The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 57

MACEDONIA

CONCERNS OF SOROS

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

With a series of manifestations, Macedonia celebrated the 50thanniversary of the victory of Fascism. President Gligorovassisted in the international solemnities which took place inLondon, Paris and Moscow, while here, during this historicalanniversary, last week was symbolized with the problems which thestate founded after World War II was facing. Shkup was visitedby the OSCE Commissioner for Minorities, Max Van der Stoel, ICFYrepresentative and the mediator in the conversations between theMacedonian Government and Albanians, Gert Arens. The founder ofthe Open Society Institute, the famous American businessman ofHungarian origin, George Soros, known as "a proven friend ofMacedonia", visited Shkupi for the third time. In the communiqueissued after the meeting between Gligorov and Soros, it was saidthat "there was an exchange of opinions which in determinedissues were different". It was delineated that there were talksabout Macedonian-Greek relationships and the actual developmentof intern-ethnic relationships in Macedonia.

"KOHA's" sources claim that Soros didn't coincide with PremierCrvenkovski and other Macedonian officials either, but theconversations with the "Albanian side" were evaluated by thelatter as difficult. George Soros expressed his dissatisfactionwith the pace of the development of the "Macedonian coloured"democracy also on independent A1 TV, where, in a conversationwith a group of journalists, including KOHA's correspondent, headmitted that he was concerned with the last events in Macedonia,which don't go towards the direction of its definition as a civicstate. Participating in a round table organized by the Juridical-Sociological Research Institute, held at the Rectorate of theUniversity of Shkupi with the theme: "Possible Alternatives forthe Fulfilment of the Educational Needs of the Members of theAlbanian Nationality in the Republic of Macedonia", Soros statedthat he doesn't support the initiative for the establishment ofthe University of Tetova, but also stressed that he doesn'tbelieve that it should be dismantled with repressive measures and

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police methods. At the end of the three days' long visit toShkup, he stated that he was willing to financially support theproposition for the foundation of the trilingual educationalinstitution (English, Macedonian and Albanian), if this idea weresupported by the International Community. Soros, also, criticizedthe Macedonian government, as well as the parliament, for notbeing effectual when it comes to the round-up of the system andlegal regulation, while in the above tribune, listening to bothsides, which represented "their own universities" he saw how farthe stand-points of both sides were about problems which in acivil state would actually be minor!

MACEDONIA

SOROS ESTABLISHES ALBANIAN-ENGLISH UNIVERSITY IN MACEDONIA?

by Y.H. / Prishtina

There were many rumors about it, and now finally it became publicthat Soros is trying to find a way to establish a University inEnglish and Albanian of the CEU type, already existing inBudapest or Prague, or of the so called American University asin Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria. This issue will seemingly be discussedby Soros and Gligorov in their meeting, as well as in theexpected meeting at the "Kiril and Metodij" University, whichwill take place with the participation of Albanian and Macedonianintellectuals. According to some sources, Soros had explored thepossibility of establishing this University in Ohër, but he wastold that this was not possible in the place where the cyrillicalphabet was born! Since Albanians use the Latin alphabet itremains to see what would be the possibilities of having thisUniversity established in Strumica. Anyhow, Soros who has so fargiven more assistance to Macedonia than the whole Westaltogether, will have it hard with Frckovski who, in a recentinterview to BBC, declared that even if a foreign Universitywould be established, it would have to function according to theConstitution, in the official language - Macedonian or theforeign language. But not in that of the minorities.Soros or Frckovski? We'll see!

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KOSOVA

KILLING IN LUBIZHDË!

by Y.H. / Prishtina

The Serbian press, grounded on unofficial sources, in a veryfoggy way, referred to a tragic event occurred at the policestation in Lubizhdë (Prizren), when two Serbian policemen killedeach other. On Monday, at around 8 p.m., policemen MiloradVucinic (40) and Zoran Nikolic (44), both from Prizren, died inLubizhdë.

Nikolic used to be deputy-commander or this police station andfor the time being, it is not clear yet which is the real motiveof the killings, and it is still not known how many other peoplecould be involved. What is for the time being supposed is thatNikolic, while showing his gun to Vucinic, allegedly pulled thetrigger unintentionally, and killed him! After committing thisact, he allegedly killed himself!

In fact, Nikolic used to be deputy to policeman Soskic, who waskilled a week before by Besim Ndrecaj in Shirokë (Suhareka), asinformed by KOHA.

Even before, some Kosova Albanian media and political and non-political organizations have claimed that the killings of Serbianpolicemen which happened in the past years in Kosova, were resultof the shooting among themselves, some of them being drunk.It is not sure whether the Lubizhdë case should be linked withthese interpretations, nor with the explanations given by theSerbian media. But the tragic killings are strange, taken theirmanifestation, and the totally unusual interpretation made by theSerbian press!

EXILE

WILL THE NAME "ARSIM" BE RENEWED?

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

In the past five years, many round tables, tribunes of Albanianpolitical parties within branches and sub-branches, severalscientific tribunes, not to mention the media which whenreferring to it have qualified it as "tragic", "deep wound","national stain", "treason", etc., have had exile as topic: asa phenomenon among Albanians. This only proves that the solethought about this problem has been followed more by emotional

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tensions and affective reactions than determined analyses andstrategies to canalize and supervise this phenomenon. The way itis reacted is best proven with the fact that all our "analyses"are concentrated on the fear from the change of the ethnicstructure of Kosova, the decrease of the number of Albanians inKosova. But none of the analyses has ever touched the change ordecrease of the ethnic quality of Albanians in Kosova. The factthat Kosova has been deserted by a large number of school-agechildren and educated young people with different professionalqualifications. In normal societies the phenomenon of losingqualified population is known as brain-drain.

Whole families are leaving Kosova today. Then, there arethousands of young people who have no organized life in exile,if we exclude the life of asylum-seekers in refugee camps, whichinclude sports and cultural activities. What are the prospectsof these people? Where could they express their predispositionsand qualities? Do they get any education abroad? Is the numberof those who study, known?

If we take the figure of 80 thousand non-inscribed Albanianpupils in the 1994/95 school year, then the question arises:where are these children and where will they get education, evenif they are outside Kosova? The same thing counts for high schooland university students. Does this mean that out of 300 thousandAlbanians, said to have left Kosova, a rather small number ofthem (not to say minor) starts or continues the education abroad.This is precisely what we mentioned above - not the decrease ofthe ethnic structure, but of the Albanian ethnic quality inKosova.

Kosova Albanians, whose number of educated has decreased 50%,qualitatively are poorer. The decrease of the number of educatedis in correlation with the increase of the number of criminalsamong them.

So far, the Government of Kosova has been more concentrated oncollecting the 3% tax from them, rather than establishconsultative offices in countries where they have sought asylum.Our political instances and relevant subjects have not preparedany project in relation to the young generation and theireducation.

Attempts for something of kind have been made, but they onlyremain unaccomplished aims of Albanians. On this occasion wecould mention the Foundation for the Education of YoungAlbanians, directed by Asllan Gjinovci. There is nothing left ofit, and since so many years, it is still not known whether anyAlbanian graduated sponsored by this association of greatambitions and pompousness.

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However, it can't be said that young people are not interestedabout their future. The individual attempts to get education arepresent, but is a very small number of cases. But, in all theseinitiatives, there is not institutional background of theeducational organization of young Albanians.

On the other hand, the loss of professional cadres and theconstant brain-drain is a created loss, the same as when comparedto the economic material losses of strategic interest for Kosova.The education of a professional costs each society thousands ofAmerican Dollars, and if we calculate the losses of thousands ofprofessionals, the numbers of the losses Kosova registers becomefive of six times bigger. All of these are reflected in theethnic quality of the Albanians, which implies their cultural,education and political decline.

Albanians are the only people that name their children "Arsim"(Education). All of what is linked to this name is slowlydisintegrating and dismantling. Even the name will be lost,because since a long time, it is not attractive any more. And atthe end, we may find ourselves only with Uncle Arsim.

EXILE

THE DARK SIDE

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

Since two years ago, "Kosova" is mainly mentioned in the Westernmedia only in connection with its asylum-seekers. Severalhundreds of thousands of Albanians who fled Kosova, for reasonswell known to all of us, have become an attractive topic ofsentimental, but also aggressive conversations. In a report ofthe Government of Kosova, it is said that "taking the situationin Switzerland as a starting point, it could be ascertainedwithout hesitation, that if there was an unexpressed respecttowards the Albanian community before the Balkan crisis started,especially taking into consideration the dignifying attitude ofthe Albanian guest-workers working for decades in Switzerland,then now it doesn't exist any more".

In another figure provided by the Government it is said that "thelargest number of aliens in Switzerland, in the past 4-5 years,has reached 150 thousand people. Having in mind that circa 25%of the political asylum seekers in Switzerland are KosovaAlbanians, then there are around 40 thousand Kosova Albanianasylum seekers".

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Without evading all the difficulties which asylum seekers facein Switzerland, including Albanians, the number of crimescommitted by aliens has increased. This especially is evident inthe case of a number of Albanians, who in the past couple ofyears have committed many crimes. According to the figuresevidenced by the Office of the Government of Kosova in Geneva,however, there are around 2000 cases and this makes only 1% ofthe total number of Albanians living in Switzerland. This figure,nevertheless, has been used for a strong anti-Albanianpropaganda, which borders with hysteria. Because of the rules ofaction established by the dark side of the Albanian emigration,different political forces, especially "Schweizer Demokraten"have come out with the concrete plan and are leading the "holywar" against the aliens. Recently, this dangerous game was joinedby the MPs of the Liberal Party, who are currently collectingsignatures for a Referendum in which citizens would vote to haveless than 18% of aliens in Switzerland. Because of the createdcircumstances and the imperilment of the young layer ofpopulation in Switzerland, because of the impossibility tocontrol drug trafficking organized and conducted by aliens, theSocial Studies Institute "Demoscope", in one of its surveys inregard to their posture towards the aliens and Albanians inparticular, comes to very negative results about their influencein Swiss society. The experts of this Institute consider that thelargest number of the surveyed show aversion towards aliens withquite racist premises.

This report further says that the situation has created anextremely negative image of Albanians as a community among themisinformed locals. We shall not forget that Albanians make upthe second largest community, following the Italians. Departingfrom these premises, says a report of the Government of Kosova,the posture of the local population and Government in Switzerlandtowards Albanians should not be surprising. Even though thecreation of such an opinion toward Albanians in Switzerland isa result of Swiss political games, our total lack oforganization, where we ourselves have allowed to become theirvictims. Similar attitudes are of the other Western Governments.

And, the whole effort for the internationalization of the issueof Kosova, says one of Kosova's ministers, has fallen down thedrain because of the lack of our proper organization. "We werein no position to stop the people running from Kosova, both ways,because there was a total lack of organization among the ones whofled", says the Government. And, if we say that the sector foremigration within the Government has been established two monthsago, this proves our seriousness and how much importance have wegiven emigration.

Presenting the situation and referring to the created atmosphere,

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Joachim Lanksch, as he calls himself, the idealist intended infavor of the Albanian cause, determined a several urgent premisesof Albanian engagement in the area of emigration. He gave anexample of when he met the Albanian workers and told them thatthey should do something to change their deteriorated image. Theywould just stare and give the following answers, says Lanksch:a) we are not organized; b) we can't speak the language; c) weare very tired after work. This is a cynicism which needs nocomment.

On the other hand, the Kosovan politics, concretely theCoordinating Body had announced the three options for Kosova. Thesituation has imposed a fourth one - Exile. Unfortunately, thisoption, apart from the heavy burden it has on Kosovan society,has now become a burden for the host countries, due to its darkside.

EXILE

ONE TRAGEDY OVER THE OTHER

Skënder Kastrati, Secretary of the LDK Emigration Sector, adepartment established after five years, in a conversation withKOHA states that repression is the decisive factor which makesAlbanians leave, but there were also alleged tourist agencieswhich profited on this.

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

KOHA: The last round of massive emigration of Albanians towardsthe West started in 1990. What dimension would you give thisphenomenon?

KASTRATI: The emigration of Albanian started earlier. I believethe problems have been the same since 1878. There is a differencein the trend of the period you mention, because 1992 is the yearin which the largest number of Albanians fled.

KOHA: Were you taken by surprise and what have you done toeliminate this national evil?

KASTRATI: We believed that here will be an emigration ofAlbanians, but not this massive, We though of prevention, but welacked the instrument of the state to stop it, to prevent it. Itwas impossible to have a control on the check points.

Nevertheless, our attempts to diminish the numbers of immigrantscontinue.

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KOHA: Have you ever thought of the reasons and how to eliminatethem?

KASTRATI: The main reason is repression against Albanians. Theother question would be: Aren't we all suffering the same? Ofcourse, all of us are endangered. But, we must not forget thecases of extreme repression in which we were unable to help andthese people had to leave, by force. The cases of the youngpeople are also serious. There is no way to protect them frombeing drafted in the Serbian army. And this we can't do becausewe haven't created protection state mechanisms. The othercategory is caused with the economic problems the families faced.

KOHA: Haven't you declared that no one can starve in Kosova?

KASTRATI: Even though our posture was as quoted, many peopledidn't come to get assistance. They have found it easier to goabroad. Whether this was a reason to leave Kosova, I wouldn'tcomment it. Another part probably thought that we would wineasily, so they left westwards wishing to create a capital forthe future.

KOHA: How do you comment the emigration of those who had economicbasis?

KASTRATI: There was no wish on their side to help the situationand the interests have become individual. They left just to evadethe situation in Kosova.

KOHA: Why hasn't any statal prerogative been used to prevent theemigration and why was it waited until 1995?

KASTRATI: We haven't made the state function as a whole.

KOHA: Will only Serbs and the massive repression be the ones toblame for the massive emigration of Albanians?

KASTRATI: Of course not. Repression is decisive, but here we haddifferent agencies which aimed at profiting as much as possible,racing among each other, which will take more Albanians to theWest. The majority of the trips were completely dangerous andthere were cases in which people died. All of them have also notcounted on the fact that Kosova was being emptied, and thatwithout Albanians, the battle for the independence will be lost.We need time to explain these situations, even though we have anevidence of the abuse of the national tragedy.

KOHA: The impression is that, for the first time in thesecircumstances, intellectuals have not left. Is there any evidenceon this?

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KASTRATI: I am not completely sure that intellectuals have notemigrated, but we have no specific data.

KOHA: There is a problem which in the past two years has notdescended from the Western media - Albanians and theircriminality in the Europe. Why and how is it possible not torespect the rules of the host country?

KASTRATI: This issue is very harmful for Albanians as a nationand the Albanian politics. We must not forget that differentcategories of people have fled Kosova. And, it is normal that inmidst of all those people, there are also delinquents, criminals,etc. The illusion of young people that they will become rich overthere disappears in a second and now they are facing apossibility of action with is expressed as criminality. This isalso an element of the tragedy within the general Albaniantragedy.

KOHA: Foreigners don't understand this. People find shelteragainst repression and get it easily, however pay thisunderstanding with criminality. It doesn't make sense.

KASTRATI: We haven't examined the cases yet. We have someuncertainties and many things are said and speculatedhypothetically. Once we have done a thorough study on the reasonsof crime of Albanians over there, then we can speak of the (non)criminal attitude of Albanians.

KOHA: If there was consciousness about such a massive emigration,why wasn't the sector for emigration established earlier?

KASTRATI: Finally we have established it. But, the problem of theemigration of Albanians can't be only a problem of this sector.

KOHA: Would you have something to add?

KASTRATI: I have reliable information that Serbs will not gainon the returnees. There were rumors that all of them would comeback through Belgrade. This option failed and the return ofrejected asylum seekers will be done in another, favorable, time.In Free Kosova, I hope.

EXILE

STOP ASYLUM-SEEKING

"Albanian Refugees in Western Europe" is a document elaboratedby the Ministry of Information of the Government of Kosova, in

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1994, and it describes the posture of the Western-Europeangovernments towards Albanian asylum- seekers and the way to comeout from the crisis. It represents a realistic vision about thespecific situation of asylum-seekers and offers concreteproposals.

II. The number of those who should come back to KosovaAccording to the incomplete facts, until January 31, 1995,between 2.500 and 3.000 rejected Kosova Albanian asylum-seekersshould be repatriated from Switzerland. In all countries ofWestern Europe, this number reaches 15 thousand people. Accordingto the Head of the Swiss Federal Bureau for Refugees, theintention of this Institution is to process all requests forpolitical asylum in Switzerland by the end of this year, so therewould not be any old cases at the beginning of the next year.This in practice means that until May 1995, it should expectedthat between 30 and 35 thousand Kosova Albanians will be expelledfrom Switzerland. Naturally, this is only an estimate (plus orminus five thousand), which in the actual moment is not of greatimportance.

Kosova Albanians participate with 5% in the total number ofasylum seekers in Switzerland.

III. The place of deportation

The decision of the Swiss Government to repatriate KosovaAlbanians, who were rejected political asylum, is final. Theattempts of the Swiss Government to find a more appropriate wayto return them back (Macedonia, Rumania, Hungary and finallyBulgaria), have been persistent. The Swiss-Bulgarian agreement,in force since September 1994, will probably be replaced with thedirect flights from Switzerland to Belgrade and vice-versa or theferry Tivar (Bar) - Bari, as soon as the sanctions against Serbiaand Montenegro are eased.

The Swiss Government, will not change its decision, and this iscertain. departing from this, Albanian asylum seekers have twooptions. first, to go back to where they came from and second,the possibility to find refuge in a third country, a verydifficult, painful and very dangerous enterprise. The other"possible" solution, live illegally in Switzerland, is quiteunbelievable, and if it is possible for a number of people, thenit is not long-living and brings more dangers than the two firstoptions, pursuant to the Aliens' Act.

If the International Community has really decided to rewardSerbia by easing up the sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro,having the opening of the Belgrade airport as the first step,then there must be serious thoughts about the opening of the

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Prishtina Airport (which is meant only for military purposes andno international flights are allowed), for international flightstoo. This must be done precisely for the return of the Albanianasylum-seekers to Kosova. Regardless of what could be said by allparties, this is the safest way back for them.

On the other hand, the opening of Prishtina Airport would be alsoof great help for our workers employed abroad who are forced touse the airport of Shkup.

IV. Providing with travel documents and the posture of theSerbian government in regard to the returnees.

A procedure which could postpone the return of the people fromall parts of Western Europe, is supplying them with traveldocuments.

A large number of those who have requested asylum, for differentreasons, can't make use of their travel documents which they usedto enter the Western-European states. Among the asylum seekers,there are also people who didn't have a travel document at all;of those who have used false travel documents; those whosevalidity has expired; those who have lost travel documents; thosewho never handed them over, etc.

They must have valid travel documents when they are repatriated.The ones who have handed their documents to the organs of thehost country and if still valid, going back home is not aproblem. However, all those who don't have valid traveldocuments, the organs of these countries must provide them withtravel documents. According to the second secretary of the "FRY"Embassy in Bern, during the conversation with a representativeof IOM in Geneva, these documents can't be got hold of easily.

This refers to the travel documents (certificates) to be issuedto all those who don't have valid passports. This procedure,according to the diplomat, in the best of the cases could lasta couple of months, and having in mind that these are thousandsof people we are referring to, then efficiency, as required bythe Western countries, can't be expected. Still according to thediplomat, this is due to the fact that the identity of thesepeople must be checked, because an invasion of Albanians fromAlbania on Kosova is allegedly being prepared. The same officialhas told the IOM representative that one of the reasons whyAlbanians fled Kosova was the vendetta, a phenomenon which iswidely spread in Kosova.

Secondly, the propaganda about the preparation of the lists ofthe emigrated who will be facing trial accused of committingcrimes against the state in case they return, the threats of

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different Serbian political parties, are also obstacles whichshouldn't be neglected. Simply, the Serbian state, has notexpelled them to let them come back again.

V. What should be done in this case

Having in mind all what was stated above, we believe that:- The statal organs of the Republic of Kosova must, as soon aspossible, start conversations with Western-European governmentsabout the return of these people. During these conversations:

a) first of all it must be requested that these people areguaranteed personal safety in Kosova. This means that, it wouldnecessary to request:

- UNHCR observers;- EU observers- European Parliament observers;- media representatives;- representatives of embassies of the rejecting states;- observers of NGOs and humanitarian organizations which dealwith refugees.

This implies their escort to Kosova, from the very first contactwith the Serbian authorities.

b) To insist on the opening of Prishtina Airport for the returnof the rejectees. This would allow these people not to exposethemselves to different mistreatment, inevitable during the longjourneys through Serbia, from Bulgaria or Belgrade.

c) Request the rejecting countries not to conduct expulsionsduring winter. This because many people have remained abroad forsome time, once back, would find it difficult to providethemselves with heating and food.

d) Ask the rejecting countries to dedicate part of the fundingdestined for supporting asylum-seekers as humanitarian assistanceto Kosova, for the reconstruction of the infrastructure for thereturnees and all those who are actually living there.

e) Request these countries not to repatriate the rejectees oneby one or in small groups and not to do it secretly. This isdangerous, because they will be treated as criminals, while theirrecognition of refugees of violence would allow the biggerpresence of observers.

f) Request these countries to hand over the lists of theexpelled, to the organs of the Republic of Kosova, so theirfurther situation could be followed.

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Once all these measures are undertaken, the statal organs of theRepublic of Kosova must come out with a public appeal directedto all of those whose requests were rejected and all of those whoare awaiting for the end of the procedure, asking them to comeback home to Kosova.

These organs must also decide about what categories would not beinvolved in this general summon (draft-evaders, politicalactivists, the elderly, the ill or the ones who are being treatedmedically, could be excluded from this list).

On the other hand, the statal organs of the Republic of Kosovashould undertake measures to contact all those who are potentialcandidates to go back to Kosova, ie., all those who have receivedthe negative replies. This must be done in order to prepare thepeople, collect signatures in regard to the presented requests,which will be handed over to the states which want to repatriatethe rejected asylum-seekers.

The suggested steps, are much more correct than secretconversations, which have been developed in the past severalmonths, between the representatives of the WE countries and the"representatives" of Albanians in Belgrade and elsewhere, inregard to the refugees. Albanians have been "represented" byincapable, incompetent people, who are the least acquainted withthe situation in Kosova, and who are even less familiar with whatpersecution and mistreatment means. There are even cases in whichthese "representatives" have declared that the majority ofAlbanians fled Kosova for economic reasons, and that apart froma small number of people, all the others must come back. Thepublic reaction of the organs of the Republic of Kosova wouldstop this erroneous labor of the "fathers of the nation".

EXILE

STREET CHRONICLES

by ARTUR ZHEJI / Rome

"The small slaves from Milan", are Albanian children comprisedbetween 10 and 17 years of age, who were forced, as real slaves,to wander around Milan's streets and be beggars...

The first pages of the Italian newspapers were quoting theconclusions made by Nino D'Amato, head of Milan's police, whichto our misfortune, related to something merciless, thrilling andvery attractive for sensationalists...

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After many months of investigations, the Police in Milan arrestedtwo men, accusing them of slavery and also arrested some 35Albanian children, beggars, at their service. The names of thearrested were not published, but the impression is that a wholeorganized network of (ab)use of children was discovered.

According to the same sources, the children were "lent" to thesemen by their parents with a small compensation. The users wouldtake on them all "expenses", starting from the illegal travel upto the accomodation in special hiding places...

Then, professional abusers, which had scented this filthybusiness since long ago, would squeeze from each child between200 and 300 DEM a day. Not wearing shoes and in scrappy clothes,as cute and "Chaplin-like" as possible, they would stretch outon the luxurious cars, say cute things, cry and beg, and thusgain the expected "tip".

"All that we can do for the time being" says the head of police,"is escort the children back home, even though they haveexplained to us that their parents themselves "lend" them to theones who organize "their job" in Italy". It is not hard tobelieve that they will come back soon again and start "working"again.

On May 10, 28 of them, accompanied by the same number ofpolicemen, who were wearing white gloves for this occasion - asdoctors fearing from possible infection - were escorted fromMilan to Bari and from there directly to Albania on the"Pulladio" ferry. Maybe they are going to be received with tearsin the eyes, or maybe some of them will be even beaten, for notbeing able to evade being arrested and deported. Who will followup on the other acts of their dramas?... As usually, no one. Sometime ago, their poor and miserable image caused the sigh ofsolidarity among the Italian public, while now, more and more,they are only ignored...

"All this noise and publicity seems as a big game to them, sameas begging at the stop lights, but the damage that theirpsychological development suffers is serious and could beirreversible..." - says a psychologist who visited them.Everything is clear, these children, wearing clothes, especiallysawn by professional "tailors", who sleep on cartons, make up theraw material of criminality. A small step is necessary to becomepart of the crime...

And this is the story of journalist Fabrizio Peronaci, about acrime which occurred recently. Albanians against Albanians. Aterrible crime against an impossible love...

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Rome - He was in love with Nina, his conational and this is whyhe was sentenced to death. His name was Shkëlqim Keli, 24 yearsold, and lived working hard, in construction. She had come toItaly full of hopes, but at the end had found no better solutionthan to prostitute herself on Eur's (Rome's rich neighborhood)streets. One day they met, they became friends and he becameinfatuated with her.

I have a job and a car - he tells her - we can live together.Nina is attracted by the proposal, but is scared of her"protector's" reaction. And the fear was grounded. Shkëlqim Keli,a worker in love, was found massacred, stabbed several times.

According to the investigation of the police in Rome, themurderer was precisely the Nina's "protector", Astrit Kalaveri,24 years old and Albanian too. Kalaveri, in order not to lose his"asset" which granted him 500 DEM per night, activated his knife.His photograph was well known in Questura's computers. Since theday of the murder, both him and Nina, who was 25 or 26, were notseen around, at least not on Eur's side-walks. What was Nina'sfate? Was she taken prisoner by Kalaveri?

The killing of the young Albanian occurred in the middle of theday and the bestiality of the murderer had caused quite animpression. Keli was being driven by his relative on a car. Atthe corner of one street, a car with four people inside hadblocked the way. Someone had told Shkëlqim to get out of the car.He did, not expecting to be attacked. But he was. He was stabbedthree times in the chest and back. The four of them escaped. Therelative's testimony and thorough verifications determined thekiller's and Nina's identity.

No comments are needed. Especially when such events occur moreand more. A serious moral disease, which needs urgentintervention, attention, and finally, also intensive therapy.Will these be the stories we will tell our children in thefuture?

"...Once there was an Albanian, who went abroad, because hisfather told him: Go and beg, my son... And the son left, he tookone sister and a knife with him and arrived to the Kingdom ofshining displays and..."

What will the children who grow up listening to these stories belike?

The least is that no one can say: I don't know a thing! Allshould share the burden, shame and civil responsibility. A Nationwith a deteriorating moral, is the target of enormous threats....

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INTERVIEW

Dr. Thanos Veremis, Director of the Hellenic Foundation forEuropean and Foreign Policy

KOSOVA'S PROBLEM IS BEYOND HUMAN RIGHTS

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Prishtina

KOHA: Could you tell us what is the Hellenic Foundation forEuropean and Foreign Policy?

VEREMIS: Our Foundation is seated in Athens, and it is a NGOdirected by its Board of Directors, comprised of professors,intellectuals, retired diplomats, etc. Our work is concentratedwithin the framework of analyzing the present directions of theforeign policy in the Balkans, Eastern Europe, Middle East andin a certain scope of things, Northern Africa.

Our visit in Kosova aimed at the exploration of finding the mostoptimal way to prevent the possible conflict here, makingdiscussions and gathering necessary material, which will be usedby our team, consisted of members of different nationalities:Albanians from Kosova and Albania, Serbs from Belgrade,Hungarians, Turks and French, who will elaborate them and publisha respective publication.

KOHA: How would you comment your impressions about the presentsituation in Kosova?

VEREMIS: Of concern, without any doubt. Being in Kosova for thefirst time, a person may get the impression that everything isall right - if the basis of orientation is what one sees on thestreet, and which most of the time illustrates a (relatively)normal situation. It is hard to explain the situation whichreigns here. We came here with approximative impressions aboutwhat is happening, with data we got from books and newspapers,which give a totally different conception. After the meetings anddiscussions we had with different important political and socialpersonalities, we reached a very unpopular conclusion: thisregion is going through a very serious crisis which is growing,and which can explode anytime. I believe that the psychosis ofexplosion would be the closest description of the situation inKosova... Naturally, we will publish and distribute our studiesand analyses on Kosova to NGOs, personalities, conferences, etc.

KOHA: You spoke to both sides. Your impression?

VEREMIS: The Serbian position is irritating - is the one whichinsists on understanding Kosova as the center of the (Serbian)

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culture and identity, which claims that the ethnic structure ofKosova was changed through the pressure of Albanians during theautonomy, etc. Serbs try to present the Kosova problem as an all-Serbian problem, which has nothing to do with Kosova in the senseof the province, because it is an indivisible part of theterritory of Serbia. What we were made aware while in Belgrade,among others, of the refusal and the discouragement of theinternational engagement in the case Kosova and their evidentdissatisfaction with the purpose of this mission.

On the other hand, I believe that the Albanian side is developinga quite peculiar social life. I take this as the directconsequence of the forcible close-down of the importantinstitutions for Albanians. I believe that here, Serbs can'tclaim that Albanians have isolated themselves voluntarily, whichis an often explanation they offer. The explanation of theAlbanian side that the recognition of the Serb state would be thelegitimization of violence and the violation of human rights, isan undeniable reality. Naturally, it is a big question how farand deep should the improvement of the situation by the Serbianside be, to have the Albanians participate in the Serbian state.Taking into account the present situation, it is very hard tospeak of this interest, by both sides. Therefore I believe that two parallel states that function in Kosova, will continue livinguntil a right approach to overcome the crisis is offered.

KOHA: You spoke with President Rugova...

VEREMIS: Mr. Rugova believes that independence of Kosova is notan utopia, that it is possible and that it would be also usefulfor the Serbs, if something of the kind would be accepted.Honestly, from what I could notice from the actual situation inthe relations between Belgrade and Prishtina, I see no way thiscould be accomplished. However, maybe Rugova has a clearer visionthan I, and it is possible for him to have a deeper foresight ofthe political future. It is feasible. Nevertheless, I believethat the situation as is the present one, that of a totalpolarization, could last much longer. The evident straits inKosova could explode in a very violent crisis, if not today, thenin the coming years, if nothing is undertaken. On the other hand,my impression is that the international public is totallydisheartened in this aspect.

KOHA: Serbs tend to consider the Greeks as natural and historicalallies. They have even suggested the creation of a Serb-GreekConfederation...

VEREMIS: Maybe Mr. Milosevic has his reasons to suggest this,without any doubt... Personally, I believe that such a thing isfar from reality in the world of these inter-state relations. The

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truth is that a state as isolated as Serbia, needs an extra-cultivation of good relations with neighboring countries. And,in the case of Greece it is true that it never fought againstSerbia in its history, which can't be said for Bulgaria andTurkey. It even was Serbia's ally during four wars: the Balkanswars and World wars as well. Even though it can't be denied thatthere were tense periods between these two countries, especiallyafter war and the installation of Yugoslav Communism. The ideathat Greece and Serbia represent historical allies has no strongsupport in facts.

Thus, the Communist regime caused great frictions between Greeceand Serbia, ie., then Yugoslavia, which reached their culminationwith the creation of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia in 1944- because of the irredentist requests within the Constitution ofMacedonia (ASNOM documents - 1944), whose preamble states clearlythat the newly created state is not satisfied with its size, andthat it also aspired Greek and Bulgarian territories. If to thiswe add the problems Greece had during civil (anti-Communist) war,as well as the annexation of the Greek Macedonia by Bulgaria,applied under the "unification of the Macedonian" principle (aninvention of the Comintern during 1923, more precisely ofKoplarov, the Secretary General of the Communist party ofBulgaria) under the tutorship of Bulgaria - then I believe thatthe Greek posture towards Macedonia, as a permanent territorialthreat, should be comprehended to a certain extent. The Greek-Macedonian problem, or rather Greek-Yugoslav problem whichstarted with the end of World war II had its tides, depending onthe relationships between Belgrade and Moscow.

KOHA: However, the fall of the Communist bloc doesn't seem tohave changed much the Greek postures towards the Northernneighbors?

VEREMIS: True. The xenophobic attitude that Greece kept after theruin of Yugoslavia is a political mistake, because we have atotally different situation now. Nevertheless, it can't be saidthat inside FYROM there are no political groups which openlyaspire towards the Greek northern territories. But, I believethat despite the fact that VMRO's and Georgijevski's dreams couldbe irredentist; and even if there were plans for the unificationof the three Macedonias - it is a waste of time to think thatsomething of the kind is feasible. FYROM has no realpossibilities for that, it is a small state and lacks force. Thisis the reality, but it is nevertheless threatening anddestabilizing. There is no doubt that the "patriotic" politicsof Samaras has negatively influenced the situation. It seems asif in the case of Macedonia, he has found the space to promotehimself as a politician and patriot, which was a dangerous game,because the sufferings and painful memories of war are still

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fresh in the minds of the Greeks. I don't believe that Greece isnot to blame for the increase of nationalism on both sides, butthe truth is that Gligorov's government continues propagatingFYROM as the continuance of the ancient Macedonia of Alexanderthe Great, and this doesn't give much hope. Greece understandsthis tendency only as a continuation of the irredentisttendencies of Shkup's actual political circles. I don't know whyGligorov does this. All of this makes no sense to me. Suchpostures must be declined as soon as possible.

KOHA: Do you think that the existence of such a state is inGreece's interest?

VEREMIS: Absolutely. Greece is deeply concerned about thestability of FYROM. Greece wants this state to exist, because thedisintegration of this state would cause new difficulties, by allmeans. I believe that Athens would encourage the existence of astate on the territory of FYROM. And, if really its populationbelieves they are Macedonians, then there is nothing wrong aboutit - even though it would be necessary to determine what kind ofMacedonians they refer to. Because, if it is claimed that thepopulation in FYROM represents the state of the "only Macedoniansin the world", then this would automatically gain irredentistattributes and territorial aspirations towards the territoriescalled "Macedonia" in Greece and Bulgaria. If consensus isreached about the name of FYROM with the necessary suffix:Macedonia of Shkup (Skopje), Vardar Macedonia - then we wouldapproach a logical solution. Greeks don't take the name"Macedonians" as an ethnicity, but only a geographical term. TheBulgarians share this opinion. Apart from the Slavic-Macedonianswho insist on their principle that "Macedonia" implies an ethnicgroup. Finally, according to Gligorov, Macedonia is an ethnicstate of Macedonians, which automatically excludes the existenceof the Albanian minority-majority, of Vlahs, Turks, etc.

KOHA: Which would be the Greek minimum to recognize FYROM?

VEREMIS: Giving up on irredentist aspirations. Even though sucha state would be too weak to harm Greece, nevertheless the"nomination" insisted on by Shkup represents a threat in thefuture.

KOHA: Shkup says the same thing, that Greece represents aconstant threat to the territorial integrity of FYROM?

VEREMIS: Great foolishness. There are no political parties norinstitutions in Greece that would insist on such a thing. On thecontrary, what is actual today in the Greek political scene inrelation to FYROM is the engagement in rationally overcoming thecreated situation. The confusion in the minds of people in Shkupi

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(but also in the West) started with the Greek saying that"Macedonia is part of Greece", which made the Greeks take forgranted the historical and cultural rights on the name and theexistence of the Macedonian region within Greece. I believe thatFYROM has no right to use this term and thus name their ownstate. Greeks don't consider FYROM's territory to be what theyknow as Macedonia, therefore, they have no aspirations on it.

KOHA: Improvements on the Greek-Albanian horizon?

VEREMIS: In the case of Albania, the situation is quitedifferent, at least in the aspect of the mutual existence ofnational minorities. It can't be denied that Greeks showedcertain aspirations for a part of Albanian territory they calledNorthern Epirus. In the past years too, similar ultranationalisttirades of the kind could be heard by "super-patriots" ofSamaras' type.

In respect to the Greek minority in Albania, I must say that thelargest part has fled Albania and is now living in Greece. Ican't deny that the past years represented a difficult period,which I hope is experiencing its end right now, thanks to theimprovement of Athens' postures. The deterioration of therelations of Athens with Tirana and Shkup respectively,threatened to isolate Greece. I believe that our Foundation hashad an important role in the evident improvement of the relationsbetween Greece and Albania. We often travelled to Albania, weheld many meetings and we managed to establish the Center forInternational Affairs in Tirana, which was a combined effort ofour Foundation, the Albanians and Italians.

KOHA: It seems that Papulias has started a new period ofdiplomatic activity of Greece. We witnessed his visit to Teheran,Belgrade...

VEREMIS: I believe that Papulias took the right step towards theimprovement of the Greek image today. I consider him a successfulperson, differing from Samaras who was a real diplomaticcatastrophe. Originating from a Greek family from Albania -Papulias has great consideration for the Greek-Albanianrelations. His posture that any deterioration of relations inthis area would first harm the Greeks in Albania, was completelyright. I believe that we are witnessing a valuable improvementof our relations with Albanians.

KOHA: How do you see Kosova at the end of this visit?

VEREMIS: I have to say that I leave Kosova with less optimismthan the one I had before coming. Here, we are not only referringto the preservation and cultivation of human rights. I believe

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it is a much more serious problem. And not only in Kosova, butalso for Albanians in FYROM. Before coming to Kosova I tended tobelieve that a more careful attitude of Belgrade authoritieswould change the situation positively. I am not very optimisticabout this any more. After talking to both sides, the impressionI got is that not many things can be done. I believe that thequestion of Kosova has entered a dead-end. On the other hand,Belgrade insists on restricted autonomy, while Albanians, as faras I was told, claim that autonomy is something that belongs tothe past... I can't give any prognosis or proposal about Kosova.I only hope that the tension between the government and theAlbanians will not get tragic dimensions.

MACEDONIA

ALBANIANS ON THE BALANCE

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

Within only two weeks, the two most important Macedonian parties,which along with the Albanian ones comprise the colors of thepolitical spectre in Macedonia, held their congresses in Shkupand Kërçovë respectively. The results of these congresses provethat this spectre will not change ostensibly in the next fouryears. The second Congress of the Social-Democratic League ofMacedonia, the party holding 50% of Parliament seats (60 out of120) and half of ministerial positions, was celebrated asexpected - without any major problems, excluding small fractionswhich, for the time being, don't endanger the unity of the party.

The chairmanship of the party was again confided to BrankoCrvenkovski, who is at the same time Premier of Macedonia. Thetruth is that he was the only candidate, but he was elected inunison. The only problem appeared when three vice-chairmen werebeing elected of possible four candidates. Two vice-chairmen wereelected easily, while the third one, to be decided between MPMitreva and the Editor in Chief of the Party's organ,"Demokratija", Erol Hajretin, became a serious problem whosesolution was postponed. If this problem is excluded, then it canbe said that the SDLM, after the electoral triumph, assisted bythe opposition itself, can be satisfied with the gathered"capital".

Differing from this congress, the second congress of the biggestopposition party VMRO-DPMNE suffered many stressing moments. Thisfact is illustrated by the close-down of the congress room forjournalists when the Statute and Program Resolution werediscussed.

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In his report about the activities of the party between twocongresses, Lupco Georgijevski stated that none of the politicalparties in Macedonia has managed to accomplish its aims as muchas VMRO has (mentioning the Army and the currency), and at thesame time he praised the activity of his MPs in the oldparliament. But, he didn't forget the mistakes and errors, which,according to him, were very serious. The main mistake in hisopinion is letting go the chances to takeover the power, firstin 1990 (winner of the first parliamentarian elections), andsecondly, in 1992 after the resignation of the experts'government. For the first time, the leader of this party admittedthat his party can't gain power on its own. On this occasion healso proclaimed the pre-electoral campaign, expressing the wishfor anticipated elections, which according to him, will be theaim of his party in the period to come. This is why VMRO willcreate a coalition with other opposition parties, so the errorsof the last elections are not repeated. Georgijevski hopes thatthe anticipated elections will take place after the localelections, in which, it is known, this and the other oppositionparties, especially Gosev's Democratic Party, have great hopesin victory. This is why the Chairman of VMRO promoted the newstrategy which is comprised of learning from the committedmistakes, as well as "political pragmatism to get the power".

He was not specific about his "pragmatism", however, referringto the lost chance to gain power, he says: "We created the imageof the party which doesn't want to get mixed with the formerCommunists and Albanian extremist parties, and we lost thefeeling for pragmatism and the chance to appoint the government".

Even though it may seem absurd to have a unexpected change in thepolitical mosaic created after the elections, nevertheless, lastyear there were rumors about the possible coalition between VMROand the Liberals. Apart from this, these two parties are partnersin the Shkupi's town parliament, which, as it is known, comprisesone third of the total population of Macedonia. It is interestingthat VMRO's Chairman, who is without any doubt the head of thisparty, shows special attention towards the "minorities" and forthe first time accepts their importance in the division of power,i.e., accepts the importance of their votes as a significantfactor.

Both Georgijevski and his party are preparing to take over thegovernment, and this is proven with the way the chairman waselected. Since Georgijevski was the only candidate, there was asuggestion to elect him by acclamation, which he refused, thusproving that VMRO is "maturing". The secret voting proved thatGeorgijevski was the undisputable leader of his party, getting195 out 207 votes, 10 voting against and one abstention.The next months will prove which of the leaders will be luckier

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after the congresses: Crvenkovski, who must just preserve whathe already won or Georgijevski who is determined to have newelections in Macedonia. But, their (non) success will depend onothers, too. It will not be surprise if the Albanians, again,determine the side the balance will incline.

MONTENEGRO

TOPONYMY AND POLITICS

by NAIL DRAGA / Ulqin

As in other parts of the Albanian ethnic-cultural space, toponymssuffered stressed deformations in Montenegro too. It would be areal miracle to have had these areas excluded. It is well knownhistorically, that after the occupation of the determinedterritories, colonizers have influenced the change of theonomastic vocabulary of the area. It is also known that thechange of toponyms was done in different ways: throughadaptation, translation and even their total change. In manycases there were doublets, which, even though totallyunnecessary, now prove a determined period.

The ethnic Albanians space has many concrete cases, from theancient times and up to now. With the sole fact that the Albanianpeople, during different epochs, faced different cultures, theopinion that they have also left a trace on the toponyms is verymuch grounded.

There are enough proofs which prove that the influence of theSlavs in the toponymy was much bigger than that of the others.They also had the habit of deforming or modify the toponymsaccording to their lingual structure. Even though such aphenomenon appeared in Medieval time, it became dominant in 19thcentury and continues even today. Even toponyms started beingused for political purposes. In Montenegro too, after theannexation of territories, the Montenegrin administration madethe censuses of population and localities. Acting pursuant to theSerb model, they did it in a very organized way, especially after1912/13, when Montenegro expanded its territory. Thus startingfrom the registers offices, the cadastre, toponyms and micro-toponyms were evidenced and written only in the Slavic variety.

This was a premeditated action, using the toponyms, to accomplishhegemony and aiming at assimilation. Thus, after 1912, Albanianareas which remained outside the political borders of Albania,started changing their physiognomy. The sole fact that theAlbanian language has never been treated as an official language,

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is a strong argument to understand why toponyms were neverwritten correctly, in their original way.

There is no extensive study which would describe the situationwith Albanian toponyms, however, on this occasion, we willpresent only some of the toponyms which prove the violence of thestatal administration.

Two typical example are Nokshiq and Katërkollë. Nokshiq, as alocation in Plavë municipality, is known under that name by theAlbanian population. However, the Serbian administration tookcare of changing its physiognomy by making a small modification:it replaced letter "k" with letter "v", and Montenegrins startedcalling it Novsice. In this concrete case Noka became Nova! Thisact, not only changed the toponym by force, but at the same timelost the national identity of the person who established theplace. It is well known that the founder of the village was Noka,who belonged to the Kelmend tribe. Only the ones who belong tothis area know the original name of the place. Even thoughNokshiq today, due to emigration, has no more Albanians livingin it (the last one died in 1989), it will serve as the typicalexample if the modification of an Albanian toponym by the stateadministration.

On the other hand, Katërkollë was also changed, but not accordingto the same methodology. The state administration namedKatërkollë totally differently, and called it Vladimir. For along time, the original term was totally ignored. Recently, theAlbanian version started being used, but this issue is not yetsolved with the statute of the municipality. It is now anartificial doublet and it has to be used as such: Katërkollë-Vladimir.

The influence of the state administration, was evident at alarger scale especially in micro-toponymy, because there are veryfew cases in which they are written in their original form.Authentic proof are the cadaster and topographic maps. Forexample in Malësia e Plavës and in Guci: Bjeshka e Keqe isBeskeca, Lugu i Kuq is Lubo Kuc, Kukaj is Kukice, Hakaj isHakanje/Akanje, Pepaj is Pepice. In Rozhajë (Rozaje): Peshkaj isPeskovice, Dacaj - Dacice, Plunca is Pljunce. In Malësi e Madhe:Narhelm is Podhum, Trijesh is Zatrijebacka, Spi is Spinje,Këshevë is Krsevo. In Krajë: Bobosht is Boboviste, Lijara isLivar, Gjuraç is Djuravce, Kështenja is Kostanica, Skje is Ckla,Vau i Fikut is Smokvica. In Ana e Malit and Ulqin: Milla is Mide,Dragina is Draginje, Hija e Korbit is Vranje Gnezdo, Mali iShasit - Saska Planina, Shëngjergji is Sveti Djordje, Suka emadhe is Suka mala, etc.

These were only some examples from the long list of toponyms in

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Albanian areas in Montenegro, which directly prove the arbitraryapplication of Serbian names. The examples showed that some ofthe names were modified, adapted, changed or translated. We stillfind them in practice. We will be able to speak of qualitativechanges only when Albanian becomes an official language inAlbanian areas in Montenegro, without impositions and dictatesfrom above.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202 38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

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