Jorge Arias - Identity and Interaction: the Suevi and the Hispano-Romans

8/13/2019 Jorge Arias - Identity and Interaction: the Suevi and the Hispano-Romans

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IDENTITY AND INTERACTION:The Suevi and the Hispano-Romans

King Miro and St. Martin of Braga (1145)Austrian National Library

De virtutibus quattuor (Federzeichnung lm Co. 791, fol. 109v).

Jorge C. Arias

Advised by: P.J.E. KershawSpring 2007

University of Virginia


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INTRODUCTION

The Suevi (or Sueves, Suebi) are one of the least known and least studied of the

Germanic groups that invaded the Roman Empire in the fifth century C.E. Although they

did not achieve the historical importance of the Visigoths or the Franks, the Suevi

nevertheless played an important role in Iberian history throughout the almost two

centuries that their kingdom lasted, and even after. They formed the first stable

Germanic/barbarian kingdom in the West and were the first to be ruled by a Catholic

monarch, Rechiarius, who assumed the throne in 448. Despite seeming to be one of the

smaller groups that invaded Iberia in 409, within 30 years they were able to create a political entity consolidated enough to attempt and almost achieve the conquest of the

entire Iberian Peninsula.

The Sueves were often portrayed by past historians as pillaging and uncouth

barbarians who appropriately enough were the traveling companions of the Vandals.

This idea was largely shaped by the unflattering opinions of those few who wrote about

them. Hydatius, John of Biclar and Isidore of Seville generally viewed the Sueves as

invaders or enemies because they were either negatively affected by Suevic activities or

were loyal to Suevic enemies. In fact, the only positive opinion of the Sueves was held

by Orosius, but his opinion was also colored by his desire to portray his chaotic Christian

epoch as still being better than past pagan ages.

Looking past the traditional and superficial portrayal of the Sueves, a different picture emerges. The relationship between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans they

conquered seems to have been much more complex and less diametrically opposed than a

simple antagonistic relationship between pillaging barbarians and subjected Hispano-


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Romans. But neither was their relationship a peaceful cohabitation that rapidly resulted

in the integration of the Sueves into the Hispano-Roman population and the creation of a

new people, as portrayed by some more modern authors. Somewhere between these two

extreme portrayals of interaction lies a relationship shaped by social, material,

institutional, ideological and religious realities. The relationship between them was a

complex interaction that was characterized initially by constant Suevic depredatory

campaigns but progressively became less antagonistic until the unknown point when the

Suevic element, itself absorbed politically into the Visigothic Kingdom, was absorbed

into the general Hispano-Roman population.This paper is divided into three major sections. The first section is a review of the

historiography of the Sueves. The second section introduces a basic but comprehensive

historical review of the Sueves. The third section analyses the relationship between the

Sueves and the Hispano-Romans in relation to a number of areas, such as identity, Suevic

settlement and expansion, power, religion and direct interactions.


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THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE SUEVI 1

Suevic historiography is based on a small number of sources. The most important

are the written sources. Archaeology, numismatics, epigraphy and linguistics can also

contribute, but the Sueves left few examples of this material and consequently their

usefulness is limited. These sources will be discussed later in the paper as they become

germane to particular discussions.

The most important primary sources for the Sueves areThe Chronicle of Hydatius,

The Chronicle of John of Biclar, Orosius Seven Books of History against the Pagans and

Isidore of Sevilles History of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi . Other important documentsinclude the acts of the First and Second Councils of Braga, the Third Council of Toledo,

the letters of Pope Leo I and Pope Vigilius, the Parochiale Suevum and other religious

writings. Minorreferences to the Suevi can be found in Jordanes The Origin and Deeds

of the Goths (or simply Getica ), Gregory of Tours History of the Franks and The

Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin (of Tours) and in some writings of St. Martin of Braga.

Other references can be found in the writings of Prosper of Aquitaine, St. Jerome, count

Marcellinus, Sidonius Apollinaris, The Gallic Chronicles of 542 and 511 , The Chronicle

of Zaragoza and other works of the period. Additionally, references to the Sueves before

they crossed the Rhine in 406 can be found in Strabos Geography , Gaius Julius Caesars

Seven Commentaries on the Gallic War , Tacitus Germania and other authors writing

about Germanic groups.2

Hydatius Chronicle is certainly the most important source for Suevic studies.

Except for Orosius and Martin of Braga, Hydatius is the only author that wrote about the

1 Author names inbold refer to works not directly cited in this paper, all others can be found in the workscited section.2 Torres Rodrguez, p. 17.


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Sueves based on personal experience. Isidore, John of Biclar and Gregory of Tours wrote

what they heard about the Sueves and often this information was already inaccurate and

was further colored by the particular agenda of each author. Hydatius, on the other hand,

lived in close proximity to the majority of the events that he chronicled and even played a

role in Suevic history through his embassy to Atius in 431. Hydatius was a native of

Gallaecia and served for much of his life as Bishop of Aquae Flaviae (modern Chaves).

He was born around 400 and he had gone on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in his youth

where he met St. Jerome.3 This encounter may have been influential in his decision to

continue St. Jeromes Chronicle . By his own admission, he wrote hisChronicle asmuch at the end of the earth as at the end of my life, which leads many authors to date it

to around 468 when it abruptly ends.4 His trip to the Holy Land seems to suggest that

Hydatius came from a rich and influential pro-Roman family and that his support of the

Hispano-Romans against the Sueves was a logical position for him. However helpful,

Hydatius Chronicle is infamously terseand is clearly colored by Hydatius negative

view of the barbarians. In this Hydatius is usually seen as representing the traditional

negative Roman elite attitude towards barbarians. Nevertheless, R.W. Burgess in his

edition of theChronicle calls Hydatius the best Latin historian to survive between

3 Hydatius, preface (1), (2).4 Ibid. (1). Although it is possible that Hydatius may have been writing at least since 456 when his writingseems to change tone from a sympathetic view of the Visigoths as agents of Rome to a more apprehensiveview of them due to their sacking of Braga, Astorga and Palencia, as if he was reacting to current events.This change of attitude by Hydatius is supported by Lpez & Rodrguez (p. 554) se trata, ciertamente, deun cambio en el tono de Hidacio . A stronger proof of this is that in 456 he declared that the Suevickingdom was destroyed (regnum destructum et finitum est Sueuorum ), but later goes on to speak of therestoration of the Suevic monarchy under Remismund, thus suggesting that he wrote down these eventswithout knowledge of future events.


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Ammianus Marcellinus and Gregory of Tours, and probably the best in his genre in all of

Late Antiquity. 5

In opposition to Hydatius, Paulus Orosius painted the most positive portrayal of

the Sueves of any author. Similarly to Hydatius, Orosius was a native ofGallaecia and

undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He also met and became a disciple of another

prominent figure of the early Christian Church, Augustine of Hippo. Soon after his

arrival in North Africa around 413 or 414, and with the encouragement of Augustine,

Orosius set out to write a history of the world based on the idea that God was directing

humanity to progressively better times; thus hisSeven Books of History against the Pagans support the thesis that his chaotic times were better than those of the pagans.6

Like Augustine, he wanted to counter those who said that the calamities plaguing the

Roman world were caused by the abandonment of the pagan religions and the taking up

of Christianity. This is why in Orosius is born a certain disdain for the work of Rome

and a great hope for the future of the barbarian peoples.7

John of Biclar was a Visigothic writer born in Lusitania and educated in

Constantinople who wrote hisChronicle sometime before 591. HisChronicle is terse

like Hydatius and is colored by his single -minded focus on his own people, the Visigoths,

to the historical injury of others like the Suevi.8 Nevertheless, hisChronicle provides

essential information about the period from 568 to 591, from which there is no other

important contemporary account for the Sueves, except Gregory of Tours.

5 Burgess in his introduction to Hydatius Chronicle , p. 10.6 Livermore, p. 82.7 Torres Rodrguez, p. 18.8 Ferreiro, The Sueves in the Chronica of John Biclaro p. 202.


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Isidore of Seville provides a synthesis of these preceding authors in his History of

the Goths, Vandals and Suevi . The work is largely a summary of these past writings and

rarely includes new information. Isidores Histories have survived in two separate

versions: a shorter one from 619 and a longer one from 624.9 The shorter version contains

some factual inaccuracies, such as giving Hermerics reign 14 years instead of 32 years

and placing the entrance of the Sueves into Iberia in the Spanishaera 497 instead of the

correct 446.10 In fact this is a good example of the types of problems of sources that

historians have had to deal with in Suevic historiography.

The study of Suevic history until the early twentieth century was intertwined witheither Pan-Germanist or Galician nationalist currents. German nationalism encouraged

much study on the beginnings and identities of the Germanic peoples. 11 This

nationalism sought to create links between the Germans of Late Antiquity and modern

Germany, and thus make German identity older and rooted inthese energetic peoples.

Examples of this scholarship are the studies of Schmidt, Schwantes, Dahn and Mascov.12

This impetus from the Pan-Germanism movement eventually influenced the glorification

of the Visigoths and Germanic identity during the Franco regime in its efforts to portray

Spanish unity and a European identity.

9 Rodrguez in Isidore of Seville, St. History of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi , p. 25.10 The Spanishaera was a dating method used by such authors as Hydatius, Isidore and others whichcorresponds roughly to an addition of 38 years to our dating system. Ex. Spanishaera 494 would equal ouryear 456.11 Goffart, p. ix.12

SeeSchmidt , Ludwig Allgemeine Geschichte der germanischen Vlker bis zur Mitte des sechstenJahrhunderts. Handbuch der Mittelalterlingchen und neuen Geschichte . Abt. 2. Munich-Berlin, 1909, pp.21-68;Geschichte der deutschen St mme bis zum Ausgang der Vlkerwanderung Erste. Abt. DieGeschichte der Ostgermanen , Berlin, 1910.Schwantes , G. Die swebische Landnahme . Forschumgenund Fortschritte , 1933, p. 197.Dahn , Felix. Die Knige der Germanen. Das Wesen des ltesten Knigtumsder germanischen Stmme 1861-1909. Hildesheim, New York: G. Olms, reprinted in 1973.Mascov ,Johann Jakob.The History of the Ancient German; including that of the Cimbri, Suevi, Alemanni, Franks,Saxons, Goths, Vandals, and Other Ancient Northern Nations, Who Overthrew the Roman Empire, and

Established that of Germany, and Most of the Kingdoms of Europe . translated by Thomas Lediard, esq.London, Westminster: J. Mechell, 1738.


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Study of the Sueves in Iberia meanwhile remained sidelined in relation to the

more popular study of the Visigoths. During the late nineteenth century, the

Rexurdimento (renaissance/resurgence) of Galician culture and literature led to the study

of Suevic history within the framework of Galician nationalism. The most important

historians of this trend included large sections on Suevic history in their overviews of

Galician history and sought to identify traces of Suevic character in the Galician identity.

The best examples of this are Manuel Martnez Murgua, who founded the Real

Academia Galega in 1906, and Benito Vicetto.13 While greatly advancing the knowledge

of the Sueves, these studies suffered from many problems. For example, Vicetto, basinghimself on the problem-ridden shorter version of Isidores Histories figured that a

Hermeric II must have existed as successor to who is now considered only a noble,

Heremigarius. Because this version of Isidore incorrectly stated that Hermeric rule for

only 14 years, instead of 32, Vicetto surmised that Heremigarius must have been a king

in between two kings named Hermeric, thus Hermeric I and Hermeric II. Vicetto also

conjectured that when Rechiarius converted to Catholicism the rest of the Suevic people

must have followed suit, but there is no proof of this and the consensus today is that this

did not happen.14 Poor sources, excessive conjecturing and a nationalist agenda hurt the

historical value of these works.

Spanish historiography underwent a systematization and reorganization in the

early twentieth century which was represented by such luminaries as Menndez y Pelayo

and Menndez Pidal, especially with his monumental multi-volume Historia de Espaa .

13 Martnez Murgua , Manuel. Historia de Galicia (1888). Vicetto, Benito. Historia de Galicia (1866).Both reprinted in Historia de Galicia: reproduccin facsmil de las an no superadas ediciones de dichosautores . Bilbao, Spain: Editorial La Gran Enciclopedia Vasca, 1979.14 Thompson, The Conversion of the Spanish Suevi p. 78.


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Referring to the forgotten state of Suevic historiography, Menndez y Pelayo remarked

that the Sueves had often been portrayed as one-dimensional, savage barbarians because

these histories were uncritically based solely on Hydatius and the later chronicles.15

Nevertheless, not much of value in Suevic terms resulted from this reorganization of

Spanish historiography and even Torres Lpezs treatment of Germanic Spain in

Menndez Pidals compilation quickly became outdated. 16

The modern study of the Sueves was pioneered by Wilhelm Reinhart in 1952 with

the first monograph on the subject, Historia general del reino hispnico de los Suevos .17

Reinharts book is short, but it is a valuable introduction to the study of the Sueves. AfterReinharts revival of Suevic study, a number of articles and larger works which partially

dealt with the Sueves began to appear, some of the major authors being Pierre David,

Alain Tranoy, Fermn Bouza Brey and Casimiro Torres Rodrguez. Alberto Ferreiro is

the leading bibliographer of Germanic Iberia and all of these works can be found in his

two extensive bibliographical collections and a bibliographical article.18 The second and

last monograph written on the Sueves to this day was penned by Torres Rodrguez under

the dual titles of El reino de los suevos and Galicia sueva in 1977.19 While his

monograph is full of conjectures and a loose interpretation of historical facts, which has

been criticized as lacking a scholarly historical analysis, his voluminous work does

15 Reinhart, p. 65.16 Collins, p. 248. Although the new editions edited by M.Jover Zamora have greatly improved thiscollection. Historia de Espaa Menndez Pidal , volume III. Madrid, Spain, 1991.17 Collins, p. 251.18 Ferreiro , Alberto.The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain, A.D. 418-711: A Bibliography . Leiden, ND: E.J.Brill, 1988.Ferreiro , Alberto.The Visigoths in Gaul and Iberia: A Supplemental Bibliography, 1984-2003 .Leiden, ND: E.J. Brill, 2006. Ferreiro, Alberto. Sueves and Martin of Braga: Historiography and FutureResearch Projects. In Suevos/Schwaben. Das Knigreich der Sueben auf der Ibersichen Halbinsel (411-585). Coloquio Interdisciplinar. Universidade do Minho, Braga, 4-6 March 1996. Tbingen: Gunter NarrVerlag, 1998, pp. 37-62.19 Torres Rodrguez, Casimiro. El reino de los suevos ( or Galicia sueva) . La Corua, Spain: FundacinPedro Barri de la Maza, 1977.


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provide the most complete history of the Sueves yet and updated the archaeological

record of the Sueves to 1977.20 The most important British historian to study the Sueves

was E.A. Thompson who wrote much on them in his later years. His main work on the

Sueves was a collection of articles in Romans and Barbarians which demonstrated a

changing face of Suevic historiography.21 While still betraying a traditional one-

dimensional negative view of the Sueves, Thompson brought the rigor of British

historiography to their study and his works are more accessible, clear and factual than the

more convoluted works of other historians.

The change that Spanish historiography experienced after the end of the Francoregime also affected Suevic historiography. Two important trends define the

contemporary study of the Sueves. The first is the systematization and reincorporation of

Spanish historiography into international historical currents. A new generation of

historians with training outside of the Spanish university system brought Spanish

historiography out of its isolation and introduced into it modern methods of historical

analysis. This is especially exemplified by the work of one of the most important

historians dealing with the Sueves today, Pablo de la Cruz Daz Martnez. The modern

approach is to strip away the excessive conjectures and assumptions of past historians

and concentrate on writing factual history,we must bear in mind the sparseness of the

literary sources and the difficulty of reconciling them with confusing archaeological

remains: these have too often led to a scholarly controversy that makes up for the

20 Ferreiro, Sueves and Martin of Braga p. 41. 21 Thompson, E.A. Romans and Barbarians: The Decline of the Western Empire . Madison, WI: TheUniversity of Wisconsin Press, 1982. Thompson, E.A. Th e Conversion of the Spanish Suevi toCatholicism. In Visigothic Spain: New Approaches . Ed. Edward James. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press,1980, pp.77-92.


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minimal evidence with a superfluity of unsupported hypothesis. 22 In line with this

approach, the new edition of theChronicle of Hydatius by R.W. Burgess completely

eclipses the standard text of Mommsen, not to mention Tranoys highly eccentric Sources

Chrtiennes edition and the uncritical text of Campos often used in Spain. 23

The second trend in contemporary Suevic historiography is the strong support it

receives from a renewed sense of Galician nationalism. A result of the end of the Franco

regime, the rise of regional nationalisms in Spain has increased the institutional support

and audience for subjects like Suevic history. Going back to the support of Torres

Rodrguez for his monograph by the Fundacin Pedro Barri de la Maza in 1977,Galician cultural, academic and political organizations (such as this Fundacin , El

Instituto de Estudios Galegos P. Sarmiento , the Real Academia Galega and even the

Xunta de Galicia ) have shown a strong willingness to support Suevic studies within the

framework of increasing the knowledge of Galician history and identity.24 This renewed

interest in Suevic history has yielded a renewed vigor in Suevic historiography which is

evinced by the rise in the number of publications dealing with them.25

Since Suevic historiography has never been a very popular subject and it is

usually the work of lone historians, it is difficult to characterize and organize it into neat

categories; thus much of the preceding text is a broad generalization. Fortunately, this

lack of unity and cooperation (cooperation which in the past was only seen between the

few Spanish, usually Galician, historians who wrote about the Sueves) seems to have

22 Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, The Cantabrian Basin in p. 266. 23 Bowes & Kulikowski, p. 15. Hydatius. Chronicle . In The Chronicle of Hydatius and the ConsulariaConstantinopolitana . Edited and translated by R.W. Burgess. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1993.24 For example,Galicia: da romanidade xermanizacin, problemas histricos e culturais . Santiago deCompostela, Spain: Seccin de Prehistoria e Arqueloloxa do Instituto de Estudios Galegos P. Sarmiento,1993.25 Again see Ferreiros extensive bibliographical collections.


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been somewhat eroded as the number of scholarly collaborations and congresses

increases.26 Hopefully, the effects of these two contemporary trends will lead to a more

systematic and collaborative study of Suevic history.

26 For a review of these see Ferreiro, Alberto. Sueves and Martin of Br aga: Historiography and FutureResearch Projects. In Suevos/Schwaben. Das Knigreich der Sueben auf der Ibersichen Halbinsel (411-585). Coloquio Interdisciplinar. Universidade do Minho, Braga, 4-6 March 1996. Tbingen: Gunter NarrVerlag, 1998, pp. 37-62.


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THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

According to studies on the origins of the various Germanic tribes, a collection of

peoples called the Suevi seem to have occupied areas of Denmark, Schleswig-Holstein

and the southwest of the Scandinavian Peninsula during the Bronze Age. Slowly they

expanded south into northwest Germany before the Iron Age (c. 800-600 B.C.E.) and by

the latter date Schwantes believes that they could be found occupying the southern

Danish islands and both sides of the Elbe River.27 Then they moved south into lands of

the Celts, whom they expelled, eliminated or absorbed into their group, and came to

occupy an area from the eastern bank of the middle Rhine to the Main River furtherwest.28 Hence, this group would have occupied an area that would have cut horizontally

across the middle of modern Germany encompassing parts of the modern German states

of Saxony, Thuringia and Hesse. It must be remembered that these accounts belong to an

older scholarship that has largely been displaced in favor of the view that Germanic

groups were not as cohesive, and their migrations far more complex and indiscernible,

than previously thought. Nevertheless, there is still a consensus that by the first century

C.E. the middle Danube was full of Sueves. 29

The first historical accounts of the Sueves come from Strabo and Julius Caesar.

Strabo lists various tribes of the Sueves and states that they excel all the others

[Germans] in power and numbers. 30 Caesar recounts his fight against the powerful

Suevic king, Ariovistus, for control of central Gaul in the first century B.C.E. Caesar27 Torres Rodrguez, p. 23. Reinhart, p. 13. SeeSchmidt , Ludwig Allgemeine Geschic hte dergermanischen Vlker bis zur Mitte des sechsten Jahrhunderts. Handbuch der Mittelalterlingchen undneuen Geschichte . Abt. 2. Munich-Berlin, 1909, pp. 21-68;Ge schichte der deutschen Stmme bis zumAusgang der Vlkerwanderung Erste. Abt. Die Geschichte der Ostgermanen , Berlin, 1910.Schwantes , G.Die swebische Landnahme . Forschumgen und Fortschritte , 1933, p. 197.28 Torres Rodrguez, p. 23.29 Goffart, p. 82.30 Strabo, IV, (3) 4.


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emerged victorious and the Sueves were turned back from their attempt to conquer and

settle Gaul and turned east.31 They settled around the area of modern Slovakia and for the

next four centuries they interacted with Rome as neighbors, which included times of

peace and war (as evinced by the Marcommanic Wars of the 160-170s C.E.)32 Eventually,

a number of pressures seem to have created an impetus among the settled tribes of this

region to emigrate.33 The situation was one of complicated displacements and movements

of these different groups with likewise complex interactions. Similarly to other

Germanic groups, what little evidence there is suggests that Suebi did not designate a

rigidly defined group.34

The name seems to refer to an umbrella group made up of someof the tribes identified as Suevi by Tacitus and other Roman authors, such as the

Marcomanni, Quadi, etc., but it also seems to include elements of their Sarmatian,

Alemanni and Asding Vandal neighbors.35 This variable ethnicity is evinced by the

various names used to refer to the Suevi. Gregory of Tours (c. 594) called them the

Suebi, also called the Alamanni and St. Jerome, writing in 409, never even uses the

word Suevi. 36

It is from these circumstances that a section of the Danubian Suevi together with

other groups began to emigrate towards the Rhine. St. Jerome wrote that it was

specifically the Quadi tribe of the Suevi which accompanied the Vandals and Alans on

this migration.37 Eventually, on the last day of the year 40538

31 Gaius Julius Caesar, I, 31-51.32 Reinhart, p. 19-21.33 The traditional explanation is the Hunno-Alanic expansions. See Goffart, p. 75-78.34 Hummer, p. 16.35 Ibid. Torres Rodrguez, p. 25.36 Gregory of Tours, St.The History of the Franks II, (2). Jerome, St. p. 301.37 Reinhart, p. 23. Jerome, St. p. 301.38 Goffart, p. 74. For this new exact dating seeKulikowski , Michael. Barbarians in Gaul, Usurpers inBritain. Britannia 31 (2000), pp. 325-331.


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Siling and Asding Vandals, the Sueves and the Alans crossed the Rhineand from there followed the route Mainz, Trier, Reims, Tournai, Ameinsand Arras, where they split.39

There is some disagreement as to the precise routes taken by these invaders.40 Van

Schoor writes that they split into two groups; one followed a more northerly route

through Orlans and Tours, while the second group, including the Suevi, headed to Iberia

by way of Bordeaux.41 Torres Rodrguez, following Courtois, writes that they split into

their individual groups and headed into Gaul in a fork formation.42 It seems that the

Sueves may have intended to head for Britain but they were repelled by the armies of the

pretender Constantine III at Cambray and Valence.43

It is this migrating period whichmay have been instrumental in the ethno-genesis of a distinctive Suevic identity that

emerged with a relatively strong royal authority (seemingly hereditary from this point

forward) and built on a client aristocracy.44 It is not clear that the invaders had Iberia in

mind as an ultimate target, for according to the chronicles they wandered through Gaul

during the chaos of those years.45 What seems to have been the case was that the invaders

could not find land on which to settle and so kept raiding and depredating until there was

no more to pillage in Gaul. Then on either the 28th of September or the 12th of October,

409, the Alans, Vandals and Sueves entered Hispania as the next logical place to

pillage.46

39 Van Schoor, p. 335.40 For further controversies on this subject see Reinhart p. 27.41 Van Schoor, p. 335.42 Torres Rodrguez, p. 34. SeeCourtois , Christian. Les Vandales et lAfrique . Paris: Arts et mtiersgraphiques, 1955. p. 45.43 Torres Rodrguez, p. 34.44 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 599.45 Reinhart, p. 29 following Isidore of Seville, St. 71.46 Hydatius, 34. Note: This Burgess edition uses different numeration than the old standard of Mommsen.


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The history of the Suevi in the Iberian Peninsula is best divided into six periods:47

1. Arrival and settlement (409-438)2. Territorial expansion (438-456)3. Crisis and Visigothic tutelage (456-468)

4.

Dark period (468-c. 550)5. Consolidation of the Suevic Kingdom (c. 550-583)6. Integration of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom (583-585)

1. Arrival and settlement (409-438)

The Roman civil wars between the pretenders Constantine III, Constans,

Genrontius and Maximus against the emperor Honorius and hismagister militum

Constantius, which had allowed these marauding groups to pillage Gaul for two years,

also facilitated similar actions in Iberia. It was not until two years later, in 411, that these

invaders decided to divide up Hispania and settle it. There is controversy on whether all

or any of these groups were settled under a foedus agreement with Rome, like the

Visigoths in Aquitania, which would have entailed a systematic method of dividing up

public and aristocratic lands to settle the invaders. This problem will be dealt with later

in this paper. For now it is important to know that the invaders had decided to settle

because most likely they had consumed all that was available. Estimates of the number

of the Sueves range from about 25,00048 to between 30,000 and 35,000 (with around

8,000 warriors); making them the smallest of the Germanic invaders of Iberia.49 If we

believe in Pliny theElders calculation for a population of around 700,000 (excluding

slaves) in the first century C.E. for the areas in which the Sueves would settle, but take

into account the widely supported opinion that populations had decreased in Iberia by the

47 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 599.48 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians ... p. 158.49 Reinhart, p. 32. Estimates of the other Germanic groups (from Thompson): Silings 50,000; Alans 30,000-40,000; Asdings 80,000 (although this figure taken from Procopiuss description of the Asdings invasionof Africa ( Bellum Vandalicum , I, 5) is held to have been impossibly high because there could never have been enough boats to transport them (Brck , Gerschichte des Kriegskunst , Berlin, 1921).


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early fifth century, then a conservative estimate would place the Suevi at around 5% of

the Hispano-Roman population.50 More liberal estimates could yield up to 8-9%.

The division of Iberia was done through lots ( sorte ad inhabitandum ) of the

provinces. 51 The Siling Vandals were settled in Baetica , the Alans were allotted

Lusitania and Carthaginiensis , the Asding Vandals tookGallaecia and the Sueves were

settled in that part of Gallaecia which is situated on the very western edge of the

Ocean. 52 OnlyTarraconensis remained under the control of Rome. The Sueves seem to

have early on chosen Braga as their center of power. Once again there is controversy

over the division ofGallaecia between the Asding Vandals and the Sueves, but it will bedealt with later. For now, I will accept the opinion that the Sueves were settled in the

western part ofGallaecia containing theconventus of Braga, Lugo and Astorga, and the

Asding Vandals on the eastern part. Gallaecia at this time was larger than the modern

Galicia. It included Galicia, Asturias, Cantabria, the north of Portugal down to the Douro,

and parts of the northern plateau of Castile to Numantia; essentially Iberia north of the

Douro from Galicia until a line running north to south from modern Bilbao to Soria.53

The years after the settlement proved to have been quiet and seemingly peaceful

for the Sueves. The only conflicts in Iberia that Hydatius records are the expeditions of

the Visigoths under their king Vallia to wipe out the Alans and Siling Vandals as part of

their agreement with Honorius.54 This was achieved by 418 with the complete destruction

of the Siling Vandals and the amalgamation of the few remaining Alans into the Asding

50 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians ... p. 158. Pliny the Elder, (iii), 28.51 Hydatius, 41.52 Ibid. Calliciam Vandali occupant et Suaeui sitam in extremitate Oceani maris occidua . 53 Torres Rodrguez, p. 49.54 Hydatius, 55, 59, 60.


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Vandals and the withdrawal of the Visigoths to Aquitaine.55 With only the Sueves and the

Asding Vandals left in Iberia a conflict between them arose in 419 in which the Vandals,

under their king Gunderic, blockaded the Sueves in the Erbasian Mountains, with his first

mention of their king Hermeric.56 The Vandals desisted from this under pressure from

Astirius, thecomes Hispaniarum , and headed south into Baetica .57 In 429, the Vandals

decided to leave Iberia and try their luck in Africa. As the Vandals were about to cross,

Heremigarius, who seems to have been a Suevic noble, led an expedition against the

Vandals, but was defeated around Merida.58 With the Vandals in Africa, the Sueves

became the only Germanic group left in Iberia and this left them free to follow a policy ofexpansion against a disunited Iberian populace with no real Roman military support.

2. Territorial expansion (438-456)

The years of seeming peace with the Hispano-Romans since 411 were broken

with Hermerics expedition to pillage the central areas of Gallaecia in 430, which

ended with the re-signing of the peace treaty which they had broken with the Gallaeci

(Hispano-Romans) after they captured some Suevic hostages. 59 However, the Sueves

broke the peace as soon as the opportunity presented itself and Hydatius himself

undertook an embassy to seek aid from Atius in 431, who was campaigning in Gaul; he

sent thecomes Censurius to negotiate between the Sueves and the Hispano-Romans.60

Seven years of diplomacy and broken treaties ensued until 438 when the Sueves ratified

55 Ibid. 55, 60, 61.56 Ibid. 63. Isidore of Seville (85) wrote that Hermeric had been the Suevic king when they crossed into

Iberia in 409.57 Ibid. 66. The title comes at this point seems to denote a regional Roman military leader, in this caseAstirius would be the military commander in Iberia; the term is often translated to count (Reinhart, p. 42) 58 Ibid. 80.59 Ibid. 81. This previous peace treaty could be proof of a treaty of settlement between the Sueves and theHispano-Romans since Hermerics campaign of 430 is the first mention in Hydatius of a Suevic attack onHispano-Romans since they settled inGallaecia in 411. This controversy will be discussed later.60 Ibid. 86.


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the terms of a peace treaty with the section of the people ofGallaecia with whom they

had been in conflict. 61

In that same year, Hermeric, overcome by illness, abdicated in favor of his son

Rechila, who immediately defeated a Roman army under a certain Andevotus near the

Singilis River in Baetica , seizing his great treasure of gold and silver.62 This battle was

the first serious Roman military force that confronted the Sueves, and after this date

Roman military power in Iberia was effectively non-existent.63 With this victory, Iberia

was left completely open to Suevic conquest. In 439, Rechila conquered Merida where

Hermeric would die in 441 and which would become a second center of Suevic powerafter Braga.64 In 441, he seized Seville and brought under his control the rest of Baetica

and Carthaginiensis .65 Around these years, the Church seems to have enjoyed liberty

enough for the bishops Antoninus, Hydatius and Thoribius to persecute the heretical

Manichees (Priscillianists) in Gallaecia .66 Continuing the expansion of his kingdom,

Rechila defeated a Roman army that had been harassing the inhabitants of

Carthaginiensis and Baetica in 446, commanded by the future emperor Avitus, after his

Visigothic auxiliaries defected.67 In August of 448, Rechila died a pagan in Emerita

[Merida]. His son Rechiarius, an orthodox Christian, succeeded him as king, and though

he had a number of rivals from among his own family, they did not reveal themselves. 68

Despite being a Catholic and thus seemingly closer to Hispano-Romans,

Rechiarius would accelerate the territorial expansion that his father had begun at the

61 Ibid. 105.62 Ibid. 106.63 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 178. 64 Hydatius, 111, 114.65 Ibid. 115.66 Ibid. 122.67 Ibid. 126. Speaks to the importance of the Visigoths for imperial actions at this date.68 Ibid. 129. The implications ofRechiarius conversion to Catholicism will be discussed later.


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expense of the Iberian population.69 As soon as he ascended to the throne he invaded the

farthest reaches [ofGallaecia ] in search of booty. 70 He also married the daughter of the

Visigothic King Theodoric I to foster better relations with this more powerful Germanic

group. In 449, on the return from a visit to his father-in-law, possibly for the marriage

ceremony, Rechiarius allied with Basilius, leader of the popular army of the Basque area

known as the Bacaude . Together they pillaged the vicinity ofCaesaraugusta (Saragossa)

and entered into Ilerda (Lleida) by ruse.71 These invasions mark the widest extent of

Suevic expansion. At this point, the Suevic Kingdom held at least nominal control over

almost all of Iberia except for the Mediterranean coasts ofCarthaginiensis and parts ofTarraconensis . Rechiarius was also the first Catholic Germanic king and the first

Germanic king to issue coinage with his own name. He is famous for the silver siliquae

bearing the name of Honorius on one side and the inscriptionivssv richiaris reges on the

other, which were probably minted in Braga.72

In 455, maybe sensing weakened Roman power after the turmoil caused by the

assassinations of Atius and Valentinian III, Rechiariuspillaged the areas of

Carthaginiensis that they [the Sueves] had returned to the Romans, probably in a peace

treaty in 453.73 This began a series of diplomatic missions between Theodoric II, Avitus

and Rechiarius to attempt to force the Sueves to honor the terms of this past treaty.74

Rechiarius sent back the Visigothic and Roman envoys and invadedTarraconensis twice

in 456. In reaction to this, Theodoric II, in obedience to the wishes and command of the

69 This could mean that either his conversion did not really bring closer ties to the Hispano-Romans or thathis campaigns could have been supported and assented to by some Hispano-Romans living under theSueves.70 Hydatius, 129.71 Ibid. 134.72 Metcalf, p. 357.73 Hydatius, 161, 147.74 Ibid. 163, 165.


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emperor Avitus, entered Spain with his own vast army. 75 Their armies met twelve miles

from Asturica (Astorga) on the Orbigo River on the fifth of October, 456. The Sueves

were defeated soon after the onset of the engagement and the Suevic rank and file

were slaughtered, some were captured, but most were put to flight. 76 Rechiarius was

wounded and fled towards Portus Cale (Oporto), but was later captured by the Visigoths.

Immediately after his victory, Theodoric II headed to Braga and sacked it in an action

which, although accomplished without bloodshed, was nevertheless tragic and

lamentable. 77 With the sack of Braga and the capture of Rechiarius, Hydatius declared

thus was the kingdom of the Sueves destroyed and brought to an end.78

3. Crisis and Visigothic tutelage (456-468)

The power vacuum created by the destruction of Hermerics dynasty resulted in a

period of confusing civil wars between different Suevic factions. Theodoric II had left

Gallaecia by December of 456, after the execution of Rechiarius. He sent Visigothic

forces into the plains of Gallaecia [also known now as the Gothic Fields or the Castile-

Leon plains], where they seem to have remained garrisoned as a tool of Visigothic

control over the Sueves.79 Promptly, the Sueves who had remained in the farthest

reaches ofGallaecia set u p as their king the son of Massilia, who was named Maldras. 80

Simultaneously, a certain Aioulfus deserted the Goths and settled in Gallaecia ,

meaning that he was employed by the Visigoths before, probably as a local ruler or

75 Ibid. 166.76 Ibid. 166.77 Ibid. 16778 Ibid. 168. regnum destructum et finitum est Sueuorum . A curious statement since Hydatius would latergo on to speak of the restoration of the Suevic monarchy with Remismund in 464.79 Ibid. 171. Reinhart, p. 48.80 Hydatius, 174.


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agent.81 It is likely that this is the same person who Hydatius names as Agiulfus, who

assassinated thecomes Censurius in Seville in 449, possibly to destabilize relations

between the Sueves and Rome.82 However, by June of 457, he died in Oporto while he

was aspiring to the kingdom ofthe Sueves. 83 Soon after another Suevic faction made

Framtane king and because they had been split into factions, the Sueves solicited peace

from the Gallaecians. 84 Nevertheless, these civil wars only exacerbated the conflicts

between the Suevi and the Hispano-Roman because each Suevic faction carried out its

own pillaging campaigns. Maldras raided Lusitania and that part of Gallaecia bordering

on the Durius River soon after the mentioned peace treaty.85

Framtane died betweenEaster and Pentecost of 4 58, possibly too early to have carried out any depredating

campaigns, but he was succeeded, whether in the same faction or another, by

Rechimund.86

In 459, Maldras and Rechimund undertook separate campaigns in Lusitania and

Gallaecia and intensified the hostile relations between the Sueves and the Gallaecians.87

Rome and the Visigoths, after settling some differences, intervened in Iberia to prepare

Majorians failed invasion of the Vandals in North Africa, but also to harass the Sueves

who revolted in Lucus (Lugo).88 This expedition was betrayed by the informers

Dictynius, Spinio and Ascanius, who seem to have been Hispano -Roman collaborators

81 Ibid. 173. Jordanes (233) states that Aioulfus was a Varn and that Theodoric had placed him in charge ofthe Sueves.82 Hydatius, 131.83 Ibid. 180.84 Ibid. 181.85 Ibid. 181, 183.86 Ibid. 182, 188.87 Ibid. 188, 191.88 Ibid. 192, 195, 196.


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of the Sueves.89 After the assassination of Maldras, probably linked to his own

assassination of his brother, another pretender, Frumarius, appears leading another

faction in 460.90 With the help of the same collaboratorswho sabotaged Majorians

invasion, Frumarius kidnapped Hydatius from his see of Aquae Flaviae and pillaged this

sameconventus , holding him captive for three months.91 Simultaneously, Rechimund was

raiding the areas close to him, both the territory of the Auregenses and the coastal areas

of the conventus of Lucus .92 Then, Frumarius and Rechimund were caught in a direct

struggle for the throne, which afforded the Hispano-Roman population with a respite

from their individual depredating campaigns.93

A series of diplomatic exchanges betweenthe Visigoths and the Sueves followed, but the pillaging continued in an intermittent

manner.

At this point another factualcontroversy arises. Hydatius mentions that upon the

death of Frumarius, a certain Remismund, who had been involved in the diplomatic

exchanges with the Visigoths and who Isidore says was the son of Maldras, by his right

as king, brought all the Sueves back under his sovereignty and restored the peace that had

lapsed. 94 The disagreement involves whether Remismund is the same person as

Rechimund. Since this is not a substantial problem, it will suffice to continue with

Remismund as king, since this is what Hydatius uses from this point forward.

Under Remismund the Suevic monarchy was restored in 464 and he seems to

have enjoyed the support of Theodoric II since he received gifts, weapons and his own

89 Ibid. 196.90 Ibid. 193, 190, 196.91 Ibid. 196, 202.92 Ibid. 197.93 Ibid. 198, 199.94 Ibid. 219. Isidore of Seville, St. 33, 89.


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wife, who Theodoric had been keeping. 95 Most historians believe that this wife was a

Visigothic princess and that Theodoric had sent her to tie the Suevic monarchy to

Visigothic control.96 An Arian priest named Ajax97 was sent to the Sueves from the

Gallic home of the Goths, with the approval of Remismund to convert the Sueves to

Arianism, a task in which he seems to have had at least solidly converted the Suevic

nobility.98 Thus, Theodoric II supported Remismund as the single king of the Sueves, but

it is obvious that he did so in order to control their kingdom. Nevertheless, Remismund

was not a simple puppet king. He clashed with the people of Aunona in 465, against the

wishes of Theodoric.99

When Theodoric II was killed by his brother Euric, Remismundused the situation to assert a higher level of independence. He returned the envoys sent

by Euric, crossed into Lusitania and tookUlixippona (Lisbon) in 468 with the aid of its

Hispano-Roman governor, Lusidius.100 After concluding a peace treaty with the

Aunonenses , Remismund sent marauding expeditions to Lusitania and theconventus of

Asturica while Visigothic troops did likewise in the same provinces probably to counter

the Suevic expeditions, although the Sueves and Visigoths never met in battle.101

Hydatius last mention of the Sueves is that Remismund sent env oys, with Lusidius at the

95 Hydatius, 222.96 See Diego, de & Bjar, p. 604. Reinhart, p. 51. Torres Rodrguez, p. 175.97 Different authors argue if this Ajax was a Gaul, Greek or Galician. Hydatius uses the phrase Aiaxnatione Galata 228. A Galician origin is almost always thrown out since there is no other proof of aGallaeci being called aGalata . Many authors, including Burgess, translate it to a mean a Greek, in the ideathat Greek authors used this word to describe Celts (as in the Celts that settled in Anatolia, the Galatians).A more convincing argument is that of Torres Rodrguez (p. 175) who argues that since Hydatius hadvisited the East as a child, he may have been aware of this Greek way to refer to Celts. He goes on to saythat Hydatius meant that Ajax was a Celt from Gaul, thereby making the widely-supported hypothesis thathe was sent by Theodoric II more plausible.98 Hydatius, 228.99 Ibid. 229.100 Ibid. 234, 236, 240.101 Ibid. 243, 244.


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head, to the emperor Antemius in 468.102 With this theChronicle of Hydatius ends and a

period of nearly one hundred years of historical darkness ensues.

4. Dark period (468-560)

At the beginning of this period there seems to have been a normalization of

frontiers and relations between the Sueves and Visigoths.103 It is known that certain

borders were defined to some extent between Sueves and Visigoths from the last actions

described by Hydatius. The actions in Lusitania suggest a frontier developed along the

Tagus with Coimbra and Idanha as southern outposts of the Sueves and Santarem and

Merida as Visigothic outposts, although Hydatius never mentions that the Visigoths evenretook Lisbon from the Sueves. The eastern border of the Suevic Kingdom probably

stretched as far as the Castile-Leon plains to which Theodoric II had sent Visigothic

troops following his victory in 456. Here, Astorga would have been the Suevic outpost

and Palencia the Visigothic one.104

Very little else is known about this dark period since there are no surviving

chronicles or other major sources of information; that which we know is based on

archaeological finds and indirect allusions from certain sources. Isidore says that after

Remismund many kings of the Sueves remained in the Arian heresy.105 There exist

mentions of kings that seem to fit within this period. Father Antonio de Yepes (c. 1615)

mentioned he had an ancient manuscript, which has not survived today, that mentioned a

102 Ibid. 245.103 This, and what follows, are merely conjectures based on the assumption that Remismund was able to

consolidate the Suevic kingdom after its defeat in 456 and stabilize the chaotic situation. Logically, theargument has been made that maybe one reason no author wrote about this period (especially St. Isidore) isthat there was not much to mention, meaning that it was a stable period of consolidating states (Sueves andVisigoths) in Iberia (see Reinhart, p. 54). The argument supporting borders is evinced by the fact that bythe incorporation of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom in 585, the Suevic Kingdom hadwell defined borders which had their foundations sometime after 468 (see Diego, de & Bjar, p. 606).104 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 606.105 Isidore of Seville, St. 90.


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king Hermeneric who ruled circa 485 and who was said to raze churches and be a

persecutor of Catholics.106 An inscription found at Salvador de Vairo with an inscribed

fifth-century date, and dated to the sixth century, mentions a Suevic king Veremundus.107

Reinhart states that he found a twelfth-century document that mentions a king

Theodemundus between Remismund and Theodomir, inside this dark period. This

mention is contained in a document on the Visigothic king Wamba's ecclesiastic

divisions, which leads Reinhart to believe that at the time this was written there must

have been an older source on which to base this listing.108 Nevertheless, we hardly know

anything about these kings save their name and it is hard to place dates to their rule.An important occurrence for Suevic history during this period was the increasing

level of immigration of Visigoths from Gaul after their defeat by the Franks at Vouill in

507. After the loss of the majority of their territory in Gaul, the Visigoths moved their

center of power to Toledo and consolidated their hold on Iberia. This added emphasis on

Iberia in the Visigothic mind further isolated the Sueves to the northwest corner of the

Peninsula and probably resulted in more stabilized borders for each kingdom.

5. Consolidation of the Suevic Kingdom (c. 550-583)

The Sueves come back into historical view around 550, but another controversy

ensued. This one involves the succession of kings in this period and how the Sueves

were converted to Catholicism. This problem is still unresolved, but for the sake of

continuity all the kings in contention will be discussed here. King Chararic (Carriaric) (c.

550-559) is only mentioned by St. Gregory of Tours inThe Miracles of the Bishop St.

Martin . Gregory recounts how the son of King Chararic became ill with leprosy and in

106 Lpez Carreira, p. 40.107 Ferreiro, Sueves and Martin of Braga p. 48. 108 Reinhart, p. 55.


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order to try to cure him Chararic sent an embassy to the tomb of the famous St. Martin of

Tours, saying that if his son would be cured he would take up the Catholic religion of

Martin. The envoys brought back a silk cloak that they had laid on Martins tomb and

that had miraculously increased in weight from soaking in the favor of this saint and the

king's son was miraculously cured. Chararic then renounced the Arian heresy and the

province was freed from the threat of leprosy. At the same time, circa 550, the future St.

Martin of Braga (or Dume) arrived in Galicia, roughly at the same time as Justinian's

Byzantine armies were retaking parts of southern Iberia in 551.109 Another king only

mentioned in one account is Ariamir. He is mentioned in the Acts of the First Council ofBraga in 561. The acts state that the council was held in the third year of the reign of

Ariamir and that the bishops had wanted to hold a council in years past, but they were

prohibited from doing so, thus we can trace back Ariamir's reign to begin either in 558 or

559.110

The other sources on this period only mention Theodomir as the first Suevic king

following the dark period. Isidore of Seville writes that Theodomir followed those

anonymous Arian kings of the dark period and restored the Sueves to Catholicism with

the aid of St. Martin of Braga.111 John of Biclar states that in 570, Miro was made king

of the Suevi after Theodemir. 112 Since Gregorys story is all that is written about

Chararic his existence is often doubted, but besides his possible conversion to

Catholicism, his existence is largely inconsequential. Thus, most historians believe that

Theodomir was the king who brought about the complete conversion of the Sueves, even

109 Gregory of Tours, St.The Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin 11 (p. 211 in Van Dams edition). 110 Acts of the First Council of Braga in Martin of Braga.Opera Omnia . The beginning of Ariamirs reignis most often prescribed to 559.111 Isidore of Seville, St. 90, 91.112 John of Biclar, 14.


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if Chararic could have possibly begun such a process if he indeed existed. As Isidore

writes, it was he who with the help of St. Martin of Braga brought about this

conversion.113 Ariamirs existence is often not even noted by historians, but if the acts of

such an important council, signed with the consent of eight bishops, mention him he must

have existed in some form. The usual solution to this is to believe that Ariamir was the

same person as Theodomir, and that if Chararic existed that Ariamir/Theodomir was the

ill son who was cured by the intervention of St. Martin of Tours.114

St. Martin of Braga is an enigmatic figure, though not by sixth-century standards

in Iberia. A native of Pannonia born between 510 and 520, Martin was said to have beeninspired while in the Holy Land to devote his life to missionary work in the West, which

he began by founding the monastery of Dume near Braga.115 Gregory of Tours wrote that

Martin of Braga arrived on the same day as the relics of St. Martin of Tours arrived in

Gallaecia .116 Gregory also wrote that Martin of Braga died in 580 and that he lived in

Gallaecia for 30 years, thus his arrival inGallaecia can be placed around the year 550,

which can give us some dates for the reign of Chararic (if his story is real) since the relics

of Martin of Tours arrived at the same time as Martin of Braga.117 Soon after his arrival

he was proclaimed Bishop and would later become the Metropolitan of Braga, in which

113 Isidore of Seville, St. 91.114

Torres Rodrguez (p. 274) believes that most likely Theodomir changed his name from Ariamir when hewas baptized, much like Hermenegild changed his name to Juan Bautista when he was baptized.115 Barlow in Martin of Braga.Opera Omnia , p. 2.116 Gregory of Tours, St.The Miracles of the Bishop St. Martin 11 (p. 211 in Van Dams edition). 117 Gregory of Tours, St.The History of the Franks V, (37), this version reprinted in Martin of Braga.Opera Omnia (appendix 6). Barlow (p.3) also writes that a largely unknown breviary held in a church inBraga (reprinted in his appendix 16) states that Martins episcopate lasted 23 years, not the 30 that Gregorystates. Barlow believes that Gregory probably rounded this figure and that this breviary is likely correct.

Nevertheless, Martins arrival in Galicia would stil l be placed in the early half of the 550s and his deatharound 580.


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capacity he would direct the Second Council of Braga in 572.118 Isidore wrote that

besides aiding in the conversion of the Sueves, Martin through his faith and science

worked to reorganize and strengthen the Church inGallaecia , but he is most remembered

for having converted the Sueves from Arianism to Catholicism, whether this involved

Chararic, Ariamir or Theodomir.119 Martin also seems to have been close to Theodomirs

successor, Miro, as he dedicated his Formula Vitae Honestae to this king and wrote in the

introduction that the advisors of this king should read it to be able to better council

him.120

Though little is written about Theodomirs reign various inferences have beenmade about the period of his rule. We know that the First Council of Braga took place in

561 shortly after the lifting of a ban on ecclesiastical meetings which must have logically

followed a large conversion of the Sueves to Catholicism,121 but it did not even mention

Arianism as the Third Council of Toledo would do in 589 when the Visigoths renounced

it in favor of Catholicism. The First Council of Braga was more concerned with

Priscillianists and outlining the right practices for monks to follow. Maybe Arianism still

had strong support either from a Suevic faction or more realistically from Visigothic

interests to keep the Sueves Arian and thus less independent. Nevertheless, probably

beginning with Theodomir, many historians see an increasing level of internal

organization and independence and a growing Suevic influence in northwest Iberia.122

These historians point to documents such as the Parochiale Suevum and the acts of the

118 Barlow in Martin of Braga.Opera Omnia , p. 2, 4. Barlow writes that Martin was probably appointed bishop by 556 and Metropolitan of Braga sometime between 561 and 572.119 Isidore of Seville, St. 91. fide et scientia . 120 Martin of Braga. Formula Vitae Honestae in Opera Omnia .121 Though it must be remembered that any conversion was not total as St. Martin of Braga finds the needto write a sermon ( De correctione rusticorum ) preaching against some pagan practices still being followedin areas outside of the effective control of the Church.122 See Torres Rodrguez, p. 221. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608.


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First and Second Councils of Braga as demonstrating a closer relationship between the

monarchical state and the Church, an increasing level of organization of the Suevic

Kingdom and a slight increase in the territorial area of Suevic influence, if not control.

The Parochiale Suevum , though its authenticity has been questioned by some,

demonstrates a clear reorganization of structure on the ecclesiastical level, which may

have mirrored, or more likely influenced, a similar civil reorganization.123 It may have

also been part of the reorganization process that Isidore attributes to St. Martin of Braga

since he seemed to be closely tied to the monarchy. The introduction to the Parochiale

also mentions a council that took place in Lugo in 569 from which this reorganization began, though no acts or other mentions of this council survive today.124 The Parochiale

also demonstrates closer ties between the monarchy and the Church since the introduction

states that Theodomir oversaw this council and presumably this reorganization.

Emboldened by the Byzantine actions against the Visigoths in Baetica and a sense of

alliance with the Byzantines and Franks against the Visigoths based on their common

Catholic religion, Theodomir may have began to reassert Suevic independence from

Visigothic policy.

Once the Sueves and Hispano-Romans shared one religion, not to mention more

than 150 years of sharing the same territory, it is likely that the Suevic Kingdom would

appear to have been firmly integrated intoGallaecia . The expansion of the number of

bishoprics from the First Council of Braga to the Second (from 9 to 12), including

bishoprics that most likely should have been under Visigothic jurisdiction, such as

Astorga, Viseo, Lamego, Coimbra and Idanha, suggests an expansion of Suevic

123 Parochiale Suevum in Itineraria et Alia Geographica .124 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608.


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influence.125 Maybe John of Biclar alludes to this deterioration of Visigothic boundaries

when he stated that Leovigild restored to its former boundaries the province of the Goths,

which by that time had been diminished by the rebellions of various men. 126 Thus, a

consolidation and strengthening of the Suevic Kingdom seems to have been underway by

the late 560s, probably under the rule of Theodomir.

Theodomirs successor, Miro who came to the throne in 570 and ruled for 13

years, seems to have attempted to continue this policy of consolidation and may have

even been eyeing expansion.127 In the second year of his rule, 572, he presided over the

previously mentioned Second Council of Braga which dealt largely with the ecclesiasticalorganization of parishes and bishoprics and the role of clerics.128 It is interesting to note

that the acts of the Second Council of Braga contain the same territorial divisions as those

in the Parochiale Suevum , which may add credibility to the authenticity of the Parochiale .

In the same year, Miro attacked the Ruccones , who were most likely a Cantabrian

people, which could be seen as proof of Miros desire to expand his kingdom. 129

However, Miros expedition in the Cantabrian region was answered by Leovigild with a

Visigothic expedition to Sabaria, probably in the region between Zamora and Salamanca,

to preempt Miros designs on this region. 130 A year later in 574, Leovigild entered

Cantabria and restored the province to his dominion. 131 In response to this, Miro sent

ambassadors to the Frankish king, Guntram, asking for help but the envoy and any help

125 Torres Rodrguez, p. 221. Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 151.126 John of Biclar, 10.127 Ibid. 14, Isidore of Seville, St. 91.128 Orlandis & Ramos-Lisson, p. 150.129 John of Biclar, 21. Isidore of Seville, St. 91. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608.130 John of Biclar, 27. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608. Reinhart, p. 59.131 John of Biclar, 32.


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were delayed by King Chilperic, possibly as a result of an agreement with Leovigild.132

Leovigild continued his harassment of the Suevic borders and in 575 attacked the

Aregensian Mountains near Ourense andcaptured the lord of the region, along with this

wife, children, and riches, bringing the region under his power. 133 Many historians

interpret this episode as an example of a local Hispano-Roman landowner who resisted

the Visigoths in favor of the Suevi.134 Leovigild kept this harassment until 576 when at

the behest of Miro he granted them peace for a short time, probably because Leovigild

had other worries, mainly the Byzantines.135 This peace treaty marked the end of this

revival of the Suevic Kingdom, but its consolidation still remained evident even after itsincorporation into the Visigothic Kingdom. It is important to note that beginning with

Remismunds rule there are no longer mentions of Suevic pillaging, but rather what

seems more like conflicts with Hispano-Roman groups that resist Suevic control, further

suggesting the theory of the consolidation of this period.

6. Integration of the Suevic Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom (583-585)

The last interaction between Miro and Leovigild, involving the rebellion of

Leovigilds son Hermenegild in 579, began the process of the incorporation of the Suevic

Kingdom into the Visigothic Kingdom. Having been converted to Catholicism through

the influence of his Frankish wife and Bishop Leander of Seville, Leovigilds son,

Hermenegild, barricaded himself in Seville. In 583, Leovigild besieged Hermenegild in

Seville and King Miro came to storm Seville in support of Hermenegild and there he

132 Gregory of Tours, St.The History of the Franks V, (41).133 John of Biclar, 36.134 See Torres Rodrguez, p. 249.135 John of Biclar, 40. Reinhart, p. 59.


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ended his days. 136 Isidore confuses this event by stating the Miro came to aid Leovigild

against Hermenegild, but this does not make sense according to the religious and political

animosity between Sueves and Visigoths and the fact that Miro attempted to foster

diplomatic relations with Byzantium and King Guntram of the Franks against the

Visigoths.137

Not only were the Sueves symbolically castrated (and weakened) by their forced

withdrawal in Seville against the stronger Visigothic forces, Miro was succeeded by his

adolescent son Eboric (Euric) who within a year, in 584, was overthrown by the usurper

Audeca.138

Audeca married Siseguntia, Miros widow, and sent Eboric to a monastery.139

However, Audecas crime was soon punished by Leovigild who dethroned him,

tonsured him and dignified [him] with the honour of the priesthood, after hav ing held

that of the kingship and sent him to the city of Beja. 140 Thus, Audeca received his

deserved retribution in a likewise manner as he had committed his crime.141 John of

Biclar wrote that Leovigild devastated Galicia, deprived the captured King Audeca of

his rule, and brought the people, treasure, and territory of the Suevi under his own power.

He made Galicia a province of the Goths. 142 Isidore declared that the kingdom of the

Sueves was destroyed and incorporated into that of the Visigoths after having lasted 177

years.143 He also reflected that the kingdom which they [the Sueves] held in idle

lethargy, they have now lost at an even more shameful cost, although it may seem quite

136 John of Biclar, 66.137 Isidore of Seville, St. 91. Diego, de & Bjar, p. 608.138 Isidore of Seville, St. 92. John of Biclar, 68.139 John of Biclar, 68.140 Ibid, 76.141 Isidore of Seville, St. 92.142 John of Biclar, 73.143 Isidore of Seville, St. 92. Isidore seems to be erroneously dating the start of the Suevic Kingdom to 408when the consensual date is 409, thus giving the Suevic Kingdom a lifetime of 176 years.


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amazing that they had managed to retain up to the present day that which they have now

given up without any show of resistance. 144

But there was one show of resistance, led by Malaric in the same year, 585, but he

was quickly defeated by King Leovigilds generals and was captured and presented in

chains to Leovigild. 145 Hence, the Suevic Kingdom was incorporated into the Visigothic

Kingdom as a province retaining largely the same boundaries, with the addition of a few

regions from Lusitania to the south but the loss of territory toCarthaginiensis in the

northeast.146

Suevic Kings

Hermeric (409?-438)Hermeric and Rechila (438-441)Rechila (441-448)Rechiarius (448-456)Aioulfus (456-457)Framtane and Maldras (457)Rechimund and Maldras (457-460)Rechimund and Frumarius (460-464)Remismund (464-?)Hermeneric c. 485?Veremundus c.485?Theodemundus ?Chararic ?(c.550-559)Ariamir (559-565?)Theodomir (565?-570)Miro (570-583)Eboric (583-584)Audeca (584-585)Malaric (585)

144 Ibid. 68.145 John of Biclar, 77.146 Diego, de & Bjar, p. 609.


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IDENTITY

The Suevi

Ascertaining a cohesive and stable sense of Suevic identity is a difficult task. As

a consequence the scholarship of nineteenth and early twentieth century historians, who

defined clear patterns of Germanic migrations and held notions of cohesive peoples, has

largely fallen out of favor. Scholarship today focuses on more complex measures of

identity and the idea that the Germanic groups of the fifth century were undergoing

important changes that resulted in shifting identities, the popular term for this being

ethno-genesis.147

The term Suevi was originally an umbrella name for various Germanic tribes.

Ancient Roman authors used the term to speak of a large confederation of groups which

included subgroups known as the Quadi, the Marcomanni, the Semnones and others. 148

There is little proof that these people saw themselves as separate and exclusive nations or

ethnic groups as we define these terms today. Roman writers also may have had troubles

in identifying separate groups since they tended to use superficial customs such as

hairstyles and dress to identify groups, attributes that could more easily cross over than

deeper demarcations of identity.149 Hence, the picture of the Sueves that invaded Iberia in

409 may not necessarily be that of one cohesive group. At most we can ascertain a level

of group cohesiveness enough to differentiate itself from similar peoples like the Vandals,

and which seemed to maintain some sense of unity throughout their marauding from theRhine to Iberia. The story of the Sueves experiences in Gaul and then in Iberia seems to

suggest that this migration period may have had an important influence in shaping a

147 Hummer, p. 1, 16.148 Tacitus, 38 also 38-45.149 Ibid. 38.


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separate Suevic identity, enough to differentiate themselves from the Hispano-Romans

and other barbarian groups. Much like it happened with other barbarian groups, many

separate peoples became one when they entered Roman soil (and Roman manuscripts), as

in this case the multiple denominations of Danubian Sueves turn into Sueves alone in

Spain. 150

One feature of barbarian groups is the ability of charismatic leaders to weld

together a group consciousness and unity necessary to exercise political power. This

feature seems to have been influential in the ethno-genesis of the Iberian Sueves:the

process of creating and recreating the internal composition of barbarian groups throughthe agency of strong warlords was endemic to the barbarian world, especially in the east

[where the Sueves were located before their move west in the late fourth century]. 151 In

the case of the Sueves, their first king, Hermeric, seems to have played this role.

While it is not clear if Hermeric was king when the Sueves entered Iberia it is

clear that he passed power onto his son, which suggests that Hermeric had accrued a

certain amount of legitimacy as leader of the Sueves.152 Some historians state that after

the Marcomannic Wars of the 160s-170s C.E., the Suevic region near modern Slovakia

was ruled by tribal leaders who elected a king in time of war.153 This view of a tribal

council electing a king fits within the pattern of Germanic customs that ancient writers

reported.154 Thus, Hermerics handin g of the kingship to his son Rechila, without

Hydatius mentioning any election, is significant. This has led most historians to believe

150 Goffart, p. 83.151 Hummer, p. 17.152 Isidore assures that he was king at this time, but Hydatius first mentions him in 419. Among these twoHydatius should be the more credible source since Isidore largely based his Histories on past writers.153 Reinhart, p. 21. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 166. 154 Tacitus, 7.


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that by Hermerics reign the Sueves had developed a hereditary kingship which seems to

have been held to be legitimate by its subjects.155 This consensus is widely supported

today:

Isidores Historia Sueborum shows that a Suebic kingship developedamong those Suebi who relocated from the Rhine in 406 to Hispania . Theleader ( princeps ) Hermeric led Suebi into Hispania, seized Galicia withthe Vandals and Alans, and took sole possession after the Vandals left forAfrica. He presided ( praefuit ) in Hispania for thirty-two years, but aftertwenty-five years, because of illness, Hermeric placed his son Rechila intoroyal power (in regnum ), who ruled (regnavit ) for eight years after hisfathers death. The switch in vocabulary from princeps to in regnum andfrom praefuit to regnavit belies a process by which Hermeric establishedhimself as a leader of the Suebi, probably due to his skills as a commander

during the journey to Hispania , and consolidated his position to a degreethat allowed him to bequeath royal power to his offspring. In short, hefounded a dynasty among a group which lacked one.156

This establishment of a hereditary and consolidated Suevic monarchy seems to have been

central in the creation of an Iberian Suevic identity throughout their early history

marauding through Gaul and Iberia and in their settlement inGallaecia .

In general not much is known about other facets of Suevic identity. Politically

they seem to have been largely united since we hear of no factions, coups, revolts against

regal authority or division[s] into pro -Roman and anti-Roman policies and factions

until the civil wars after 456.157 Some attempts have been made at reconstructing the

social structure of the Sueves. Reinhart, basing his view on general traits of Germanic

groups and their Roman contemporaries, believes that the Sueves were divided into three

155 Torres Rodrguez, p. 84, 268. Van Schoor, p. 335. Reinhart, p. 69, disagrees with this concept of ahereditary kingship by citing examples of the multiple kings after the Visigothic invasion of 456, but thiscan largely be seen within the framework of a civil war as most transitions of Suevic regal authorityoccurred from father to son.156 Hummer, p. 18.157 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 165.


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social classes, nobles, freemen and slaves, each containing its generally attributable

characteristics.158

Seemingly, there was no ban on marriage with foreigners. 159 Thompson cites as

examples the various Suevic royal marriages to Visigothic princesses (Rechiarius and

Remismund) and Ricimers mixed Suevic and Visigothic parentage; but most

interestingly the epigraphic proof of a marriage between a Roman man and a Suevic

woman in the year 624 found at Mogadouro near the Douro River.160 This suggests that

Suevic identity was distinct and separate from that of other groups, even as late as 624.

More importantly it suggests that the Sueves did not support policies of ethnic exclusion between themselves and other groups, particularly Hispano-Romans, as did the Visigoths.

This supports the idea that close and positive relations were possible between the Sueves

and Hispano-Romans.

One significant possible identity attribute of the Sueves is that they were an

agricultural people and returned to this practice immediately after settling inGallaecia .

This idea is based on the assumption that the Germanic peoples of the middle Danube (of

whom the Suevi were a part of) were settled agricultural peoples. Hence, long settled as

country people, they [the Sueves] quickly took root in Gallaecia [and] alone of the

invaders, they established themselves permanently in the lands assigned to them. 161

Similarly, Torres Rodrguez believes that the Sueves were an agricultural people who

158 Reinhart, p. 67-68. For example, the obligation of freemen to fight in a citizen army, vote in assembliesand the slaves quality as property. 159 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 170. 160 Ibid. Inscription drawn from Vives, Jos. Inscripciones cristianas de la Espaa romana y visigoda .Barcelona, Spain: M Viader Impresor, 1942, pp. 502-503. Protheus fecit Thuresmude, uxori sue. Obiitipsa sub die viii Kl. Ianuar. era DCLXXII 161 Livermore, p. 59.


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took up arms when needed.162 The main support for this view comes from Orosius

famous quote about the barbarians trading in their swords for plows when they settled

down in 411.163 In addition, the Sueves may have introduced the heavy northern plow

to Iberia and some of the few Suevic words that have survived in Galician-Portuguese

suggest rural interests. 164 Also, the apparent peace between 411 and 430 would support

this view. Of course, the major obstacle to this view is the fact that the Sueves

continually sent pillaging campaigns throughout Iberia after 430 which suggests that they

had a standing army of some sort. The conflict here is between an army made up of

citizen farmer/warriors and an army of royal retinues in the Germanic tradition, orsomething in between. The most likely answer seems to be that these depredatory

campaigns were the result of pressures from the nobles for wealth, but at least sometimes

with the aid of common soldiers; otherwise it is impossible that the Sueves could have

achieved their expansion throughout most of the Peninsula in the 430s-450s.165

A clear Suevic identity is hard to define because of the lack of sources informing

us. Even though there is little evidence to suggest that the Sueves were as Romanized as

the Visigoths when they entered the Empire, there had nevertheless been contact between

the Sueves and Romans since Julius Caesar and Strabo first described them.166 Also,

there is much proof that the Sueves, and other barbarians, quickly adopted Roman modes

and customs. Thus, the Sueves could have quickly lost much of their Germanic identity

162 Torres Rodrguez, p. 269.163 Orosius, VII, (41) 7. barbari exsecrati gladios suos ad aratra 164 Livermore, p. 93. Torres Rodrguez (p. 291) writes that it was the great Portuguese ethnographer JorgeDas who first suggested the introduction of the heavy northern plow by the Sueves. Examples of thesewords:lbio (grapevine),laverca (lark).165 There is a difference between plundering, pillaging campaigns and systematic Suevic militarycampaigns which suggest that the expansion was the result of a premeditated desire of the state (asembodied in the king) and not just lust for booty.166 Hummer, p. 12-16.


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when they entered and settled Iberia. Their small number versus the Hispano-Roman

population and their limited remains today are strong proofs of this. Nevertheless, a

Suevic identity seems to have survived as a separate entity well into the seventh century

and played an important role in the history of Iberia, in large part, through its interactions

with the Hispano-Romans.

The Hispano-Romans

The Hispano-Romans of Late Antiquity shared many features with the other

Romanized peoples of the Empire. While there is strong proof that six centuries of

Roman control did not completely destroy pre-Roman identities in Iberia, by the time theSueves entered it, the Roman superstructure had taken strong roots. Since this paper

focuses more on the Sueves it will only include a brief description of elements of

Hispano-Roman identity which are pertinent to their interactions with the Sueves. The

role of the Church and religion will be discussed later.

The Roman class system had become entrenched in Iberia by the time the Sueves

appeared. The nobility was a much Romanized class who lorded over the freemen and

the slaves through their control of the land and the Church. With the breakdown of

Roman civic power after 409 they would become increasingly more influential, although

this process seems to have slowly been taking place since the chaos of the third century

C.E. It was this class which held the most extreme dislike of barbarian peoples, of which

Hydatius is often seen as an example, and which seems to have been the most affected by

the conquering Sueves.167

AlthoughGallaecia is generally held to have been the least Romanized province

of Iberia, it is clear that Roman identity had become dominant by the fifth century. From

167 Thompson, Romans and Barbarians p. 231.


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archaeological evidence it can be surmised that this region contained some of the

greatest late Roman villas in all Hispania , suggesting a strong Roman cultural context

and the power of the landowners.168 This increased level of urbanization makes sense

since i n the north-west of Hispania in the Roman period thecivitas was a

fundamental means by which Roman political power was established. 169 Although

Roman identity had become dominant, many hold the opinion that especially in

Gallaecia , elements of pre-Roman identities survived and played a role when Roman

power collapsed. There is a growing consensus about a trend towards the localization of

power in fifth-century Iberia which was accompanied by a re-emergence of older ethnicidentities. Proof of this comes from the long series of ethnic designations in the

Parochiale Suevum and archaeological proof of a reoccupation of the pre-Roman

castros .170 It is this society, ruled by a landowning elite, moderately urbanized and

Romanized, but with surviving pre-Roman elements, that was to confront the alien

Suevic invaders.

INTERACTION

Settlement and Expansion

The way in which the Sueves settledGallaecia and later expanded throughout

Iberia had an important impact on how relations between them and the Hispano-Romans

unfolded. The most likely conclusions that we can draw from their settlement is thatthere seems to have been an area of concentrated Suevic settlement in the region around

Braga, that it affected habitation patterns inGallaecia but it was not catastrophic and that

168 Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, p. 287.169 Castellanos, p. 2.170 Daz Martnez & Menndez-Bueyes, p. 295-296. Daz Mar tnez, El alcance de la ocupacin p. 219.


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it did not likely take place under a foedus agreement, though local compacts possibly

existed. The period of Suevic expansion points to a consolidation and strengthening of

the Suevic Kingdom, and could possibly suggest a collaborative relationship between

some Hispano-Romans and Sueves because their conquests seem to have required more

resources and manpower than they had until then demonstrated.

There is a strong consensus that Suevic settlement was heavily concentrated along

the western coastal region ofGallaecia , centered on Braga. This fits with Hydatius

description that the Sueves settled in that part ofGallaecia which is situated on the very

western edge of the Ocean and that the Asding Vandals settled in the eastern interior.171

Another proof of this is the location of Germanic toponyms in Iberia outlined in the

studies of Sachs and Piel.172 Sachs found that 90.5% of the Germanic toponyms found are

concentrated in the northwest of Iberia and most heavily in the regions of Braga and

Oporto, with decreasing density extending north and south from there.173 The other major

proof of this is Hydatius descriptions of Suevic raids and activities. Thompson

concludes that since the Sueves never seem to have raided Braga and its rural environs

(including the Oporto region) this region must have been their area of core settlement,

and outside of this western coastal swath they mostly settled in cities (such as Lugo and

Astorga); in addition this area was the focus of Theodoric II in his attempt to destroy the

171 Hydatius, 41. Calliciam Vandali occupant et Suaeui sitam in extremitate Oceani maris occidua . Thisview is more accepted today, but older interpretations of this suggested that the Sueves were settled in thesouthwestern part ofGallaecia and the Asding Vandals in the northern part. A good review of this debate isfound in Lpez & RodrguezDe los Romanos a los Brbaros pp. 530 -537, although their c

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Jorge Arias - Identity and Interaction: the Suevi and the Hispano-Romans

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