.
(Warm applause)
AGONCILLO: Thank you, Mr. Moderator, and thank you, ladies and
gentlemen for this warm welcome. I am honored to speak
before an august body such as this regarding the political
situation in the Philippine Islands. As you very well know, we
declared our Independence from Spain four months ago. The
Page 75
United States, after Admiral Dewey's Victory in Manila Bay,
helped us obtain our subsequent victories. Prior to this naval
victory, however, our President, General Emilio Aguinaldo had
waged various battles against the Spaniards, and won.
The big problem we are contending with at this time is that
there are factions in American politics that do not recognize our
Independence. Members of both the American and Spanish
governments are meeting in Paris to discuss this matter. The
Treaty of Paris is being drafted at this time and will be ratified
in December. The irony here is that we are a sovereign nation
and we are being left out of the bargaining table. In other
words, we are just not being recognized as a sovereign nation. I
spoke to President McKinley a few days ago and he urged me
to go to Paris and follow-up the matter with the American
Commissioners there.
I therefore appeal to you, on behalf of my government, the
Republic of the Philippines, and in the true sense of the
Page 76
Christian spirit with which this country is based upon, to
support our struggle for recognition of our country's
sovereignty. Thank you.
(Polite applause from audience. Lights fade out. Hustle bustle in the auditorium as
participants comment positively on Agoncillo's talk.)
(Still the convention. Participants onstage in groups of twos and threes, some
shaking Agoncillo's hand, others having coffee and cookies. Senator Chandler
approaches Agoncillo, centerstage.)
CHANDLER: Mr. Agoncillo, I'm Senator Chandler. That was a very
moving talk you gave.
AGONCILLO: Thank you, Senator.
CHANDLER: When are you leaving for Paris?
AGONCILLO: Tomorrow.
Page 77
CHANDLER: My colleague, Senator Davis, is one of the members of
the U.S. delegation who are working on the draft for the Treaty
of Paris. I'll write him a letter and if you don't mind hand
carrying it and delivering it to him.
AGONCILLO: No, I don't mind, Senator.
CHANDLER: Basically, what I'll say in the letter is how much I support
your cause and that your government should be recognized as
an independent nation.
AGONCILLO: Thank you, Senator. I appreciate that very much.
Fade out.
SCENE 6
McKinley is on his re-election campaign tour. American flags and banners
Page 78
"VOTE MCKINLEY" , "VOTE REPUBLICAN" are displayed all over the stage
and auditorium. McKinley is now addressing a Methodist convention. A big
banner centerstage "METHODIST CONVENTION". Moderator, on microphone in
podium, centerstage.
MODERATOR: (amidst cheers and shouts "Mckinley for
president!"etc.). Ladies and gentlemen, I'm honored to
present to you the president of the United States. (Cheers and
whistles and jubilant noise accompanied by a band playing the
Presidential March.)
MCKINLEY: (BIG SMILE ON HIS FACE, RAISING BOTH HANDS
WITH THE LETTER "V". SHOUTS AND CHEERS.) Thank
you, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you very much. (Noise
subsides. A lady from the audience shouts "We love you, Mr.
President!" followed by more applause and cheers.) Thank you,
I love you too! (Applause, cheers.) I'm honored to address the
delegates of this convention in this countrywide speaking tour.
In the true Methodist and Christian spirit, let me just begin by
Page 79
relating to all of you a dream I had. For weeks, I was bothered
about the Philippine question of sovereignty. I sought counsel
from all sides. First we would take only Manila; then Luzon;
then other islands, perhaps. I walked the floor of the White
House night after night. And one night, before going to sleep,
after sleepless nights, I went down on my knees and prayed
fervently to the Lord Almighty God (some "Amens" are heard
in the auditorium), I prayed to Him for light and guidance. And
when I went to bed that night, I had a dream. It came to me this
way. I don't know how it was, but it came. The Lord spoke to
me and said: "Thou shalt not give the Philippines back to
Spain. That would be cowardly and dishonorable! Neither shalt
thou turn them over to France or Germany--that would be bad
business and discreditable. Thou shalt not allo them to rule
themselves. They are unfit for self-government and they would
soon have anarchy and misrule over there worse than Spain.
Thou shalt take all of the Philippine Islands and thou shalt
educate the Filipinos, uplift, civilize and Christianize them."
That was the message of the Lord Almighty who spoke to me in
Page 80
that dream. Since then, I have been sleeping soundly.
Fade out.
SCENE 7
Fade in another section of the stage. Oval Room, White House. McKinley at his
desk on the phone. Long distance call to Senator Davis in Paris. Another section
of the stage . Davis at this desk in Paris on the phone.
DAVIS: Good evening, Mr. President.
MCKINLEY: You mean good afternoon, Senator.
DAVIS: Oh, I'm sorry, Mr. President. It's 8 p.m.
MCKINLEY: Oh, yes, I forgot. The time difference.
DAVIS: (laughs) Yes, two different times, two different worlds.
Page 81
MCKINLEY: How are the discussions coming along?
DAVIS: Pretty well. The Spaniards need the money. They're pretty
desperate. They're asking $30 million in exchange for Cuba,
Puerto Rico and the Philippines.
MCKINLEY: Offer them $10 million. And if they haggle or refuse,
offer them $20 million and tell them to take it or leave it.
DAVIS: Understood, sir.
MCKINLEY: One other thing. There's this funny-looking chap by the
name of Aguisillo or something, I can't pronounce his name
right. He might be trouble. Just take care of him. He'll want to
sit down with you guys at the bargaining table. Just keep him
out of the picture.
DAVIS: Don't worry, Mr. President. I'll take care of it.
Page 82
MCKINLEY: Good. Just wrap up the whole thing, pay them off and
come home.
DAVIS: Understood, sir.
MCKINLEY: Okay, Senator. See you in the Big Boys' Club
soon.
DAVIS: (laughing) Yes sir. Drinks on you?
MCKINLEY: (laughing) Yup! Drinks on the White House.
(Both laughing as lights fade out.)
SCENE 8
Paris. December 10, 1898. Both Spanish and American delegations are getting
ready to sign the Treaty of Paris. Agoncillo holds Chandler's letter. Davis is about
Page 83
to enter with the other members of the American party.
AGONCILLO: Senator Davis, I'm Felipe Agoncillo representing the
Philippines. I have a letter for you from Senator Chandler.
DAVIS: Oh yes. I'm happy to meet you, Mr. Aguisillo. President
McKinley speaks highly of you.
AGONCILLO: Does he? I'm flattered. Sir, I have a letter from Senator
Chandler. He asked me to hand deliver it to you. (Hands him
letter.)
DAVIS: Oh yes, good ol' Chandler. (Reads letter). Mr Aguisillo, I
understand your concerns. Mr Chandler expresses his
sympathy for your plight. The best I can do is raise the matter
up for discussion. There are other vital matters we have to
discuss with the Spanish delegation. I'm sorry, I have to go.
They're waiting for me.
Page 84
AGONCILLO: One last request, Senator. Would you please allow me to
participate in the discussions, or at least observe the talks?
DAVIS: I'll see what I can do. Goodbye for now.(Exits)
(Lights fade out on a disappointed Agoncillo.)
SCENE 9
(Inside the Conference Room. Spanish and American delegations sit at a
rectangular table.)
DAVIS: (addressing the Spanish commissioners) Well, gentlemen, I
would now like to get your signatures in this treaty. Before I
do, let me just briefly summarize the main points in the treaty
we agreed on. Let it be resolved that Item 1: Spain cedes the
Philippines, Guam and Puerto Rico to the United States. Item
2: The United States pays Spain the sum of $20.000,000 for
improvements made in the Philippines. Item 3: Spain
Page 85
withdraws her sovereignty from Cuba, and the last, Item 4: The
civil and political status of the inhabitants in the ceded
territories will be determined by the Congress of the United
States.
Davis passes the treaty to the Spanish delegation. He has a smile, almost a smirk
in his face, like someone who just pulled the wool over someone's face. The
Spaniards sign, shrugging their shoulders, as though resigned to a bad deal. After
all members present sign, waiter comes in with champagne and everyone stands for
a toast.
DAVIS: Gentlemen, a toast to the treaty of Paris.
SPANIARD: Salud y pesetas!
All laugh and drink their champagne as lights fade out.
SCENE 10
Page 86
This scene can be conducted in one of three ways, or a combination of all three,
since this is a long tirade, and a variety of approaches should be attempted.
Agoncillo can either read his 'protest letter', standing in front of a podium,as though
delivering it directly to the Spanish-American Commission or he can be seated at a
desk writing, and as he writes, his voice on tape is heard on the speakers,or thirdly,
like a memorized public speaking piece.
AGONCILLO: His excellencies, the Presidents and Delegates of the Spanish-
American Commission. In my capacity as the official
representative of President Emilio Aguinaldo and the Philippine
Republic, I vehemently protest against the resolutions approved
by the joint commission contrary to the Independence of the
Philippines. These resolutions cannot be accepted as obligatory
by my government since the commission has neither heard nor
submitted its deliberations to the Filipino people who have an
unquestionable right to intervene in matters affecting their
future. The signing of the treaty is a clear sign that the
juridical, political, and independent personality of the Filipino
people has been bypassed and I protest any attempts in any
Page 87
form to impose on us resolutions which have not been
sanctioned by us. We, as an independent nation, are the only
ones who can legally decide our future history.
Spain is absolutely devoid of any status and power to decide in
any shape and form the cession of the Philippines to the United
States because the Spanish armed forces have been completely
routed by the Filipino armed forces, and the Spanish
government has ceased to hold any dominion in the Philippines
by deed and by right, since the only authority existing there
now is constituted by the Filipinos, with the solemn sanction of
their votes, the only legal fount of positive modern power.
Under such conditions, the Spanish commissioners in Paris had
no right, within the principles of the law of nations, to give up
or transfer possessions that they did not even own. Spain had
lost her her dominion and possession of the Philippine Islands
in the revolution of 1896-1898. Since she was defeated, it was
incumbent upon the Spanish government to recognize the
Page 88
corporate body of the Filipino people, and consequently, their
rights to decide their own future.
In the case of the American commissioners, what right do they
have to consider themselves arbitrators with regard to the future
of the Philippines? They should have acted honorably and in
good faith. If they did, which they did not, they should have
recognized the politically independent status of the Philippine
Republic. What is disappointing is the fact that the Americans
gave General Aguinaldo and the other Filipino leaders the
impression that they were allies in our struggle for our
independence against Spain. For instance, Captain Wood,
commander of the USS Petrel, right before the outbreak of the
Spanish American War, requested the Filipinos' cooperation.
Again, American Consuls Pratt in Singapore, Wildman in Hong
Kong, and Williams in Cavite offered to recognize the
independence of the Filipino nation as soon as triumph was
attained. On seven occasions, General Aguinaldo was assured
by representatives of the American people of Philippine
Page 89
independence. First: The gunboat McCulloch was placed, by
Dewey's order, at the disposal of Filipino leaders in exile,
returning to the Philippines. Second: Admiral Dewey did not
deny to General Aguinaldo and his companions the promises
made by his colleagues when the Filipino leaders were
presented to him aboard his flagship in Manila Bay. Third:
Admiral Dewey received General Aguinaldo with the honors
due to a commander-in-chief of an allied army and the head of
an independent state. Fourth: He accepted the efficacious
cooperation of the Filipino Army. Fifth: He recognized the
Filipino flag, permitting it to be hoisted on sea and land, and
consenting that Filipino ships should sail with the said flag
within the places which were blockaded. Sixth: He received a
solemn notification of the formal proclamation of Philippine
independence, without protesting against it, nor opposing in any
way its existence. Seventh: He entered into relations with
Filipino generals and national officials of the new Filipino
government, recognizing without question the corporated body
and autonomous sovereignty of the people after liberating
Page 90
themselves from the Spanish yoke by means of their own force.
Let me make one point perfectly clear. The Filipinos did not
fight as paid troops or mercenaries of the United States. Upon
their arrival from Hong Kong, the Filipino leaders received only
a small number of arms which were delivered to them by order
of Admiral Dewey. The arms, ammunition and provisions were
not US handouts; they were sustained from the Spanih-Filipino
war. Some were acquired by gallantry and others bought from
the private funds of Filipino patriots. In other words, the
Filipinos owed the Americans nothing.
It is true that Manila fell to the Americans, but without the
Filipinos' cooperation and the previous siege by Aguinaldo's
troops, would the Americans have been able to so easily gain
possession of the Walled City? Admiral Dewey destroyed the
Spanish fleet in the Battle of Manila Bay, but he had no no
disembarking forces, and under such conditions, the support he
received from the Filipinos was a positive and undeniable
Page 91
advantage.
To summarize: If the Spaniards had not been able to transfer to
the Americans the rights which they did not possess; if the
occupation of Manila was a resultant fact, prepared by the
Filipinos; if the international officials and representatives of the
United States government offered to recognize the
independence and sovereignty of the Philippines, solicited and
accepted their alliance, how can the Americans now consider
themselves as arbiters of the control, administration, and future
government of the Philippine Islands?
One question boggles my mind: Was the solemn declaration
made by President William McKinley that, on going to war, he
was not guided by any intention of territorial expansion the
truth? Was his statement that the war against Spain was waged
in order to respect the principles of humanity the truth? Was
his statement that he had the solemn duty of liberating an
oppressed people the truth? And finally, did he speak the truth
Page 92
when he said that his desire was to proclaim the undeniable
rights of sovereignty of the countries released from the yoke of
Spain?
I rest my case.
(Fade out.)
SCENE 11
McKinley and Davis on the phone, as in Scene 8.
DAVIS: Mr. President, did you read the protest letter of Mr. Agoncillo?
MCKINLEY: Yup, I did. Pretty long-winded letter. What did the Spaniards
think?
DAVIS: They got their money. They don't give a hoot.
Page 93
MCKINLEY: As Shakespeare said, "What's done can't be undone". What it
boils down to is we paid the Spics to get out; they accepted. So now
we're in. It's ours. We bought the Islands with hard-earned American
tax dollars. Besides, as I pointed out to my fellow Methodists, the
Almighty spoke to me to take them all and educate the little monkeys
so they could speak Christian, which means English.
Fade out.
SCENE 12
Fade in NARRATOR.
NARRATOR: Well, there you have it, ladies and gentlemen. Two months
after the Treaty of Paris, on February 4, 1899, the first shot of the
Philippine-American War was fired. By an American, obviously.
And we all know what happened. The superior forces of the
Americans routed the battle-weary troops of Aguinaldo. On March
23, 1901 Brigadier General Frederick Funston of the Kansas Regiment
Page 94
captured Aguinaldo and his men in Palanan, Isabela. (Enactment on
another part of the stage) With his capture, the United States put to a
finish the three-year long Philippine-American War that Washington
military experts had expected to last no more than two months. It was
a resounding American victory--but by treachery.
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, Philippine history. A history of Spanish
and American treachery. The victims? Aguinaldo and company,
which means us, the Filipinos. Small nations manipulated by big and
rich nations. Big business behind it all. Big business--the
multinationals. Charles Denby, member of the First Philippine
Commission, said:
Spotlight on Denby somewhere in the auditorium.
DENBY: (speaking with the authority of an oracle) Commerce, not
politics, is king! The manufacturer and the merchant dictate to
diplomacy and control the elections. I am in favor of holding
the Philippines because I cannot conceive of any alternative to
Page 95
our doing so, except the seizure of territory in China. We are
after markets, the greatest markets in the world.
NARRATOR: Well, there you have it, ladies and gentlemen. Money,
money, money. Ever since money was invented, it started
talking and talking loud. The history of mankind. A history of
exploitation, deceit, greed, etcetera. And what we have seen is
a microcosm of man's history as it applied to the history of the
Philippine Revolution and its president, Emilio Aguinaldo. In
his last proclamation on April 19th, a month after his capture,
Aguinaldo addressed the Filipino people.
AGUINALDO: (low-keyed, reading) I believe that I am not in error in
presuming that the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune
has led me is not a surprise to those who have been familiar day
by day with the progress of the war. The lessons thus taught,
the full meaning of which has recently come to my knowledge,
suggested to me with irresistible force that the complete
termination of hostilities and a lasting peace are not only
Page 96
desirable but absolutely essential to the welfare of the
Philippines.
The Filipinos have never been dismayed by their weakness, nor
have they faltered in following the path pointed out by their
fortitude and courage. The time has come, however, in which
they find their advance along the path impeded by an irresistible
force that the complete termination of hostilities and a lasting
peace are not only desirable but absolutely essential to the
welfare of the Philippines.
The Filipinos have never been dismayed by their weakness, nor
have they faltered in following the path pointed out by their
fortitude and courage. The time, has come, however, in which
they find their advance along the path impeded by an irresistible
force--a force which, while it restrains them, yet enlightens the
mind and opens another course by presenting to them the cause
of peace. This cause has been joyfully embraced around the
glorious and sovereign banner of the United States. In this
Page 97
manner they repose their trust in the belief that under its
protection our people will attain all the promised liberties which
they are even now beginning to enjoy.
The country has declared unmistakably in favor of peace; so be
it. Enough of blood; enough of tears and desolation. This wish
cannot be ignored by the men still in arms if they are animated
by no other desire than to serve this noble people which has
clearly manifested its will.
So also do I respect this will now that it is known to me, and
after mature deliberation resolutely proclaim to the world that I
cannot refuse to heed the voice of a people longing for peace,
nor the lamentations of thousands of families yearning to see
their dear ones in the enjoyment of the liberty promised by the
generosity of the great American nation.
By acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty of the United
States throughout the entire Archipelago, as I now do without
Page 98
any reservations whatsoever, I believe that I am serving you,
my beloved country. May happiness be yours.
Gregorian music fades in. Fade out lights to BLACKOUT.