[M. a. Littauer, J. H. Crouwel] Wheeled Vehicles a(BookFi.org)

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WHEELED VEHICLES ANDRIDDEN ANIMALS

IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST

BY

M. A. LITTAUER AND J. H. CROUWEL

DRA~GSBYJ.MOREL

LEIDEN/KOLNE. J. BRILL

1979

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LIST OF ABBREVIAnONS

A rchdologischer A nseigerA nna les archeologiques arabes syriennesA nnual of the A merican Sch ools of Oriental ResearchA rchiu fiir OrientforschungSoden , \V. von . Akkadisches Handuiorterbuch , W iesbaden 1963A me rican [ourna l of A rchaeologyArchaologi sche Mitteilungen aus I ranA ncient N ear Eastern T exts relating to the Old T estament (ed . ] . B . Prit ch ard )Princeton 1955Ancient Near Eastern Supplementary Te xts and P ictures (ed . ] . B. Pritchard ). Princet on 1969] . B. Pritchard , Ancient N ear E ast in P ictures R elating to the Old Testament ,P r inceton 1954.A lter Orient und A ltes T estam ent. Neukirchen 1969-Archives royales de M ari iTextes trans crites et traduitesi , P aris 1950A natolian S tudiesA nnales du Service des A ntiquites de l'EgypteBulletin of the A mer ican Sch ools of Oriental R esearchB iblioiheca OrientalisB erli Her I ahrbucb f iir Vor- und F riihgeschichteBulletin of the Metropoli tan Museum of Art. New YorkBritish Museum Quarterly . LondonChicago Assyrian D ictionary . Chi cago and Glli ckstadt 1956Camb ridge A ncient H istory . 3rd ed. Cambridge 1970Cahiers de la delegation archeologique francaise en IranEncyclopedic photogra-pbique d'art. L'art de la M esopotam ie ancienne auJ1fusee du L ouvre, fas c. 5, 6 . Paris 1936H arvard S emit ic S eries . Cambridge (Mass.)I rani ca A ntiquaI srael Explorat ion f ournalIllustrated L ondon NewsI stanbuler Mitteitungen[ournai of the A merican Orien tal S ociety[ournal of the A merican Research Center in Egypt[ournal of Cune iform S tudiesI ahrbucb des deutschen archiiologischen I nstituts , A bteilung A then[ourna l of E gyp tian Archaeology[ournal of Field Archaeology[ournal of H ellenic StudiesI ahrbucb f iir k leinasiatis che F orschung[ournal of Near Eastern S tudiesK eilschriftu rkunden au s BoghazkoiK eilschrifttexte aus B oghazkoi

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Liverp ool Annals of Art and A rchaeologyManchester Cuneiform SeriesMitteilungen des deutschen archdologischen Lnstituts, Abteilung Kairo.Mitteilungen del' deut schen Orient-GeselischaftMemoires de la delegatior: e1J P erse (including volumes with slightly different titles but numbered in same sequence). P arisM itteilungen des I nstituts fiir OrientforschungMetropolitan M'useum J ournal. New YorkNeu e FolgeNew SeriesOxford Editions of Cuneiform T extsOriental Institute Communication . ChicagoOriental I nstitute Publication. ChicagoOrienialische L iteratur Ze itungProceedings of the Prehistoric S ocietyPrdhistorische Ze itschriftR evu e d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orien taleR evue bibliqueR eport of the Department of A ntiquit ies, CyprusThureau-Dangin, F . R ecueil des tablettes chaldeennes , Paris 1903S ovetskaja A rkh eologijaSt udien zu den Bogazkoy T este. Wiesbad en 1965-Legr ain, L. Le temps des rois d'Ur : R echerches sur la societe antique d'apresdes testes nouveaux . P aris 1912] estin R., T'ablettes sumeriennes de $uruppak conseruees au» Mwsee deStamboul , Paris 1937Ur E xcavation Reports. London-PhiladelphiaUr Excavation TextsV orlaiifiger Bericht iiber die A usgrabungen in Untk- WaI·ka. BerlinD ie Welt des OrientsW issens chaft liche Verofferulicbungen.del' deuischen Orient-GesellschaftZeitschrift fur A ssyriologie urul uorderasiatische A rchiiologieZ eitschrif t fiir iigyptische Sprache und A ltertumskunde

II

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

The present survey of the evidence for transport by wheeled vehicle and on theridden animal in the Near East covers Mesopotamia, Iran, the Levant, and Anatolia.Mat erial from Transcaucasia , E gypt, and Cyprus is consid ered only when it complements or illuminates the areas of primary interest . Chronologically, the studycovers a period ranging from the later 4th millennium B.C., when wheeled vehiclesare first attested in the Near East, to the time of the conquests of Alexander theGreat, ca 330 B.C.

This survey has profited greatly from work already done in the field. The earlieststill valuable studies were published mainly in Germany : Nuoffer (1904), Studniczka(1907), Popplow (1934), Herm es (1936), P otratz (1938), Wiesner (1939). Des Noettes,in France, contributed the only attempt to an alyse and evalua te ancient techniquesof driving and riding (1931). Aft er the Second World War, the work of Schachermeyr (1951) an d Childe (three important contributions: one in 1951 and two in1954), as well as Hancar's comprehensive study (1955) appeared. Haudricourt madetwo attempts to trace the evolution of wheeled vehicles and harness (1948, 1955).The 1950'S also saw the publication of two books by A. Salonen on Near-Easternt extual docu mentation of vehicles and transpor t animals (1951, 1955).

Since the beginning of the 1960'S, along with the discovery of much new ma terial,the literature has subs tantially increased . It includes a book by Kammenhuber onthe Hittite t exts (1961) and relevant sections in works by Yadin (1963), Hrouda(1965) and Madhloom (1970) that ar e devot ed primarily to other subjects . A surveyof chariots by Nagel (1966) and new studies by Potratz (1966-mainly on horse bits)and Wiesner (1968)-none of them confined strictly to the Near East-are alsoimportant. Piggott (1968a) has contributed a major study of wheeled vehicles in andaround the Caucasus region. The most recent lit erature includes the exhaustive workby Zarins (1976) on evidence for equids in Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium B.C., asurvey of the ridden horse down to the Sarmatian period by Kovalevskaya (1977)and an account by Spruytte of his experiments with types of anci ent vehicles andharnessing (1977).

The present discussion is based primarily on archaeological evidence. As we are

not orientalists , text ual documentation will be used sparingly end cautiously .AlthoU«"h the ma terial is pr esented in chronological sequence, the-time divisions donot always correspond with clear ly defined ones in all parts of the Near East.

The rela tive and absolute chronologies used Me based on t he revised C. mbriJgeArKu til H iUMy {197I'73~75} and on CM~ i,. Old WUTU A rcNuo! ogy (ed.R W. Ehrich . Chicago 1965), together with refinements and corrections made inCItrOft.Okgie.s in Old Wor ld A rc!t&l)wg y , S Mnitl4r:s s:I Co/",mbia Uni t'nuty [ed. E.Porada in A/A 74. 1970 ; 75. 197I; 16, 1972; 77. 1973 ; 78. 1974 : So. I9i6 ; 81, ]9"77).The chronology of individual Assyrian kings follows tha t of Brin kman (Il)64 :revisions 1976).

-lNTRODUCTl ON

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CHAPTER T\\'O

GLOSSAR Y

N oU. For lack of precise equival ents, modem terms are often used here to designate ancient elements of harn ess or bridling . I t should be noted, however, that ancientand modern elements of similar functi on or appearan ce ar e seldom identical inevery respect . and that th e terms are somet imes used loosely.

A -fr<JmI cart, This cart has a tra pezoidal floor, tbe side timber s of which contin ueIorward beyond th e floor unt il th ey meet . T his fonns a trian gular "draughtpole" (q.v.), a t tbe ape x of which tho:yoke is attached. the skeleton of the wholeresem bling a capitallette r A.

A-P-Ok. A draught pole [q.v .] in th e Iorm of an elongat ed capital let ter A. tile yokebeing attached at its apex.

Axle. A rod passing underneat h th e vehicle floor. th e wheels revolving on it or itrevolving ....-ith tbe wheel s ; in an tiquity, alway s of wood .

Backi ng t lemeni . An d ement of harness (q.v.) that tran smits backward (as cor npared to the usual forward) movement of th e draught animals to th e vehicle•at th e same time preventing th em from backing out of ha rn ess. In antiquit y.this element is often lacking and. when present, is relati vely inefficient. Inth e and millennium B. C. it is composed of a str ap runn ing either from loweryoke-saddle [q.v.] end to lower yoke-saddle end or from lower outer end ofyoke saddle to dr augh t pole {q.v.}- in eith er case passing beneath the belly .During the rst millenni um R C., thi s sys tem apparently changes to one th atcombines a tru e girt h (q.v.) with a breastb an d [q.v.} .

B iJ. Bridle (q.v.) element for control of horse by th e mouth ; composed of mouth piece {q.v .] and cheekpieces (q .v.)- the latter often miscalled pso2lia in th eliterat ure. Primi tive bits bad thong. rope or gu t mouthpi eces and an tler orbone cheekpieces, t he latt er acting as toggles to keep th e mouthpiece fro mslipping sideways out of th e mouth . ){etal bit s were compose d of single orcompoun d (join ted) mouth pieces {s.v. canon) and a pair of cheekpieces. Th elatter were held in place by divi ded cbeekst raps (q.v.) and , on the earlier Near.Eas tern bits . th e ends of the mout hpieces passed through the cheekpieces.

- -CLOSS.-\RY

Reins were attached either directly to the mouthpiece ends or to some metalelement connecting with them. The action of these bits was closer to that ofth e modem snaffl e than to any oth er modern bit , since they exerted pressureGO t he corners of the horses' mouth. Their consrrucn on, however , was somewhatdifferen t, and those with jointed mouthpieces had an added action. unknown inmodern bits . from the pressure of the cbeekpieces agaiMt the lower jaw .

B JifJkM. An elemen t at tached to the cheekstrap (q.v.) of the headstall (q.v.),covering the horse's eye and enabling him to see ahead but not to th e side.In antiq uit y it probably served to pro tect t he eye in ba ttl e and/or to preventharn essed stallions from bickering wit h their team ma tes or with oth er stallionsab reas t of them.

Boz. Used here to design a te the floor an d supers truc tur e of a vehicle.B,.ustb4.nd. In antiquity, a stra p atta ched to th e front edges of a. saddle cloth or

pac k saddle and running across th e horse's chest. designed to hold these objectsin position. Abo . on Assyri an chari ot horses of 8th and 7th cent. B.C., at tach edto girth (q.v .) a t sides .

BmuJpl4k. In anti quity , prot ect ive or decorative element of metal and/or lea ther .hun g across horse 's chest .

BrudJi"f_ In an tiquity, str ap attached to rear edge'S of saddle cloth or packsaddle, run ning back alocg Ilanks of anim al and passin g aro und butt ocks ,designed to hold cloth or saddle in position .

Bridle . ),Iean s of coc trolllng horse by the head . Composed of headstall (q.v.) ,with or without bit [q.v.], and reins (q.v.].

C03nMl. Youth piece of a metal bit , or each single element of a compound (" joint ed"or " broken") mouthpiece.

Carl. Alwa ys two-wheeled, but with wheels of any const ruction (q.v.) : for carryingstabl e loads. i.e. goods or sea ted passe ngers .

CiWalry . This term may only be properly app lied to moun ted troops when th eseare trained to th e degr ee where th ey can functio n with precision as a unit--notonly ad vancing on command bu t changing gaits, turning, deployi ng an d reassemblin g in their proper posi tions in the ranks. During th e periods coveredhere they seldom, if ever, fulfill th ese condi tions.

Cat't1$OfS. Used here for a st rong , fitt ed headstall (q.v.}, to which reins (q.v.)were attached.

CMm-fr()fJ. (see " frontlet " ).C~. A light , fast , two-wheeled, usually horse-drawn, vehicl e with spoked wheels ;

t

•GLOSSARY

used for warfare , hunting. racing and ceremonial purposes. I ts crew usuallyst ood, .

C~' In antiquity, two pair ed elements of a. bit. in the fann of variouslyshaped pla ques or rods. Lying at the corners of the hors e's lips. and attached toth e heads tall (q.v.) by :single or, more often , by multiple cheekstrape (q.v.),tbe cheekpieces held the mouth piece in place, and might also exert pressure onthe outside of the horse' , lower jaw.

Chahtraps, Side straps of headstall (q.v. ), attached to the cheekpiecea (q.v.)of the bit and serving to hold them in place. I n an tiquity commonly branched totak e the cheekpiec e.

Cruup. Tha.t part of the horse's back. lying over the animal's loins and extendingto th e root of the tail .

Crt:rrnlp-ieu. Part of headstall (q.v.} going from side to side over crown or poll(q.v .} of hOTSe'~ bead.

C,...pper. In antiquity, strap attached to rear of saddle cloth or pack saddle andrun ning back across cent re o( croup to pass Moun d root of tail : designed to helpkeep do th or saddle in place.

DrrJ.uglsl pok. In antiqui ty, the element that connected the vehicle to th e yoke(q.v.) of the draught anim als. There was normally one pole, but during the rstmillen nium B.C. two poles abo occur,

Fdktt . The rim of a wheel. into which th e ou ter ends of th e spokes are mort iced.PrOttiJa (also nosepiece or chamfroo ). Protecti ve or decora tive element of metal or

ivory and leather lying over Icrehea d and nasal bone 01 horse, sometim es cornbined wi th a poll crest (q.v.).

Girlh. Ban d encircling the thorax of an animal or att ached to lower edges of saddlecloth and passing under belly .

Goad. A long poin ted stick, for proddi ng.Gqrgd . Smaller, higher-placed fonn of breastplate [q.v.],HQ/j1W !eband . See und er "n oseband."Halkr . Simple headstall (q.v.). used. for leading animal or for tying it up by the

head .Harness. The aggregate of the various straps th at att ach an animal to the traction

elements of a vehicle. In antiquity specifically neckstrap (q.v.) and (ofte n)bailing elemen t (q.v.},

H~4dslall. Part of bridle (q .v.), made 01 stra ps or rope and designed to bold controlling bit or noseband in place. Comprises crownpiece (q.v .) (going over

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crown of head behind ears); cheekstrap s (q.v.) running down from this tonoseband and /or bit ; throatlash (q.v.) ru nning from side to side under horse'sthroat ; sometimes a browband run ning across th e forehead ; and a noseban dencircling the nose or muzzle, or half noseband (q.v.) running across the nosean d joining t he cheekstraps.

Hogged mane. Mane cut short .Hu b. See " nave."Lincb pin. Toggle pin passing through axle end to prevent the wheel from slipping

off the axle.M outhpiece. The part of th e bit lyin g mainly inside the horse's mouth. I n primitive

bit s (q.v.) it is made of organic mat erials ; in other bits, it is composed of oneor more canons (q.v.) . It was, accordingly , single an d solid or " jointed." Thecanons might be plain or twist ed. At th eir ends they had loops for attachingreins directly or by means of a metal connecting element.

N ave or hub. Th e inner cylindrical element of a wheel, in which th e inner ends ofthe spokes (q.v.) are secured and through which the axle (q.v.) passes.

Neckstrap, Strap passing around neck and attached at either end to lower ends ofyoke saddles or to yoke itself. Its purpose is to hold the yoke in place.

Nos eband. One of the straps of the headstall. It usually encircles the nose and jawbut, in th e form of a half noseband, may merely run across th e nose from cheekst rap (q.v.) to cheekstrap .

Outrigger. Also less accurately called " t race horse." In teams of three or four horsesabreast (trigae and qua drigae), a horse not directly under th e yoke, bu t connected more loosely with th e vehicle.

Pole horse orpoter. In antiquity, one of th e two horses that flanked th e pole (q.v.).Poll. Crown of horse's head.Poll crest or poll plume. Decorati ve and/or protective element on poll (q.v.), con

sist ing of plu mes, tassels or helmet crest with horse hair."Psalion," Greek word for metal element of bridl e, separate from bit an d having

the effect of a muzzle or a rigid noseband . Term often misused for th e cheekpiece (q.v.) of a bit .

Pulled mane. Mane thinned an d evened off by hand pulli ng.Reins. Straps running back from the bit (q.v.) or cavesson (q.v.) to th e driver 's

or rider's hands.S poke. Radial timber of a wheel, set into th e nave (q.v.) a t one end and th e felloe

(q.v.) at the other.

7GLOSSARY

T erret. Rings through which lines or reins pass ; in an tiquity fastened to poleor,.: ' yoke, or to a draugh t or harness element on the an imal 's shoulder.

T hroat/ash. Strap or thong passing under throat or rear of jaw from cheekstrap tocheekstrap (q.v.) an d securing headstall (q.v.).

Tilt. A canvas , wicker or wooden canopy or hood for a vehicle.Trace horse. See " outrigger."Trapp er, trapping or housing. A prot ective or decorative covering for th e body of a

. horse.T'yre. An outer element of t he wheel, pr otecting the tread of the felloe (q.v.);

in antiquity, of metal, rawhide or wood. It also helped to consolida te the wheel.W agon . Always four-wh eeled, usually a relat ively heavy vehicle.Wh eel

Crossbar wheel. Wheel with a diametric bar, t hrou gh which the axl e (q.v.)passes. Lighter "c rossbars " run at right angles to the central bar , betweenit and th e felloe (q.v.).

Disk wheel. Also called " block wheel." Wheel of solid appearance mad e ofone piece of wood or of several- then called "co mposite disk."

Spoked wheel . Wheel composed of nave (q.v.), spok es (q.v.) an d felloe (q.v.),oft en wit h a tyre (q.v. ).

W ithers. Most prominent area of an equid 's or a bovid 's spine, form ed by thevertebral processes and located between the shoulder blades. Th e h eight of anequid is measur ed from the ground to the highest point of the wit hers .

Y oke. The wooden element runni ng across the necks of t wo or more draughtanimals and connecting them with the pole (q.v.).

Yo ke saddle. An element for adapting the yoke to th e conformatio n of equids.Of invert ed Y shape, its " ha ndle" was lashed to th e yoke and it s " legs" layalong th e auima l's shoulders

Y-pole. Composi t e draught pole (q.v.). formed of two poles , one corning fromeither side of the vehicle, bent inwards and brought together a short dist anceahead of th e box (q.v.), to run contiguously out to th e yoke.

GLOSSARY6

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I E wers 1955 . fig . 18 an d pI. 5 : b ; Grin nell 1923, fig . op p . p . 96 ; Gr aybill and Boesen 1976,275 .• Des Noettes 1931. 83ft., 109ft. ; Needham 1965, 247, 304ft.; Piggott 1968a. 267 . F or modem

shaft and breast-collar harn ess. a .o . 'Walrond 1974. 33 with figs. 127. 129 .• A.o. Perkins. D . Jr. 1969. 177ft. ; 1973. 280; Bokonyi 1973a. 74; 1976, 2If.

9SOME GE NERAL CONSIDERATI ONS

requiring a primary one under some other vehicle. Nor, since th e roller's prime, funct ion is to facilitat e the movement of a large, flat surface over the ground , would. : it have any purpose under pol e ends. The pr acti cal likelih ood of the wheel developing

from a (hypothetical) roller in use with a tr avoisjslide car is thus infinitely less th anits evolution from rollers placed und er a platform or sledge. Moreover, while rollersunder platforms ar e still in use tod ay in th e moving of heavy objects, there is noevidence anywhere, at any time of a travois/slide car used with rollers.

While the travois/slide car, as the simpl est of vehicles, is sur ely of grea t antiquityin certain areas, there is no evidence to connect it at all with any of the earliestknown wheeled vehicles-either four-wh eelers or two-wheelers. Th ese are first att estedin earlier 3rd-millennium B.c. Mesopotamia by figur ed documents and act ualremains (d. Chap . V). preceded in the lat er 4th millennium by pictographic signsshowing sledges and sledges on two rollers or (more likely) already four wheels,which point clearly to a sledge-wi th- roller origin (d . Chap. IV). There is no evidenceof an y travois/slide car in thi s region and th e geographically closest document isonly fn znd-millennium Tran scaucasia.

In tracing origins, the relevance of the type of draught associated with the basictravois/slide car is oft en overlooked. Th e two poles of thi s vehicle are essentiallyshafts. E xcep t when the se are th e very long poles of th e American In dian tepee, 2

which are carrie d at a sharp slope and crossed ahead of the withers so th at they willnot protrude ahead of the horse at a level to int erfere with other animals or people,they are dropped to the side of th e animal to reduce the angle of inclina tion ; theyare held up by a support across th e back and kept forward by a strap in front of thechest, which also takes the pull . Such a system would soon have deve loped intoshaft -and-breastc ollar harness, i.e. economical, efficient single dra ught . Th e latter,however, is first atteste d in me with wheeled vehicles only in th e 3rd century B.C.,in early Han China , nearly 3000 years after th e first appearance of wheeled vehicles.!

On th e other hand, the pole-a nd-yoke draught system associated with all wheeledvehicles up to the 3rd century B.C., is documented already by th e earliest representations and material remain s in Mesopotamia. Th e single, central draught polewould have originated with bovids under yoke, one on either side of the plough

SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

1 R ecent disc ussio n in Piggott 1968a, 292, 309 ££.; 1968b, 436ft. ; previou sly a .o. Berg 1935 ;H audricourt 1948, 54£!. with fig. 14 (chronology and , as result, proposed sequence often inaccurate) ; Childe 1951, 177, 1931. ; 1954a, zf.: 1954b, 204ff.; Kothe 1953, 74ft. ; H au dricourt andDelamarre 1955. 155ft . ; Hancar 1956. 436ft.; Nee dham 1965, 243ft • 304ff .

CHAPTER THREE

WHEELED V EHICLES

Much has been written about the origin of wheeled vehicles, t he so-called " sledge"and the " travois/slide-car" theories bein g the two most frequently cited. Or a dualorigin may be posit ed, with the sledge being considered ancestral to the four-wheelerand th e travoisjslide car ancestral to the two-wheeler." E ach th eory must be examined for its in herent f easibilit y, as well as in the light of the knowtl chronologies ofwheeled transport and of sy stems of draught. In all cases, a roller placed beneath th evehicle is consid ered eventually to have suggested the axle and wheels. Prerequisitesfor thi s would be : I) th e necessity to tr ansport material too heavy or bulky to becarrie d by men or packed by ani mals, and 2) th e recognit ion that a rolling supportbeneath th e carrie r would be ad vantageous.

Th e sledge is essentially a horizontal platform, with or witho ut runners. Rollersplaced beneat h it facilitate its movement (particularly over level ground), a minimum of two rollers being required under it at anyone time in order to keep theplatform horizontal and to permit the successive reposit ioning under the front ofthe rollers released at th e rear as the vehicle moves forward. To obviate th e const antswitching of rollers, th ese may be made " captive" by, for instance, placing thembetwe en shallow cleat s fast ened beneath the platform. An effort to reduce th erunning surfa ce would result in reducing the diam eters of the rollers except at theirends , where they extended beyond the platform, and thus would form a primitivesingle-unit axle and wheels.

The traooislslide car essentially consists of two sloping poles crossed in front of th ewithers (q.v.) of an anim al or carried along its sides . The ends of these drag on th eground and the load or carrier is lash ed across the m behind t he animal. I t wouldbe a physical impo ssibility to keep a loose roller under these ends ; it would have tobe " cap tive:' which would imply already a secondary stage of development,

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6 Cf . Smith. E . L . and Young. T . C. Jr. 1972, 47 ; F alkenstein 1936, 56 with no. 214 (UrukIVa pictographic sign); Salonen 1968 (textual and representational ev ide nce of ploughing).

6 Karakhanian and Safian 1970, 44 with pls. 52. 96, 148 ; Bicknell 1913, pI. III.7 P iggott 1968a. 289ff. with fig. 6 (d. also fig . 10 ) ; Littau er and Crou wel 1976, 76ff . ; Lit-

tauer 1977. 260 with fig . 33·6 Supra n . I; al so F enton 1973, 147ff.9 Childe 1951 , 183; 1954a, 10.10 Childe 1951, 193.

beam that helped to keep the share straight. Domest ic cattle had been known inMesopotamia and other parts of the Near East for some 2 0 0 0 years," and the ploughbeam was there to be converted into the pole 'of a vehicle wh en the time carne."The pole could be attached asa separate element to the four-wheeler, or it could be

~ raised over a single axle and given a saddle-like seat, as in the two-wheeled "straddlecars" (d. p . 21) that appear in the earl y 3rd millennium B.C., and that pointunequivocally to the single pole.

This paired draught traction system indeed had evidently become such a powerfultradition in the Near East that it was substituted for singl e draught with the travoisfslid e car when the latter was introduced into Transcaucasia (pr esumably from the

• north) apparently during the znd mill ennium B.C. The same may be said for theearliest slide cars in the Mediterranean region, which are documented in the LigurianAlps in the Early Bronze Age (ca 1800-1450 B.C.).6

In this respect it may be noted that the triangular, A-frame cart (q.v.), sometimesadduced as evidence of the derivation of the original two-wheeler from a tri angulartravoisfslide car to which rollers had been added, is first firmly attested only in

• later znd-millennium B.C. in Transcaucasia.' A triangular slid e car is indeed documented here possibly somewhat earlier, and the two converging arms of the triangular cart pole make a genetic connection between the two in this ar ea likely . Butthe cart uses the paired draught as well as the composite disk wheel that point t oMesopotamian influence. Although its wide diffusion today (from the Iberianpeninsula to India) has been taken as proof of its great antiquity," it is noteworthythat the A-frame is nowhere attested among the numerous early two-wheelers fromMesopotamia and the Levant, all of which display the single central draught pole,nor is it found among those of the Indus civilization, which show Mesopotamianderivation.P There are no known examples of Greek or Roman carts displaying thisform. The dissemination appears to have been late.

Childe postulated that the composite disk wheel was t oo complex a constructionto have originated in more than one area.l" H e supported his contention that this

.: 11 For brief, importantrev iew of horse-back riding, Powell 1971.

IISOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

A NIMAL-BACK RIDING

The muscles used and the muscular effort exerted in carrying a weight are quitedifferent from those required to pull one . The draught animals harnessed to sledgesor four-wheelers carry only the weight of the pole or shafts; those hitched to two wheelers may carry anything, from alm ost no weight to a certain portion of thevehicular load, depending on the position of the axle, the length of the pole orshafts, the gradient of the t errain, etc., but the ridden animal bears the full weightof the load.

Equids throughout antiquity, however, were harnessed by pole and yoke-asyst em devised for the anatomy of bovids and inadequately adapted to that ofequids. Although less inefficient than has sometimes been claimed, this method isuneconomical and far from perfect. Moreover, the ridden animal can function inways and ov er terrain where a vehicle cannot , and may be ridden with a minimumof equipment. It is therefore surprising that the horse was not more generally employed as a mount from the beginning of his introduction into the Near East, andthat his exte nsive use-particularly in warfare-had to wait for many centuries.

The explanation sometimes offered-that the horse at that time was too small tocarry a man-is invalid. Recent palaeontological research has shown that hors esof the 2nd and rst millennia B.C., although only large poni es by modern westernEuropean st anda rds, were as big and as capable of carrying riders as many horsesridden today in cer tain parts of the world.P

Apart from the frequ ently cited factors of the prestige of seniority, the freedom ofthe chariot warrior to devot e his ent ire attention to fighting, and th e superior amountof materiel a chariot could carry, there are also others oft en insufficiently consideredin attempting to explain the long prevalence of the chariot t eam over the individualmount in military, hunting and parade use. Equids ar e herd animals; even todayhorses still have a st rong herd inst inct. The cavalry charge, horse racing, certainkinds of mounted hunting-circumstances in which horses are required to act in

.area was Mesopotamia by a chronological chart of diffusion that has not, in its. ~a,sic lines, been refuted. This type of wheel was also accompanied by paired draught.<I.t i s indeed Mesopotamia that has yielded evidence for the first development ofwheeled vehicles, in which platforms and sledges, rollers, and ploughs pulled by

. paired cattle must all have played a role, but not the travoisfslide car.

SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS10

SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS~ 12

frightening, demanding and (for them), often unnatural ways,have been madepossible by this instinct. Early domesticated equids must have had it more stronglythan today's. This would have facilitated their' early use in herding, in the packtrain, or in transhumance, but would have made their individual functioning, as

D couriers' mounts, for instance, difficult. If we are to judge by the (much later) Assyrian evidence, it took over a century after horses began to be regularly mountedin warfare before they were functioning independently and not in close pairs.

Another factor in the long prevalence of chariotry over mounted troops in theancient Near East may have be en that the horse shoe had not yet been invented.Asses and even mules, have harder hooves than horses, whose original habitat was

~ the grassy st eppe. Caravan animals, moreover, move at a steady but fairly slowpace along a regular cleared trail. Speed, however, and the ability to cross roughcountry when necessary was required of the war horse. If to this, one adds the weightof an armed rider, the horse's hooves would break down the sooner. It may havebeen only when horses became more plentifully available that commanders were

B willing to expend them in large numbers under mounted troops.Civilian riding, however, is documented much earlier-by the 3rd millennium in

the Near East. Mounted messengers and couriers may have sometimes even beenable to find for their use equids not prohibitively herdbound. Travel would havebeen possible-particularly in the company of other riders-and the scarcity ofhorses in the Near East prior to the znd millennium B.C. need not have precluded

~ riding for such purposes. Indeed, asses and hybrid equids have smooth gaits, aresurer-footed in mountainous or rocky going, and have simpl er dietary requirementsthan horses. Moreover, the "donkey seat," far back on the loins, which is used byearly horseback riders in this area, looks back to a long tradition of such riding.

-~ - ' .'-;"-. -"

CHAPTER FOUR

LATER FOURTH MILLENNIUM B.C.

WHEELED VEHICLES

The first evidence for the use of wheeled vehicles comes from the site of Uruk insouthern Mesopotamia. It consists of simple pictographic signs on inscribed claytablets found in Uruk level IVa (ca 3200-3IOO B.C.). The signs represent sledgeswith runners in front , as well as similar sledges raised over what may be either two(captive) rollers or four disk wheels (f£g. I),1 which may be called "sledge cars".»Wheels seem already more likely here than rollers, as they are clearly representedearly in the next millennium. These earliest vehicles are always shown with a roofedsuperstructure. That the latter may represent a covered litter is suggested by a verysmall unprovenanced steatite plaque of the same period, which shows an importantpersonnage (or, conceivably, an effigy of a deity) seated in a litter with an archedtilt, the legs of which are set on such a sledge (fig. 2).3 Th ere is no firm evidence oftwo-wheelers at this period.'

DRAUGHT ANIMALS

The sledge seen on the st eatite plaque is drawn by one or two bovids. It may besuggest ed that these were the regular draught animals of these vehicles. Domesticcattle, referred to in the Uruk texts, are ost eologically attested in the Near Eastlong before this," whereas evidence of equid draught begins only in the earli er thirdmill ennium B.C.

1 Falkenstein 1936, nos. 741-742 (sledge). 743-745 (wagon) ; als o Langdon 1924. pI. XXXI :1-2 (sledge on stone tablet from Kish). Falkenstein (1936. 56. n . 5) rej ected the idea that signsnos. 592-593 (MAR ) indicate a vehi cle rather than a spade; more positive views in Sal onen1951,194 with pI. 1 :3 ; Zarins 1976, 413.

2 Discussion a .o. in F alkenst ein 1936, 56; Salonen 1951, 79f. ; Childe 1951, 178 ; 1954a, 3;Piggott 1968a . 271f.; Littau er and Crouwel 1974 . 28.

3 H er zfeld 1934, 203 with fig. p . 223.• 4 Impressions of a seal preserved on several fragmentary tablets from Uruk IVa (Lenzenill UVB IV, 1932,28 with pl . 14:c-f; Schott in UVB V, 1934.44.46 with pI. 28: b-e) often saidto show part of a driver in a (not preserved) wheeled vehicle. d . F alkenstein 1936, 56 ; Nagel,1966, If. But analysis of relative positions of rem aining parts of scene makes this very doubtful,d . for sceptical vie ws al so va n Buren 1939, 44 ; Amiet 1961, 95 .

6 F alkenstein 1936. 52f.; (Uruk texts); also supra p . 10 (bones).

LATER FOURTH MILLENNIUM B.C.

TRACTION AND HARNESSING

The bovid on the steatite plaque at first sight appears to be harnessed betweenropes or shafts attached to its horns. The former would give a driver little controlof the animal and the latter-if it is what the artist really intended-must haveproved abortive, since the harnessing of a single animal between shafts is not otherwise attested for another 3000 years. All ancient draught was provided by pole-andyoke harness, paired animals being yoked together and attached to the vehicleby the pole, which transmitted the pull. It is possible that this method of harnessingis implicit on the steatite plaque. The apparent shaft there would then representthe draught pole, which in reality would be hidden behind the nearer of the twoanimals, the artist having made no effort to show the yoke end. It may be noted thatall vehicles already in the earlier 3rd millennium B.c. have a central pole, and thatthe pole-and-yoke hitch is attested on the actual bovid-drawn sledge of which remains were found in the ED lIla (ca 2600-2500 B.C.) tomb of a queen at Ur. 6

If the pole-and-yoke hitch is indicated on the plaque, the yoke would appear to beattached to the animals' horns.

CONTROL

The bovid or bovids pulling the sledge were probably controlled by a line to anose ring, the traditional manner of controlling bovids, and one also employed onequids throughout the next millennium.

USE

The pictographs, taken together with the plaque, suggest that sledges, with andwithout rollers or wheels, were used to convey important people or effigies of deitiesin litters or even merely under a tilt.? This, of course, does not mean that they maynot also have been used simply as flat cars for the transport of bulky or heavy material over reasonably smooth terrain.

8 Infra p. 25, n. 50.7 Amiet 1961, 92 with pl. 47:662 (plaque); Littauer and Crouwel 1974, 28. Interestingly,

earliest representation of wheeled vehicle from Egypt (tomb of Sebeknekht at EI Kab, DynastyXIII) also shows sledge, mounted on four disk wheels rather than rollers, a.o. Smith, W. S.1965, 23.with fig. 34: c.

CHAPTER FIVE

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM(to ca 2375 B.C.) 1

WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence for both four- and two-wheeled vehicles becomes quite plentiful duringthe Early-Dynastic (ED) period in Mesopotamia. Apart from two-dimensionalrepresentations and three-dimensional metal and terra-cotta models, we haveactual remains of vehicles 'with their draught animals and harness elements, as wellas textual material. Most of this derives from Mesopotamia-and not only from itssouthern part, as before-but there is also contemporary documentation from southwestern and west-central Iran (Elam and Luristan) and Syria.

Four-wheelers

M.ost of the representations, both two- and three-dimensional, are from Mesopotamia, and appear to show wagons of a single type that has sometimes been called a"battle car" because it is usually depicted in a military context.s The documentsinclude inlays such as the "Standard" of Ur (fig. 3),3 a relief on the "Vulture stela"of Eannatum of Lagash.s a vase painting," and several cylinder seals" and terra-

1 For comments upon different chronological terminology current in German archaeologicalliterature for this period, a.o. Porada 1965a, 162; Moorey 197ob, 88; Hrouda 1971 r r rff.

2 Term and discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, esp. 122ff. '.3 .Woolley. 1934, 266ff. with pI. 92 (tomb PG 779; ED IlIa). Fragmentary inlays from Mari

(Similar .datmg), d. Parrot 1956, 136ff. with pIs. LVI-II; 1967, 224ff. with pI. LXV; 1969,

f2.o2ff . With pI. XVI: 3; Calmeyer 1964, 73, 78£., nos. Q,R, with figs. 11-12; 1967, 161ff. withIg·3·

4 On its "historical" side, d. Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pIs. 66, 68.5 Delou~az 1952, 69ff. with pIs. 62, 138 (ED II "Scarlet ware"). Another Scarlet ware vase

from Susa Illustrates a wagon apparently with high front screen but otherwise peculiar body cfAmiet 1966, fig. 106. ' .

8 Woolley 1934, p~. 196: no. 54 (ED IlIa sealing from Ur); Buchanan 1966, no. 255 (ED IIor. r.Ila seal. from Kish}; Moortgat 1960b, 18 with fig. 23 (seal from Tell Chuera in Syria, itsoriginal dating to znd mill.. B.C. corrected to ED II by Mrs. U. Moortgat-Correns, letter June 5,1969. For chronology of site d. now Kuhne, H. 1976, esp. table 2). Unprovenanced ED III

seal.s, d. Porada 1948, nos. II8-II9; von der Osten 1934, no. 41. Unprovenanced, contemporarySynan seals, d. Porad a 1948, no. 1081; Amiet 1963, 70f., 78f. with pI. VI: 5.

.~ ::"- ' ..:. .:.-..,

7 Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, 108 with pls. XLIV: D (our f ig. 4; Kish, presumably ED III).and XLIV : C (Tell Chuera; this and other 'wagon model-Moortgat 1960 3., 44 with fig. 44dated to ED II by Mrs . Moortgat-Correns, letter Feb. 3, 1970). Dating uncertain of two unprovenanced exs., Littauer and Crouwel I973a, 109 with pl . XLV: B; Moorey 1974-75. 14 withpl . III.

S A.o . seal from Kish, supra n . 6. Seat possibly also in wagons on Dr "Standard" and Mariinlays (Parrot 1967, fig. 262 and pl . LXV) , to judge from what seems to be a cloth or pelt drapedover a rear screen which recalls same on "straddle car", inf ra p . 21.

, From at least three tombs in "Y" cemetery (ED II). According to Moorey (personal communication), they were associated with human burials Y 322-24: 326, 329 (:,ehicle I), Y 357(vehicle 2 = Gibson's Y 363; formerly Y 237) and Y 529 (vehicle 3) ; d . Gibson 1972, 83f~.;Fi eld 1929 , r Sff .: Watelin 1934, 30ff.; Moorey 1966, 4Iff. ; 1970b, 103£.; 1976, 65 (perhaps SIX

such burials).10 From at least two burials (ED IlIa) , d. Woolley 1934, 64 (PG 789, "King's" tomb: two

wagons). I08f. (pG 1232) , perhaps also 48 (PG 580) .11 From at least one tomb (Donj on 280, presumably contemporary with ED III). d. de

Mecquenem 1943, I03f. , 122ff. with fig . 89: 1-2 and pl . X : 2; also Amiet 1966, fig . 1° 3 ;Moorey 1966, 43.

12 Watelin 1934, 30ff. with fig . 3 and pl. XXIII: I (from Y 357, supra n . 9).

cotta models (fig. 4), some of which may perhaps belong to the following period."Box. These wagons are narrow, rectangular vehicles, with a box only wide enoughfor one person abreast, and are mounted on four disk wheels set close together. Thebox has a high front, reinforced by diagonally crossed struts and topped by an openhandrail that is depressed in the centre, and it has low, panelled side screens. Thefloor projects at the rear. The wagon may carry one or, at most, two persons; in thelatter case the passenger stands behind the driver on the projecting floor at the rear.That this vehicle could also have a seat for the driver is attested by terra-cottamodels and some seals. On the latter, the driver appears alone and seated.f The absence of the usual side screens may reflect the seal-cutter's desire to show the drivercompletely, although a screenless processional vehicle cannot be entirely ruled out.

Information on certain details of construction of these wagons is yielded by theremains of a few actual wagons found in graves at Kish 9 and Ur,IO and at Susa in

Elam.PUnfortunately, it is not certain whether these actual wagons were of exactly the

same type as that documented on representations. One of them at least, from Kish,seems to have had a different screening, with a low, semicircular railing at the sides,which suggests an open back and front .PAxles. The wooden axles ran under the floor near each end. They could eitherhave revolved with the wheels or have been fixed, with the wheels revolving on them.The first type is the more primitive and is suitable only for slow transport, but has

17EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

13 Woolley 1934, 64 (PG 789).14 Watelin 1934 , 30 .15 One wagon at Dr that had rear wheels 0.80 m. in diam. and front wheels 0 .60 01., resulting

in ca. 0.10 m . difference in axle level (Wool1ey 1934, 64; PG 789). might suggest such a possibility. But this clearance would hardly be enough to permit proper vertical articulation of astraight pole, and the more frequently seen high, arching pole would have been unsuitable forattachment to a swivelling axle.

18 At Dr there seems to have been little clearance between wheels and body, d. Woolley1934, 64 (two wagons from PG 789) : width of body 0.50 m . and 0.56 m . respectively viz . lengthof axle I m . and 0.70 m . Cf. also wagon from Kish (Y 357. supra n. 12) : width of body 0.4501 .,length of axle 0.90 m.

17 Piggott 196830, esp. 293ff. with figs. II-I2 and pls. XXI: lower-XXIII: upper; for swivelling axle, 297 . 300; Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, IId. with n . 30 .

the advantage of not requiring a naved wheel. Its characteristics are that it is round•in section where it revolves under the body and rectangular in section where thewheel is fixed on it. The second type permits differential rates of revolution of its twowheels, thus facilitating turning; naves may be greased internally as revolvingaxles cannot be, thus decreasing friction and noise, and individual wheels may beeasily removed for repair or replacement. Some Near-Eastern wagons at least appearto have had fixed axles, to judge by observations made on vehicles in the Ur graves.PThis supposition is supported by the fact that round axle ends appear consistentlyon those figured documents circumstantial enough to record this detail, and also bythe occasional representation of what seems to be a linch pin (q.v .) which, thrustthrough the end of a fixed axle outside the nave of the revolving wheel, would haveprevented the wheel from slipping off (fig . 3). Actual linch pins of wood were foundin a grave at Kish.l-

Neither at Kish nor Dr was any evidence recorded of the horizontally articulatingfront axle that is essential for the efficient turning of four -wheelers. For a swivellingfront axle to perform its function, the draught elements must be connected rigidlywith it, not with the frame of the wagon, so that it turns with the draught animals.A pole that is connected with the axle must clear the floor as it swings, and for thisthe floor must be raised above the axle on an undercarriage, at least in front.PAnother factor limiting the swivelling axle is that the edges of wheels set close to thebox (unless the latter is raised sufficiently to clear them) will, in turning, run againstits sides.l" The quite elaborate disk-wheeled wagons, preserved in a later, zndmillennium B.C. context on the shores of Lake Seven in Transcaucasia still did notknow the swivelling front axle, and it would seem safe to infer that it was unknown inMesopotamia at an earlier time.V This is also suggested by later metal wagon models

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.16

(dating to the later 3rd or early znd millennium from Syria or southeast Anatolia,d. p. 38).Wh eels. The actual wheels found in graves, and all those rendered in detail on thefigured documents of the period appear to have been of tripartite-disk construction.They are made of three planks, the central one, through which the axle passes, beingeither lentoid in shape (Jig. 3) or straight -sided where the flanking planks join it(Jig. 5). The latter will, correspondingly, be crescents or demi-lunes in shape. Ancientand modern disk wheels alike are not made of cross sections of trunk but are ofwood cut lengthwise of the grain, in order to avoid the weakness of the pithy heartwood.P The tripartite construction permitted use of timber of smaller girth than asingle plank which, even if cut lengthwise, would be limited in diameter to something under the maximum girth of the trunk. It seems likely that the first experiments in making disk wheels were with the single plank, hence, in an area of smalltimber, the results would be strictly limited in size. Th e tripartite disk is already afairly sophisticated solution to this problem and implies that the single-piece diskmust have been in use long enough for greater size to be desired. The three sectionsof the wheel may be held together by internal dowelling (a method used in makinglater, znd mill ennium B.C. wheels in Transcaucasia and in recent onesj.l" or theymay have had external bonding slats to bridge the joins, as had the 3rd millenniumones in our area, the latter method probably indicating a thinner fabric (Jig. 5).The fun ction of a na ve (q.v.) on disk wheels, particularly those that revolve, is toreinforce the area through which the axle passes, to keep the wheel perpendicular tothe axle and prevent it from wobbling.w The naves of disk wheel s may be form ed inthree different manners: by starting with a central plank as thick as the finishednave is long and trimming away both surfaces towards the edges, leaving th e centralpart on both faces standing out lik e a wid e-based , truncated cone , pierced for theaxle; more drastically , by trimming away the surfaces so as to leave only a tubularprojection in the centre of either face; most efficiently, by ins erting a separatenave." The first method results in a very heavy wheel ; the second method, due tothe fact that the grain of the wood is at right angles to the axle, makes the navevulnerable to breakage at it s extremities ; both methods are wasteful of timber. Amore economical and stronger nave is achieved by ins erting a separate tubular

1 8 F or construction of (composite) disk wh eels cf. esp. Piggott 1968a, 268ff.19 Piggott 1968 a, 289 with figs . 7, 11-12 .20 For function of nave cf . esp . van der W aals 1964 , 127f.21 W oolley 1934,109 (PG 1232) appare ntly found evidence of tubular nave at Dr.

,,

I8 EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B .C.

. " :" ;'. -:~ .

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C .

' element , the grain of the wood running lengthwise of the tube, hence parallel to. fhe axle. The external bonding slats on Near-Eastern wheels at this period suggest'a larger flat surface than would be found on wheels with naves of the first type.. Tyres also played an important role, not only in protecting the tread, but in

. '. .consolidating the three parts of the wheel. While they are not always evidenced, ahide tyre was noted at Dr ; at Susa, a wooden tyre, 0.045 m. in depth, and flushwith the faces of the wheel (cao.Sj m. in diameter), was pierced by "copper" hobnails (Jig. 5), and the hobnails on the treads of the wheels found at Kish may wellhave pierced a rawhide tyre.22 Hobnails are often recorded in the figured evidenceon both four- and two-wheelers (Jig. 7).23 Stone reli efs of two-wheeled " straddlecars" from Dr (Jig. 8) and the Diyala region also show a narrow, rigid band thatstands out around the tread, suggesting metal rather than rawhide, and actualmetal tyres were found at Susa dating to approximately the end of the millennium(d. p. 39) . Such tyres, which must have been of copper or bronze, would not onlyhave been much softer than iron, but could not have been " sweat ed on", as muchlater iron tyres were and, in the ab sence of hobnails, could have easily worked loosewith the expansion and cont raction of the wood. Curiou sly , they are never shownwith hobnails, although these are illustrated and materially documented with woodenand probably with rawhide tyres.

Wh ere disk wheels were found apparently without tyres, as in the later Caucasiantombs, the vehicl es were ox-drawn , indicating slow and less st renuous drau ght.With equid draught , tyres would have helped in large measure to reinforce thebonding action of the slats and would have protect ed' the t reads which, becauseof variation in surface (from with the grain to across the grain), would have suffered differential as well as ordinary wear. The hobnails, when present, not onlyadded depth to the protection, but increased th e tracti on in certain types of t errain .Draught Pole. Representations and actual remains alike demonstrate that thewagons had a singl e pole. Unfortunately, details of const ruction and attachmentwere not preserved in graves, and we are forced to judge exclusively from figur edevidence. Two types of pole are shown as used with four-wheelers at this period:a straight pole that appears to rise obliquely from the level of the vehicle floor tothe yoke, as on the "Standard" of Ur (Jig. 3), and one that rises abruptly immediat ely in front of the vehicle to a level above the draught animals ' croups before curving

22 Supra nn. 10 (Dr), 9, 12 (Kish, Y 365), II (Susa).23 Khafaj ah vase, supra n . 5; goo d ex . on inlay from Mari, Parrot 1970, pI. XIV: 3.

Two-wheelers

Most of the representations, two- and three dimensional, appear to show cartsthat fall into one of two categories, which we shall call "straddle cars" and "platform cars."

Straddle car 27

This type is documented by figures in the round, including a copper model from

24 For these types of poles d. Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, 116f.26 On two inlays (uncertain whether showing part of four- or two-wheelers), d. Littauer and

Crouwel 1973b. 327 with fig . 4 (our jig. 6; Nippur); Watelin 1934. 32 with pl . XXIV : 3 (lush) .26 Supra nn. 4 (pole brace and binding) and 25 (pole binding). Webbing of thongs covering

lower part of pole near body, such as seen with two-wheelers (fig. 8), has been reconstructedon Khafajah vase. supra n . 5. It has nothing to do with an attempt to permit the pole to swivel,as suggested by Nagel 1964. 6 with n. 8a.

27 Term and discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, 324ff. (d. types I, 3. 4 in Nagel1966. 5).

forward to run out the the yoke. 24 The latter fonn may have been achieved by heatbending, as were the curves of chariot poles in the later znd millennium B.C. Howthe straight, obliquely running pole was attached we cannot tell. Since the poles offour-wheelers have no supportive function, they need not be attached rigidly, anda rigid attachment would even be disadvantageous. By extending the length of thealready long, rigid body, it would produce a rigid unit too long to adapt itself, tounevennesses in the terrain, with consequent stress on the vehicle, the pole, and theanimals under yoke. Later metal wagon models (d. p. 38), which still show theinfluence of this design of wagon, in some cases have such a pole attached in a mannerto pennit it to articulate vertically. This would reduce the strain on team and wagon.

The high, arching type of pole, which occurs also on contemporary two-wheelers(d. p. 22) might, due to its curves, have had a limberness that also permitted somegive and take. Sometimes it appears to have been composite (fig. 6), which mighthave increased its flexibility.P The play of the pole, however, would be limited bythe brace that is sometimes seen running out to it from the breastwork just beforeit curves forward. On several representations we have evidence of bindings encirclingthe pole at regular intervals throughout its length (fig. 6).26 While the straight polewas easier to make than the arched one, and perhaps stronger, its disadvantage wasthat it did not clear the teams' hind quarters, as did the latter, and that it might bekicked to pieces by the animals, which judging by the most explicit representations,were unaltered males.


;-',

Tell Agrab (fig. 7),28 one stone and several terra-cotta examples; 29 models, 'also,probably of straddle cars, decorate a few metal objects said to come from Luristan~)west-central Iran.P'' Among the linear representations are stone reliefs (fig . 8),uicluding one on the "Vulture stela",31 a sealing, and several cylinder seals.P

The Tell Agrab model yields the most explicit information about this vehicle. Itconsists of a thick pole raised over the axle to yoke height and within a casing thatrests on the axle. There is no siding, but a rectangular railing, composed of a horizontal cross bar and two uprights, inclined slightly forward, rises to waist height directlyin front of the single occupant. He may sit or stand astride the pole casing, withhis feet on the axle or on ledges just in front of the axle. This places his weight, when

. sitting, directly over the axle, where it would be in balance and would least load"t he necks of the team. In fast going he could stand, stabilizing the vehicle with hisweight just ahead of the axle fulcrum and using the hinges of his ankle, knee, andhip joints as springs to absorb the jolting. He could also grip the sides of the polecasing between his thighs and calves for greater security when necessary. Representations of similar cars on stone reliefs from Ur (jig. 8) and Khafajah show a saddleseat with a high cantle behind and draped with an animal skin, as does one on asealing from Ur. 33 A saddle seat is an individual seat, and there is only place for onepair of feet in these cars. That they are for single occupancy is only emphasized bythe sole example showing two men jammed behind each other, the one behindclutching the waist of the one in front, on an incomplete stone model from Khafajah.34 There are numerous rather crude t erra-cotta models of the same type of carfrom Kish and elsewhere.

28 Frankfort 1943. 12f. with pis. 58-60 (ED II) .29 Stone model. d . Frankfort 1939b, 32, 66f. with pl. 69: no. 91 (Khafajah, ED III). T erra

cottas, d. Mackay 1925 . pl . XLVI (Kish, presumably ED III); Moortgat 1962, I I with fig. 8(Tell Chuera ; dating here -Akkadian- may be t oo low, d . supra n . 6).

30 Calmeyer 1969. zoff. with fig. 20 (mace head; group 7, no . C = Amiet 1976, no. 6). IIf.with pl. I: 3 (axe; group 3, no . A); also Moorey 197 ra, 96.

31 On stela's "mythological" side, d . Barrelet 1970. with figs. 2: F, 13 and pi. XVI; Littauerand Crouwel 1973b, 324ff. On pl aques (ED II-III). cf. Woolley r934. pi. r8r:b (our j ig. 8 ; Ur) ;Frankfort r939b, pi. r0 9: no. r 92 (Khafajah) ; 1943 , pi. 65 : no. 318 (Tell Agrab) ; Zarins 1976,246; no . f with fig . 96 (Nippur, not yet full y published ). Vehicl e bodies lost on other plaques,d . Frankfort 1939b. 14 with nos. 187, 188 (Khafajah); 1943 . pi. 67 : no . 327 (Tell Agrab).

32 Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, 325f. with figs. 2-3 (Ur sealing. presumably ED II); Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pi. 64: 3rd row from top (unprovenanced se al, presumably ED III);d . also Delaporte 1920, pI. 32 : 8 and 9 (from Susa; dating information in letters from Mooreyand Amiet, Sept. 14. 1976).. . 33 Supra nn. 31. 32.

8« Supra n . 29 .


D RAUGHT ANIMALS

Bovid dr aught continues and is docum ented osteologically, although only once

T wo-wheelers of uncertain type.

There are several docum ent s, particularly t err a-cotta models and cylinder sea ls,where it is difficult to determine what kin d of two-wheeler-or indeed of vehicle ingeneral-was intend ed, as they are either too badly preserved or inexplicit. s?

35 T erm and some discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973b , 326f.; 1974, 29f.36 L angdon 1924, pI. VII: 3 (our fig. 4 ; K ish, dated t o late E D III or early Akkadi an by

Moorey , letter Nov . 12, 1976); H einrich 1931 , pI. 34 : a-b (Fara ; possibl y E D IlIa).37 W atelin 1934, 1Of., 33 wi t h pI. XIV (terra-cotta fro m Kis h; presumably ED II, Moorey

1966, 37); D elougaz a nd Lloyd 1952, 69 with fig. 63 (fragm . of ED II stone relief vase fr omKhafa ja h; d . for this and Kish mo del also Li ttauer and Crouw el 1973b, 326£.). Seals, d . Moortgat 1940, pl . 17: 100 ; Frankfort 1955, no . 546 (Tell Asmar) ; Woolley 1934. pl . 200: no. 96 (Ur;four- or two-wheeler ?).


epres.,entationally .38 Once equids had been put to harness, the slowness of bovids~ou1d preclude their use except for agriculture and heavier transport and perhaps,

as tra:~tional draught animals, in cult.

3

. 38 Bovids associated wit h veh icle burials at K ish (d . Gibson 1972, 85; also Field 1929 , 19 ;Zarins 1976, 114££.) and Ur (infra no. 50; cf. also skulls of four "oxen" reported from PG 580,W oolley 1934, 48). Bovine drau ght on Susa vase, supra n . 5.

· 39 For equid nomenclature and identification as well as comprehensive study of materi alf r;O}l1 ancie nt Near E ast and adjacent a reas d . Zarins 1976. Other st ud ies inclu de Zeuner 1963;Hancar 1956 ; Nobis 1971 (standard work for early eqult s caballus'[. Convenient, brief account ofd istinctions between different equids , Bokonyi 1972a.

·t ,' -- ''. . . Equids, osteological evidence

Faunal remains have only recently been systematically collected from archaeologi~a.l sites in this area with an y thoroughness and published by experts. In the past,bones ~ere oft en hastily and incorrectly attributed on the spot by non-specialists,so that the ost eological record in no way corresponds to the archaeological one. Tothis must be added the fact that only certain parts of the skeleton are diagnosticfor species identification, and that these may be shattered or wholly missing, as wellas that, even when they are present, all experts may not agree on the species. Thenative equid of Mesopotamia and Syria in this period was Equus hemionus hemippus,the smallest and lightest of all the equids. Th ere is some evidence, however, thatE quus hemionus onager, a somewhat larger subspecies, usually classified as native toIran, also occurred in the area. There is also evidence for two other species, Equusasinus africanus, the true ass, an d Equus caballus caballus, the domestic horse, whichci.ppear to have been introduced from outside. All of these equids may be crossedWith each other, alt hough .the offspring is sterile.s? Hence, in interpreting documentsin all cat egories-ost eological , art istic, te xtual-nine possibilities must be considered : hemiones, asses, and horses, and any of the six possible crosses betweenthem, This makes identification difficult, and often impossible. For all practicalpurposes we may ignore the distinction between the two subspecies of hemione(hemippus and onager) that could have been present. Most of the bone material of.the earlier 3rd millennium B.C., as of earlier and later periods, comes from settlementrefuse, composed prim arily of meat animals . This may distort the picture, since assand horse were apparently not eate n in the Near East, and their paucity in therecord may not reflect reality. Nor is the distinction between bones of wild and ofdomest icated equids always clear.

. ;::E quus hemionus. Th e great maj ority of equid bones from this period and earlier

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Platform car35

Evid ence for this type of t wo-wheeler definitely da ting to this, rather than to thenext, period is scanty, an d consists exclusively of t erra-cotta models from Mesopotamia (fig. 9).36It appear s to be a two-wheeled variant of the four-wheeler describ edabove, with similar high front, low siding, floor extending at rear, and cross-wisesea t-the latter sometimes covered with a pelt.A xle. Cf. "Straddle Car " s.v . axl e.Wheels. Cf. "St raddle car" s.v . wheels.Draught pole. Cf. "Straddle car" s.v. pole.

Axle. While there ar e no identifi ed remains of straddle cars t o yield informationon their axles, the round axle ends and the linch pins sometimes shown on representations may be interpreted as indicating fixed, axl es and revolving wheels (fig. 8).W heels. The same as on four-wheelers.Draught pole. With the except ion of the Tell Agrab model (fig. 7), which has ast raigh t , thick, horizontal pole, the straddle cars all have the high arched poledescribed ab ove as in use on some four-wheelers (fig. 8). The poles of straddle carsmay either be bound 'with webbing directly in front of the breastwork, or be boundthroughout with metal bands, as were the poles of some of the battle wagons. Ashort brace may also extend from the front breastwork to the pole near where thelatter bends forward (fig. 8).

22

have been attributed to hemiones, although Ducos believes he has found a NearEastern subspecies of asinus among them (d. below). Of two recent import~n~EDIII finds of complete skeletons in southern Mesopotamia, one has bee~ defImt.ely,the other provisionally, identified as hemionus onager. One: from Al Hiba (ancientLagash) was buried in a tomb directly above a man and his grave goods, and sug-

• gests some sort of close association-perhaps riding.v' The other, from a refuse heap ,at Tell Abu Salabikh, had clearly not been eaten-at hemiones often were 4l-~nd

presumably served some other purpose.v The first of these finds is stated as sh~wmgno signs of domestication, but taming may not be ruled out. ~ragmentaryre:nams offive equids at Tell Asmar, also in Mesopotamia, were attnbuted to hemionus by

• Hilzheimer.P although the identification has recently been challenged by Ducos.Equus asinus. Ducos believed that he found tn:e ass. among bone refuse a~ earlyas the Neolithic at Mureybit in Syria (Sth-yth millenma B.C.), and he reattnbutedthe Tell Asmar equids to the same species. His conclusions, however, wh!ch are.basedon his postulated identification of a separate ~ear-Eastern sUbs~ecles whic~ .hecalls Equus hemionus palestinae, have not been umversally accept~d. The pre~alling

• view is that true ass was restricted to Africa in the Holocene, that It was domesticatedthere in the 4th millennium B.C., and was introduced thence in its domestic forminto the Near East where it indeed appears at that time in the Levant.s"Equus caballus, Remains are reported from recent excavations at Tal-i Iblis insouth-central Iran. They belong to two individuals, one from level I (ca 350 0 B.C.)'the other from level IV (ca 3000 B.C.).46 This site is far removed from eastern Ana-

'0 Hansen 1973 , 70f. with fig . 26; since identified by ~. Turnbull as wild, mature male,hemi onus onager (letter from B. Biggs, Dec. 19, 1972 ; also Zarins 1976, 14~) ' . .

U Cf. e.g. large quantities of bones of hemionus onager from 6t~ Illlll~nmu~ SIte of Um~Dabaghiyah in N. Iraq (Bokonyi 1973?' 9fLl, and from Sth-yt h millennium SIte of Mureybitin Syria (assuming these belong to hemi ones, mira n. 44) · . . . . . .

U Postgate and Moorey 1976, 156 with n . 40 and pI. XXIV: a (proVIsIonal identification byJ. Clutton-Brock) . '

'3 Hilzheim er 1941, 2££.,46ff. ; Zarins 1976, 135££. (fr~m ED IIIb cont~xts) .u Ducos 1970, 273ff. ; a lso 1968, 26ff. for subspecies. ? ontra : Zanns 1976,. 63ff. (68, n . ~ ,

iti P Turnbull J Boesneck S Bokonyi and D. Perkins Jr. ; the latter still stands by hISCI Ing . , . , . . )original identification of hemione at Mureybit apud van Loon and Skinner 1968, 279 .

45 Esp. Zarins 1976, I55f£. (ass bones), 229ff. (representations and texts}, ~lso 176ff. (bonesfrom Levant ; d. also Boessneck 1976 , 24 for bones in Early Bronze Age P alestine) ; Zeuner 1963,

374ff. ; Bokonyi 1974, 297ff. Earliest Mesopotamian evidence for ass may now come fromAbu Salabikh (ED IlIa), S~lpra n . 42.

'0 Bokonyi 1967, 309, 3II (identified as wild) ; Zarins 1976, 185££., d. 1II, n. I, I97f. , 5.19.for dates used here (based on work by A. Zagarell , correcti ng dates given by excavato~: penodI, ca. 4400-4100; period IV, from ca 3600 B .C.; d . also Dyson 1968, 3II). Early evidence :0: '.

Representational evidence

The three separate species and six possible crosses perhaps present in the NearEast at this time make interpretation of figured documents extrenely difficult,

horse in Iran may be forthcoming from period IV at Godin Tepe in centra, Zagros (personalcommunication A . G. Gilbert; for dating of IV, ca 2900- 2400 B.C. , d . Y=g, T . C. Jr. andW eiss 1974, 208f. ).

47 Boessneck and von den Driesch 1976, 8If f. ; Boessneck 1978, 258. Eqci ;:,ones from EarlyBronze contexts at Demirci Hiiyiik in west An atolia have been repone; as thoae of wildhorses, d. Mellink 1978, 320.

48 Bibikova 1967; 1969 ; Tringbam 1969, 388, 391; Kuzmina 1971; Nobis I;.:-r, 60f.; Bokonyi1974, 238f.; Zarins 1976 . 93££·, I95f. For "chee kp ieces", Telegin 1971, with fig-; 1973 ; Kovalevs-kaya 1977, 2If. .

49 Gibson 1972, 85 with n . 160 (his Y 363 ; fig. 63 shows onl y three anlmas. : also liicld 1929,20 with pl. 5 ; W ate lin 1934, 30 with pl . XXIII: 1; Moorey 1976, 65. Zarins (15'-;-0. IIGH., 189f£.),after studying the preserved equid bones from Kish, t entatively concluded raat thote was noevi dence of horse but only of hemione or ass , conceivably including their hybrifs,

60 Animals in " King 's" tomb unquestionably bovids, d . \Voolley 1934, 6f- -=rose from QueenPu-Abi's tomb wit h sledge (PG 800), first state d to be asses or " Asia ti c half 2555", i.e, herniones(Woolley 1934, 78, 272), since id entified as bovids, d. D yson 1960. Two badlypeserved animalsfr om PG 1232, fir st described as oxen and later as asses (\Voolley 1929. 317; 1934. 109). wereprobably bovids too, d. Zarins 1976, 134f.

tolia, which has also produced bones of true horse. The latter material, most of whichcomes from Norsuntepe, was found in contexts dating to the Late O:a1eolithic(3500-3000 B.C.) and to Early Bronze I (ca 3000-2600 B.c.) . These ren:Wns havebeen attributed to native wild animals.f? This is somewhat surprisag, as true horsehas not hitherto generally been considered to have survived the Plei.wxene insouthwest Asia , but to have been brought in as an already dome;ticatt:d importfrom the steppe regions at a later date. The earliest indisputable eridence of horsedomestication is from the Neolithic Sredni Stog culture in the D:rieper and Donbasins where, already in the second half of the 4th millennium B.C.•n playtl.l a largerole in the economy as a meat (and perhaps milk) animal. It may also Lave beenridden-for herding at least, a supposition strengthened by the prssence of antlerobjects resembling later ones positively identified as cheekpieces (q.v.] of bits(q.V.).48Uncertain equids. The four equid skeletons in a burial at Kish w-e:e d~.Tibed ashaving been found with a wagon. Reexamination of the field reprrts reveals thatthese cannot have actually pulled the vehicle, which was somewhat below them;but their number does suggest the usual team of the time.s" It see::s unlikely thatequids were buried with the vehicles at Dr. 50


:....

EARLIER TffiRD MILLENNIUM B.C.24

Equids, textual evid ence

Equids are quite frequently mentioned on the clay tablets from southern Mesopotamia, from the Jamdat Nasr period onwards.56 Th ere are also important but stillenigmatic documents of the very early 3rd or even late 4th mill ennium B.C. from

I Susa. These Proto-Elamite tablets show numbered groups of equids in three cate-

although much has been written in the literature about the means of distinguishingbetween some of them.s! Domestic horse has a falling mane (when it has not beentrimmed), short ears, and a rather full tail with long hairs beginning at its root.

I The ass has long ears, the hemione somewhat shorter ones, and both they and allhybrids have a short, erect mane. Ass and hemione have tails tasselled only at theend, and hybrids have somewhat fuller ones. A specialist might be able to distinguishfurther differences between the crosses in the live animal, e.g. the mule (offspringof a jackass and a mare) and the hinny (offspring of a stallion and a she-ass), but anyattempts to do so in the representations of the time would be futile. Only the horse's

, different mane and tail and his considerably shorter ears, when these are clearlyshown, may make him easier to identify.

Equids are frequently represented, mostly in association with wheeled vehicles,but also anthropomorphized in mythological contexts. They are rendered in a varietyof media: cylinder seals, inlays, stone reliefs, and vase paintings, as well as metaland terra-cotta models, mostly from Mesopotamia, but with some from Iran.52 The

I renderings are often too imprecise, schematic or crude to permit identification, andnot even all experts interpret alike the quite carefully modelled equid on the terretring of Pu-Abi's sledge from Ur (fig. 10) .53 One terret, however, from Til Barsib inSyria shows equids the manes and tails of which seem to identify them as truehorse,54 and horse may be identified with certainty in a bone inlay from Susa (fig.

I H).55

gories, distinguished by falling mane, upright mane or no mane. 57 Whether the .distinctions indicate age, sex, or function is not clear, and even the species is/aredisputed. The texts are plainly inventories, but whether for purposes of selling,breeding, or mere recording is uncertain. They do, however, document record-keeping in connection with equids-a potentially important factor in selective breeding.

The relevant Sumerian texts are primarily concerned with breeding, feeding,and utilization-mostly in the sphere of agriculture. During this period (i.e. downto Akkadian), as well as later, several different terms are used to denote equids.Unfortunately, many problems surround their translation as referring to specifickinds of equids, assuming that th ey attempt to do so at all. A major problem iswhether the various composite forms of the basic Sumerian term ANSE refer todifferent species of ANSE or to different functions of ANSE. Another is whetherthese t erms had the same meaning in all localities and throughout the whole periodconsid ered .

Unfortunately, almost none of the Sumerian terms for equids is explicit ly associated with wheeled vehicles, but reference is made quite often to "teams" of suchanimals-particularly in connection with agriculture. The "teams" may be used inploughing-well documented with both bovids and equids-as well as with vehicles.

The term ANSE, used by itself, appears already in the Jamdat Nasr period andclearly denotes a dom estic equid. Its transl ation remains disputed, som e regardingit as a generic term for "equid, " oth ers preferring a more specific meaning-usually"ass" or, more rarely, "hemione't.v In the ED period ANSE is often referred to inconnection with agriculture, particularly ploughing. In one case, a connection withwheeled vehicles may be assumed.P

The composit e term, ANSE.BAR.AN also clearly r efers to a dom estic equidpossibly a hybrid.w The use of this animal in agriculture, including ploughing, is welldocumented.s!

27EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.'26

51 Cf. recently Moorey 1970a, 37f.52 Comprehen sive survey in Zarins 1976 , 202ff.; al so a .o. H ancar 1976, 404ff.53 Woolley 1934 . 78 with pI. 166. Discussion of proposed ide nti ficati ons in Zarins 1976. 282 ff.54 Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936 , no . 32 with pI. XXXI; Calmeyer 1964. 74. no. v , and

8of.; for dating of findcontext (ED III rather t han Akkadian), d . esp . Kuhne, H . 1974,67,7°.i II4 with table 2. H orse canno t be excl ude d on a t erret from K ish (associated with vehicle

burial in Y 322-24, 326, 329. supra n . 9). Watelin 1934 , 33f. with pI. XXV: I; Calmeyer 1964.70, no. H; Zarins 1976, 252££. with fig. 97 . .

55 Amiet 1966 . fig. 143; Moorey 1967 . 1°7; 1970, 38; Zarins 1976, 280ff.66 This brief sect ion relies heavil y on comprehensive study b y Zarins 1976, 313££. (with App.

A: translations of selected texts); also Sal onen 1956. . . >,

57 Publi~hed by Sc~eil , a .o. 1923, t exts 31, 124. 145. 392 and esp. 105 (= Amiet 1966. fig . 50:A-B). F or interpretation, a. o. Amschler 1935 ; Zarins 1976 , 322ff. For dating of Proto-Elamitet ablets cf. recently Ie Brun 1971, 209££.

66 Zarins 1976, .343f. (domesticated ass) ; Salonen 1956 , 47ff. (ass as well as equid) ; Nagel1959. III (domesticated hemion e, a t least in this period).

69 Zarins 1976, 399ff., cf. 413f . and 538 (whe eled vehicles in text TSS 2); Salonen 1956, 49f.;1968,396.

60 Zarins 1976, 361ff. (hybrid : "mule"; t erm first in ED lIla); Salonen 1956, 50f. (draughtass).

61 Zarins 1976, 399f£., 45of£. (ass ociation with vehicles assumed for certain ED lIlb textsfr om Tello). I

II·

All this combined evid ence still leaves us with the question of exactly which equidswere used with the "battle cars" and other vehicles. While they were apparentlyseldom, if ever, horses, it is impossible to t ell whether domestic ass, t amed nativehemione or any of the possible crosses were favoured, or whether all of these may nothave been experimented with, depending perhaps upon individual circumstances."

62 Zarins 1976, 345f£. (horse ; term first in ED l /ll ). One ear lier, ] amdat Nasr text refers to a"team of AN5E.KUR", d . ibid ., 373£., 423 (text OEeT 7,73, obv . ll6; a lso sign list, no. 129).Whether this t erm already refers to horse as does AN5E . K UR . RA t hat appears in t exts of theIsin-Larsa and later p eriods , rather than to ano t he r equid is un certa in , d . infra p p. 43, 58,

43 Zarins 1976, 434f£. Note that Salonen (1968, 398) cites only one (Neo-Babylonian) textwhere horses, together with oxen, seem to be mentioned in connecti on with pl oughing.

6~ Zarins 1976, 369f. (hemion e ; t erm first in ED IlIa), 465ff .; Salon en 1956, 45£. (sameinterpretation) .

65 C£. esp. Zarins 1976, 529ff . Cf. the burial of a pair of hemiones (?) in an Akkadian t omb,infra p. 41.

68 F or basic principles of draught d . Hayes, H. M. 1904,~25ff.

Textual evidence is also claimed for true horse under the term AN~E.SDL.GI.62

It is hard to reconcile the evidence in some texts for the animal being rare and valuable with that in others for its use in agriculture: While the first might apply to thehorse, the latter would be surprising since, even when horses became more plentifulin this area, they were rarely, if ever, used for ploughing.63 .

Th e term AN~E.EDIN.NA has generally been interpreted as hemione. The'relatively few texts record only small numbers of these animals as being eitherfoaled in captivity or captured or purchased when very young; and then associatedwith larger domestic equid herds.s! There are no references to any specific use ofthis equid.


to have been harnessed by the same system, which is less suitable for equine anatomythan for bovine. Equids have longer , slenderer necks; asses, hemiones, and manyhorses, especially small ones, have low withers, and horses in particular have oftena higher head carriage. These reduce the pushing power of the withers and permitthe yoke, unless it is held firmly forward, to ride back over the low withers, bruisingand chafing them, especially in fast going . The strap holding the yoke forward wentaround the neck and, in many instances, equids would find themselves pushingby their throats rather than by their withers. (Modern equid harness permits thepressure to be taken by the shoulders or breast, the most suitable areas.) Yet themethod cannot have been quite as inefficient as it has often been made out to be,or modifications would have taken plac e sooner.s? Whil e the yoke permitted forward movement, there is no provision at this period for backing, and we may alsoassume from the type of control described below that no effort was made to obtain it.

Harnessing is well illustrated by the straddle-car model from Tell Agrab (fig. 7).Here, the two inn er equids of four carry a yoke slightly shaped to fit their necks andattached on top of the pole near its end . All four animals wear thick (padded?)neck straps, those of the two inn er animals being fastened directly to the yoke,those of the outer ones being attached to the yoke on one side only and with a littleplay. Braided rope neckstraps appear, at least on the outriggers, on the "Standard "of Dr and on a shell inlay from Mari (figs. 3, I 2a). Th e tracti ve power of these outeranimals was proportionately reduced. Such outer animals-and a team of four is byfar the most frequently represented at this period-eould have other functions aswell. In a military cont ext they would have added a more formidable appearance tothe equipage and, in a civil context , an element of prestige may have been attachedto the larger team. Equids are also herd animals and, as such, are both more willingto go in company than alone, and are competitive at speed . The outer animals,feeling less pressure against their throats and less yoke pressure on their necks thanth e inner ones, would be inclined to set a faster pace, which would then st imulat ethe yoke animals, and so help to increase the speed. They also could serve as reserveanimals.

87 Des Noet tes (1931, 5, rzff ., 162) maintained that such a strap would rise against the horse'st rachea, impairing br eathing and greatly reducing tractive power. His exp eriments were madewith modem vehi cles and were illustrated only by drawings. Recent experiment in England,with reproduction of Sumerian " battle car" a nd harness, seems to show that this effect of aneckstrap was clearly not as severe as des Noettes suggest ed, letter from D. Noble, Feb. 5, 1978.


HARNESSING

Animals appl y tractive power by pushing against an element of harness, whichthen transmits the force of the pressure to th e vehicle in the form of traction.s"Ancient draught was by paired animals under a yoke, the yoke attached to a polethat transmitted the pull to the vehicl e. Such a system must have been first designed for bovids drawing a plough. Bovids may be harnessed either under a yokeattached to the horns, or under a yoke laid on th e neck in front of the withers (q.v .)which pushed against the neck yoke to produce the tractive power. A very simpleyoke beam may be used, with rods or straps to keep it in position. When equidsfirst began to be used in draught, apparently early in the 3rd millennium, they seem

88 Discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, II8f.; also Antonius 1938, 478 .89 Material collected by Calrneyer 1964 , 68ff. (additions in Seidl 1966, 195ff.); for exs. from

Iran. Calmeyer 1969. group I ; Moorey 197Ia, I IS.

. 70 Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, II4.71 Whip carried in quivers attached t o both " battle" and "straddle car" on "Vulture stela",

supra nn. 4. 31.

Harness accessories

Harnessed equids are regularly shown with fringe over the breast and shoulderregion and sometimes hanging down over the front, legs (figs . 3,6,8). This is held onby a neck strap, which should not be confused with the toggled neck strap lyingabove it that attaches the animals to the yoke (fig. rza-b). While perhaps purelydecorative, it is more likely that this fringe was also functional, serving to keep theflies off the parts it touches, as similar fringed collars do today.

CONTROL

As evidenced on the Tell Agrab model and elsewhere, equids were controlled bysingle lines to nose rings, a circumstance that also points to original bovid draught

I (d. p. 28). The suggestion, several times made, that th e rings were lip rings, disregards the fact that equids use their upper lips in eating, rather as proboscises."The lines passed through a double terret ring set , on the Tell Agrab model, at thecentre of the yoke, but often shown in representation as placed farther back, on thepole (figs. 3, 7-8). The form of the bases of actual surviving t errets also indicate that

. they were set on the pole, a more suitable place. These terrets were of metal, andI might be decorated with figures in the round (fig. 10) .69 The nose rings of the outerequids at Tell Agrab were each connected by a line only to the yok e, so that whenthe driver pulled on the lines of the central animals and these slowed the equipagedown , the yoke itself would check the outer ones . The lines did not pass through theapertures between handrail and top of breastwork of the vehicle, as has been sug

.gested, since this would considerably hinder the driver in his handling of them.At moments when they were not in active use , however, the lines might lie in thedepression present at the centre of the majority of handrails.70

This is the basic method of control attested for two- and four-wheelers alike.It limited actual control to braking; directional control, if attempted, must havebeen by voice, goad, or whip, or combinations thereof-as oxen may still be directed.Goads (q.v.) are indeed shown in use, while whips also appear.P

The nose ring might be worn by harnessed equids in combination with different


types of muzzle (basket, strap), as is seen on inlays where this detail might be moreeasily depicted than elsewhere (figs. 3, 6, I2a-b).72 These may have served one ormore purposes: to discourage the animals (in more explicit renderings shown asungelded males) from bickering among themselves; to protect the groom whenharnessing them or the footman when leading the equipage, as he would particularlyneed to do when turning it about. These muzzles form parts of headstalls, andoccasionally we see the latter without baskets, but with the noseband low andtight (fig. 3)· These headstalls and the lines may be shown as braided (like neckstraps, d. p. 29) or twisted, indicating different types of rope. 73

USE

Four-wheelers, bovid-drawn

That bovid-drawn wagons were used in burials at this time is shown by findsfrom Kish and Ur; although equid remains were also found in Kish tombs, theywere apparently not dir ectly associated with vehicles . What little remains of onewagon at Kish suggests perhaps a carrier used as a hearse.v On other vehicles thetype of super-structure is uncertain, as it had completely disappeared, although it ispossible that one of the two wagons from the " King's grave" at Dr was a "battlecar".75 This and the other wagons in the graves may have been drawn down thesloping dromoi by bovids because the latter were mor e manageable than equids, orperhaps because they were the more traditional draught animals, as horse-drawnhearses long survived the advent of the gasoline engine. Certainly. in such lavishburials as those at Ur, it would not have been for reasons of economy. The onlyrepresentation of a bovid-drawn four-wheeler in this period, on a vase from Susa,may indeed show some sort of cult scene." Bovid-drawn vehicles must also havebeen used to transport agricultural and other material too heavy or bulky forhuman porters or pack animals to carry. And the sledge of Queen Pu-Abi at Ur wasbovid-drawn."?

72 Cf. inlays from Mari, Parrot 1956. no . 451 (our fig. 12a) ; 1967 , nos. 2468 (our fig. 12b),2467, 3°72. Recent discussion in Littauer 1969a, 296.

73 Later. Ur III texts refer to "reins" of goat hair, and plaited wool and hair rop e is stillused in Near East. Salonen 1956. II9; Moorey 197oa. 41.

74 Supra nn. 38, 49. 50 , and 12 (possible hearse) .76 Supra n . 10; A dagger and whetstone found in smaller of two wagons, Woolley 1934, 64.

B oth wag ons would hardly have been hearses, sin ce there was no evide nce that more than oneimportant personage was buried there, ibid., 71.

76 Supra nn. 5. 38 .77 Supra n . 50 .

EARLIER TIDRD MILLENNIUM B.C.3°

Four-wheelers, equid-drawn

One marked difference between the wagons in later 4th-millennium pictogramsand those illustrated in the 3rd millennium is 'at the front, where there is now afairly high screen. This new construction may have been stimulated by the introduction of equids as draught animals. It would serve as protection against flying stonesand gravel flung up by the hooves of a team moving faster than bovids, and thehandrail at the top would serve for steadying oneself in a springless vehicle movingrapidly over uneven terrain and during abrupt stops and starts. Note that the menstanding on the rear platforms on the "Standard" of Ur are shown as steadyingthemselves on the shoulders of the ones in front (fig. 3). It has been suggested thatthis breastwork, with its two ap ertures near the top, was a military expedient, thatit was a protection behind which a warrior could shield himself and from which hecould spy the enemy. The breastwork, however, is narrow and only chest-high, anda standing man would have to squat to use the ap ertures. More explicit renderings oflater date also show that these are not peep holes, but simply the spaces between thehandrail and the top edge of the breastwork. Neither would the low side screensafford much protection against the enemy. Yet this type of wagon is very oftendepicted with a sheath of throwing spears attached to the front edge of the breastwork and in a military conte xt , so it must have been used in warfare at this period.The most graphic illustration of this is a scene on the " St andard" or Ur, showing arow of four wagons , manned by helmeted drivers and warriors, the latter standing atthe rear and carrying spears or an axe.78 The first three teams gallop and the fourthmoves more sedately across a battlefield, the latter symbolized by the stripped andbleeding bodi es of the enemy. Indeed , the use of these wagons in a charge againsteach other or against closely ranked infantry seems extremely doubtful. Equids arereluctant to step on yielding bodies, because they instinctively know that therestricted articulation of their limbs, evolve d for fast forward movement on thelevel st eppe, makes them vulnerable to joint injuries. Moreover, attempts on theirpart to avoid the bodies by leaping over them could result in damage to their necksas well as to parts of the draught syste m . H ence the motif of the prostrate enemy"beneath the hooves" (which here makes its first appearance, to return early in thenext millennium with other types of vehicle) must be interpreted as merely symbolicof victory, while in reality such bodies would be lying on the hither or further side

78 Interpretation of this scene as representing the same vehicle at succe ssive mom ents of acharge (Perkins, A. 1957, 56£.) is untenable, as the warriors on the rear platform are not allidentically armed.

Straddle car

As probably the lightest and best balanced of the vehicles discussed, and the onethat gave the greatest security in fast going, this would have been particularlyuseful where speed was required.

79 Scenes of humans trampling foe are often equally symbolic, e.g. ranked in fant ry marchingon top of dead bodies on "Vulture" stela, supra n . 4; a lso Moorey 1975a, 93.

80 In the " King's t omb" at Dr Wo olley (1934 , 69, 303£.) found three sets of spears, som e withnotched ends for throwing, andprobably all originally carried in quivers.

81 Inform ation fr om D. Noble, letter Feb. 5, 1978. F or dis cu ssion of use of Sumer ian " battlecar", als o Yadin 1963, 37££.; Garelli 1968, 291f£.

82 Supra n . 4; here the king is shown standing ahead of his driver, probably becau se of hisrank (as also on Khafajah vase, supra n. 5); for weapons carried in his wagon, Salonen , E .1965, 173, also 8Iff. (for Sumerian thrusting and throwing spears) .

of the teams." Although the appearance of the "battle car" in warfare may atfirst have had as daunting a psychological effect on 3rd millennium B.C. foot soldiers as had that of the tank on those of the First World War, this comparison, sooften drawn, is fallacious. The tank afforded maximum protection to its crew andwas manoeuvrable and capable of negotiating very varied and rough terrain. TheSumerian wagon, however, afforded hardly any protection; not only its crew, butits motive power were highly vulnerable, and its field of operation was strictlylimited to level and open ground. In addition, without a swivelling front axle, itcould only be turned in a wide arc or by manual lifting or levering of its rear wheels.This limitation and that caused by the very elem entary control over the team,greatly restricted its manoeuvrability.

These wagons could have functioned as mobile arsenals and firing platforms fromwhich javelins, carried in sheaths attached to the right front corner of the breastwork,could have been thrown most effectively when moving alon g the front or flanksof massed infantry.s? (fig. 3). Indeed, recent experim ents have shown that anexpert javelin thrower can throw 30 javelins a minute a distance of up to 60 m.from a reconstruction of such a wagon moving at a speed of 10-12 miles an hour.s!Th e vehicl es could also have been used to convey the king and important officers tothe field of battle. Th e axe seen in one warrior's hand on the "Standard" of Ur and theposition on the rear platform, convenient for mounting and dismounting, also suggestsfighting from the ground (or from the vehicle in defens e, if it or its te am brokedown) . Th e sam e is true for the " Vultur e stela" of Eannatum, where not only javelinsbut close-range weapons-axe and sickl e sword-are carried on the battle wagon.P

T wo-wheelers, equid-drawn

33EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.32

Riding

The intact skeleton of a hemione, buried directly beneath a human male, in an

83 Supra n. 32: Dr sealing and unprovenanced seal.8t Zarins 1976, 413 (text W. 2I208. 43); for term, also Salonen 195I, 40ff.85 Zarins I976, 413f. (text TSS 782); cf, also Jacobsen 1957, 121.86 Civil 1968, 3; also Salonen I951, 73·

Although, unlike the "battle car," never shown in an explicitly military context,the straddle car usually has a sheath of javelins attached at the front, which mightsuggest a role in warfare (fig. 8). The ability, however, of a single individual tocontrol a team of four in the heat of battle and use his weapons effectively at thesame time would seem quite restricted. On the other hand, two cases where dogs areshown with it might suggest hunting." and the driver might have functioned quite .efficiently under the conditions of a prepared hunt or battue, where game would bedriven across the prearranged path of the vehicle over appropriate terrain and perhaps even in a confined area. The scenes on the sealing and seal in question differfrom military ones with battle wagons in three repects: r) dogs are present; 2) thereis no prostrate enemy in the field; 3) driver and attendants on foot, although carrying arms, wear no protective armour.

In addition, the straddle car may have served as a fast courier's transport,as isperhaps illustrated by the unarmed copper model from Tell Agrab (fig. 7)·Platform car

The evidence (terra-cotta models) (fig . 9) yields no information on the use of thisvehicle, which appears to be really a two-wheeled version of the battle wagon . Likethe straddle car, it carried a single rider, who could stand or sit at will, althoughmore precariously and less comfortably at speed.

Wheeled vehicles ,' textual evidence

Relatively few cuneiform documents contain explicit references to wheeledi vehicles, usually written as GISGIGIR. This term, possibly attested as early as,

continues in use for more than 2000 years.P! The tablets shed little light on typesof draught animals and use. Once the vehicle may be associated with ANSE (d.p. 27). Of especial interest is a text from Fara (ED IIIa) ,85 where vehicles areassigned to individuals who are described as "going into battle" or "leaving battle,"thus confirming the military use of vehicl es that is illustrated in contemporaryfigured documents. Other texts refer to the vehicle of the god Ningirsu and its"carriage house" .86


Wheeled vehicles

This period sees the development of a four -wheeled wagon, probably begun in the later4th millennium, out of a sledge with rollers. The type illustrated may be called "battlecar" since it appears primarily in military contexts, but wagons of other types must haveexisted also . The "battle car" is narrow, '.'lith room for a complement of two--a driver and apassenger standing behind him . The high front breastwork is topped by an open rail bywhich the driver may steady himself . The sides are low.

Two types of two-wheelers, each carrying only a single person, also appear. One, in whichthe occupant sits or stands astride the draught pole, may be called "straddle car"; theother, really a two-wheeled version of the "battle car" in which the driver sits on a benchlike seat, may be called " platform car".

All these vehicles have composite (tripartite) disk wheels, apparently revolving on fixedaxles. The single draught pole may be straight, running obliquely to the yoke, as in the caseof some wagons; it may also rise sharply in front of the vehicle to a level above the draughtteam's hindquarters, before bending over to run forward to the yoke, as it does on someother wagons and on most carts.

Equids now first appear in draught. The available equids would have been chiefly theAsiatic " half ass" (Equus hemionus) , but may already have included the true African ass(Equus asinus) and the horse (Equus caballus) in small numbers-both introduced fromoutside as domesticants. If present, they could have been used not only in draught themselves, but for crossing, thus increasing the potential number of different equids in draughtuse.

All draught is paired, with an animal on either side of the pole and under a yoke held onby neck straps. Teams are usuall y of four, with two polers and two outriggers (q.v.).Control is by single lines from the driver to rings in the animals' noses. This method ofharnessing and control, basically suited to bovine, not equine conformation, points to analready established tradition of draught by bovids.

The four-wheeled "battle cars" are probably used as mobile firing platforms from whichjavelins, carried in a sheath attached to the high front breastwork, could be cast. Theaxe that is present also suggests fighting at a standstill or dismounted. These wagons canhave turned at speed only in a wide arc since their front axles do not articulate horizon-

ED III grave at Al Hiba (ancient Lagash) was possibly that of a riding animal.s?The first crude representation of riding on an equid seems to occur on an ED IIIor early Akkadian sealing from Kish.88

SUMMARY

87 Supra n. 40.8~ Buchanan 1966, no. 290b; Moorey I97oa, 45, no. I; Zarins 1976, 26of. Engraved bones

from Susa showing ridden equids cannot belong to this period, as often claimed, but are of muchlater, perhaps even modern , manufacture, cf. de Mecquenem 1934, 198 with fig. 38: nos. 24-25;for dating, Moorey, 47; Zarins, 2I9ff.


I.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

• tally. This fact and the position of the javelin thrower behind the driver would haveconsiderably limited their field of action. . .. . .

The two-wheeled "straddle car" also carries javelins but IS never shown in an indubitably military context. The necessity for the driver to' control the team CJ?d to use weaponsat the same time would have limited its usefulness in battle, although It could have beendriven at speed in prepared hunts and as a courier's transport. The two-wheeled "plat-

• form car" would have served where less speed was required.

RidingThat riding is practiced ~t this period is indirectly su?g~ted only by the skeleto? of an

Equus hemionus found buned beneath a human at al Hiba ill southern Mesopotanua.

- ~ - • • -, '>

CHAPTER SIX

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.(ca 2375-2000 B.C.)

\VHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence for both four- and two-wheeled vehicles continues through the Akkadianand Dr III periods. As before, it consists of two-and three- dimensional representations(but in much smaller quantity) and of textual references from Mesopotamia. Contemporary material is also known from Syria, southeast Anatolia, and tombs atSusa in Elam that have yielded remains of actual vehicles. In some cases, it is notabsolutely clear whether the material belongs to this period rather than to thepreceding one or, more rarely, to the following one.

The earliest evidence of wheeled vehicles from outside the Near East is possiblycontemporary, if not earlier, including particularly the remains of actual vehiclesor wheels from the Caucasian and the Caspian- and Pontic-steppe regions.

Four-ioheelers

Most of the representations show wagons that closely resemble the "battle car"of the previous period. They include a sealing and cylinder seals (fig. 13),1 twometal models from Syria (Jig. 14) and several others that ar e probably from southeast An atolia (fig. 15).2Box. All share the typical high front . The cylinder seals show platforms with verylow side screens or none at all (Jig. 13). More explicit information comes from themetal models, which reveal a rather narrow wagon bed with screens at sides andrear, as well as the high front one. Th e two Syrian models recall the earlier wagonson the "Standard" of Ur (Jig. 3) in that the sides seem to consist of panels framedby vertical struts. On these models the rear scr een is set somewhat forward, theplatform behind it being still within the side screens. That this platform could

1 Akkadian seals, d . Boehmer 1965a, nos. 940 (= Porada 1948, no. 220; our j ig. 13), 932,941. Another Akkadian seal was recently excavated at Umrn al-Hafriyat near Nippur, personalcommunication MeG. Gibson. Sealing from Tell Brak in N . Syria, Bu chanan 1966, no . 292(early Akkadian or late ED).

2 Discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, I03ff. with pls. XXXII (our j ig, 14)-III (Syria),pIs . XXXIV (our fig . IS)-XLIV: A (Anatolia).

4-

Anatolia, and Iran appear to show two types already familiar in the previous period:straddle and platform cars. There are also some terra-cotta models and cylinderseals that are not explicit enough or are too fragmentary to be classified with certainty.

7 Boehmer 1965a, no. 939 (= Legrain 1951, no. 92; our fig. 17).s Moortgat 1967, 72 with pls. 192-193.9 De Mecquenem 1922, 138 with fig. 16 (Apadana tomb K).10 Donjon tomb 89b and Apadana tomb K, d. de Mecquenem 1922, 137I. with fig, 14; 1924,

lIII.; 1943, 89f. with fig, 74: 1-3 and pl. X: 1 (our fig. 19; dating information from Moorey andAmiet, letters of Sept. 14, 1976). Similar tyre indicated on terra-cotta model wheel from Susa,de Mecquenem 1943, 125 with fig. 91: aa. For refs. in Ur III texts to copper tyres, d. CAD6,239 S.v. !Juppu D; Limet 1960,213, no. 52.

39LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Straddle car

Explicit documents are rare and include an Akkadian cylinder seal (fig. 17),7 andan unprovenanced fragmentary stone relief of Dr III date (fig. 18a-b)8-in bothcases with a single rider.

Axle. This was probably fixed, as on earlier straddle cars, an assumption supported by the round axle end on both seal and relief. The latter also shows a linchpin, of which a pair of "bronze" examples was found at Susa.?Wheels. The wheel on the stone relief is rendered in detail. It seems to be of smalldiameter, which may account for its being a single-piece disk; it shows axle end,nave, linch pin and a tyre (almost certainly of metal) made in two segments withclamps at either end. The tread is hobnailed. The tyre is very reminiscent of actual"bronze" tyres from Susa, from a two-wheeler of uncertain type, found in the sametomb as the linch pins, and possibly contemporary with the relief (fig. 19).10 Thesewere made in six segments, with clamps similar to those on the relief at the end ofeach segment, and one clamp in between. The wheel was 1.05 m. in diameter andhad no hobnails. The construction of the tyre indicates a disk wheel, but of surprising thinness, being only 0.03 m. thick at 0.095 m. from the edge, at the ends ofthe clamps. These tyres would represent an improvement on plain metal hoop tyres,sometimes apparently illustrated in the previous period (d. p. 19; fig. 8), whichwould have easily worked loose.

Draught pole. Both seal and relief show the high, arched type of pole (figs. 17,I8a, b). On the relief it appears to be double, of two parallel parts bound togetherwith metal bands.

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

accommodate a passenger-such as is seen at the rear of the wagons ~n the Dr"Standard"-is indicated by a floor-level opening in the rear wall, whic? wo~d

have given him a "toe hold." Neither these model~ nor those fr?m A.natolia-WIthone possible exception-show a seat. The An~tolian models differ in apparentlyhaving removable side screens supported by railwork, and one model has only the

railings.3. . .

Some terra-cotta models illustrate wagons fitted WIth a (probably) removabletilt (q.v.). They come from as far apart as Elam, northern Mesopotamia and Syria(fig. 16).4 .Axles. These were probably fixed rigidly to the wagon bed and neither revolvednor swivelled. This is suggested by the rather detailed construction of some of themetal models (figs. 14, IS) and by their similarity to earlier wagons that seem tohave had such an axle system (d. p. 16f.).Wheels. These are of disk type. On the seals, tyres of some kind appear, but withouthobnails, and a tripartite construction is shown only once (fig: 13). ~he .wheels onmetal models are rendered as plain disks, without tyres, but WIth projecting naves.It is impossible to tell whether these were act~ally ~ingle-~iece, or merely pr~sent

this 'appearance due to summariness of execution, Smgle-p:ece wheels ~re rehablydocumented only on the Pontic and Caspian steppes and in Holland, m contextsattributed to the late 3rd millennium B.C.5Draught pole. Both types documented in the preceding period continue. Th~ high,arching pole is shown on some cylinder seals, in one case probably ?ound (ftg '. ~3),as were some earlier poles (d. p. 20). The other type of pole-s-straight and nsmgobliquely to the yoke-is associated with the m~tal ~odels from S~a and southeast Anatolia, which give details of its construction (ftgs. 14, 15).6 This pole forke.djust before reaching the point of its attachment to the front of the wagon bed. ThISnot only strengthened the connection but, by hooking the prongs of the fork over atransverse bar here or by permitting the latter to pass through the ends of theprongs, the very desirable vertical articulation of the pole was achieved (d. p. 20).

Two-wheelers

The majority of representations that derive from Mesopotamia, Syria, southeast

3 Idem, 107, no. b with pl. XL: A-B (seat ?), 105££., no. 4 with pl. XXXVII (railings only).• Discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1974 (ourftg. 16, from Tepe Gawra).6 CI. van der Waals 1964. 106fI.; Piggott 1968a, 301.6 Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, II6ff. CI. also the vertically articulatin? A~pole (q.v.) of actual

wagons of later znd mill. B.C. from Transcaucasia, Piggott 1968a, 293I. WIth fig. 12. _ .

Mythical animals

~Vinged felids are shown on some Akkadian cylinder seals drawing battle orstraddle cars that carry a divine driver (figs. 13, 17).

Equids

DRAUGHT ANIMALS

Bovids

. R:p:-esentations include metal models from southeast Anatolia (fig. IS) and,Im?licItly, . the terra:cotta model wagons with tilts (d. p. 38). A seal showing adeity driving a bovid-drawn "battle car" may indicate its use also in cultic ceremonies.P . Bovids were certainly used in agriculture and elsewhere where speedand supenor endurance were not required.

Osteological evidence

Well-researched.a.nd w:ll-published faunal remains are still rare. The picture may~e so~ewhat modified WIth the full publication of the material from SelenkahiyehIII Syria. Apart from hemione or ass, there is apparently some evidence for truehors~-theI60rig~nal id~ntification of which was first retracted but subsequentlyconflr~ed. ThIS species may also have been present at this time and earlier (d.p. 25) m easte rn Anatolia, to judge by a first phalanx identified at Norsuntepe in acontext apparently of EB III (ca 2300-2000 B.C.).J7

Very recently (1978) a pair of equids laid out as a team in a tomb of the Akkadian ~eriod, which also contained a human burial and perhaps metal elements froma vehicle, h~ve been exc~vated at Tell Madhur in the Hamrin salvage area in easternMesopotamIa: The remains have been tentatively identified by the archaeologists asthose of hemiones, but certain identification must await thorough examination by apalaeozoologist.P


Platform carThis type is well documented by several terra-cotta models of varying provenance

(fig. 20a, b).n All terra-cottas have the typical high front. Some display side screensthat may be combined with a seat, the platform continuing behind it. Others, whichshow either very low or no side screens, occur with (fig. 20a, b) and, apparently

sometimes, without a seat.Axle. No reliable information; the terra-cottas show the axle in various positions.Wheels. No reliable information, but presumably of disk type.Draught pole. As in the previous period, the terra-cotta models are uninformative.It is quite possible that the poles were of the high arched type associated with

contemporary straddle cars.

Two-wheelers of uncertain classificationAmong the figured documents are several terra-cotta models and cylinder seals

where the exact type of two-wheeler is unc ertain.P One cylinder, from Tepe Hissar,in northeastern Iran, should be noted here for the wheel depicted with the vehicle(fig.2I).13 This wheel has been interpreted as a clumsy attempt to render either aspoked or a tripartite disk wheel. But the central piece here would be too narrowto be part of the latter and there are no flanking planks; in a true spoked wheel thespokes radiate. We most likely see here an attempt to lighten the tripartite-diskwheel by narrowing the central plank, reducing the flanking pieces to sections offelloe, increasing the thickness of the dowels or slats and extending them to formbraces between the central bar and the felloe. A felloe might also have been suggested by the wooden tyre of which we had evidence at Susa in the preceding period(d. p. 19). This seal is the earliest evidence for a type of wheel known as the crossbar wheel, which is documented again early in the next period in Anatolia, and whichhas remained in use in different parts of the world up to the present.P,

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

11 A .o. Andrae 1922, 105 with pI. 61: c-d (our fig. 20: a-b), e (Ashur); Pragg 1970, 89f ., nos.79-81 (frags. from H arran, S. E . Anatolia; these help t o date related model from Asharah,Syria, d. du Mesnil du Buisson 1947, 25f. with fig. 15 and pls. XII-III . Also stratified, unpublished exs. from Selenkahiyeh in Syria (personal communication M. N. van Loon) .

U Cf. esp. two "post Akkadian" seals, Parrot 1954, no . 250 (Larsa); Buchanan 1971, 3 withpI. I: c.

13 Schmidt 1937, 199 "lith fig . 1I8; Moorey 1968, 430ff. with fig . c; Littauer and Crouwel

1977b,99f.14 Atkinson and Ward 1965; Lucas A. T. 1972; Fenton 1973, 160ff. ; Littauer and Crouwel

1977b,99f.

IS From Umm al-Hafryat, supra n. I.

16 Ducos has apparently retracted his ~entative, preliminary identification (1968; d . Zarins19.76, 1~8, n. 2). Horse and .horse-ass hybn~s, however, identified by IJzereef 1976, 31f. (manuscript kindly lent to us). SIte apparently inhabited 24th-20th cent . B .C. d. van Loon esp1969b and 1975. ' ,.

17 Boessneck and .von ~~n Driesch 1976, 82, 86 (this bone "ganz vereinzelt;" in EB III cont ext) . .p: horse tooth identified by G. M. Allen at Nuzi (Gazur) in E . Mesopotamia, apparently inAkkadian context, d. Starr 1937-39, 25, 492f.

18 Young, T. C.Jr. 1978; also letters of Aug. 15 and Sept. 15, 1978.


Equids are represented in a variety of media, where they appear as draught orriding animals, isolated, or in mythological contexts. Despite frequent attempts todo so, it has rarely been possible to determine with certainty the exact equid intended.P

19 Cf. terra-cottas said to show horses, van Loon 1968, 29; 1969a, 68 with fig. (our fig. 22 ;from Selenkahiyeh); Bokonyi 1972 , 37f. with fig. (Tell Taya in N . Iraq) . An ex ception is a horseclearly engraved on the famous silver vessel from Maikop in Kuban area of Ciscaucasia, a .o.Hancar 1956, 126f .; Frankfort 1970 , figs . 24°-243; this thick-set animal recalls that on an inlayfrom Susa (our f ig. II ) and has been liken ed to Przewalski's horse.

20 Basic work is again Zarins 1976: also Salonen 1956 . For " tea ms" of different equids d.a .o . well-known text (TRU 43), discussed by Legrain 1946, 27; Sal on en 1956, 190f. ; Zarins1976, 460, 574 (transl. text 81).

21 Zarins 1976, 407ff.; Salonen 1956 , 48f.; 1968 , 396f.22 Zarins 1976, 415ff.For sacred vehicles, also Salonen 1951, 69f.; Civil 1968 , 3; Falkenstein

and von Soden 1953, 143ff ., 173ff . (transl. Gudea cyls. A and B).23 Zarins 1976, 448f. (agriculture), 458ff . (association with gendarmes or messengers may

imply draught or riding, a .o . text MCS 9 :260) .

Textual evidence

Equids are often mentioned in texts from southern Mesopotamia and Elam. Forthe Dr III period the increased volume of administrative texts, particularly fromDrehem near Nippur, gives extensive information on breeding, feeding and use, andmentions personnel associated with these activities. Several different terms areused, some appearing for the first time and, as before, their translations as referringto specific kinds of equids or their functions are problematical. They ar e rarelyassociated with vehicles, but the mention of teams may imply harness use as well asploughing.t"

The term AN~E, which has either a gen eric meaning, "equid," or a more specificone (possibly "true ass" d. p. 27), is again the most common. As before, severaltexts document the use of this animal in agriculture, including ploughing.v Onlyoccasionally is it connected with wheeled vehicles, and texts of Gudea of Lagashassociate it specifically with sacred ones.P

The composite t erm, AN~E.BAR.AN, used already in the ED III period andpossibly denoting a hybrid, continues, with reference, as before, to its use in agriculture, and an occasional direct reference to draught.PAN~E.LIBIR, a new term, appears in Akkadian texts, whil e the earlier AN~E.

~UL.GI is no longer attested. The former is variously interpret ed as denoting horse,


h~mio?e, a hybrid, or a particular type of ass. 24 It is explicitly associated with vehicles m only a few texts. Others mention its use in agriculture, including ploughing.~he latter use would be surprising in the case of horse (d. p. 28). The Drehem textslist regular numbers of the animal from various sources.w

Another term, AN~E.21. 21, very possibly denotes true horse. It appears in DrIII texts and possibly slightly earlier, as well as in a few literary ones, the extantversions of which date to the next period.w Among these are versions of the famous~ymn A .of Shulgi, King or Ur, where it is a synonym for AN~E. KUR. RA, whichIS f~und in the standard version of the hymn and denotes horse (see below). In theearlier texts AN~E.21.21 occurs in very small numbers by comparison with otherequids with which it is listed, and seems to have been highly prized. The harnesselements mentioned with it on one tablet may suggest driving or riding or evenbreeding.F ,

The term ~N~E.KUR. RA is the common one for horse from the beginning ofthe next penod onward. Whether it was already used in the later 3rd millenniumB.C. is not known for certain, because of the later dating of all extant versions ofthe Shulgi ~~n an~ other literary texts in which it occurs-although they maywell have originated in the Dr III period. Independent evidence for use of the termANSE. KUR. RA in the jrd millennium B.C. is presently confined to a single textof the Jamdat Nasr period, referring to a "team of ANSE . KUR". 28

The term ANSE .EDIN . NA, probably denoting hemione, continues to be used.As earlier, the animal appears to be herded with animals that are definitely domestic.Apart from its possible use in producing hybrids, no role is assigned to it. 29

HARNESSING

T~is is illustrated only by metal models from southeast Anatolia, where pairedbOVlds. may be under both neck and horn yokes (fig. IS). Indisputable representationsof equid draught are rare and uninformative.

" 2~ Z,~r~ns. 1976, 349ff. (horse); ?elb 1956, 245ff. (type of horse); Salonen 1956, 7 lff. (hybrid:mule ): LIeb ermann 1969 (hemione}; CAD I , 141 s.v , agalu (hybrid or spe cial breed of ass) .

25. Zanns 1976, 437 (with vehi cles in. t exts HSS 10, 202 and 206) , 435; Salonen 1968 , 398(agr~cu lture) . For Dreher:r texts d . Zarins 1976 , 436 , 443ff; Liebermann 1969 (sources includeMan ~nd land o~ Martu. In west as well as Mesopotamian frontier city of Der in east). Animalsometimes associated WIth gendarmes or messengers, suggesting draught or riding, d . Zarins1976, 436f.

26 Civil 1966, I21f. ; Zarins 1976 , 356ff. , 396, 436, 527 (356, n. I and 445: term first in timerange of Gudea of Lagash) ; also H eimpel 1968 , 275 , 278f.

:: Civil 1966, 122; Zarins 1976, 436 , 568 (transl. text 65 = UET 3,153 1).Supra p. 28, n. 62.

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.42

;:.':',:.;?~: ..~;: .

44 LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C. 45

CONTROL

The bovids of the Anatolian metal models are controlled by single lines to noserings. Two lines passing through an undecorated terret ring on the pole are shownon the stone relief (fig. I8a) and suggest the same nose-ring control as in the previous period (d. p. 30), although apparently with two, rather than four, animals."

Fragmentary terra-cotta figurines of equids-whether harness or riding animalsis uncertain-wear headstalls rendered by applied clay strips. The most informativeexample is from Selenkahiyeh in Syria, dating to this period or the beginning of thefollowing one( jig. 22).31 Here the headstall comprises cheekstraps, noseband andbrowband. A nose ring would have been impossible for the coroplast to render,hence its absence cannot be interpreted as obsolescence-particularly as otherdocuments show nose rings still in use on equids at the beginning of the followingperiod.

USE

Four-wheelers

There is no longer evidence for the use of these in warfare. Indeed, the variousdisadvantages noted above (d. p. 33) may have led to their abandonment for thispurpose. Although the two Syrian metal models( jig. 14), which lack draught teams,give no indication of military use, the similar examples from southeast Anatolia(fig. 15), being drawn by bovids, suggest only civil use. The same is true, with oneexception, for cylinder seals, where the vehicles are driven by deities and pulled bywinged monsters. It may be that the "battle wagon" was now no more than a traditional vehicle to be used primarily in cult.

A civil use is clear also in the case of wagons with tilts (fig. 16), terra-cotta modelsof which have been widely but sparsely found. They were presumably bovid-drawn,like the actual wagons, with or without tilts, from Transcaucasia and the Caspiansteppe of possibly contemporary as well as later date.32

29 Zarins 1976, 468ff.30 Also Calmeyer 1964, 74, no. z (our fig. 18: a); two terrets from Anatolia of this time or

later, infra pp. 58, 60.31 Van Loon 1969a, 68 with fig. (our fig. 22) ; also ex. from Tell Taya, Reade 1971, 99 with pl.

XXV: e; Bokonyi 1972, 37f. with fig . (hole, drilled through mouth, need not imply use of bitbut may simply have taken cord to pull original model) .

32 Littauer and Crouwel 1974. For Russian material d. Piggott 1968a, esp. 286, 293ff. withfigs . I1-12 and pIs . XXI-XXIII.

c.

Two-wheelersStraddle and platform cars

Whatever little figured evidence there is for these indicates civil use, as in thecase ~f contemporary wagons. A cult role is suggested by several cylinder seals, oneof which clearly shows a straddle car (Jig. 17). Here the deity is the same as the oneon. seals showing "battle wagons," and similarly drives a winged monster. A divinedriver may also be intended on the relief of a straddle car (fig. I8b) .

A concern, however, with a more strenuous use of two-wheelers now seems indica:ed both by the bronze tyre from Susa (d. above) and by the Tepe Hissar cylinder(ftg: 21). Th~se sho.w that attempts were being made to reduce the weight of fastervehicles by lighterung their wheels.

Wheeled vehicles; textual evidence

Some cuneiform documents contain references to wheeled vehicles, which areusually d~noted by the term G~GIGIR, already used in earlier texts (d. p. 34).We ~ow fI~d the term in connection with the transport of people aud goods, including agncultural produce, but never in a military context.w It also occurs in textsment~oning cult v~hicles belonging to specific gods, suggesting the divine driversseen m representations of four-and two-wheelers.s-

A connectio~ both wi~h cult and burial practices is indicated in a literary text,the extant version of which dates to the succeeding Isin-Larsa period, "The Descentof Ur~ammu t~ the N~thenvorld." This describes the king arriving in the underworl~ m a ve~cle, equids (ANSE) being buried beside him (recalling actual burialpractices at KISh and Susa) and his offering of a vehicle pulled by a team of ANSEto a deity.35

RIDING

Ridi~g is docu~ented by several representations from Mesopotamia and Syria.These ~nclude cylinder seals of Akkadian and Ur III date and a gold fillet from anAkkadian tomb at Ur. A fra~en~a~y terra-cotta plaque from Tell Asmar may be ofUr III date or may belong with similar scenes of ridden equids from the earlier znd

~3 Zarins 1976, 437 (hay and onions in texts HSS 10: 203; RTC I19; A 7839 in Oriental InstChicago}; Salonen 1951, 41 (vehicle, written GISMAR, carrying reeds) . For people d. Zarins1976 , ~3.7 (text HSS 10: 203); Salonen 1951, 43 (a.o. important persons and a messenger)

34 CIVIl 1968, 3; Salonen 1961, 69f. .35 Kramer 1967, 1I8 (transl. lines 74-75, 71, 1I3-II5) and 121, n. 57; Zarins 1976, 416f.

Draught is again by paired animals under yoke, still controlled by lines to nose rings.The "battle car" seems to have been relegated to cult use and the same may have been

true of the "straddle car" . The "platform car" may have served both as a utilitarian and asa ceremonial vehicle.

Riding

Eq~d ri~~, when .ill~str~ted , is bareba<:k ~d usually astride. Control is by line andnose~g..~ding at this time IS probably pnmarily a means of transport, certainly in caseswhere individuals are shown seated sideways on the animal .

46 LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

!l)millennium B.C. (d. p. 65).36 The representations, with the possible exception ofthe gold fillet, all show equids of some kind, but specific identification is impossible.

The riders all seem to be male, riding bareback and astride. Little indication isgiven of the purpose of such riding. In only one case is a possible military contextsuggested. This is on an Akkadian seal, wh ere the ridden animal is trampling a

t prostrate man who seems to be begging for mercy.t? (It may be noted here th at anactive role of riding in warfare is indubitably documented only in the earlier rstmillennium B.C.). A few Dr III texts possibly refer to mounted officials or couriers. 3s

We should also include a peculiar form of transport on animal back, illustrated• by several t erra-cotta figurines from Selenkahiyeh, mostly incomplete, of this time

or of the very early znd millennium B.G. One of these appears to show a deity(fig. 23) sitting sideways on the back of an equid." This seat is mor e precarious thana seat ast ride and gives the rider very poor control of the animal. Such an arrangement, which is not for fast riding, could have developed out of the pack saddle(already attested in a wall painting of the Middle Kin gdom in Egypt) and have

i' been used for the transport of the elderly or infirm or for females.t'' In the case ofimportant personnages, their long garments might have precluded their mountingin any other fashion but sideways.

SUMMARY

Wheeled vehicles""iii The four-wheeled "battle car" and both types of two-wheelers-"straddle" and "platform

cars"-of the earlier 3rd millennium continue through thi s period. The vehicles mostly havedisk wheels. A metal tyre, with integral clamps to hold it on, and the first appearance ofthe cross-bar wheel (q.v.) testify to efforts to improve wheel construct ion. The draughtpole remains either of the straight or the high, arching type.

As in the previous period, the equids available for draught would have been the hemione,~ass and-probably still in very limited numbers-horse, and the various crosses between

these.

38 Material collected by Moorey 1970a, d . 45f., nos. 2-8 (seals; no. 1 may be late ED, suprap. 35), 46 (fillet) 40f. , no. 3 (plaque).

37 Moorey 1970a, 45, no. 2 ; Boehmer 1965a, no. 820. Motif of pr ostrate enemy attest ed withwheeled vehicles already in previous period, supra p . 32 and fi g. 3.

~ 38 Zarins 1976 , 419f.; Moorey 197oa, 48 with n . 2 ; cf. also supra nn . 22, 24, 26.39 Van Loon 1975, 24 with fig . 8 (our fig. 23 ; other exs . t oo, personal communication ).40 For early ill. of rigid-framed pack saddles, Mich alowski 1969, fig. 295 (Egypt, Dynasty XI:

tomb of Zar, Thebes) .- - '~ ;" ', -..

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C. 47

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. 49

CHAPTER SEVEN:

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.(ca 2000-1600 B.C.)

'WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence from different parts of the Near East, consisting of figured and textualdocuments, increases at this time (in Mesopotamia, represented by the Isin-Larsa

pand Old Babylonian periods), particularly that relating to two-wheelers.

Four-wheelers

Several sealings and cylinder seals document the continued existence of thetraditional "battle wagon" (figs. 24-25).1 This material derives from Anatolia, wheremany seatings in the same distinct style have been excavated in level II of the~Assyrianmerchant colony (the Karum) at Killtepe (usually dated to the later zoth

and roth centuries B.C.).2 . .Box. Wagons have the characteristic high front, topped by a handrail depressed III

the centre. They commonly carry a single occupant on a seat placed at th e re.ar.Rider and seat are shown entirely above what at first sight appears to be a thickflooring but which may represent rather a solid or open siding supported by numer-~ous vertical struts, as documented on wagons of the previous period (d. p. 37f.;

jigs. 3, 14, IS)· .Axles. There is no reason to suppose that these differed from the axles of earlier

"battle cars" (d. p. 38).Wheels. Some of the glyptic material documents the presence of both the cross-bar

.wheel (fig. 24), already attested once in the previous period (d. p. 40 ; jig. 21),and of a new type of wheel with four spokes (fig. 25). Other scenes show garbledattempts to render what may be either of these wheels. The use of spoked wheels

1 Only one is well provenanced: OzgiiC;, N . 1965, no. 9 (Kiiltepe, Karum II) . Others: Littauer and Crouwel I 977b, pI. X: a (our fig. 24; also Frankfort I93 9a, pI. XL: n; former~y. deClercq no . 284) ; Porada 1948, no . 893 (our fig . 25) ; Frankfort I93 9a, pI. XL: m (the o~vnal

is eal of this impression in Smith, S. 1928, pI. VII : b) ; von der Osten 1934, nos. 2-2, 284 ; ::'1Oches1908, pI. XVII : 7-12; Tosun 1965, pI. X: 18-19. One impression on tablet was found 10 latercontext at Nuzi in eastern Mesopotamia, Porada 1947, no . 977·

2 For this style, esp . Ozgiic;, N . 1965.

is also attested by the fragmentary remains of a large, four-wheeled metal model,which was found in level III at Acemhiiyiik in central Anatolia (dated to the rothr Sth centuries B.C.).3 Here the four spokes of the cast-metal wheels widen slightlyas they approach the felloes. This is important as the first material evidence forspoked wheels .Draught pole. Where the pole is rendered at all, it appears to be of the straighttype associated with several earlier "battle cars" (d. p. I9f.).

Two-wheelers

Straddle car

This traditional vehicle is documented by a single, incomplete metal model fromSusa.! It has a high front of peculiar construction, compos ed of two dissimilar elements, and carries a single, seated occupant. His feet rest on treads just in front ofthe axle, and there is a high support at his back.Axle. Presumably like that of earlier straddle cars.Wheels . Not preserved on model.Draught pole. Although also missing, this was probably of the high, arched typeassociated with the majority ofstraddle cars in the 3rd millennium B.C. (d. pp . 22,39; jigs. 8, 17, r Sa-b) since the pole casing, being imm ediately on top of the axle,would have been too low for the pole to have run out horizontally as did th e rais edpole, for instance, of the copper model from Tell Agrab.

Platform car

This other traditional two-wheeler continues to be documented by terra-cottamodels." All of these have the small platform, affording room for only a singleperson, and the characteristic high front. Side screens are lacking, as they oftenwere on earlier models (d. p. 40; jig. zoa-b) . Th e terra-cottas, including the manyprimarily from l\Iesopotamia-with representations of a religious nature moulded on

3 Mellink I97Ia, 165; Littauer and Crouwel I973a, 122, n . 88 (inform ation from Mrs. OzgiiC;,Jetter June 17, 1971; also personal examination, Sept. 1971).

4 Good ills. in Contenau 1931, figs. 609-610 ; Amiet 1966, fig. 238 (in letter of Sept. 14, 1976 hedated mod el t o 17th cent. B .C.).

6 Also unprovenanced metal models from Iran of this period or later, Schlossman 1968,no. 34 ; Calmeyer 1972, no . II. Metal model, formerly colI. Brockelschen (Calmeyer I964a;no. II Christie's, London. Sale Cat., April 30, 1975 . lot 244) is pastiche or fake according toMoorey (letter Nov. 12, 1976).

Chariot

Side by side with these two-wheelers , 't here begins to appear a new type, whichmay be call ed the true chariot. While it seems to have developed from the platformcar, it lacks the usual high front, as well as the seat typical of the latter. It has

, spoked wheels, is drawn by horses, and carries one or more occupants. Varioustwo-wheelers, contributing different elements to the eventual chariot, are illustratedon an Anatolian sealing from Karum level II at Ktiltepe (fig. 28),11 on impressions

Other two-wheelers

, A bovid-drawn two-wheeler , a part of which is seen on a sherd of a relief vasefrom Bogazk6y (dated to the 17th-16th century B.C. ; fig. 27) is of sp ecial interest .J"Its entirely open platform, tilting upwards towards the front, suggests the A-framecart (q.v.) materially attested in the followin g period in Transcaucasia. Th e axleis central, and the wheel appears to be a variant of the cross-bar type (d. pp. 40, 48;figs. 21, 24)

~

& the inside face of their front screens, ha ve a seat at the rear, behind which the flooroften projects." A few examples from Syria have a high back support (fig. 26).7One Syrian model is provided with an arched tilt:8

Axle. The terra-cottas, as usual, shed no light on this.Wheels. As before, most terra-cotta wheels show plain disks with raised naves,

~ but may perhaps be summary renderings of more complicated construction."Draught pole. The model s, as befor e. shed no light on the type or attachment ofthe pole.

51EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

of another Anatolian seal (fig. 29),12 on a terra-cotta from Uruk (fig. 30 ),13 andon numerous Syrian cylinder seals and one sealing dating to the r Sth-ryth centuries B.C.14 In considering these documents, we must remember that their smallscale, the varying degrees of accuracy and artistic liberty that they display, and thefact that they are two-dimension al necessarily limit the amount of information to

.be derived from them. The picture is further complicated by the fact that this isobviously a period of innovation and experiment in carriage making and, as such,full of variety.

Box. The Anatolian sealings (figs. 28, 29) illustrate a low open railing at front andrear. At first sight this suggests th at the vehicles were still mounted from the side,as mu st have been many of the two-wheelers of the preceding period. A different kindof superstructure, however , with a railing extending along front and sides butleaving the back open for quick mounting is suggested by what may be the indicationof a horizontal side rail, interrupted by the body of the single driver. Since he is adeity, the artist may have been reluctant to allow the rail to cut across his body.Th e likelihood that we have here a railing extending along the front and sides isstrengthened by a terra-cotta from Uruk (fig. 30) which is contemporary or slightlylater. Here, a similar open railing is allowed to rise waist-high and cut across thebody of the single rider. He is shown with one foot on the pole, his leg apparentlypassing under the railing: Thi s stance, which would help to keep the weight ah ead ofthe axle if the latter were centrally locat ed, would also put the rider in a betterposition to counter the shock of a sudden stop.P

Although Anatolia provides the earliest firmly dated evidence for the spokedwheel, it is on Syrian cylinder seal s that we can most clearly follow th e de velopmentof the true chariot out of th e platform car. A sealing (fig. 31) of th e rath year ofHammurabi of Babylon (1779 B.C. by the Middle Chronology) shows a modifiedplatform car with a traditionally shaped but lowered front , very low side screensthat seem to cover the feet of the single rider, and a floor projecting behind a seat

12 T~ese imp ressions occur on three t ablets: unpublished t ablet in New York (our f ig . 29) ;t ablet III London (BM I 13583A, d . Garelli and Collon 1975. pI. 53 : no. 46) ; tablet in Paris (LouvreAO 839 6, d. Amiet 1969. zf. with figs. 1-2).

13 Ziegler 1962 , no. 289 (Isin-Larsa or Old Babylonian date) .H For style and dating, Buchanan 1971, 16 (also 1966 , 165ff ., where still call ed " Old Syrian") ;

Porada 1970 a, 13, Both schola rs have discussed dating of Syrian and ot her chariot seals with us .15 Same pose appears in Egyptian art of later znd mill. B.C. H er e leg of the driver, always

pharaoh, passes over front railing, d . Littauer 1968b , 150ff. 'wit h pI. 62 (mot if returns againlater, on Attic Black -figured vases ) .

/

~j

I ~.:.~

#._-

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.50

6 Many ills . in van Buren 1930; Opificius 1961 ; Barrelet 1968 (d. esp. fig. 16, a mould of• high front screen, for which also Littauer and Crouwel 1973 a, II3f.). Others, a .o . Cumont 1926,

pI. LXXVIII : 1-2 (Dura Europos) ; R eade 1973.171 with pl . LXX : d (without moulded front;Tell Taya, level III).

7 Ingholt 1940, 57 with pl . XVII: I (our fig. 26 ; tomb at Mourek); Fugmann 1958, esp. fig .139 : no. 5A 602 (H ama, level H ) ; also Littauer and Crouwel 1974 , 25. 30.

8 Baramki 1967, pI. II; for tilt cart models, Littauer and Crouwel 1974, zeff.. 29ff .8 Cf. also Moorey 1968, 432.

~ 10 Bittel 197oa, with fig. I and pI. I; also Littauer and Crouwel 1977b, 100f.11 Ozgiit;. N . 1965. no. 24 : a-b : type of vehicle not clear on another sealing of same prov o

(no . 51), and on unprovenanced boot-shaped terra-cotta vessel of this time from Anatolia, a. o.Azarpay 1964 . 69 with fig. 9.

Other Syrian seals show boxes similar to that in figure 33, or what appear to bevariations of it. 21 One of these (fig. 35),22 with solid sides and rolled top edges, mayhave been of basketry, a light, resilient material of which there is evidence againat a later date, and which has in fact been used until recently in coach work.Axle. The axle was undoubtedly fixed, since spoked wheels require a nave (q.v.),and a nave usually means a revolving wheel. On most seal representations the axleis shown as placed centrally beneath the floor, but whether this is realistic or aconvention of the seal-cutter it is impossible to tell. The wheel might have beencentered beneath the chariot in order to make a more compact composition, or foreconomy of space, the latter reason also possibly applying to the Uruk terra-cotta.P

Axle positions on chariots on figured documents have often been read as realisticeither for dating an object or for tracing the development of draught. An axle:however, is a fulcrum and, to people who for millennia had used the simple lever, itwould have presented no mystery.w A central axl e, for instance, is typical of cartsthat carry a stable load, either of goods or of seated passengers. If properly balanced,the minimum of weight is born by the draught animals and the load may be shiftedto advantage for uphill or downhill going. On the other hand, an unstable load, suchas standing occupants switching their weight rapidly in fighting or even in huntingwould make a central axle impractical, as would fast movement over rough terrain,or rapid turns. As the load or the angle of the ground shifted, the vehicle would rockbackwards and forwards, suffering stress, straining the draught system and disturbing or bruising the animals; and, in swift turning, centrifugal force would act onany object or person behind the axle. Therefore, if the representations of this periodare realistic, the axle position would imply a restricted use of the chariot. If, on theother hand, the chariot played the active role suggested by some of the Syrian glypticmaterial, the central axle position is likely to have been inaccurate.

While there is no direct documentation at this time of axle length, one may sup-

21 S.irnilar: Buchanan 1966, nos. 892, 893; 1971, IS with pI. II: d and e (also Smith 1939-40 •

29ffwlthpI. IX : a); Speleers 1917, no. 489; Woolley 1955,266: no . 136 with pI. LXVI (from adump at Alalakh; photograph supplied by D . Collen} .

22 Buchanan 1966, no. 8.94 (our fig . 35) . Similar: Amiet 1969. 4f. with fig. 4 (formerlyde Clercq no . 287). and 5 WIth fig. 5 and 6 (also Delaporte 1910, no. 479). Boxes of uncertaintype: Buchanan 1966, no. 895 ; Amiet 1969. 3f. , with fig. 3. and 7 with fig. 9 (ourfig. 36).

23 In la~er znd mill. B.C. the first places where rear axles consistently appear are on Egyptianwalls, which offered plenty of space, while contemporary Egyptian scarabs and ostraca withlimited field may show similar chariots with central axles .

U For general discussion of axle positions, Paterson 1915. lOS£.; Powell 1963. 15Sff. ; Littauer 1972. 1541.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

with low "arms'U" The wheel is four-spoked and the draught team presumablyconsists of a pair of horses (d. p. 57), harnessed and controlled in a new manner.A seal (fig. 32) shows another transitional vehicle, with modified traditional frontscreen, very low side screens or none, and seat at rear." While it has spoked wheelsand seems to be drawn by horses, the high, arching and banded pole and the apparent-

~ ly archaic harnessing, without indication of yoke saddles (d. p. 60), point to its .connection with the preceding period.

With improved directional control (d. p. 6r) and the consequent possibility ofmaking rapid turns, the low side screens (or absence of them) on the traditionalplatform car would become inadequate-particularly when a second crew member

• was added. The seals in figures 33-34 illustrate two different answers to this problem,which may already be called "chariots." Figure 33 shows a chariot of apparentlyrectangular floor plan, with hip-high screens of equal height and probably extendingaround front and sides, leaving the rear open to permit quick mounting." It carriesa crew of two, depicted as standing one close behind the other, but probably actuallystanding abreast, as did the crews of many later chariots shown in this convention

~ or in modifications of it. This is, in fact, our first evidence for a two-wheeler madeto carry two people. The rapid turns permitted by the improved method of controlwould require increased lateral stability, which would be achieved by lengtheningthe wheel base. The consequently lengthened axle would, in turn, permit a widerbox, with room for two people abreast.

, Figure 34 shows a chariot with an open, hoop-like railing with centre vertical.Pv This may stand for the curved open rail or fenestrated screening, extending across

the front and along the sides and sloping towards the rear that is attested on chariotsof the later znd millennium B.C. with a D-shaped floor plan. The floor here, too,seems to have been wide enough to permit a second person to stand beside thedriver and, indeed, on this seal and on another example showing the same type of

• vehicle, we see him in the act of mounting.w

18 Figulla 1967, pI. 14 : no. 22 ; Buchanan 1971, I4ff. v....ith pI. II : c.17 Porada 1948, no . 971; d. also " t rans it ional" vehicle. von der Osten 1934, no. 341.18 Von der Osten 1934. no . 343 .19 Delaporte 1910, no. 480.20 Ward 1910, 312f. with fig. 981 (also Amiet 1969, 6 with n . 16). Although the mounting

man on these seals has a weapon in his raised hands, it would be inconsistent with such scenesJ as depicted throughout Antiquity, for a charioteer to be attacked by a foot soldier, let alone

from the rear, except when in general battle scene. The charioteer here too appears unarmedand unapprehensive. Same theme appears on seal of the later and mill. B.C . from Alalakh, d .Woolley 1955.263: no. 44 with pI. LXII (photograph supplied by D. Collon) .


25 Six spokes : Speleers 1917, no . 487: Eight sp?kes: Bu chanan 1966, no. 895; 'Wa rd 1910,

fig . 981. Nine (?) spokes : Amiet 1969, fig . 9 (our fig, 36) ~ .26 Piggott 1975 (ten spokes ; diam . wheels 0.90-1 m. }; Kovalevskaya 1975, 38 (twelve spokes),

Gening and Ashichmina 1975 · .. ..27 Same feature can be observed on cas t- me tal, four-spoked wh eels of Acemhuyuk model,

supra n . 3.28 Cf. Littauer 1972 , 155.29 Also Amiet 1969, figs. 4 and 5·

pose that it was increased to me et. new c~ndition~. The ~pparentl.Y improved ~~ectional control, which permitted rapid turmng, required an increase m lateral stability,and it seems likely that the very wide wheel base, with its correspondingly longaxle, which is materially attested later in the millennium, was already present by

some time earlier in the millennium.Wheels . The Anatolian sealings, the Uruk terra-cotta and most of the Syrianglyptic show four-spoked wheels. Since a few exceptions show more (six, eight andonce, apparently, nine (fig. 36),25 we may wonder whether the number ~waysreflects reality, or whether the seal cutter did not often reduce them for h~s convenience. Actual wheels with four spokes (as well as with six) , however, are indeedattested from Egypt in the later part of the millennium. IO and 12 spokes are documented in the central Urals area,26 and 28 in Transcaucasia (d. p. 79) already bythe middle of the millennium or later, so that a wide range of spoke numbers are

also materially documented. .Nave construction is not clea r on figured documents, although two alternatives

seem possible: the composite nave found in Egypt in the later znd mill ennium,.ofwhich the spokes themselves form integral parts (d. p . 79), or the barrel nave Withsockets for the spoke ends. The numerous spokes of the wheels from the Urals andTranscaucasia would have required the latter construction, sinc e the other type

could not accomodate such a number.On a few seals the spokes appear to widen or splay as they approach the f.elloe

(fig. 33),27 This is probably to be interpreted as ~vedges or s~ruts plac ed ~n :lth~rside of the spoke where it meets the felloe, a practice attested into later antIqUl~y in

the Aegean. This strengthens the junction and distributes the pressure more Widely

on the felloe.28The wheels of chariots on a few other Syrian seals seem to differ in having short,

shaped spokes, thickening near the felloe (fig. 35).29 These do not sugg:st bracing,but rather a decorative purpose, since the artists apparently took pams even onsuch small obj ects to show this widening as separated from the felloe. This feature


5

distinguishes these wheels from contemporary or lat er ones in the Near East of whichwe have knowledge, but are curiously reminiscent of some actual Late-Bronze-Age(early rst millennium B.C.) wheels in western Europe." The latter were made bycasting in one piece of bronze the hollow nave, the hollow, tubular spokes, and afelloe deeply channelled in its outer face to receive a wooden tyre. The bronze elementwas 0.50 m. or under in diameter, and the wooden tyre extended beyond the groovein which it was seated for an unknown distance. The spokes were often cast withraised ridges encircling them, and the general appearance and proportions remindone of the wh eels just discussed on Syrian seals . Judging from other objects, suchan achievement would not have been beyond the abilities of bronze casters of theperiod.s-Draught pole. The poles of the two-wheelers on Anatolian sealings are shown asrunning straight out from floor level without bending upwards, but whether thisis r ealistic or for the convenience of the seal-cutter it is impossible to tell (figs.27-28 ; d . also fig. 34). The pole on most Syrian cylinder seals is shown as curvingslightly upward just in front of the chariot box before running forward to the yoke(figs. 33, 35-36). Its modified double curve (probably produced by heat bending)may be seen as perhaps a development out of the old high, arched pol e (apparentlystill shown in f ig. 32). It is less drastically bent than the old pole and its lower pullis more efficient . Because of its shallow double curve, it appears already to approachin form the poles of later znd millennium chariots. It probably ran all the wayunder the floor, as the pol es of earli er platform cars seem to have done, and as thoseof later znd millennium chariots certainly did. This curve was necessary to compensate for the difference between the height of the pole where it was set directly overthe axle and under the floor, and its height at the yoke , chariot floors being kept aslow as possible in order to keep the centre of gravity low and to facilitate mounting.

Some Syrian seals seem to show a breastwork brace and/or pole support droppingfrom the top of the scree n to the pole a short distance in front of the box (figs. 33,34). This essential element may have been of leather or of wood, since it is attestedin both materials in the following period."

30 Cf. Kossack 1971, 147 with n. 14 and fig. 30: 1-2; Dechelette 1910, 290ff, with figs. IIl

r r rbis.31 Cf. a .o. a wagon mo del, cas t in one piece, probably from Anatolia a nd dating to the later

3rd millennium, su pra p. 38, n. 3. Concentric circles of felloes on our f ig. 35 may conceivablyindicate tyres, whether wheels were of bronz e or wood ; they als o appear on a seal where there isnothing unusual about the four spokes, Delaporte 1910, no. 479.

32 Cf. Paterson 1915, 108f.

r~, .

;.--

7"

EARLIER SECO ND MILLENNIUM B.C.54

39 H erre a~? Rohr~ 1958, 64ff ., 71. ~o zoological reports exist on most of skulls and legbones of ~acnfIed equids from several Middle Bronze tombs in P alestine, d. esp. Stiebing 1971,I 14ff.; Bietak 1968, 90ff. Exceptions are remains from Jericho, very tentatively identified as" onager" , d. Grosvenor Ellis 1960, 535f. (tomb J 3).

(0 Boessneck 1976, 19, 2 Iff. Such burials, possibly of similar date, also at Inchas, anothersite in Delta, d. Bietak 1968, 108.

n Boessneck and von den Driesch 1975, 27f., 35ff. with table 5 (level H): mule and ass ; forhorse, supra n. 34.

(2 Ozguc, N. 1965, 67ff. An ass may be intended on a mould from Karum Ib, ibid., pI. XXXIII:106 .

43 Cf. Littauer 1971, 25 with n. 9 . One of these seals appears t o illustrate lions, d . Delaporte1910, no . 479 (also Amiet 1969, 5) .

size. While both these animals would be small by today's western standards (aheight of 1.47 m. at the withers is the official limit in the "large pony" category),they are rather big by ancient criteria (d. p. 82).

Skulls and leg bones of seven 6-to-8-year-old male asses, standing ca 1.12 m.1.22 m., were also buried at Osmankayasi.w Several burials of complete ass skeletonsstanding something under 1.20 m. at the withers were also found at Tell el-Dab'awhich produced the evidence for horse cited above.w '

Assfhorse hybrids ("mules") have been tentatively identified among bone refusefrom Korucutepe in eastern Anatolia; this seems quite likely, since both horse andass were present.v


Equids are represented in various media. It is often impossible to identify withcertainty the kind intended, as, for instance, that of animals pulling four- andtwo-wheelers in Anatolian glyptics. Of the wagon teams it may only be said thatthey do not seem to be horses. One of the sealings showing two-wheelers (fig. 28),where the animals have been called "boars" may in fact represent an effort to depictan animal unfamiliar to th e artist and to distinguish it from previously depictedequids.w The carvers of Syrian seals certainly seem to emphasize caballine characteristics-small ears on short heads with bulbous foreheads, long necks and highheld (and docked?) tails-on their rather peculiar-looking animals to distinguishthem as horses rather than asses or hemiones.v' Horse is more realistically depictedin the case of some of the ridden animals on terra-cotta plaques. (d. p. 66; fig. 37) .Terra-cotta vase attachments in the form of equine figurines from Anatolia (including Kiiltepe, Karum II and Ib) may suggest horses; more explicit are the figurines


Osteological evidence

True horse is now firmly documented in several parts of the Near East, includingnorthwest, central and eastern Anatolia and southwest Iran.34 Details are furnishedby the remains of a single, fragmentary skeleton found among numerous otheranimal offerings in a cemetery as Osmankayasi near Bogazkoy (dated to the 17th/rfith cent. B.C.). This was a mature stallion of rather slender, "oriental" type,standing ca 1.40-1.45 m. at the withers.i"

Of great importance is a horse skeleton from Buhen in Nubia, deposited on thebrick pavement of a rampart of the Middle-Kingdom fortress destroyed ca 16801640 B.C. A healthy male (possibly a gelding), ca 19 years old, it stood ca 1.50 m.at the withers. It has been suggested that the wear on one tooth was caused by a bit,indicating driving or riding use.36

Other evidence from Egypt consists of two horse teeth from Tell el-Dab'a in theeastern Delta, which was probably an Asiatic community, in a context dated to ca1650-1600 B.C.37 Equus caballus is not native to Egypt and is generally consideredto have been introduced from southwest Asia via the Levant;"

The Buhen horse is describ ed as resembling the Osmankayasi animal in type and

DRAUGHT ANIMALS

Bovids

Bovid draught is rarely depicted (fig. 27),33 but documented in texts (d. p. 64).

Equids


33 Divine driver and his team may here well be Weather God and his sacred bulls, known fromlater Hittite texts, d. p. 74, n . 9. The bulls may be represented during Old Hittite K ingdom bypair of terra-cotta rhyta from Bogazko y in form of bovids wearin~ nose rings and lines, d. Bittel1970a, 72f.; 1970b, 72f. with pls , 15-16.

3( Cf. Blegen 1953, 10 (in all strata of Troy VI but not before, horses of "oriental" type,according to Gejvall 1946); Boessneck and von den Driesch 1975, 27, 29ff. with table 4 (Korucutepe in E. Anatolia, level H) . Nearby Norsuntepe has produced earlier horse bones, suprapp. 25, 41 ; Zarins 1976, 192f. (Farukhabad in S.W. Iran; remains of three-year-old mal e of r Sth17th cent. B.C., according to forthcoming report by P . Redding) .

36 Herre and Rohrs 1958, 63ff. Original measurements (ca 1.50 m. at withers) correct edby Boessneck 1970, 47. For cemetery and its chronology, Bittel 1958, Iff.

36 Clutton-Brock 1974. For dating, also Emery 1960, 8f. and esp. Smith 1976, Soff , (alsoletter of May 19, 1969). There appears to be no evidence to support New Kingdom date ofhorse, as suggested by Helck 1971, 102 with n . 56, and Bietak 1968 , 92 .

37 Boessneck 1976, 25 (from levels E/2 and E/l); for site d . Bietak 1968; 1970.38 So a .o. Clutton-Brock 1974 , 89 ; Powell 1971, II. This is also apparent from t erms used

later by Egyptians to denote horse, a.o. Donner 1955; Decker 1971, 123 with n . 799 ._.'-: . .: ~-,

'9 F or location of Harsamna, a .o. Balkan 1957, 57. For H aneans, a.o. Kupper 1957, 37;Gelb 1961. 36f. ; Klengel 1972, 49ff.

60 Civil 1966 , 121f. ; H eimpel 1968, 278f£. ; Zarins 1976, 357.51 For these t exts, Salonen 1956, 13, 22; Kammenhuber 1961, 13. The word appears to be

foreign in Semitic but its proposed Indo-European origin (d. Goetz e 1962, 34f.) is not generallyaccep te d, d . Mayrhofer 1966, 27 with n . 4; 1967, 269f .; Kammenhuber 1961.13. n. 45.

6 2 Lewy 1950, 396, n . ISO; Karnmenhuber 1961, 13. Dalley in Dalley, Walker and Hawkins1976, text 85 (Rimaah, Old Babylonian). Cf. also refs. to AN~E.KUR.KUR.RA as packanimal in epos "Enrnerkar and the Lord of Aratta", lines 127 and 200; Kramer's translation(1952, 19) "mountain ass es" was supported by Salonen (1965, 19f.) on assumption that horseswould not be used as pack animals . However, "horse". already suggested by Sollberger (1952-53,326). cannot be excluded in view of Old Assyrian material and new text from Rimaah; cf. alsoCoh en 1973, 192.

63 For ass , CAD 7, III S.V. imsru ; AHw 375, s .v .; Salonen 1956, 56ff . For caravan trade asdocumented p articularly by Old Assyrian texts, esp . Larsen 1967; Veenhof 1972; also a.o.Albright 1961 (other areas ). F or hybrids, CAD 3. 64 s.v. damdammu ("mule") ; AHw 157. s .v.,also 498£., s.v. kudanu(m); Salonen 1956, 73f£. Herniones are mentioned in literary texts, d.Salonen 1956, 45; Heimpel 1968, 269ff.; Zarins 1976, 470ff.

been a noted source of horses. The animals were associated with urban communities-particularly under palace administration-but not exclusively, as is indicated by documents from Marl which refer io the Haneans, a pastoral people, asusing horses."

In some literary texts of Isin-Larsa date, but quite possibly of earlier origin, wefind the term AN~E.ZI. ZI , which is also documented in the later 3rd millenniumB.C. At least in the Shulgi A hymn it denotes horse, being a synonym for AN~E.

KUR.RA.50Old Assyrian texts from the merchant colonies in Anatolia use the syllabic sisum,

written there si-sl-e, as an equivalent for AN~E. KUR.RA.51 In these documentsthe horse is usually associated with some official. While there is no explicit referenceto its use in draught, the mention of transport of metal by horse would suggestdraught or-more likely-pack; a similar use of AN~E.KUR.RA. is suggested in atext, from Rimaah in northern Mesopotamia.POther equids. Equids other than horses are also denoted by Sumerograms or insyllabic writing. There is t extual evidence that both ass and hybrids-the latterbeing now presumably horse/ass crosses-were used to pull two-wheelers-probablycarts, since the lighter and more elegant chariots would , as horses became moreplentiful, have been horse-drawn. Asses and hybrids are ridden too (d. p. 66).Ass, undoubtedly also used in agriculture, appears to have been primarily a packanimal and, in this capacity, to have played a central role in the caravan trade.P


decorating two metal terrets, also from Anatolia, which may be of this time or of

the later 3rd millennium B.C.«

Textual evidenceEquids, including the horse, are frequently mentioned in cuneiform docurr:ents.

The terms used, in Sumerograms or in syllabic writing, pose fewer problems of I~ter

pretation than before, due to the ample lexical material now available.Horse. The term most frequently denoting this animal is the Sumerogram AN~~.KUR .RA, occurring in Isin-Larsa and Old-Babylonian texts from MesopotamIaand Elam Old-Babylonian documents from Syria (Mari, Chagar Bazar and Alalakh),and in aid-Hittite ones from Bogazkoy. This term, which may be literally translated as "equid (or ass?) from the mountains/foreign lands" and is first used in asingle text of the much earlier Jamdat Nasr period, must originally have referr~dto an equid unfamiliar to the Sumerians, quite possibly from the Zagros mountainarea to the east." The various texts in which it now occurs amply attest the presenceof domestic horse at this time. They include several categories: literary wor~s,such as hymns (including the Shulgi A hymn), and animal proverbs, many of w~ch

'may have antecedents in the preceding period; 46 practical texts on care and feeding,and "diplomatic" correspondence, particularly to do with the exchange of horses and

their role as valued gifts among royalty."The texts yield some information on the prices of animals, their c~at colours

(white being apparently particularly desirable) and on the pers?nnel taking care ofthem.v Harsamna, a site somewhere in southeastern Anatolia, .appears to have

U For terra-cottas, Ozgi.i~. T. 1959, I04£' with pl . XXXIII: 1-2 (Karum I~); O~gli~, N. 1965,68, 86 with pls. XXXIII: 102 and XXXV (Karum II); Alkim 1968, 277 :vlth fig . 83 (K arumII ; rim attachments) . Also material from Alishar, von der Os~en 1037, fl.g. 162, ~os . d29~6,c888, fig . 235 : no. C216, and fig . 157: no . d18 96 (fr~gment of relief vessel, Iike our f ig. 27, withheads of pair of equids wearing headstalls) . Equine vase attachments also at Troy, Blegen1953 . 75£. with fig. 332. For metal t errets, Rostovtzeff 1931, 48f£. with pls. XX-XXI : Calmeyer1964, 74 , nos. a-b, and 76 ; for dating, also Orthmann 1967, 42f.; Moore~. letter Nov. 20, 1976.

'6 For interpretation, a .o. Zarins 1976. 358, 373f. ; Salonen 1956, 18f.. Kammenhuber 1961.

10£. u ) I H ' IU For reference in Shulgi hymn A, Falkenstein 1952, 77 (comments on I~e 17 ; a so eimpe

1968, 275 ff. (text 32.2) ; Kramer in A NET Suppl . 584-586 (?,ansl.). F or animal proverbs. mfrann. 76, 84. For other literary texts, H eimpel 1968, 275ff .; Zarins 1976,.4~6.

17 These texts have been dis cussed by Salonen 1956. For Old HIttite docs. , Ka~menhuber1961, 27ff. Absence of horse from Code of Hammurabi remains an enigma, d. Meek m A NET,163f£. (transl.; ass mentioned in pars. 224-225, 244) '

'8 Weidner 1952 (colours); Gadd 1940, 33 (grooms and trainer in Chagar Bazar, tablets 946

and 968).


64 Interpretation independently suggested by Amiet 1969 , 3. Tall bronze yoke saddle finialswere found in Shang-period tombs in China, von Dewall 1964, pl. 7 : 1-2.

66 From amounts of feed designed for "teams" in some texts from Chagar Bazar, it may beinferred that these here consisted of three animals; since there is no evidence for a triga at thistime, these may represent teams of two harnessed horses and a reserve one, d. Gadd 1940,31; Salonen 1956, 22; Zarins 1956, 438, n. 2, 486.

66 Burney 1975, 161 with pl. III: d (level VIB).67 Supra n . 44. Though related, these differ somewhat in form from terrets that definitely

belong to 3rd mill. B .C., d. p . 30.

HARNESSING

Draught continued to be by pole and yoke. The shape of a yoke is illustratedvery cursorily on only one document, an Anatolian sealing of a two-wheeler, whereit appears as a straight bar across the pole end, in what may be a schematizedrendering (Jig. 28).

The Syrian sealing and most cylinder seals with modified platform cars or chariotsillustrate rods with curved ends rising, usually in pairs, over the yoke area above theanimals' necks (Jigs. 31,35). In some cases, they seem to be bound with cords ortapes, the ends of which stream backwards in the breeze. They may perhaps beinterpreted as (exaggeratedly long) finials of yoke saddles (q.V.),M a means ofadapting the yoke to equine anatomy that is well documented in the later zndmillennium B.C. (d. p. 85).

The scale of the seals precludes much detail, but one seal appears to show avertical line on the animal's side in the area just behind the shoulder (fig. 33).This may well be the backing element (q.v.) that we shall find attested in the laterznd millennium B.C. (d. p. 86).

The draught teams of the Anatolian wagons are composed of four animals (figs .2'4-25) and those of the two-wheelers illustrated in Anatolian and Syrian glypticusually of two. 56

CONTROL

The Anatolian teams of the beginning of the millennium were still controlled bylines and nose rings, as is documented by seals and sealings (figs. 24-25, 28-29). Adrawing on an rSth century B.C. potsherd from Haftavan Tepe in Iranian Azerbaijan shows a yoked equid team.66 There appear to be two pairs of reins, and the areain which they cross the pole suggests a redistributing terret (q.v.) here, i.e. one thatsorts out right and left reins, but its location is much too far forward to be realistic.Our only other possible evidence for such a thing consists of two actual metal terretrings from Anatolia that may belong either to this period or to the preceding one. 57

USE

Four-wheelers

As in the l~ter 3rd .millennium B.C., there is no evidence to suggest that wagonsplayed an active role ill warfare. The traditional "battle car," with high front and aseat, re~resented on Anatolian glyptic material, drawn by a team of four, is drivenby a deity ~nd se.ems to ~e employed in processions. That this type of vehicle actually survived-c-i] only in cult use-is suggested by the new types of wheels-

68 For Anatolia, supra n. 44 (several of these figurines do not wear headstalls) For Syria espMBallowaln 1194)7, 217f., no. II with pl. LV; 1937, 130, nos. 22-24 with fig. 10 (~ll from Chaga;

azar, eve I .

59 Pai f. arrs.o metal loops, presumably cheekpieces, some with traces of leather on them fromsites of Maikop culture of later.3rd mill. B.C., d. Munchaev 1973, 7Iff. with figs. 1-2; Kovalevskaya 1977, 22f . Antler cheekpiecs reported from the name site of Usatovo culture in Ukr .d. Hancar 1956, 72, 74. arne ,

6rEARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

A more r:fined meth?d of control is illustrated on the Syrian sealing (fig. 31) andseveral ~ynan seals (ftgs. 33-34, 36). Here the four lines going from the driver'shands directly to the heads of the two draught animals, without passing throughtez:rets" must be called "reins" (q.v.). Pairs of reins, attached to either side of eachanimal s head, would hav~ given. the driver not only braking power, but directionalcontrol,. thereby greatly mcreasmg the manoeuvrability, hence the usefulness ofthe vehicle. The seals are t~o s~~ in scale to shed light on the type of headstall,but several terra-cotta equid fIgunnes-often incomplete-may be able to do so.Examples from Anatolia. and. Syria ~ust~ate a noseband (q.v.) held in place bycheekstraps (q.v.), sometimes m combination with a browband (q.v.) and a throatlash (q.V.).58 It cannot, however, be excluded that these terra-cottas are intended torepresent strap muzzles accompanying nose rings-the latter impossible for theco:oplast to reproduce (d. p. 44; fig. 22). In the later znd millennium B.C. we haveevidence that draught te~ms wer~ m~naged by reins attached either to a nosebandjcavesson (q.v.) or to a ?It. At .thlS time the first method perhaps may be deducedfrom the p.resence of reins depicted on Syrian seals and nosebands shown on terracottas, .whil~ th~ ~econd method is suggested only by evidence from outside ourarea. BIts Wlt~ rigid cheekpieces and soft mouthpieces are documented north of theCaucasus considerably before this time,69 and a tooth of the horse found at Buh .N b' . en In

u ia may possibly show wear from a bit (d. p. 56). Since there is no direct evi-dence for bits in our area, however, before the 15th century B.C., this suggestionshould be taken with caution.


Two-wheelers

crossbar and spoked-with which it is sometimes clearly associated (figs. 24-2 5).

The metal, spoked-wheeled model from Acemhuyuk probably also had a cultic

function.

Straddle carThe sale evidence for this traditional vehicle, the incomplete metal model from

Susa that is driven by a deity, may suggest that it too survived-again possibly

in cult.


It is difficult to sort out truth from fiction here and to determine the actual roleof the chariot and the significance of the accessory motifs. While the file on footmight represent infantry, they might equally represent the "running footmen"for the chariot (attested in later periods) or the beaters of a hunt, or they mightsimply be a "filling motif" here, as they are in other scenes with very differentsubjects.P The prone body almost certainly goes back to much earlier scenes, suchas that on the Dr "Standard," where it indicated "victory," and it will continueinto the rst millennium B.C.

One Syrian seal explicitly illustrates another context in which a driver mightfunction alone in the chariot-that of hunting (fig. 36). Here the driver is using theb~w, ~s quiver hanging at his back, while at the same time he controls his team byrems tIed around his hips. This is the first known appearance of this theme, whichis to become popular in the Near East , and particularly in Egypt, in the followingperiod-of a royal of high-ranking personnage alone in his chariot, attacking theenemy or game, usually using the bow, the reins tied around his hips. This ostentatious feat was indeed performed by Etruscan and Roman racing charioteers.54

While it might have been practical with the hunting chariot in battues where gamewas driven across the hunter's chosen path, it would have been both too dangerousand too uncontrolled for a head of state to have taken such a risk under the uncertainty of battle conditions.s-

This seal provides the earliest evidence for the use of the bow from a wheeledvehicle, implicit also in some other Syrian seals where the single driver carries aquiver on his back (fig. 35).66 The use of a bow in warfare would be most efficientwhen the archer did not need to concern himself with driving, but had a charioteer.Thi~ is precisely th e practice illustrated in many battle scenes of the two followingpenods. Appropriate conditions might already have existed by the earlier zndmillennium, with the chariots presumably wide enough to permit a second personabreast of the driver and the new low front screen not interfering with the use of the

63 Unarmed marchers also accompany An atolian four-wheelers, supra n. I . For Syrian ando~er glyptic material showing them without vehicles. Porada 1947. II6ff.; Collon 1975. 140£.WIth pl. XXXIV: For later "runners", Yadin 1963, 284f. (Biblical texts and reliefs from Tellel Amarna, for which s~e also Davies, de G. 1903, pls. Xif. ; 1905 , pls. XIIIff.); Schulman 1963.89£.; 1964. 38f. (Egyptian army) .

64 For this motif, a.o . Littauer 1968b. lSI, n . 23. For Etruscan and Roman practices d.Bronson 1965, 97ff.

66 For battues, Littauer and Crouwel 1973c. 29ff.66 Buchanan 1966. no . 895. Bowcase, or rather quiver, also probably in our fig. 34.


ChariotsThe Anatolian seatings, Uruk terra-cotta and the Syrian sealing and seals i~us

trate, with the few exceptions noted above (d. p. 52), single drivers in the chanots.Whether this number is realistic or whether it is dictated by the difficulty of showingmore than one person in scenes of such small scale, or by the seal owner's desireto figure alone, it is impossible to tell. Many of these scenes also show files of (up tofive) armed or unarmed attendants on foot, and sometimes a human body "bene~ththe team's hooves" (figs . 31, 33).61 These accessory motifs have been taken to mdicate a military context or "war games"-in the latter case the prone body (already

f · )b . " b t" 62encountered in the earlier 3rd millennium B.C., d. p. 32; tg·3 emg an aero a .

Platform carThis other type of two-wheeler may also have been used in cult, to judge from the

numerous terra-cottas with representations of a religious nature moulded on theinner face of their high front screens. Whereas the few Syrian terra-cottas with highbacks are uninformative (fig. 26), one of them, which has an arched tilt, suggests

an adaptation for travelling." .Modified platform cars, like that seen on the Syrian sealing (f~g'. 31) n:ay possl~ly

have had a military use. This is suggested not so much by the divine driver holdingfour reins in one hand and a sickle sword in the other, or even by the file of unarmedmarchers accompanying him, as by the human body "beneath the team's hooves."

80 Supra n. 8. . .81 Prone bodies, sometimes including one above draught team, also III Buchanan. 1966, ~o .

893; 1971, pI. II: d and e (also Smith 1939-40, pl . IX : d) . Prone body also associated WIth

Anatolian two-wheeler in our fig . 29 ·82 Buchanan 1971, IS£. In one case where acrobats may well be intended, they were added

later to the original engraving, Buchanan 1966, no . 892.

62


bow as the old high one would have done. Improved manoeuvrability (d. p. 52)would also have increased the suitability of the vehicles for warfare. 67

Wheeled vehicles; textual evidence

Cuneiform documents of this period, from various parts of the Near East, including Syria and Anatolia, refer to wheeled vehicles either directly or implicitlyby mentioning their draught teams.s" .

The most common terms used are the Sumerogram, GISMAR.GID.DA, alsowritten syllabically as ereqqu, and the Sumerogram, GISGIGIR usually having thesyllabic equivalent narkabtu.

The first t erm(s) clearly indicates vehicles for the transport of loads rather thanpeople, their teams being sometimes explicitly identified as bovids. Although oftenregarded as four-wheelers, both wagons and carts may be meant, since the numberof wheels is never stated.s''

The second term(s) appears to denote vehicles intended primarily for carryingpeople, their draught animals being sometimes specified as equids-usually horses. 70Horse draught and the contemporary pictorial record make the translation "chariot," often proposed, a plausible one at this time, although GISGIGIR does not byitself necessarily imply the new chariot, being alr eady used in the 3rd millenniumB.C. (d. pp . 34, 45)·

Chariots may well be intended in certain texts of the Hittite Old Kingdom, whichrefer to the use of GISGIGIR in warfare. The se t exts inform us that the armies of

87 That chariotry already played an important role in warfare in the earlier and millennium hasbeen claimed on the basis of the glacis then appearing in Levant and of the open spaces withinsom e fortified areas. The glacis, however. was a defense, not against chariotry but against thebattering ram, and at the same time it exposed attackers to defenders' fire , while open spacesneed not have been designed as ch ariot camps. For discussion. esp. Yadin 1955 . 23ff .; 1963,66ff.; van Seters 1967, 27ff .• 36f.; de Vaux 1967. 494f.

88 Cf. CAD 16, 198 s.v. simittu "team"; AHw 1103. s.v,89 Cf. CAD 4. 296f . s .v . eriqqu ; AHw 238, s .v. ereqqu(m); Salonen 1951, zSff ; Meek in ANET,

177, pars. 271, 272 (Code of H ammurabi) . For Mari t exts, also AR.i\lIT 15. 187, s.v. eriqqum ;Sasson 1969. 31 with n. 169. For Old Assyrian and Old Hittite texts, Kammenhuber 1961, 9,13, 28, 30 with n . 12I. Add Dalley in Dalley. Walker and Hawkins 1976, texts 37, 137 fromRimaah. References to bagg age vehicles are always few in number as compared to those to packasses .

70 Cf. AHw 747. s .v . narkabtu(m); Salonen 1951, 45f. For Old Hittite texts, Karnmenhuber1961. 10, 28ff. (only one Old Assyrian text, p . 10; d. 10. n . 29 and 28 for other vehicle namesin Old Hittite t exts, including GISbttlukannu which also appears in later Hittite t exts, infra p . 95)·For Mari texts, ARMT IS, 200. S.V. GIGIR; Sasson 1969, 31f. with n . 170 (here GISGIGIRapparently t o be read nubiilum, d. also AHw 799, s.v.) .

. :"~- .. . ' " ." .

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C .

the Old-Hittite kings , Hattusilis I (ca 1650 B.C.) and Mursilis I (ca 1600 B.C.) andthat of the king of Aleppo included chariotry, and that Anittas, an Anatolian kingof the earlier period of the Assyrian merchant colonies, faced an army of 1400 infantry and 40 chariots belonging to a rebellious city state." None of these textsindicates how the chariotry was used, but a hint of the latter comes from the timeof Hattusilis I in reference to the Hittite siege of Urshu, a city apparently in southeastern Anatolia. To isolate it, the Hittites surrounded the city with "80 chariotsand eight armies" (i.e. infantry). The sam e text refers also to the 30 chariots of acity-its name meaning "the Hurrian"-in the same region. 72 Clearly, significantnumbers of chariots formed part of the armies of the time.

Some other, non-Hittite, t exts document the continued use of wheeled vehicles(GISGIGIR) in cult. They include one from Mari mentioning horse- and "mule"drawn vehicles as taking part in a religious festival in Ashur, and a hymn of KingIshme-Dagan of the Isin-Larsa period. The latter describes an equid-drawn vehiclebelonging to a deity, recalling the sacred vehicles referred to in texts of the 3rdmillennium B.C. (ct . p. 000).73

While such t exts refer to the peaceful use of vehicles , the Old Hittite examplesconsidered above clearly indicate the military role of horse-drawn vehicles in Anatolia and Syria. Other contemporary documents from Mesopotamia, Syria andAnatolia, add very little to this picture, apart from stressing the close associationof horses and horse-drawn vehicles with royalty and palaces."

RIDING

Riding is well attest ed in several texts and quite a few representations. Thelatter include terra-cotta plaques from Mesopotamia (fig. 37), cylinder seals, asealing from Kiiltepe (Karum level II; jig. 38) in Anatolia, a gold dagger sheath

71 H attusilis I and Mursilis I . d. Laroche 1971, nos . 5. 12, 13 ; d . Kammenhuber 1961,28f. ; for historical contexts. esp. Otten 1966, 112ff . ; Gurney 1973. 253ff. Anittas, d . Laroche1971, no. I; Neu 1974 (d. 35. comments on lin e 71); for historic al context, also Otten 1966.102ff .

72 Laroche 1971, no . 7 ; d . Girterbock 1938, II3ff., esp . 133 (Rs line 26, cf. also Rs lines 5, II).F or historical context, Otten and Gurney, supra n. 71.

73 ARMT I, t ext 50; d . transl . Oppenheim 1967. text 55 . Civil 1968. For deities in equiddrawn four- and two-wh eelers at this time. our f igs. 24-25. 28-29.

74 Kammenhuber 1961, 12 is incorrect in interpreting lines 75-80 of Shulgi hymn A as implying use of light, hors e-drawn vehicle; Shulgi is here simply boasting hyperbolically of swiftnessof his own feet; d. also Kuhne, C. 1973. II3. n . 554 .

. -.:::':.._~~ .....,:..

7~ Most material collected by Moorey 1970a (our fig. 37 = pl. XIII: a, reportedly from Larsa,S. Mesopotamia) . Ktiltepe sealing, also Ozguc, N . 1965 . no . 77. Byblos dagger, a .o. Smith,W . S. 1965, 13. 24 with fig . 16. Syrian terra-cottas, a .o. Ingholt 1940, 58 with pl. XVIII: 2;Fugmann 1958. fig . 122 :5A 484 (Hama, level H) . Sinai graffiti, also Gardiner, Peet and Cerny1952, pls. XXXVII, XXXIX, XLIV, LXXXV.

76 Opificius 1961, no. 633 (zebu); Legrain 1946, 33. fig . 5 (elephant) ; also Moore y 1970a,42. Add seal from Tello (bovid), d. Parrot 1954, no. 50 (Ur III dating corrected to Isin-Larsa byPorada 1956, I48f.) .

77 Pro horse also Moorey 1970a, 38ff. (in some cases hemione may be intended); Zarins1976, 307f. -

78 Ass: d . CAD 7,113 s.v . imeru ; AHw 375 , s .v .: Salonen 1956, 56f . Add Dalley in Dalley,Walker and Hawkins 1976, text 66 from Rimaah ; also infra n. 84. Horse: Gordon 1958, 19(written anle-kur ; animal proverb 5.38); Salonen 1956. 42 (Old Assyrian). For horse and muleriding in Mari text, infra n. 85.

79 Another sealing with same provo as well as a mould from Karum Ib illustrate a deitystanding on an equid, Ozgu9 . N . 1965 , no. I and pl. XXXIII : 106. This is in fact a formaliconographic device, common at Ktiltepe and elsewhere with various animals, and not relevantto the history of riding, d . Moorey 1970a, 47; good exs .• a .o. Boehmer 1965a, nos. 1309-1311(Akkadian seals: deity seated on chair carried by a dragon) .

80 Cf. Akkadian seal where ridden animal is trampling a foe, supra p . 46.


fleets .original ri~ng on ass, mule, or possibly hemione. These animals have verylow Withers, straight shoulders and a low head-and-neck carriage, so that the ridersit~ back.t~ av?id the sensation of going off over his mount's head, or even actuallydoing so If It tnes to toss him . Such a seat is fairly comfortable at the easy travellinggaits of the ass or mule, which are usually all that is demanded of them. Horses,however, which are clearly shown on several plaques, have more prominent withersand a higher head carriage, which permit a proper position of the rider. A riderseated on the loins or croup receives the maximum shocks of locomotion at fastgaits from the then very active hindquarters and, by his .pounding, abuses theanimal's kidneys with his weight. It seems clear that other equids served as mountsbefore horses in the Near East and that a seat more appropriate to them was thef~st u~ed on horseback also. In several cases the animal on the plaques wears aWIde girth that seems to be of webbing (fig. 37). This may have been for the riderto hold onto in case of necessity, but we sometimes see him wedging his knees underit, which might account for the often almost horizontal position of the thigh and thelower leg drawn sharply back.s- These mounts often also wear a strap with a tassel(or bell ?) around the throat.

Wh~re the ma~ner of control is explicit, as on several plaques, the Sinai graffiti,the Killtepe sealing and a cylinder seal of the Isin-Larsa period.w it is consistentlyby the old nose-ring-and-line, which had also been used for draught. In addition,on at least one plaque, the nose ring is clearly used with two lines, rather than one(fig. 37)· The rider often carries a stick, as already seen in the preceding period.83

Representations and texts both suggest that whatever riding was practiced wasg.enerall~ ~f a peaceful nature. Only once, on the dagger sheath from Byblos, is thende~ definitely armed. In the case of the Isin-Larsa cylinder, a military contest ispossibly suggested by the presence of three riders and a man on foot, who is armedwith a spear and shield. On the other hand, weapons need not rule out peacefuluse, as travellers may well have gone armed or had armed attendants.

Although representations rarely provide more precise information on the uses ofriding, certain texts from Mari refer to m essengers mounted on asses. 84 In anotherwell-known text, the king of Mari is advised not to ride on a horse, but to ride a mule

81 Syste~ is :-ery similar to that used by American plains Indians in breaking ponies, Ewers1955 . 63 WIth fig. 7.

82 Delaporte 1920, pl. 94 : 15 = Moorey 1970a, 46, no. 9.83 Cf. Akkadian seal, supra p . 46.84 Cf. Salonen 1956, 222f. In one Marl text (ARMT 2, text 72, line 6) ass riders accompany

envoys.

:::.-.


from Byblos, some crude terra-cotta figurines from Syria, as well as graffiti fromSerabit el-Khadim in Sinai.P

The animals shown ridden are mostly equids, although bovids and even an elephant may appear in the role of mount.?" Precise determination of the kind of equidis often problematical, but on several of the terra-cotta plaques a horse, clearly ofsmall size, may be recognized by its short ears pricked forward, its hanging maneand full, flowing tail (fig. 37).77 Asses appear on the explicit Sinai petroglyphs.Texts also refer to ridden equids-ehiefly to asses, but occasionally to horses and ahybrid (considered to be a mule) ;"

The riders are always male, often either naked or lightly clad, riding astride andbareback. On the Killtepe sealing, however, the transported figure is seated sideways, on what seems to be a rigid-framed pack saddle to which a low backrest and afootrest have been attached (fig. 38).79 He is probably a deity, and recalls the earlieror even contemporary terra-cotta figurine from Selenkahiyeh d . p. 46; (fig. 23).In the Sinai graffiti the riders-Asiatic chiefs-also wear long robes and are apparently seated sideways, their asses being led (by a line attached to a nose ring) byattendants on foot .

On the rather explicit terra-cotta plaques from Mesopotamia, the rider is usuallyshown seated well back, sometimes with his knees sharply drawn up (as alreadyseen on some representations of riding of the previous periodj.s" This position re-

. ::" :'"- -:.: - ,

85 Kupper in ARMT 6, text 76, lines 19-25; discussion, pp. 106ff . ; als o 1957, 35 ; Moorey

1970a, 48f.; Zarins 1976, 439, 460. . ,88 Cf. statement "you sweat like a horse" in animal proverb on a tablet of this time, Gordon

1958, 18£. (no. 5·37).87 Swpra n. 40.88 C£. also P owell 1971, zf .89 Pro this theory, a.o. Meyer; E. 1928, 44ff. ; Lechler 1933 ; recently Heick 1969, 292££.;

Piggott, "Chinese chariotry, an outs ide r 's view" (pap er read in London, 1977; copy provided

by author) . Contra, already Clarke 1941.

or to drive in a vehicle, as the first would apparently be beneath his royal dignity.Although this indicates that kings sometimes now rode horses, texts and representations suggest that the proper and usual conveyance for them was the light, horsedrawn vehicle." That their riding, when practiced, was recommended on mulebackmay be due to the fact that this animal is surer-footed and has smoother travellinggaits and is less apt to sweat than the horse (a northern animalj.P" This may haverendered physical contact with it unacceptable to a fastidious upper class. 'TheSinai graffiti also indicate that people of importance (perhaps chiefly among pastoralists) rode asses. Asses may also have been ridden by the Asiatics buried in late17th-century built tombs at Tell ed Dab'a in the eastern Nile Delta, with whom

asses were buried, both singly and in pairs."Despite the obvious practical advantages of riding-particularly once the horse

had become common in the Near East-it took long for it to supersede the wheeledvehicle. The latter was the traditional prestige conveyance-and one susceptibleof lavish decoration/" Perhaps also the traditional but unsuitable donkey seatevidently still used with horses for a long time in the Near East-may have discouraged horseback riding. It may be significant that it is only when campaignsinto the mountainous north and east apparently force Assyrian troops onto thebacks of their horses and they at the same time come into contact in Transcaucasiawith peoples with a tradition of horseback riding that this use of the horse in warfare

becomes important (d. p. 139)·

Note on origin of chariot

The material considered in this and the preceding and subsequent chaptersparticularly the figured documents-strongly suggests the possibility of a localevolution of the light, spoked-wheeled, horse-drawn chariot in the Near East itself,in contrast to the long-held theory that this was introduced from outside in an

ki trib 89already evolved form by Indo-European-spea ng steppe n es.


90 Cf. Spruytte 1977, pl. 31:2,

!he earliest wheeled vehicles (both four- and two-wheelers) of which 'we haveevidence c~me from Mesopotamia. They function already on the principle of theyoke and single, central draught pole that is to dominate draught for roughly thenext 2000 years and, in many areas, is to remain the only one. Some of these composi.te-disk-w?eele~ vehicles, drawn by equids, were in military use here by theearlier 3rd millennium B.C. By the 3rd quarter of the millennium, there is evidenceof efforts to improve the construction of wheels . Wooden tyres-lighter and lesscostly than copper or bronze ones and pointing the way towards the later felloe-aren~w documented (fig '. 5). Somewhat later there appears a new type of metal tyreWIth clamps to hold It more securely than the plain metal hoops apparently illustrated earlier in the millennium (fig. 8), which might easily have work ed loose.The dimensions of an example found at Susa (fig. 19) show a large wheel (diam.1.05 m.) of relatively thin fabric (0.03 m.), indicating increased interest in speedand lightness.

What appears t o be the next step in this direction is the cross-bar wheel firstatte~te~ also in thela:e~ 3rdmillennium (fig. 21), which could have been form~d bymodifymg already exist ing parts of the composite disk wheel. The cross-bar wheelitself could then be converted into a spoked wheel by changing the cross-bars toradial ones and morticing their inner ends into a separate cylindrical nave.

Figured evidence of both cross-bar and spoked wheel is found in Anatolia at the: ery beginning of the znd millennium B.C. (figs. 24-25, 28-29) and the spoked wheelIS .documented at the same time or soon after at Uruk, in southern Mesopotamia(fzg. 30), and then on r Sth-and 17th-century Syrian seals (figs. 31-36) .

The wheels on some of the seals showing eight and nine spokes may indicate thatthey were made with a separate, cylindrical nave (fig. 36). A different wheel construc~ion, with the ~pokes forming part of the nave, which is documented materiall yonly I~ later. znd-millennium B.C. Egypt, might also have existed at an early dateand might first have been suggested by naturally forking wood." The number ofs~okes possibl~ with such a construction would be limited, but it was correspon~ng~y econ~mlcal an~ was capable of producing a large wheel, light and strong forIts SIze, :mmently SUIted to chariot warfare in arid regions. Some I8-I7th-centuryB.c. S~an seal.s may illustrate a still different (primarily metal) wheel (fig. 35).

Experim entation also appears at this time in chariot box es which, while theyseem to have developed out of the old one-man platform car, show a variety of


:,,~-,:,~ . ' ~.

forms, some of them indicating the use of bent wood to achieve lightness and strength.The pole as well oft en appears to be a modified version of the old high-arching,heat-bent pole of the previous millennium (figs . 32, 33, 3S, 36). All this experimentation would indicate a lively local development rather than introduction from outside of a fully formulated type.

The earliest evidence of spoked wheels north of the Caucasus comes only frommid-znd-millennium burials of two-wheelers at Sintashta, on the eastern flanks ofthe central Urals. To this may now be added a decorated pot from a Timber-Graveburial near Saratov on the lower Volga.P! All that remained of the actual twowheelers was the impressions left in the soil by the lower parts of ten- or twelvespoked wheels, but the number of spokes probably indicates that they were madewith a separate-not an integral-nave. Horse remains and antler cheekpi eces,found with them, show that these vehicles were horse-drawn. The crude incision onthe pot shows a two-wheeler with four-spoked wheels. Its floor plan is a wide oblongand the front rail (rendered in primitive perspective as lying over the pole) is reminiscent of the traditional high front with depressed centre of the old "battle" and"platform cars". The one animal of its incomplete team is a bovid.

, Although in central and eastern Europe bits of organic materials seem to antedateby a considerable time any type of bit known from the Near East, the earliest allmetal bits in the form er area are first attested only in the early rst millenniumB.C.92 In contrast, metal bits (based indeed on the same principles as the northernorganic ones and probably inspired by some acquaintance with them) appear in theNear East by the lSth century B.C. and indicate the necessity for effective controlof the chariot horse in warfare there (d. p. 91).

Horseback riding throws an indirect light on the early history of horse-drawnchariotry. The use of nose-ring control (stemming from driving practice in the earlier3rd mill. B.C.) on th e mounted horse in the early znd mill. B.C. in the Near East(fig . 37) and the prevalence of the "donkey seat" there even into the next millennium (d. p. 13S), seem to point to the dominance of local tradition and to horsesgradually introduced. They certainly do not support the idea of an invasion fromthe north of a chariotry manned by a people long familiar with the horse (andcertainly riding him-even if not for military purposes) and not with the ass.

91 Sintashta burials. supra n . 26. For pot, Galkin 1977. with ill. opp. p . 129.92 Supra p. 25 (antler "cheekpieces", D ereivka), and p . 61 (metal " cheekpieces", Maikop

culture). For organic cheekpieces in 2nd mill. Timber-Gr ave and Andranovo cultures of S.Russia and S:W. Siberia. (apart from those from Sintashta burials), a.o. Smirnov 1961 ; Piggott1975. 289 . All-metal bits, Jessen 1953·

SUMMARY


An argument often adduced in support of a northern ori in of . .

~~~:~::;:~~ ~::~in ~e~r-Eastern texts. of linguistic e.le~ents ~~~~~~~~:o~~:t . . f . y 0 anguages-partIcularly techrucal terms relating to thra~rung 0 chanot horses occurring in the famous Kikkuli t ti f .. e

This text itt . H' . rea rse rom Bogazkoy, wn en in ittite by a horse trainer named Kikkuli 'b 1 .

~4ft~ ctedntury-som~ 400/s00 years after the spoked-wheeled hor~e_;~:s thO ~hte

IS Irs ocumented m the Near Eastad' c anathere. That the Kikkuli 1 . • n . too .late to be relevant to its early history

1 I manua IS not umque IS shown b th 1horse-training texts of the later znd mill . . I dina er, ess well-preserved,an Assyrian one. enmum, me u g one purely Hittite and

. The rathe~ few ge.nerally accepted Indo-Iranian names and words a .If not exclusively-s-in connection with th H' h ppear chiefly-d . e urnans, w 0 seem to ha h d h

o WIth the exploitation of the horse-drawn chariot 93 B t' th ve . a muc toalmost entirely from texts dating to the second half :i :~:ce 'lle e~de:nce comeswhat role these people played in the origin of the v hi I' rm e~mum, exactlyearlier, ~ittite text, describing the siege of Urshu a~e ~~::l:tv~~tam. In only onewar chanots) explicitly associated with th H ' . c!es (presumablythemselves (d. p. 6S). e urnans as well as WIth the Hittites

dr~~:a~~:~o~het~~~:o:pppaeratrictuloabrePneoPles intthe 0hrigin o~ the spoked-wheeled, horse-, a cogen arc aeologi I li "

againstys d:velopment in the Near East itself. The co~:e:~onn~~tIcar~me~tswoods Identified in the construction of rsth and r4th t ha .some oreignEgypt (d. p. 8r) indicate an origin outside the Near -ce~ ury c a:lOts . found inwoods are indeed found within its c f ' . ~ast IS not valid, since these

on mes or on ItS penmeter (d. also p. 8r).

6

Wheeled vehicles

The old four-wheeled "batt le car" is onI ill . "now be mounted on cross-bar or the new: ku~tra~edl ill An~toha, ill cult scenes. It mayequids, which are still controlled b lines and n w .ee s and IS dra~. by a team of fourwheelers, the "platform car" is still ~ell attested ~~e~r'd~: the .~raditlOnal types of two-

This period sees the evolution and general ~doPtionr~ t~ec~e:~aErcaseltY aft allli: ht

o a g ,two-93 H tr . .

orse- ammg texts, infra pp 83f For recent di .Hurrian connection. esp. Kamme~hub~r 1 61 IScussl~n of Indo-Iranian elements and theand das Proble~ der (Indo-) Ari er" (pap;r r~ae~p~t6~, 1;)f£. 1968; 1977 ; als~ "D~e Hurriter1977; copy provided by author) ; Mayrhofer 1966' 196 .XIVe. RD:ncontre Assyriologiqus, Paris1969. 473; 1973. 419f. • 7, 1974. iakonov 1972; ct . also Drower,

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.7°

wheeled, horse-drawn vehicle with spoked wheels: the chariot. It appears either as aflat cart with open railing (in Anatolia and southern Mesopotamia), or (in Syria) as agradual modication of the "platform car": disk wheels are replaced by spoked ones, thehigh front screen by a low one of equal height at front and sides; the seat is removed,permitting rapid access from the rear, and the high, arching pole is reduced to a lower,more mildly curving one. Evidence points to a lengthened axle, providing a wider wheelbase, which increased stability and eventually permitted a crew of two to stand abreast(an important improvement for military use). .

The earliest spoked wheels are mostly shown as four-spoked but, in Syria, examples ofsix-, eight- and even nine-spoked ones are also illustrated. It is possible that the representations of four spokes, particularly on very small surfaces such as seals, may have been asymbolic way of indicating any spoked wheel-no matter what the actual number of spokes.

While the axle is usually represented as centrally located beneath the box, it is impossible to tell whether this is realistic or a convention resulting from the very small size of thefigured documents (mostly seals), where such a disposition produces a neater compositionand economizes space. Axle location is a simple lever-and-fulcrum problem and would nothave been a great "discovery". It would be dictated by the use to which the chariot was put.

Draught animals appear to have been almost exclusively horses, in teams of two underyoke. Yoke saddles (q.v.) may already be in use. In the early Anatolian material the animalsare still controlled by single lines to nose rings, but in Syria we find two reins, one on eachside of the horse's head, going to what must be either a cavesson (q.v.) or a bit (q.v.),although there is as yet no evidence of the latter from this area at this time.

A Syrian seal provides the earliest evidence of the use of the bow from a vehicle (achariot in a hunting scene). The chariot also plays a (possibly still limited) role in warfare,in cult and, probably, as a parade and a status vehicle.

Riding

Representations and texts document horses and other equids as mounts. Riding ismostly bareback and astride, often with a "donkey seat", i.e. seated far back on the animal'scroup or loins. Riders seated sideways are also illustrated. Control is still by line and nosering (in one case two lines are shown). As before, riding is probably chiefly a means oftransport, there being no evidence of a military function.

72 EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

CHAPTER EIGHT

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.(ca I600-IOOO B.C.) 1

WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence becomes extensive--especiall relatin . .much .from fi~~d documents and texts f~m the Je:~ ~::~i~~:ifT:sfcom~s not. somatenal, which mcludes not onI actual ch . .' rom gyptiantemple and tomb walls, as well a:texts. anots, but detailed representations on

Four-wheelersDocumentation of wagons, apart from ossibl . . .

few representations, none of which Sho~s the\~:~~.al r~f:;ences, IS li~ted to awagons of the Hittites and their allies illustrated ~ona ti battl: car. BaggageII's battle at Kadesh, are small fl t on . gyp Ian reliefs of Ramessesby pairs of oxen or mules.s a cars, mounted on sIx-spoked wheels, and drawn

Ass~ian wagons are depicted on the "White Obelisk" from N" hfor dating). These short wagons have six-s ok d nuvs (d. p. 75high cases, with just enough room for the d~ver: t w~~e!s :nd carry what look likeby pairs of horses.3 a SI m rant, and they are pulled

From outside our primary area, from tombs at Lch' .are remains of actual wagons both with d ith ~schen m TranscaucasIa, there

. , an WI out tilts (q v.) Th h d tri .disk wheels and were pulled by b .d k d . : " ese a tripartiteOVl s yo e on either SIde of an A-pole (g.V.).4

1 In this and succeeding chapters the sections onferently organized than hitherto W d wheeled vehicles will be somewhat dif-b . fl' . agons an carts and thei d h .ne y con.slde~ed and then, in greater detail chariots hi err raug t arumals will first be

2 Wreszinsk] 1935, pIs. 22-23. ' ,w ch are now well documented.

: U.nger 1932, 38, 40f. with pI. IV (reliefs ~-5).PIggott 1968a, 293ff. with figs. I I -2 and Is XXI' I

nology, 278££., 285f. with table 1'1974 16ff I~ Itt' ower-XXIII: upper; for tombs and chrocarbon date (GIN 2) quoted by 'Chard' C . d Pc er Oct. 12, 1977, Piggott refers to a radio-A . ' , . an owers R "5 . t R dirctic Anthropolouy V no I (r968) .' ., OVIe a io-carbon Dates III"L o ,. 224-33 obtained f hi '

chaschen, of 1200 ± roo b.c. This could be' calibrated ~om a ve cle (of unspecified type) atcalendar years. Tombs belong to so-called Central T y dendr~JChIonology to ca 1500 B.C. in1971, 104££. ranscaucaslan culture, Burney and Lang

Chariots. le evid f all kinds for the wide-spread use of fast, horse-There IS now amp e evi ence 0

drawn chariots.ith I VIII (relief B6) d . 34 with pl . IX (relief C2) for another cart ( ?)

6 Unger 1932, 42 W1 p. 'carrying vessels . (K d h) Aldred 19-6' ef . also Save-SOderbergh

6 Wreszinski 1935. pls. 81-82: 92-93. 169-70 Thabes

t ' mb no 17:>' this and other non-royal1957, 26f. with pl. XXIII (Synan ox-carts III e an 0 • . •

b be d after Porter and Moss 1960) .to~~e~:o~ 1;;0, pi. 32 (det~ils i~ pls. 49 :C-D, 50 :A); Wreszinski 1935. pls. 113-14.

8 Pigg~t~ 1968a, 289ff. With~~~~R GID.DA is again term mostly used. d. CAD 4. 296e Trad1tional Sumerogram . off In some Hittite texts it may denote a

s.v. eriqqu; A.Hw 238, s.v: ereq(qoU(tm}; sal~nen3 I59g/' ~9} ~r a vehicle driven by gods (Kammen-hearse used 10 royal bunals t en 195 • I. .,huber 1961. 30, n. 121: Kumarbi epos) .

CartsThese are documented, apart from possibl,e textual r~ferenc~s, by a few repres~n-. F" d evidence from the Near East itself IS ambiguous. The Assynan

~;tS~ O~~~" shows a single, horse-drawn two-wheeler that carries a large ob~eetidentical to that transported by the wagons depicted on that monument: a ~ver

. d in at the front. Its six-spoked wheels are set at the rear, ~hich wo~dagam Squ~~~r a true cart, and we may conceivably have here to do ~Vlth a chanot

~r::~~ch the screens have been removed." Egyptian b~ggage carts m tlhe K;d~sh. . h drawn b oxen are very small, have six-spoked whee s an so

~eli~f~k~~~~:~ts from w~ch th~ screens have been removed. A rare representationo~oan Egyptian agricultural cart shows four-spoked wheels and a longer, more cart-

like su erstructure-" . ,, ' "p . li f f the land battle of Ramesses III against the Sea Peoples

EgyptIan re e so . 11 I d eli k( 8 B C) show that the latter travelled in carts WIth centra y pace sc~e~~s ~nd 'high screens of wood or wicker work. The draught teams are composed

of four bovids abreast, which is almost unparalleled and s~ggests that, as these~eoples were on migration with their families, th~ outer ammals may have been

d I as a way of bringing them along.ha~e:::m:~::ractual A-frarne carts (q.v.) have been found in tombs ~t L~haschen i~

T. These were flat cars without screens and with pentepartIte disk wheels.

ranscaucaSla. ' . . f . dsSeveral contemporary texts refer to vehi~les used primarily 9 or carrying goo ,

and sometimes characterized as bovid-drawn. i.e. wagons or carts.

From different parts of the Near East itself, apart from plentiful textu~ documentation, we have two-dimensional representations on cylinder seals (such asfig. 39 from Anatolial.!" sealings (such as fig. 40 from Nuzi in Mesopotamiaj.Pivories and metalwork from the Levant I2_all in profile view.

The much-discussed Assyrian "White Obelisk" (fig. 41) from Niniveh is possiblyto be put in this period rather than in the next. If only because of the design ofchariot depicted on it , a dating prior to Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.) and quitepossibly in the reign of the earlier Ashurnasirpal I (1049-1031 B.C.), would be defensible.P A related chariot is seen on a seal of which impressions have been found atAshur, on tablets dating to Tukulti-Ninurta Ashur (ca II34-II33 B.C.).14

Comparative material is supplied by figured documents from Cyprus." also bythree metal chariot models and the material remains of two light, spoked-wheeledvehicles from the burials at Lchaschen.P

Actual chariots found in Egyptian tombs of the later 15th and the 14th centuriesB.C. (fig. 42) 17 and figured documents from Egypt, beginning in the later roth

75LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

10 Stamp cylinder, usually dated ca 1500 B.C., Parrot 1951 ; Littauer and Crouwel I973a,125 with n . 108 (further refs) . Other seals, also a .o. Frankfort I939a, pl . XLV: m (Ugarit);Woolley 1955, 263. no . 44 with pi. LXII (Alalakh); Amiet 1969. 6f. with fig . 8; Beran 1957-58,277f. with figs . 33-34 (Kassite : fig . 34 is possibly Elamite, according to Porada 1970b, 7f. withpl. XIII: 2).

11 On inscribed tablets of late 16th-15th cent. B .C. (ef. Brinkman 1972. 279), Porada 1947,no. 9IO, also nos. 9II-913. where type of vehicle is uncertain.

12 Ivories fr om Megiddo (ca r jth cent. B .C.). Loud 1939, nos . 2, 36, 159, 161 (reconstructions of badly preserved nos. 159, 161 must be treated with caution). Gold patera from Ugarit(ca 1400 B .C.), Schaeffer 1949. Iff. with pls. I. VII . For gold bowl from Hasanlu d. s.v, Earlierrst mill. B.C.

13 Original publication by Unger 1932. Recent, important discussions include Moortgat1967, I26ff.; Madhloom 1970. I07f.; Sollberger 1974 (with new ills) ; von Soden 1975; Reade1975 (ef. 144ff. for chariots ). Good ill . in Orthmann 1975. pl. 206 (relief D8: our jig. 41).

14 Opitz 1935-36, 48ff. with figs. 1-4 (from Ashur) . Cf. fragmentary Middle Assyrian sealingfrom Rimaah, Parker 1977. no . 26; also fragmentary stone lid from Ashur dating to TukultiNinurta I (1243-1207 B.C.), Opitz 1939-41; Orthmann 1975. pI. 255: a .

16 Material collected by Vandenabeele 1977.16 Models mounted on rods which were apparently attached at junction of pole and yoke of

actual vehicles, Piggott 1974, 16 with pi. V: a (barrow I); Mnatsakanian 1960, 139ff. with figs.5. 7 (barrows 9. 10); also Calm eyer 1964. 73. 76f.; Orthmann 1967. 45ff. , nos. I, 4. 5. Actualtwo-wheelers, esp . Piggott 1974, with fig . I and pls. III-IV; Mnatsakanian 1960 (barrows 9. II

and frag. from 10).17 Remains of eleven chariots from Thebes, all. with one possible exception (no. I in Florence)

from royal or para-royal (no. 4) tombs (no. 5 in Oxford, others in Cairo): 1. Tomb unknown, cf.Rossellini 1836, 263ff.; Nuoffer 1904. rzff. : Botti 1951 (our jig . 42). 2. Tomb of Amenophis II(no. 35; royal tombs numbered after Porter and Moss 1964), d . Daressy 1902, esp. no . 24675

Two-wheelers

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.74

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C . . LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. 77

,

century B.C., give the most information. This is supplemente~ by textual sources._ The most detailed of the representations are on murals and reliefs; they show b~th

Egyptian and Asiatic chariots, which appear to resemble each other cl.osely (ftgs.43-45).18 Indeed, the various sources demonstrate clearly that the chanot was notdeveloped independently in Egypt, but was intro~uced there, as was the horse (~f.p. 56), from the Levant, possibly in the 17th/earlier rfith c~ntury B.~:, w~en ASIatics under the leadership of the so-called Hyksos held a dominant position m a large.

part of the country."In addition, we have actual harness and bridle parts from our primary as well as

peripheral areas, including Egypt and Transcaucasia. (d. below). .Box. Detailed information is supplied by the chanots actually preserved m Egyp-

tian tombs.t"The boxes are shallow from back to front (ca 0.50 m.) and just wide enough (ca

1.00 m.) for two men to stand abreast. The floor plans are ro~ghly in th~ shape of acapital D, with the exception of the chariot in Fl~rence (ftg. 42 ) , which narro~srapidly towards the front and was probably for a single person. One ~r yvo artificially bent timbers form the front and sides of the floor frame and.are joined ac:ossthe rear by a straight bar. The floor itself is made of a mesh of rawhide thongs which,laced through the floor frame and rear floor bar, hold these parts together, as well as

providing a resilient platform. . .The draught pole runs all the way under the centre of the floor but IS m contact

with the frame in only two places: at the front, where it is lashed to it by thongs,and at the rear, where its flattened end is lodged in a horizontal V-shaped mortice

with pl . XXXVII (only a pair of linch pins and possible bridle ornaments remain). 3· Tomb ?fTuthmosis IV (no . 43) . d . Carter and Newberry 1904. 24ff. .with pl. IX etc. ~ . Tomb of Yuiaand Thuiu parents-in-law of Amenophis III (no. 46), d. Quibell 1908, 65ff . WIth pls . LI-~ . 5·Tomb of A~enophis III (no. 22) , d . esp. Western 1973, with figs . : -2 and pl. XXXIV (remains ofwheel; our fig. 46). 6-11. Tomb of Tut'ankhamun (no . 62; chanots 120- I2.z, 161,332-333). d.esp. Carter and Mace 1923. pls. XIX-XX, XXVI; Carter 192.7' 54ff . with ple . XVII-XXI,XXXVII-XLIV (chariots 120-122); Ramses le Grand, no . LI (chanot 120). . . .

18 Comprehensive coverage, Wreszinski 1923 and 1935 ; useful sele ction of Ills:, Yadm .1 96~,list of representations in Theban private tombs, We~er 1.933. Boff, Important information Inworkshop scenes in Theban private tombs, e~p. Wreszinski 1923, pls. 17, 41, 69 (tomb 86), 152

(tomb 39). 227 (tomb 66).307, (tomb 9S); d . Iist, Wegner, 66. .19 Discussion, a .o. von Beckerath 1964 , r r rf., 120, 207; van Seters 1966, 183ff. , de Vaux

1967, 488f ., 493f .; Decker 1971. 122ff.20 Description based on personal examina~o~ of chariots I: 4. S-Il. (st,pra n. :7), and. on

H. Carter's drawings of nos. 6-1 I in Oxford, Griffith Inst. (to be included m forthcoming publica-

tion in Tut'ankhamun's Tomb Series).

,s,

~,:--

between the rear floor bar and the axle. Two small blocks of the same thickness asthe pole end, placed between the ends of the rear floor bar and the axle, constitutethe other supports of the floor frame, which is thus supported at only four pointsone in front, three at rear.

The superstructure of the chariot is formed basically by a light framework ofartificially bent rails, about hip height or under, supported by a vertical centre postin front and running down in a curve at the rear to be anchored in the rear floor bar.When viewed from the side, the rear of the body has a rounded profile, the actualcurve of the rail as it drops varying to some extent. On one extant chariot the toprailing is entirely horizontal and is morticed into two uprights, one at each rearcorner, forming 90° angles." The result is a chariot box that appears rectangularwhen seen in strict profile. Extant chariot sidings may be entirely open (fig. 42),completely filled in, or fenestrated, with large openings at the upper front cornersand at the rear of the sides. Filling material may be of canvas or of very thin sheetwood, sometimes highly decorated.

Most chariots represented in strict profile view during this period-Egyptian andAsiatic-appear to agree closely with the various extant ones from Egypt (figs.43-44)·

The chariots of the Hittites and their allies appearing on Egyptian reliefs ofRamesses II's battle at Kadesh have both rounded and rectangular profiles; theirsidings are shown as filled in (fig . 45).22 Bodies with rectangular profiles are alsoseen , with more or less certainty, on documents from the Near East itself, includingAssyrian seal impressions and the "White Obelisk" (fig. 41).23

Chariots of this time-Egyptian and Asiatic-are normally shown with crews ofno more than two men. Exceptions are the three-man complements of the chariotsof the Hittites and their allies at Kadesh (fig. 45). These chariots must have hadenough floor space to permit a third man to stand behind the other two.

The only other material remains of light, two-wheeled vehicles comes from another peripheral area: Transcaucasia. Although similar in all dimensions exceptpole length to Egyptian chariots, and with a flooring of interwoven leather straps,

21 Supra n. 17. no. 4. This small vehicle is ideosyncratic not only in shape of its superstructure,including a partial closing screen at rear, but also in relatively small diameter of its wheels,short wheel base and pole, and a yoke unadapted to animals. Its almost normal-sized box andthe solidity of its construction, suggest that it was man-pulled, d. later Assyrian "rickshaws",infra p. 134 .

22 Wreszinski 1935. esp. pls. 21-23 . 96-97. 169-174.23 Also Ugarit seal, supra n. 10. In many instances exact shape of body cannot be made out.

27 Th.is construction is clearest on fragmentary wheel of Amenophis III (our fig. 46; length ofnave exist , 0.Z9 rn.) and on wh eels of one unassembled chariot (33z) of Tut'ankhamun.

28 Tomb of Tut'ankhamun, obj ect nos. 144-145, belonging to chariot 161 (diam . whe el ca .0·97 m .; length nave 0.40 m . ; depth felloe 0.083 m.; ditto wood en tyre 0 .085 m.).

29 Royal Egyptian chariots, always shown on reliefs as much larger and with more detail thanot her ones, usually show some sort of tyre. Egyptian workshop Scenes (supra n . '18) illustratewh eels with felloes in process of beingbound ,

and nave.27

To form the spoke, a single piece of wood, somewhat more th~n twicet~e length of each spoke and half its thickness, was bent sharply at the nave, turnmg back at a goOangle (on four-spoked wheels) or a 60° angle (on six-spoked ones)to form the complementary halves of sister spokes, these sections being glued backto back the length of the spoke (jig. 46). The angle area of this piece of wood alsoforms a section of the nave its elf. In order to keep a wood-naved wheel from wobbling on a .wooden axle (thes e elements not being abl e to fit together as tightly ascorresponding ones of metal) on which it revolved, the naves were considerablyextended by the addition of cylindrical flanges at either end. These parts were heldt?gether by glue and by rawhide put on wet and allowed to shrink on, forming atight, strong, binding material. The hide extended for only a short distance alongeach spoke and, on some chariots found, was covered with birch bark (which haswat er-proofing properties) or, on elaborate royal chariots, with gilded gesso. Whiledetails. of. this construction might vary between wheels that were some years apart,the principle seems to have remained the sam e. Th e felloe consists of two (oftenunequal) lengths of wood, heat-bent, and bevelled and overlapping at their joints,the overlaps bound by rawhide. One pair of heavier wheels has a wooden tyrecomposed of four butt-ended bent lengths of wood of th e sam e depth and thicknessas the felloe (jig. 47)·28 These were attached to th e felloe by lashings of thick bronz ewire situated at th e ' ends of th e tyre sections and holding these together also. Inmost cases there is evidence th at a rawhide tyre was shrunk on, which not onlypro tected the running surface of th e wheel, but helped consolidate its parts.

That such wheels were employed in the Near East as well as in Egypt is indeedsupported by pictorial evidence from Egyptian walls, most of the Asiatic wheelsthere corresponding closely in design and proportions to th e actual ones found inEgypt.

29Neither is th ere any evidence any more from Egypt or from the Near East

for wheels with braces at th e joints between spok es and felloes, or for the possiblecast bronze wheels illustrated in the earlier znd millennium (d. p. 54f.; f igs. 33, 35).Th ese appear to have been abandoned in favour of the sup erior construction with

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

the two vehicles from Lchaschen show some striking differences in the constructionof the multi-spoked wheels (ct. p. 7gf.) and in the dispositionsof pole and axle-atleast as reconstructed. The axle is centrally located beneath the body and the latteris wholly open in front instead of at the rear; the back and side screens are formed byhorizontal railings supported on numerous slend,er uprights. In contrast: the. thr~ebronze model chariots found in these tombs are rear-axled and open behind, III thisrespect resembling, rather, Near-Eastern and Egyptian chariots, and o.ne of themeven has a high, arching pole somewhat reminiscent of poles prevalent III th e NearEast in the 3rd millennium B.C. .Axle. On all extant Egyptian chariots (late 15th and rath cent.), the axle IS locateddirectly beneath the rear floor bar. In representations such as Egyptian w~ll paintingsand reliefs, the axles of Egyptian and Asiatic chariots are also sh?Wll III a rear, ornear-rear position-roughly up to the later 15th century B.C. (ftg. 43) and, :romthen on, in a fully rear one (figs. 41, 44-45). ~n centain smaller-s~ale representations,where the axle is shown as further forward, this may have been dictated-as beforeby the limitations of space or other factors (e.g. fig. 39).24

The somewhat anomalous two-wheelers buried at Lchaschen have been reconstructed with their axles in a central position.s"

Extant Egyptian axl es are form ed of single pieces of wood, roughly elliptical insection where they are fixed beneath the chariot box, and round where th ey passthrough the naves. The y vary in length from Lg8 m. to 2.36 m., in diameter at th eouter ends from 0.04 m. to 0.052 m., and they provide wide wheel bases of from1.54 m. to 1.80 m. Vertical slots near the axle en~s receive~ linch ~ins (q.v.) ofmetal, wood, or boiled leather, which are also somehmes seen III Egyptian repr esentations."Wheels. Detailed information about chariot wheels is again furnished by sur vivingspecimens. The wheels of one chariot found in Egypt had four spokes ~fig..42); allothers found there had six (figs. 46-47). These wheels, 0.88 m.-LO m. III diam eter,reveal a very sophisticated construction-particularly in the composition of spok es

2' Cf. Powell 1963, 158ff. Littauer 1977, z51: varying axle posi~ons a .o. on painted box ofTut'ankhamun (Yadin 1963, Z15) and on reliefs of battle at Kadesh iinfra n. 79).

26 Actual chariots from Shang and Western Chou burials in China (r ath cent.-771 B .C.)also had central axles, von Dewall 1964, pls. 5, 19, zo.

28 These dims. do not apply to hand-drawn chariot, supra nn. ~z and I?, no ",4. The :woodenlinch pins of Florence chariot (our fig. 4Z) are modern; representations of lmch pIllS, E llis 1966,4lff. with figs. 1-4Jand pI. VII:_Z-4.

. ;::: -:''...-:' ::'- .

.:


30 These wheels (ca I m. in diam.), like Egyptian ones, had two-piece felloes of heat-bentwood overlapping at the ends, and may also have carried rawhi~e tyre. N?te that wheels of twometal models from Lchaschen had eight-spoked wheels, a third had six-spoked ones, supran.16.

31 Cf. Hoffmeier 1976 (for Egypt). Six spokes are standard on reliefs of battle at Kadesh andon Assyrian "White Obelisk", where chariot floors have sometimes mistakenly been regarded asindicating 7th and 8th spoke, d. recently Hoffmeier, 44; von Soden 1975, 180£. (corrected byReade 1975, 150). .

32 Possibly because of difficulties posed by need to compress each half spoke into angle of45°. Royal chariots with eight spokes depicted on chariot box .of .TuthmOSlS IV. (supra: n. 17,no. 3; ills. of decoration, a.o. Yadin 1963, 192-193), where AStatIC enemy chanots still havefour-spoked wheels. Eight spoked-Wheeled also, Davies, de G. 1923, pl. XXIV (Theban t?mb90); presumably Smith, R. W. and Redford 1976, pl. 12 and cover ~Tell el Amarna relie~).

C£. Bruyere 1952, 40ff. with pIs. II-IV (chariots with four, six and eight spokes together mvery fragmentary battle scene). . .

33 Supra n. 10; also Littauer and Crouwel 19?7b, 100 Wlt~ pl. X: b. Ty'pe of whee~ unce~~am

in similar scene of bovid-drawn two-wheeler, driven by a deity, on Anatolian rock relief, Wafler1975 (Imamkulu). Cross-bar wheel on scarab inscribed with name of Tuthmosis III, Hayes,W. C. 1959, fig. 66: centre row,left._

> --';':.-",,>.

composite nave and spokes, which was resilient, its tightness and tension permittingas few as four or six spokes to carry a large wheel.

The 28-spoked wheels of the two-wheelers buried at Lchaschen were made in parton a different principle, with the spokes morticed into a barrel nave, a fact suggestingthe possibility of two different wheelwright traditions.s"

While figured documents from Egypt and the Near East suggest that four-spokedwheels predominated into the later 15th century B.C., after which six spokes became standard, they rarely show wheels with as many spokes as the eight or nineseen on some Syrian seals of the previous period (d. p. 54).31 Exceptions are a feweight-spoked wheels appearing in Egyptian scenes, chiefly of the later 15th centuryB.c., but these do not seem to have established themselves successfully at the time.32

The cross-bar wheel is clearly documented at this time in Anatolia by a sceneon a stamp cylinder.P The cross-bar wheels of the deity-driven, ox-drawn twowheeler contrast strikingly in this respect with the four-spoked wheels of thehuman driven, horse-drawn chariot (fig. 39).Draught pole. This seems to have been universally of one type, running all the wayback under the floor, describing a mild S-curve where it emerged in front of the chariotbody, and then running forward at an oblique angle to the yoke. Actual chariotsfound in Egypt show that these poles (which varied in length from 2.43 m. to 2.60m.) were heat-bent and were only lashed to the floor frame at the front, their rearends lying in horizontal U-shaped mortices between the axle and the rear floor bar.

34 Also on .Ashur sealings, supra n. 14. A more complicated system seen on ivory gaming boxfrom Eukomi (a.o. Vandenabeele 1977, pI. XXIV: 1-4; Orthrnann et al. 1975, pl. 472) whereuPFser of two braces, instead of n;nning out horizontally, drops to pole shortly ahead of first.

Western 1973, for Amenophis III wheel (our fig, 46: elm, tamarisk) and Tut'ankhamunwhee~s and ~ther chariot par~s (fo~ latter also Lucas 1942, 144; Lucas and Harris 1962, 436,454f.. elm, birch bark) ~nd discussion of sources. Woods of Florence chariot (our fig. 42) havebeen analysed several times, the results never completely agreeing, but elm and birch barkwere 1?rese.nt, Rossellini 1836, 265 ; Schuchardt 1912; Schafer 1931; Dittmann 1934; Botti 195 1,197 WIth fig. 2.

36 "Northern" theory, a.o. Lechler 1933; Wiesner 1939, 33; d. criticism, Clark 1941, 50ff.For sources of elm, Western 1973, 93; Lucas and Harris 1962, 436.


Cha.riot represe~tations consistently show breastwork braces/pole supportsdroppmg at an oblique angle from the top of the front railing, as already noted onsome Syrian seals (d. p. 55; fig. 33). These consisted of leather thongs or slenderwooden rods. When rigid, they provided a support for the breastwork and, of eithermaterial, reinforced the connection between pole and front floor frame and reducedthe stress of separation between the two parts. The chariot seen on Assyrian documents (fig. 41) illustrates not only this type of pole brace, but a second elementthat ac~s as a reinforcement for the pole. This is a wooden rod or a thong runningout honzontally from the top front rail of the chariot to the pole end.34

Elm, tamarisk and birch (bark) and, with less certainty, other woods, have beenidentified in the construction of various parts of chariots found in Egypt.35 Thefact. that neither elm nor bi~ch are native to Egypt has sometimes led to the suggestion that the type of chanot used by Egypt and her enemies did not originate inthe Near East but further north-s-even north of the Caucasus, and that the use ofbark from a tree found no further south than southern Armenia even indicated theroute by which the "invaders" who brought the chariot came. Elm, however,~ows in n?rthern Palestine and Anatolia and birch bark (the waterproofing properties of which must have been early recognized) is light and easily transportabls.esA development nearer to the centres of power and military activity in the NearEast may be postulated for the war chariot. And indeed, what material evidence wehave from Transcaucasia does not point to that area. Although the proportions ofthe two-wheelers buried at Lchaschen in the later znd mill. B.C. are, in manyrespects, similar to those of chariots from Egypt and (apparently) the Levant, theLchaschen ones are not only much less sophisticated in their use of bent wood toachieve lightness and strength in box and wheels but-at least as reconstructedwould be impractical as fighting vehicles.


31 Herre and R ohrs 1958 . 63££.; height corrected by Boessneck 1970• 47· F ind context~. Bittel

1958.38 Chard 1937' recently studied by Boessn eck 1970.3a Ducos 197 1: Yoke height derived by us from Florence chariot and from reassembled ones

of Tut'ankhamun. . d J/K) BI• 0 Bo essneck and von d en Driesch 1975 . 27, 29ff. WIth table 4 (levels I/J an . egen

1953 10 ' also Gejvall 1946 (Troy VI and VII) . . .u 'Y' T C Jr 1969 19f.· also personal communication . Date of three t ombs at Marlik m

oung, . .' , • . N hb 6 f . 196 - 310N WIn each with horse t eeth and bit (no . ill) uncertain, ega an ~ 9 4. 14 . • :>' . 'P~ndi'ngr~i~al publication, the Marlik cemetery seem s to b elong primanly to later ~nd mill .•with som e continuity into early rst mill ., d . Negahban 1965, 326; 1977, esp. 102 . Moorey1971a• 23f.; also oral communica t ions Moorey and van Loon .

HorseThe sources indicate that chariot teams , were composed almost exclusively of

horses. Valuable osteological information comes from Anatolia a~d Egypt. T~eins (skull and leg bones) of an adult male buried at Osrnankayasi near Bogazkoy

remai hi h . h tin central Anatolia yield a withers height of 1.40 m·-1.45 m., w c IS ~omew asmaller than the horse of similar type from Buhen in Nub.ia (d. p. 56~ estimated tostand 1.50 m.37 It compares closely in size and type With the earb.er hors.e from

O k . (cf P 56) and with another horse from Egypt, buned beSIde thesman ayasl . . . .Theban tomb of Senmut, an official of the earlier 15th centu.ry B.c., WhICh mayhave been a riding animal, since a saddle cloth was found on ItS back (d. p. 97)·This was identified as a 5/6-year-old mare or gelding." An incomplete skeleton of aro-year-old male buried in an rSth-Dynasty necr~polis at .Soleb in Upper Egyptstood 1.34 m.-1.38 m., and its size agrees better With the SIze calculated from theyoke heights of extant Egyptian chariots, i .e. ca 1.35 m.39

These animals, as well as those identified among settlement refuse from Korucu-tepe in eastern Anatolia, all fall within the "large pony" or small"ho.rse r~?ge oftoday, and the majority have been attributed to the sam e so-called onental type.The same type of horse has been identified among settlement refu.se from. Troy VIand VII, thus suggesting the prevalence of such a type over quite a Widespread

area during the znd millennium B.C.40. '

Unfortunately little is known about the horse skeleton buned at Godin Tepeand the horse re~ains recovered from the cemetery at .Marlik, in :vest-cent:al an~northwest Iran respectively, as they either did not survive or remain unpublished.

82 LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

DRAUGHT ANIMALS


Most of the relatively few representations of equids from the Near East itself atthis time depict horses.P

Since we know from contemporary texts and figured documents that Egyptobtained horses from southwest Asia, we are justified in using the many detailedprofile views of horses in Egyptian art to form a picture of these horses.v Indeed, agood number of those depicted are either being brought from the north as tributeor gifts or are seen pulling the chariots of Asiatic enemies. The animals-foreignand Egyptian alike-are characterized by small, fine heads that are carried high,by little or no withers, very little depth of girth, long bodies, slender legs, a hightail carriage and (probably) a fine, smooth coat. They are clearly the products ofslective breeding intended to produce elegant as well as useful-for-the-purposeanimals. Whether Egyptian or Asiatic, they often appear distinctly small by modernstandards, and this is supported by the size calculated from osteological remainsand from the extant chariots (d. p. 82). Egyptian representations show Egyptianhorses as well as tho se of their Asiatic enemies with roached manes (q.v.). An Assyrian fragm entary representation of this period, however, shows horses with pulledmanes (q.V.) .44 Some of the more detailed Egyptian reliefs show Egyptian horseswith slit nostrils (d. p. 000).

Horses are frequ ently mentioned in cuneiform tablets from many parts of theNear East and from Amarna in Egypt.v These documents, whether explicitly orimplicitly, often refer to horses-denoted by the same terms as in the previousperiod-(d. p. 58£.) as chariot animals. While riding is-if only rarely-suggested(d. p. 96), the use of horses to pull goods vehicles or for pack is never mentioned.Horses were evidently too valuable and too prestigious for these purposes. This isillustrated, for instance, by the good wishes for their welfar e expressed in royalletters directly after references to the royal family.v' Selective breeding is indicatedby lists of horses according to their sires. There are texts on horse husbandry andsome, from Ugarit, on veterinary care." Surviving manuals from the Hittite capitalat Bogazkoy and from Ashur are of great importance. Those from the former site

42 Unharnessed horses were popular in Middle Assyrian glyptics, a.o. Parker 1977, nos . 4and 41 (Rimaah) .

.3 Cf. Clutton-Brock 1974, 97 for some discussion of pictorial as well as osteological material.44 Stone lid, supra n. 14..5 E sp. Salonen 1956 . For Hittite Empire t exts. Kammenhuber 1961, 29ff.48 Cf. a .o. Kammenhuber 1961, 8 with n . 15 (Tell el Amarna and Hittite letters) ..1 A.o. Balkan 1954. I Iff. (Kassite texts from Nippur), 33f. (Nuzi texts); Wiseman 1953. 94f.

(texts 329-331 from Alalakh); Gordon 1942 (Ugarit).

52 .Cf. James 1974, 34, fi~. I (Carter's drawing of yoke and yoke saddles of Tut'ankhamunchanot 333. here. shown upside down). Yoke saddles in earlier ills . of Florence chariot (our j ig.42) attached upside down.

:: For~unc~o~ofyokebraces,Spruytte 1977, 25 with n . 3; Littauer 1977, 254 with pls. 18, 19.65 P~SSIbl~ finials of yoke and yoke saddles from Palestine, James 1974; 1978.

DISCUSSIOn of yoke saddles and saddle pads, Littauer 1968 ; Spruytte 1977. 28ff .• 41 withesp. pl. 6: 10.

6S Experiments by Spruytte 1977, 18, 41; discussion, Littauer 1968a. 29f . with pl . V: a-b.

was .set on the pole near the latter's end and held in place by lashings and perhaps avertical yoke peg.52

Scenes of unharnessed chariots, Egyptian and Asiatic (fig. 43) show yoke braces.These two leather thongs, branching out from the pole midway, or more or less,be~wee? box and yoke, ran to either arm of the yoke, to prevent the yoke fromswivelling on the pole, thus helping to keep the animals in step, as well as distributing the areas of tractive stress on both yoke and pole.P

The use of yoke saddles, post.ulated for the previous period, is now materiallydo~umented, as well as dearly illustrated on Egyptian walls (figs. 43-44). Theseobjects have roughly the form of an inverted letter Y. The "stems" of the Y's arelashed at the front of each yoke arm, and the "legs" lie along the horse's shoulders.This "s~em" is not so tall as those assumed for the chariots of the earlier period (d.p. 6? ;fzgs. 31, 35) and terminates in a reel-shaped finial. Surviving finials are ofcalcite, as are some of the differently shaped finials that decorated the yoke ends. 54

The yoke saddles were kept in place on the horse by means of a crescentic band thatlay acr~ss the front of the horse's neck and joined the ends of the two "legs ." Saddlepads WIth rectangular or rounded ends protected the neck from bruising and chafing(figs. 44-45).

The saddles were a means of adapting the yoke (primarily designed for bovineanatomy, where the animal's withers rise prominently behind it) to equine ana-t 55 Equid .amy. qui s-e-particularly asses and mules and many small horses-have relati-vely. low withers unsuited to pushing against a yoke, and the higher head and neckcarnage of the horse, especially when excited, would tend to throw the yoke back.The yoke-saddle legs, by lying along the animal's shoulders, transferred at leastpart of the pressure to this area, where the modern horse collar puts it. The chiefd~fect of the saddle when compared to the modern collar was the fact that the pullstill came from the top, which could tend to raise the neck band to an uncomfortably high position, while the lower pull on either side of the modern collar keepsit down in position.

85LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

48 Kikkuli text partially published by Hrozny (1931), completely by Potratz (1938) andKammenhuber (1961). For purely Hittite training text, Kammenhuber. esp. 47ff. . 263ff. (d.186f. with n. 40b for single direct ref. to GISGIGIR in these texts). Important discussions, ~lsoSommer 1939 ; Guterbock 1964b; Kuhne. C. 1973 , II5ff; Kovalevskaya 1977. 51ff. Assynantext. Ebeling 1951; d . Kammenhuber, a .o. 35, 37f.

49 Cf. request of H ittite king Hattusilis III to Kadasman Enlil II of Babylon for youngstallions, to replace those sent by the latter's father which had become decrepit, esp ".Sommer1939, 625ff.; Herre and Rohrs 1958. 61; Kammenhuber 1961, 37f.; transl ., Oppenheim 1967,

text 84·60 Cf. Herre and Rohrs 1958, 64ff. (ass skeletons from Osmankayasi; for earlier ass burialsthere, supra p. 57; Boessneck and von den Driesch 1975. 27. 35ff. (ass and mules bones atKorucutepe); AI-Khalesi 1977. 14 with fig. 1I (hemione skeleton from sounding pit at TellFakhtar in E. Mesopotamia. possibly of this period) .

51 Wreszinski 1923, pls. 192 (Theban tomb 57; Khaemhet), 424 (unnumbered tomb; Porterand Moss 1960, 465. n. I)' d. pls . 158, 160 (Nubian princess in bullock-drawn chariot, tomb40; Huy). There is Hittite textual evidence for mules. possibly also mule and horse together,

pulling royal vehicles, Otten 1958, 138f.

HARNESSING

Information is again furnished primarily by actual chariots and representations

from Egypt.The slender two-horse yoke, with depressed center and sharply recurved ends,

Other animalsAlthough there is osteological and other evidence for other equids-ass, mule

and hemione-there is little that points to their use as chariot teams.50 Exceptionsare two Egyptian representations of mule-drawn chariots-both in civilian con-

texts.PMules, as well as bovids are shown drawing both the chariot-like baggage carts of

the Egyptians and the commissary wagons of the Hittites and their allies at the

battle of Kadesh (d. p. 73£.)·

include the famous Kikkuli text of the 14th century B.C. as well as a more fragmentary purely Hittite text; that from the latter-a Middle-Assyrian text-describes similar procedures.48 The type of conditioning described is for endurancerather than speed, and implies use with the war chariot. The movement of horsesover a wide area at this time, whether as royal gifts, loot, or in exchange, may beresponsible for the similarities noted in the osteological as well as the representational

material." .

67 Yadin (Sukenik) 1948; 1963 . 88f. ; Rainey 1965. 22. Possible t eams of thre~ also i,~ te~ts

of earlier znd mill., supra p . 60, n . 55 . Note occasional six rather than four rerns on WhiteObelisk", infra p. 113· . 8

68 Salonen 1956, IISf!. ; for Hittite texts, Kammenhuber 1961, 155. n. e ; BIttel 1975. 30 , n. 21.

We now also have evidence of a backing element (figs. 4I, 44-45). This is a strap,attached to the lower end of the outer leg of the yoke saddle and runni~g u~der theb 11 ith r to the lower end of the inner yoke-saddle leg or to the pole Just m front

e y, ei e if th . al b k dof the yoke, where there is a small hole. Without such a strap, I. e arum s ac . e ,there would be no way of transmitting the backing to the vehicle, t~e team m~ght

back partly or all the way out of their yoke saddles and neck s~ra~s (since the thic~

ness of an equid's neck diminishes towards the head) and their hind legs would hitthe chariot. A backing strap that ran from yoke-saddle end to yoke-saddl: end

uld prevent the team from backing out of its harness and would transmit thewo ent backward via the saddles and yok es to the pole. A backing strap thatmovem ff ti . k . thran from the outer saddle legs to the pole end would be as e ec rve ill eepI?g e

. al . their harness and would transmit the backward movement more directlyammsm . There iand efficiently to the pole, as has been established by practical expenment. ere ISno proof that the latter method was that actually ~mployed, but the fac~ thatthere is a difference in shape and angle between the mn er and outer holes in thesaddle legs may be due to the fact that one of them gave passage to only one stra~,

the other to two. Since the saddle legs run obliquely forward along the horse sshoulders, the strap, which runs from their ends back and down under the belty.would, were it tight, cut the horse under the elbows. Egyptian representationsindeed often show it as very slack.56 .

Chariot t eams normally consist of two animals. In certain texts, teams of threemay be implied, the third horse being presumably a reserve animal. 57

CONTROL

Horses were controlled by a bridle, composed of reins (q.v.): a bit (q.v.) 0: acavesson (q.v.) and a headstall (q.v.). Cheekstraps (q.v.) depicted on Egyptianmonuments are shown as dividing at the horse's temple into two or-less frequently-three strands to hold the bit or cavesson. Th ere might also be a browband (q.v.)and (seemingly rarely) a throatlash (q.v.). . .Bits. Bits are depicted in Egyptian representations, where they may be recogmz.edby their long flat cheekpieces that appear to be set into the noseband, t~~y are mentioned in certain texts,58 and are most reliably documented by actual survlVmg examples.


7

Surviving complete bits from various parts of the Near East as well as Egypt andTranscaucasia are of bronze, although antler or bone cheekpieces that must originally have had organic mouthpieces also Occur in Anatolia. None of these withcertainty antedate the middle of the millennium.se

While the bits are, all of them, variations of the snaffle (q.v.), they may be classified according to the specific action primarily of their mouthpieces, but also oftheir mouthpieces in conjunction with the cheekpieces (q.V.).60r. Bits with bar canon (q.v.) and discoid cheekpieces. Documented in the Levant(fig. 48), eastern Anatolia and Egypt, these have a single canon, the ends of whichpass through holes in the centres of the cheekpieces and which t erminate in loops(som etimes in the form of clenched fists) or knobs for the attachment of reins,either directly or by means of wire IOOpS.61 The cheekpieces are discoid, usually ofpierced design, sometimes resembling a spoked wheel. They were held in place bycheekstraps fastened to a metal loop or loops on or near their edges or around the"felloe" (q.v .) of the " wheels." This is a relatively mild bit, but the severity of itsdirectional control could be (and often was) increased by the leverage of a very longcanon (corresponding somewhat to that of today 's "run-out bit") or by studs onthe inner faces of the cheekpiec es (corresponding to today's "bit burr").2. Bits with smooth, jointed canons (q.v.) and discoid cheekpieces. Documented onlyin Transcaucasia, these have two canons linked in the middle, the ends of whichpass through holes in the centres of discoid cheekpieces of pierced design.62 Th ecanon ends are pierced or have D-shaped terminals to take a rein attachment. Thecanons are relatively short, the cheekpieces lack studs, and the discoid form is lesseffective in combination with the jointed canons than the long, flat che ekpi eces (d.below). Both braking and directional control effect ed by these bits is relatively mild.

58 Bits from Tell el Ajjul (an cient Gaza) have often been dated as early as 17th cent ., cf.recently Pi ggott 1974. 18. However , what is known of their find contexts need not point to adate prior to ryth cent., Stewart 1974, 58; Moorey 1971a, 108 (also letter May 8, 1978). W ear ontooth of -earlier- Buhen horse has been interpreted as possibly due to a bit, supra p . 56 . Probable metal chee kpieces from Ciscau casi a of later 3rd mill . are unique and unrelated to earliestmetal bits from Near East and were used with "soft", not metal, mouthpieces, supra p . 61.

80 Most of material collecte d by Potratz 1941-44 and 1966. Important additions fromeastern Anatolia. Bittel 1975.

61 P otratz 1966, figs . 46: a (Ugarit) and b (Tell el Ajjul; our fig. 48), pl . II5 (Tell el Amarna).Add Petrie 1933, 10 with pls . XVII, XXV: 221 (pair of cheekpieces, Tell el Ajjul); Bittel1975. 303f. , type B. A very few "Luristan" bits may date to later znd rather than to earlier rstmill ., Moorey 1971a. s .v, nos. IIO-II 1; Potratz 1966, pls . II 8, II9.

62 From several sites. including Lchasch en tombs with ve hicles, Potratz 1966, fig . 46 : d-f ;Martirosijan 1969. pl. IX: 1-5 ; Piggott 1974 . 18 with pI. V : b (Lchaschen).

~~ . ..-

.~

!;If

JJ



67 For what follows, Littauer 1969a , 291ff. with pI. XLI: b (Tell el Amarna relief, showingslit nostrils, for which see also Littauer Ig6gb); also Anderson 1961, 45, 4

8.

68 Supra n. 17, no . 3; ills ., Yadin 1963,192-193. For reining of bigae, Spruytte 1977, 19ff., 41.


as early as the 4th millennium (material from Russia, d. p. 25). It seems verylikely that these inspired the all-metal bits that first appeared in the Near Eastin the 15th century B.C.

Ancient cheekpieces were essentially toggles to keep the canons from slippingtoo far through the mouth when a single rein was pulled. At the same time, theyalso served the important function of enforcing directional control. When a singlerein was pulled, the opposite canon end pressed the far cheekpiece against the horse'sjaw on that side. This effect might be (and often was) reinforced by the presence ofstUds-sometimes quite sharp-on the inner faces of the cheekpieces, as notedabove.

Some Egyptian representations suggest that the cheekpieces of bits were incorporated into the noseband, while others may point to the use of bitless bridles, orcavessons (q.v.) 67. In the latter case, the reins would have been attached to eitherside of the noseband. For such a bridle to have optimum effect, the noseband shouldbe placed low enough to press on the soft and sensitive tissues below the ends ofthe nasal bones, and this is indeed where we most frequently see it at this period.The position, in fact, corresponds to that of the strap muzzles shown with equiddraught in the 3rd millennium, and may have ultimately derived from them (cf.p. 3

1) . Such a cavesson-particularly if the noseband is rigid and/or reinforced by

studs on the under surface, has considerable braking effect but, when stronglyapplied, interferes with the animal's breathing (the slit nostrils shown on someEgyptian reliefs may well indicate futile attempts ro remedy this defect). Its directional control is also weak. That it was eventually generally replaced by the bit isunderstandable.

Reins (q.v.). These were attached either to the canon ends (directly, or indirectlyby means of wire loops) or to th e noseband, and were carried back through leatherloops or terrets (q.v.) on the horse's shoulders near the yoke-saddle ends. This notonly helped to keep slack reins from dangling, but may have had a certain pulleyeffect, since it broke the straight line of action to the driver's hands-and in hisfavour. Few representations are explicit enough to indicate the disposition of thereins. The decoration on the chariot box of Tutmosis IV is a notable exception. 68

Here the four reins clearly cross before being tied around the pharaoh's hips-bothright reins going to one side, both left reins going to the other. For efficient direc-

"~. '

'I

II,.'..

~. :

88

, in throu h one of the piercings in the disk.They were attached ~~ a cheekstrap p;~ g flat cZekpieces. Documented in western3 Bits with smooth, jointed canons an g, J' link d in the middle.s"

. d E t these have two canons eAnatolia, the Levant an gyp .eh 11 ed holes in the centres of the cheekpiecesThe ends of the canons pass throu

gk

ct10 ar. attachments The studded cheekpiecesh d t .nals to ta e Ie rem . . .

and have D-s ape errm . b divided cheekstrap. The mouthpiece IShave slots at either end for suspension y a fbI) .

milder, b~t t~e .action i: essentially t~el::mf::tt~:~~~~~.4go~U:~:t~d in eastern4· Bits wtth [oinied unre canons a~ g d resumably also in Assyria, these haveAnatolia, the Levant and Egypt (ff

tg. ~9),. atn lPckI'ng in the middle and returning on

d f t strands 0 wire m er 0canons compose 0 wo oilared holes in the centres of the cheekpieces.ss Thethemselves to pass through c d t . als to take the rein attachments; on

1 h ve D-shape ermm .bettermade . ex~mp ~s a . a 100 for this purpose. The majority of cheekpiecesothers the WIre Itself IS r~lled mt~ and :100 on the upper edge at the centre to take ahave an aperture near either en t bp tudded on their inner faces. The canonstriple cheekstrap. They may or ~ay no he Sth r the edge of the wire is sharp or not.

. re depending on weeare milder or more seve 1 rt d by the canon ends presses the longWhen both reins are pulled the everage. exe e . ff t

. h 1 .awbones m a nutcracker e ec .cheekpieces agamst t. e ower.J t d nl in Anatolia (fig. 50), no earlier. . ad ,I' '(lame materials. Documen e 0 y5· Bits m e OJ orb th . of rope thong sinew or gut, and alsothan 1450 B.C., ~hese had soft ~ou p~~~~ taperin~ towa:ds one end.65 They werecrescentic cheekpIec~s.of antler k~~;aorand ;he mouthpiece ends passed through orsuspended from a divided c~ee e cheek ieces at right angles to the holes for thewere attached to apertures m t~ ild P uld have been similar to that of typescheekstraps. The act~on, alt~o~gh m b e:~ :~orded from central and eastern Europe3 an d 4·

Bitsof orgaruc matena sdav~ e . B C and after 66 but also, it is claimed,as well, dating not only to the zn m enruum . . ,

. '. t) Petrie et aI. 195z, 15, z8 with pI. XVII:63 Potratz 1966, pI. 110 (Miletus), fig . 45. f . (Egyp .

z09-ZIO (Tell el Ajjul). 66 fi 5' e [Gezer ; d . fig . 45 : c-d from Tell elu Bittel 1975, 3

02f., type. AI~z; Pot;:t~ )19pls' I!; ~~r f ig. 49; Tell el Amarna), 108 (Egypt) ,

Ajjul, where type of mouthpiece ISuncebl am , to these other bits suggests dating in later zndpossibly also 106 (Ashu~; close resem ance .

rather than earlier 1St mil!.). . f i I 0 Mozolics 1960, 127ff . with fig. I , paIr from65 Foltiny 19

67,16ff. WIth fig. 5 (ou~ ~g. 5~~ ~th fig. 6 (fragms.; Alaca Hiiyiik); Boehmer

Beycesultan, level III, ~a 1450-1300

. B' .J, k" B " iikkale level IVb); von der Osten 1937,1972, nos. 2114-2II6 (parr and fr~gn:" ogaz oy, uyu ,

243 with fig . 272:

d 1580 (f:agm., AhS~~\ti 67 22ff.' Kozin 1970; Littauer and Crouwel66 Cf. Mozolics 1960; Smirnov 1961, 0 ny 19, ,

1973d (discoid exs.); also supra p. 70, n. 92 .

Chariot use

Military Figured and textual documents-particularly those of the 15th centuryB.c. and later-from both our primary area and Egypt, point to the active roleof chariots (in addition to infantry) in warfare in the Near East. The vehicles be-

89 Supra n. 61.70 Frequently shown in Egypt from time of Tell el Amarna reliefs onwards, a. o. Littauer

1969a, pI. XLI : b; Yadin 1963, 214-217 (painted box of Tut'ankhamun} , 231 (horses below).Also seen on Assyri an ston e lid and Enkomi gaming box, supra nn. 14, 34. Blinkers perhapsalready in Mari t ext of ea rlier znd mill., a.o . Sasson 1969, 32. Actual exs., Carter 1927, 60, 63with pI. XLIII : A (tomb of Tut'ankhamun ; those of scale design, object nos. 122 : j-k, notillustrated); possibly als o Daressy 1902, nos. 24124-27, 24144 (tomb of Amenophis II).

71 Bandi 1973. 46ff. (55 with fig . 16 : ex. from Alaca Hiiyiik). Autopsy of several exs. inBudapest (courtesy of J. Stanczik) shows that areas of wear on these obj ects do not confirmtheir role as strapdividers.


come increasingly effective, combining a hi h de e . . .The strong and light construction of both ~ ~ e of mobility WIth fire power.

base, and the rear or near rear axle all t ibi an spoked wheels, the wide wheelCont.rol-both braking and directi;nal--:~:t~t~~to the m~bility of the chariot.chanots were now put to was . db ' portance III the strenuous usemet~l ones with studded ~heek~:~:~~e y the Illtroduction of bits, particularly of

FIrepower, as before, was primarily su lied b 72

now attached to the outside of the h ~Pt b Y th~ ~ow, bowcases and quiversc ano ox providing th h .

arms, and the location of th e axl e off' hi e arc er WIth reserveto shoot, while at the same tim ducins rm a more stable platform from whichturns (fig s. 41, 43-44). e re UCIllg the effects of centrifugal force on fast

Besides the bow, offensive weapons .for thrusting-fixed near the rear of th:~~O\:also l~~lude a s.ingle sp:ar-probablyfrom the time of Seti I onw d . (f: g: 41).. EgyptIan chariots, however,

ar s, carry pairs of Javelin xili~he thrusting spear appears to have been the . s as au ary arm~ (fig. 44).

their Anatolian and Levantine alii t th b main weapon of the Hittites andes a e attle of K d h ( thII), as there is no indication of q . b a es 5 year of Ramesses

. mvers or owcases on thei hari (fi'chanots are also exceptional in that th err c anots zg. 45). Thes emore usually seen two-man crew' a h .eYldcbarrya comp!ement of three instead of the

. . s ie earer standing b id th dri .WIth the spearman behind them.t- eSI e ever III front,

. Sn:all shields of. varying shape, but always with a sin le han .ned III the EgyptIan chariots hi h h g d gnp, are seen car-

. , w c ave a two-man cr f d .and also III some Asiatic chariots Th E . . . ew 0 river and archer,and some other battles is seen h ld ~ gyptian shi eld III the chariots at Kadeshinto battle but, during the actua7fi ~f. III t~~ hand of the inactive archer advancingteer (fig . 44). Th e latter th en wi& ~~g, I hIS transferred to the hand of the charioreins, which are ti ed around the arch I~ ~ er hand, a?pears ~erely to guide the

er s ps , and against which the archer leans.

72. Cf. actual. composite bows of this time f Edepi cted at Mari in ea rlier 3rd mill Y di rom. i5Y?t, McLeod 1970. Su ch a bo w already

73 Spear, also seen on Ashur sea li a III 1972, WIth fig. I and pl . 17.and Megiddo ivory (Loud 1939 no )'gs (s~tpra ~. 14), a Kassite or Elamite seal (supra n 10)

U Ramesses II's accession d~te I'S'2st"llcam

es on.m to ea rlier rst mill., infra p . 128. "6 6 . h I uncertam cf rec tl B' b'197 . WIt n. I. Single spear (not two to f .' i. en y ier ner 1975, 109££. ; Brinkman

147f. with nn, 24-25 ) clearly marked b . . ~ur jave ins as often stated, d . a.o. Littauer 19728 8 6 Y m ClSlOn on sev eral li f W . . ,3- 4, 9 -96a , 100-101 169 170' cf R . re e s, reszmskI1935 pls 20-21a. t f ' " . amey 1965 22 ("I " . ".III ext rom Ugari t) . Three-m an crew at K ad h ' nfa?ce CIted among chario t equipment1963 , 90 with n. 112 . es IS co mned by Egyptian texts, Schulman

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C .90

~ridle accessories

Blinkers (q.v.) are oft en represented in Egypt with Egyptian and Asiatic chariots,and also shown on figured documents from elsewhere, including Assyria and Cyprus.In addition, Egyptian tombs have produced several actual blinkers of thin wood,covered with gesso and gold leaf. The decoration of some of these imitates scalearmour and, indeed, it is probable that blinkers were originally devised to protectthe horse's eyes. A second function may have been to help prevent stallions harnessed together from bickering with each other or with those of other teams runningabreast of them;"

Other bridle accessories include a possible strap divider of bone from centralAnatolia, with European parallels." and the "brow cushion" and poll decorationillustrated on the "White Obelisk" (d. p . 126f. ; fig. 41).

tional control, a similar disposition would be desirable also when they went to thedriver's hands.

Possible exceptions to four-rein control are suggested by five extant bits of typeI, one from Ras Shamra (Ugarit), two from eastern Anatolia, and a pair from Tellel Amarna.P On these, the two canon ends differ, one end terminating in a loop andthe other in a flattish knob. A possible explanation for this would be that the innercanon ends that faced each other were joined by rods or straps-a practice documented in 7th-6th century B.C. Cyprus (d. p. 125;fig. 59). This halves the numberof reins and may help to keep the animals in step. .


moving chariot since. apart from the difficulty of taking aim, there would havebeen no time to withdraw it once it had struck home, and the user would have losthis weapon. Thus, if the thrusting spear was the only weapon, as seems to have beenthe case with the chariotry of the Hittites and their allies at the battle of Kadesh,the vehicles would seem to have been used rather as transports for spearmen thanas firing platforms, although unfortunately neither the texts nor the illustrationsmake their role clear.79 .

The battle of Kadesh on the Orontes, between Ramesses II and the Hittite king,Muwatallish, and his various allies, is of great interest to the history of chariotry.It is the only battle of this time in which the tactical handling of chariots is documented in some detail, thanks to Egyptian texts and reliefs, despite the fact thatthese present only the Egyptian side and are biassed.P" At Kadesh, Muwatallishlaunched a large chariot force, said to number 2500, across a river ford in a directattack on an Egyptian division made up of infantry and chariotry. The attack,however, was not against a well-prepared enemy, drawn up in battle order, butagainst the unprotected flank of an enemy on th e march, who was taken completelyby surprise. Later in the battle, the same Hittite chariots, having broken throughth e Egyptian division and pursued its remnants into their camp, proved helplesseven when reinforced by an additional 1000 chariots-against a counterattacking,freshly arrived Egyptian chariotry. The reason for this failure, to judge from thevivid scenes on temple walls, seems to have been th e difference in armament (i.e.the Hittite thrusting spear vs. the Egyptian bow), with the Egyptian chariotry,drawn up in battle order, forcing the advancing Hittite one to an abrupt halt withvolleys of arrows, and driving them back into the Orontes river.

Several questions remain unanswered, such as why the Hittite infantry-saidto comprise 37.000 men 81-was not brought into battle, why their chariotry didnot use th e bow, in what manner it crossed the Orontes before attacking and exactlyhow it manoeuvered, which would have required not only extensive open ground.but also considerable skill, in view of the large numbers.

79 For use of spear, Littau er 1972, q 8f. Cf. Yadin 1963. 109, 250 for possibl e use of threeman chariots as transports of infantry sp earmen in Hittite and Philistine armies. the firstillustrated in battle at Kadesh , the latter in Ramesses Ill's battle against Sea Peoples (Yadin1963 . 336-337) .

80 Texts, esp. Kuentz 1928; Gardiner 1960 . Representations, Wreszinski 1935. pls . 16-25(Abydos), 63-64. 81-89 (Luxor). 69-70 (Karnak) . 92-106 (Ramesseum) , 169-178 (Abu Simbel).Re cent discussions of battle. esp . Yeivin 1953; Faulkner 1958; Yadin 1963, I03ff.; Helck1971. 194ff.

81 Gardiner 1960, 41f. (18,000 and 19,000 men); these numbers accepted by Helck 1971, 205 .

92

Thus, both crew members are able to use the reins to prevent them from falling outof the rear of the backless chariot.75

The purpose of these shields seems to have been to protect the face, since helmetswere apparently not regularly worn in chariots and, when they were, were open-

visaged.i"Besides shields and helmets, chariot crews might be protected by long corselets of

leather or metal scales. Such armour is well documented in the Near East and Egypt,not only in texts and representations, but also by surviving meta~ scal.es: .

Similar sources incidate that horse trappers and even chanot SIdings might bearmoured with scales." Horses might also wear head protection, including blinkers,although the latter appear to have been worn also in non-mili~ary con:e.xts. .

Although concern for protection indicates that the chanots antlCI~ated commgwithin reach of enemy fire, they remained too vulnerable and too fragile to be usedin the manner of modem tanks, i.e. as a shock force against a well-prepared, un-

broken enemy line.How then would these vehicles, which were limited in their field of action to

reasonably level and open terrain, have been used in warfare? \Vherev~r they. carried the bow as did several of the Near-Eastern and all of the Egyptlan militarychariots illustrated, they must have been essent ially elevated mobile firing .platforms, playing a fast, flanking and pursuing role, provided the terrain ,:as smta~leand allowed sufficient space in which to manoeuvre.I" Where the chanots carriedboth bow and thrusting spear, the latter would have been held in readiness shouldit be necessary to fight either from a standing vehicle or dismounted. Indeed sucha spear-in contrast to javelins-would have been impossible to use from a fast-

76 Littauer 1972, 146f. with nn . 13-14 . Egyptian texts also su ggest that ch~ote:r .and shi eldbearer could be the same person, Schulman 1963, 88f.; 1964. 67f. A defect of this reinmg .s~stemis that it was bound ultimately to harden the horses' mouths a nd make the~ less sensltt:re tocontrol. Asiatic two-man chariots with shield shown on cha riot box of Tuthrnosis IV and paintedbox of Tut'ankhamun, supra nn. 68. 70 .

76 Helmets worn by Asiatics on chariot box of Tuthmosis IV.77 Scales in texts, esp . Speiser 1950. 47ff.; Oppenheim 1950• 191ff.; Salonen 1951, ~30f.

(chariot box) ; 1956. 139££.; Salonen E . 1965. 100ff . Scales shown on chariot box of Tuthmosis IV(with chariot boxes, crew and horses) , on Enkomi gaming box (with crew and horses', swpran 34) and apparently also on Kadesh reliefs (with crew and horses; only traces of paint aren~w l~ft, Wreszinski 1935, a .o. pIs. 100-101 , 169-17°) . F or . actual scales, esp. Boehmer 1972;Karageorghis and Masson 1975. Discussion and ills .. also Yadin 1,963. 8{f ., I9~f.

78 So also Powell 1963. 159. 165f.; Schulman 1963. 85f. WIth n . 69; Littauer 1972• 148f..

I.nf. "Shock force" interpretation has been repeated time and time again, d. a .o. Goetze 1963,

125 ; Macqueen 1975, 98f.

/~.

c .!

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. 93

.~.

8Z Wilson in ANET 237 (Megiddo). 246, 247 . Hittite texts some t imes refer to sizeable numbersof chariots in armies of Anatolian peoples. H elck 1971• 205 Cloo of Azzi-Hayasa) ; von Schuler

1965, 73 (800 of Kaska).83 Ugari t t ext, Nougayrol 1968. 69ff. (RS 20 .33); Rainey 1972. Importance of chariotry well

illustrated by Tell el Amarna letters mentioning urgent requests by Levantine vass al states forspecified numbers of them (running into tens) as well as inf antry, d. Schulman 19

63.83 with

nn. 45-47. Standard expression for Near Eastern and Egyptian armies of this time was simply" infa ntry and chariotry" , cf. Kammenhuber 1961 , 33 with n . 131; Schulman 1963. 84£'; Rainey

1965. 17·84 This raises matter of maryannu, an important class at this time in various Near E asternkingdoms, frequently but not always associated with chariots, d . esp. O'Callaghan 195

0;Rainey

1965. 19; de Vaux 1967, 485. 488; Di etrich and Loretz 1969; H elck 1971, 481ff.; Reviv 1972

.Indo-European origin of word has re cently been questioned , d. Kammenhuber 1968. 222f.;Diakonov 1972• I 14f. with n . 91; cautiously. Mayerhofer 1974, 16 with n . 24·

85 Training and hippiatric texts. supra nn. 47-48 . Organization, esp . Salon en 1956

; alsoRainey 1965. 17ff. (Ugarit) . Egyptian texts, esp . von Deines 1953, 6££.; Schulman 19

63and

1964;

D ecker 1971. 127ff. Important are also Egyptian reliefs of army camp at Kadesh (con veniently. Yadin 1963 . 107-109). Remains of actual stables are claimed to have been identified ,but this interpretation is som etimes open to question, cf . Schaeffer 1938, 313ff. (Ugarit) ;Lloyd 1972, 15f£. (Beycesultan) ; P endlebury et al . 1951, 132££. (Tell el Amarna).

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. 95

teer-a much more practical arrangement althou b exneri 'a harness team can be controlled by reins ;ied aro~ expe~me~t has proven thatdegree-particularly in guiding th . al B d the hips, If only to a limited

e amm s. ut even with t dricould devote his entire attention to the team h ti f a separ~ e nver, whobeen possible only on chosen level terrain .' un mg r?n: a chanot would have

~:~hP~~~:~l;h::::\:~~;t~~~::~,:~::o1~~;E;~~:~.:n:r:;:;~;::~~:;;.;~;lin:e;~~~::~:~~~~~;n~~~s:~;:r:)u~;~~ :~~i.~;e~h~~pt~·e~r~~ab~y:h;riots, .fo.r travel-the tomb of Tut'ankhamun in E t' . c ano s surviving fromlooked lik e.88 Hittite texts refer t~ffgIvetuts some l~:a of. what royal vehicles

1 . eren ypes of chanots" sometimes a

~~~~:~e;':h ~e;~:r;:~:able) throne, used byroyaltyduring culti~ activities. Oth~~riots" N ' f th g .roya~ f~nerary ntes, mention effigies of the dead in "cha-

. 1 one 0 ese vehicles IS Illustrated 89 Still th .with cult, horse racing-probably with Chariots ratOh etrhtexts mhenhon, in connectionE " er an on orseback 90

may~~~:nb::~ P;~::~:~e~si~vi:~ s~nes ~ chariots in other peaceful co~texts which

suite at Amarna use chariots in ;roc:::ion:~ta:~~eTh~~h:he r~yal family and ~heirA~hEgypti~nov.erseers visited the fields under thei~ ~are i:;h~~O~~ ~ther occasions ,

e peculiar light two-wh eelers from Lake S . T . .between the categories of chariot an e:,an m ranscaucasia seem to fallopen front seem to point to th . d cart, their shallow depth. closed rear and

err use as passenger carts, in which people sat with

86 Cf. Littau er and Crouwel 1973c . of R .with chariot s in Egypt. Decker I I' 38f

· ep resent a!lOns, .Wreszinski 1932. Ro yal huntingpar. 45 (Tigl ath-Pileser I ). 97 , 3 £. (texts and ills. }: in Assyrian texts. Grayson 1976.

87 Travelling, Kuhne C 1973 ff ( .477f. (Pap. Anastasi I ; ~ls~ Yadi~a;963 u;~~)~ngers lTIhT.ell ~l Amarna letters ) ; Wils on in A NET,of ;;lalakh). Cult, Salonen 1951, 70f. ; La~bert 19~~e~ e;;u m ANET Sup-p], 557

f. (King Idrimi

.Supra n . 17. nos. 6-7. d . also highl decor t d~5 . .chanots were exchanged between kings ycf K a J and-drawn chanot, no . 4 and n. 21. Suchesp. 22). ' . nu tz on 1915 (Tell el Amarna letters 14, 16 and

89 Esp. Otten 1971. 20f£. GlShulttka nntt hi I .. .Assyrian texts. d . also Kamme~huber I (, a ve rc e to Sit m , already m earlier Hittite and Old3

10, 312£.; Kuhne, C. 1973, Ill , n. 540 (otlhe~Ot n . 29), ~~1- ~upra p. 64, n . ~o);.Guterbock 1974,

1 9~o8, e:p. 129; Gurney 1977, 6If. erms . 19Ies of the dead m chario ts " , Otten

Guterbock 1964a 63£" Kuhne C I 636. F or probl em of interpretation ' n' '+'r·a 973. 10 , n . 523; Otten 1974, esp. 141f.; Gurney 197791 F ' ' :1' n. 92 . '

or processions Davies de G I XRedford 1976,

pl . 12' a nd co~er . vo·n1~0~ , p . etc .; 1905, pl . XIII etc .; Smith, R. W . andpis. 192 (tomb 57). 4

24(no tomb no. ). emes 1953. 14 (texts) . For ove rseers, Wreszinski 1923,-~


Surprisingly large numbers of chariots appear as early as the first half of the 15th

century B.C., 894 chariots being taken by Tuthmosis III after the battle of Megiddoagainst a Levantine coalition, and Anienophis II bringing back to Egypt, from twocampaigns in the Levant, chariots numberi'ng 730 and 1092 respectively.82

While stressing the importance of chariotry in warfare, texts, like representations,yield little other information on actual military use, an exception being a documentfrom Ugarit which refers to chariots employed in patrolling and blockading the

access routes of enemy forces."Chariotry probably also played the important psychological role of an elite corps,

functioning at a different level from the ordinary infantry rank and file and adding

fanfare and colour to the armies of the time."Near-Eastern texts, augmented by Egyptian texts and representations, yield

some information on the highly complex organization of the chariotry, the trainingof the horses, construction and maintenance of the vehicles, and the personnel

involved in these activities.85Civil. The use of the chariot in hunting, already attested in the preceding period(d. p. 63), continues to be documented in the Near East and now also appears in

.Egypt. As before, we sometimes see a hunter alone in his chariot , the reins tiedaround his hips . In addition, we have several representations from the Near East(figs. 39, 4

1)-althoughnot from Egypt-where the hunter is driven by a chario-

94


SUMMARY

riding or any participation of mounted troops in battle.v In fact, neither in Egyptnor in the Near East is there any conclusive evidence of any kind for riders takingpart in combat, individually or in special mounted units at this time. 96 The clothon which Astarte is sometimes seated would protect the rider from the animal'ssweat, and might give a more secure seat. A probable saddle cloth was found on theback of a single horse buried near the 15th-cent. B.C. tomb of Sen Mut at Thebesin Egypt. 97


Wheeled vehicles

Wagons and carts, when pictorially documented, are small and light, with spoked wheels.They are mule or bovid-drawn and mostly belong to the commissariat.

This period witnesses the supremacy of the light, fast , horse-drawn chariot, which isbest documented by surviving examples from Egyptian tombs and by detailed representations, also from Egypt. The vehicle is characterized by a very wide wheel base (providingstability at fast turns) and by a low-sided box, open at the rear and wide enough for twomen to stand abreast. In Egypt it is very shallow from front to rear. The chariots of theHittites and their Asiatic allies depicted in the famous Battle of Kadesh were sufficientlydeep to permit a third man to stand behind the others. The floor often has aD-shapedframe and a flooring of interwoven thongs. The framework of the box is of bent wood, thesiding may be solid, partly open or entirely open.

Wheels revolve on a fixed axle, located usually at th e rear of th e box, immediately beneaththe floor. The usual number of spokes is initially four, then six, while eight or more spokesare exceptional. Two types of wheel construction are materially documented at this period.In one type (attested in Egypt) , th e spokes are composite and also form part of a compositenave ; in the other (attested in Transcaucasia), the spokes are single and the nave is a simpleone-piece cylinder of wood. Both types of wheel have felloes composed of overlappingsections of bent wood. Rawhide tyres are often indicated.

95 Material collected by Leclant 1960. d . doc. 7f. with fig. 22 (saddle cloth); identificationof rider sometimes debatabl e, ct . a.o. doc. 8bis (pharaoh, possibly Tuthmosis III, according toSchulman 1957. 264). ct . Decker 1971, 135ff. Connection of deities, particularly Pirva, with horses also in Hittite t exts, Otten 1952-53; Kammenhuber 1961. 36, n. 142; Gurney 1977, 13.

9B Despite repeated statements to the contrary. Examples: Decker's "cavalry" in Egypt(1971, 136 with n. 912) is unsubstantiated (d. Schulman 1963, 84 with n. 57), and so is Melchert 's in a Hittite text (1978, 17, s.v, KBG III 4 II 43; instead of "cavalry" should be read"chariotry"; d. Kammenhuber 1961. 33, n. 131 for term ANSE.KUR.RAMES; also personalcommunication Ph. Houwink ten Cate). Salonen's translation in another Hittite text of "100(military) riders" (1956, 226, s.v. simdi sist in KBG 15 IV 21) should be corrected to "100 teams(of chariot horses)" (cf. CAD 16, S.v. simdu A2; AHw II02, S .V. $imdu(m); also personal communication on W. van Soldt} .

97 Horse, supra n. 38; cloth made of linen and sheepskin with tapes for neck strap andgirth, Chard 1937, 317; also personal communication V. Burton.

96

their feet hanging over the front edge, a practice seen on many light Elamite carts ofthe following period (d. p. 101). .

RIDING

Information from the primary area is limited to rare repres:~t~ti?nsand relatively few texts, most of which refer to horses or asses as mounts.. RIding on do~eys

. also mentioned in an Egyptian t ext describing how, after their defeat at ~IegIddoin Palestine, the local rulers rode away on asses, their chariot horses having been

• 93taken by the Egyptians. . ..Egypt furnishes most of the figured evidence for the penod. ASIattcs. ~n horseback

in r Sth-Dynasty battle scenes, with rare exceptions appear only a.s fugitive m.embersf h . t ws mounted on horses cut loose from their chariots, as their long,o c ano cre , . . . . 0 . I

mailed charioteers' tunics, which require them to SIt SIdeways, mdicate. ccasl~na

Egyptian military personnel, wearing short kilts, mounted bareback. and astride,. hip and sometimes a bow are clearly not fugitives, but couners or scouts.carrymg a w , . . h

From Egypt we also have several r epresentations of apparently ~~n-ml1it~ry ~rse

back riding, which suggest that it was not uncommo~ there: Egy,ptt~n :lderscontinue to use the "donkey seat," common in the precedmg period, WhICh mdicatesa still primitive stage of equitat ion . . . . .. I I cases the rider in Egyptian representations IS the West Semitic godd:ss,

n severa . ittina sid b t f ngAstarte. She is sometimes shown ast ride and somettmes sitting SI eways ~ aCIforwards m ounted bareback or (once) on a saddle cloth. She may carry slu el.d. andbow or s~ear; these reflect her own martial nature, however, rather than military

9 2 Re resentations, Parker 1977. no. 23 (sealing; Rimaah); Lecl~~t 1960. 6~~f. ~ith pI. I: Bp . iddl Ass ian text referring to "master of the riding horses, King 1912, 33

(seal ; no prov .). Mi e -6 yr 6 ' AH' w 8-8 s v pethalltt · Hittite text with messenger on horse-(lin s 58 59) ' Salonen 19.:> . 22 , .:>, .. - . H ' . t tse -. . 8 . K"I C 1973 107 n 526 A few other ittrte ex mayb k H I k 1963 89 (1111es I 2I), U me. . . , . .

r:f~r' to ~~g him~elf on horseback during cUI~ic activi~e~; here, as i: passag~st~he~~:~~::,a~~mentioned (supra n. 89). interpretation -riding ~: driving- depen s on \~n e O:rhors~back in"horses" [stand for a (draught) team or not, c~. G~terb~ck ~ 974 . 3II (pro ki f Iff a du licateKUB VII 25 I 6ff.; Otten 1971,21. n. II (pro king III vehicle III KBG VIII II9 ., Pof KUB X 3 I II); also oral communication J. de Roos.

93 Wilson in ANET, 238; also a.o. Leclant 1960, I, n: 2. ". rs": Wreszinski9t Material collected by Schulman 1957, d. ::67f. Wlth(En. 3~ (ene7t!taryn~i~ers'. Wreszinski

I 6 - 6 57 107and 1°9, 169), 267 WIth n. 27 gyp an m . ~ .1935, P s. 3 ,45 4, '11' li f of battle at Kadesh; captions sometimes describe riders as1935. pis. 64, 169-172'6a

InI re e6s 8 . Gardiner 1960 38} 263ff. (non-military riders; good ex."scouts", Schulman, 2 7;asoI9 3.4 . " .Yadin 1963, 220f.).

The draught pole passes directly beneath the floor of the chariot, its rear end fixed underthe rear edge of the floor. The pole is lashed to the vehicle at the front edge of the floorframe where, as it emerges from under the floor, it describes a shallow, double curve. Thearea of attachment of pole to chariot box is strengthened by leather thongs or wooden rodsthat run from the top of the front railing to the pole a short distance in front of the box.When of wood these elements also serve to brace the front of the box.

Draught is by two horses under a slender yoke, the latter being adapted to equine anatomy by the use of yoke saddles (q.v.). Yoke braces keep the yoke at right anglesto the pole, so that the horses pull evenly, while also helping to distribute the pull on thepole and yoke. There is a backing element (q.v.) passing beneath each horse's belly.

Although the chariot horses may sometimes have been controlled merely by a cavesson(q.v.), there is now material evidence of bits (q.v.) of bronze or organic materials, bothwith snaffle action. The metal bits have a bar or jointed mouthpiece, passing through holesin the cheekpieces which act as toggles across the comers of the horse's mouth and areoften studded on the inner surface. The reins are attached to the ends of the mouthpiece.

Chariots play an important role in warfare at this period. Although concern for protection-shields, helmets and scale corselets for the crew and trappers for the draught teamindicate that the chariots anticipated coming within range of enemy fire, they remainedtoo vulnerable and too fragile to be used in the manner of modem tanks, i.e. as a shockforce against a well-prepared, unbroken enemy line. (This is true for all military wheeledvehicles in the ancient Near East, with the exception of the scythed chariots of the later rstmillennium B.C.). Two-man Asiatic and Egyptian chariots, carrying an archer, are usedchiefly as mobile firing platforms and playa fast, flanking and pursuing role. The threeman chariots of the Hittites and their allies in the Battle of Kadesh, with spearmen, musthave served chiefly as transports.

Chariots are also used for non-military purposes, including prepared hunts and ceremonies.

98 LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

CHAPTER NINE

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.(ca 1000-600 B.C.)

WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence ~s extens.ive-particularly for chariots-in the period down to the fallof t~e Assyrian ~mplre (612 B.C.). The detailed and reliably dated Assyrian reliefs(which are essentIally .contemporary chronicles) are of primary importance. Besidesother v~uable Assynan material, including texts, we have figured documentsfrom vanous parts of the Near East, including Transcaucasia. The remains ofactual vehicles from Cypriot tombs (dating from the mid-8th to the 7t h cent. B.C.)~nd terra-c.otta mo~els (from the 7th and 6th cent. B.C.) from Cyprus also furnishImportant information

Four-wheelers

~vidence of these is very rare, and true wagons are never depicted. Assyrianreliefs show a few flat cars for heavy transport, mounted on spoked or disk h 1Th I '11 w ee s.. ey a so I ustrate battering rams mounted on low trolleys that may have u to

SIX, spoked wheels. I p

Riding

Horses are mostly ridden astride and bareback, though there is now some evidence ofsaddle cloths. Most horseback riders are still shown using the "donkey seat", which pointsto a widespread, if largely undocumented, practice of riding asses and mules for travel andother purposes. Horseback riding in military contexts is confined to couriers or scouts, orto members of defeated chariot crews fleeing on animals cut loose from harness. Thesehorses are bridled in the same fashion as chariot ones.

Two-wheelersCarts

~thou~h the humble cart is seldom represented elsewhere, Assyrian reliefs offera fairly nch documentatio~, chiefly of the carts of conquered peoples, includingChaldeans from Mesopotamia, Levantines from the city of Lachish and Elamit( r: )21 .. , rtesJzgs. 51-52. n addition, what seem essentially to have been carts have been

1 Flat ca:s, Barnett n.d., pI. 1~7 (Shalmaneser III); Botta and Flandin 1849-50, pI. I 0,(Sargon II), ~Iso van Loon 1966, fig. 18: E2-3 (Urartian sealings). Battering rams Madhlo~m1970, 33ff. WIth pIs. XVI-XVII. '

2 Fr~gmentary obelisk of Ashurnasirpal II (Nimrod; London, BM 118800' this relief unpubiothe.rs m Gadd 1936, 128f. with pI: 6); Barnett and Falkner 1963, pIs. V~VI (Tiglath-Piles;;III), Paters~n 191~, pIs. 71-73 and mfra n. 4 (Sennacherib); Barnett 1976, pI. XXIX and infran. 7· Add NImrod IVOry, Mallowan and Davies 1970, pI. XXX: no. 106.

. ;:-"""- -:.-''''

identified among the remains of actual vehicles buried at Salamis in Cyprus, andthere are terra-cotta cart models from the island (possibly of the 7th-6th cent.

B .C.}.3In general, the carts in Assyrian reliefs' have central or nearly central axles,

suitable for stable loads; the floors, probably of planks to support heavy weights,are set low over the axles. They may have low side rails, but are open back andfront, where they often extend beyond the wheels. Traction is provided mostlyby bovids or mules under yoke or, in the case of Assyrian carts, by men. The wheelsare usually spoked, with six, eight, twelve or even sixteen spokes (the latter on theElamite carts), and very rarely discoid. In addition, several of the Assyrian handdrawn carts and some of the ordinary carts shown with Chaldean captives haveheavy wheels with very deep felloes and, in lieu of spokes, two wide planks crossingeach other at right angles. This type of wheel, requiring no nave, would have beenfixed on a revolving axle, and the rectangular axle end sometimes clearly shownconfirms this.' Such an axle is held in position beneath the floor by a pair of blocks,concave on their under-faces, one just inside either wheel. They may be protectedagainst wear by a IT-shaped iron liner. Such a bearing shoe for the axle is apparentlydepicted in a badly effaced wall painting from Til Barsib, showing a hand-pulledcart. This bearing shoe resembles actual IT-shaped iron axle bearings found withthe remains of several carts buried in Cyprus.! Since the bearing is open, the cartfloor and pole (usually inseparable) may be lifted off the axle at any time for convenience. The iron shoe is an improvement designed to protect the correspondingwooden fixture from wear by the turning axle. The Til Barsib painting and theCypriot remains are our earliest evidence of this feature, still in use today on manycarts with revolving axl es. Although Cypriot carts with revolving axles-like thoseillustrated in Greek and Etruscan art 6 usually had the floors raised on blocks overthe axle bearing and a pole running out horizontally from the floor, oriental cartsshow a pole that curves or slants upwards from a low-set floor.

3 Actual carts, Karageorghis 1967 , esp . 1I8f.; 1973a, esp. 75ff. Terra-c~ttas, Karageor~his1967, figs . 21-22 (used as hearses); 1973a, fig. 17 (tilt cart) ; also Karageorghie and des Gagmers1974, no . II. 4 (vase painting; cross-bar wheels) .

4 Paterson 1915, pls. 25, 29, 31 (hand-drawn; d. multi-spoked ones, pls. 25, 27-28; Sen-nacherib) : Solid-disk wheels on Ashurnasirpal II ob elisk, swpra n . 2. . .

5 Karageorghis supra n. 3 ; for bearing shoes from three different vehicles, 1967, 35 WIth pIs .XLIX, cxxn (no . II; tomb 3) ; 1973a, 34£., 44f.. 61, 67 with pls. CIX, CX, CCLX (nos. 221/,p,76) and pls . LXXIII, CCLII (nos. 416/25, 42) (tomb 79). Til Barsib, Thureau-Dangin and Dunand

1936, pl. XLIX; Parrot 1961, pl. 1I7·6 Lorimer 1903 , esp. figs . 4-6, 8 .

The Elamite carts depicted under Ashurbanipal differ from the others in severalres?ects and are ~ore ~laborate (figs. 51-52). Open back and front, they often showa single, arched sI~e rail. The wheels, although with twelve to sixteen spokes, are ofthe same construction as contemporary eight-spoked Assyrian wheels and, like them,~ay show decorate~ axle ends. The poles assume an upward slant or curve directlym front of the vehicle, and may be sheathed in metal, like Assyrian chariot poles.

These carts are usually drawn by mules-exceptionally by bovids or horses .U~arnes~ed carts usually show a straight, two-animal yoke with neck pegs prima~y SUItable for bovids, and such is illustrated on harnessed ones. Harnessedequids, however, show a wide neckstrap holding a possibly padded yoke in place,and battle scenes show a few four-horse fitted yokes, like contemporary Assyrianchariot yokes (fig. 52).7

These eq~ds are us~ally c~ntrolled without reins, the driver using a long stickand the ammals weanng a SImple headstall, composed of single cheekstrap andn~s~ban~. Some of the mules and horses, however, wear a complete bridle, indistinguishable from those of contemporary Assyrian horses.

In Assyria~ reliefs, b~vid-drawn carts of conquered peoples are shown carryingbooty or captives and their goods. 8 The hand-drawn Assyrian carts appear exclusivelyin scenes of .the erection of monuments; they carry ropes and stakes. The equiddrawn Elamite .carts are shown chiefly in the role of troop transports, moving atspeed and ~arrymg four men. ~hese often sit on thick quilted mattresses, fringed atthe ends (fIg. 51). It seems possible that these fast carts were designed for passengersrather than goods even in peacetime.

Chariots

The widespread use of these is amply documented. Assyrian fieured evidenceapart from palace reliefs," includes a provincial relief, wall painti;gs, glazed tile~t·

7 El~mite carts, Barnett 1?76, pls. XVII, XX, XXV, LXVII-IX (yoke with p egs; bovid-dra:vnl. 1975, ~ls . 137 (our fzg. 51), 147, 149 , 151, 155, 160 (our jig. 52; cart flo ating in riverUI:I) , 1~4 (equid-drawn), d . 139 (collapsing t eam of four horses, bridled as Assyrian ones).

. Vehicles (carts or wagons) carrying goods also in Neo-Assyrian texts CAD 4 296f serzqqu; AHw 238, s.v, ereqqu(m). ' , . .v .

9 Basic editions of reliefs in Budge 1914 (Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud; add Barnett and Falkner1962, pIs . CXVI-II ; also Canby 1971, for chariots among cloth patterns); King 1915 (Shalmaneser I~I, Balawat bronze gates); Barnett and Falkner 1962 (Tiglath-Pileser III); Bottaand .Flar:?I~ 1849-50 (Sargon II, Khorsabad; add Loud 1936, fig . 79); Paterson 1915 (Sennachenb, NlI~lVeh ; ~o~ comp:ehen.sive and including several exs, of Ashurbanipal) ; Barnett 1976(Ashurbanipal, Niniveh ; his reliefs from Sennacherib's palace are not included). Useful selec-

101EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

100

and cylinder seals.P Chariots appear on Neo-Hittite reliefs (figs. 57-58),11 and onLevantine ivories and metalwork, which had a wide distribution.P Figured ivoriesand metal objects also come from Iran 13 and metal ones from Urartu as well.14

Cyprus yields the remains of actual chariots as well as representations, includingterra-cotta models (fig. 59),16 a few of them found in the Levant (fig. 60).16

tions of ills., esp. Barnett n.d ; 1975; also Encyclopedic 5 and 6; Yadin 1963; Strommengerand Hirmer 1964; Orthmann 1975. Discussion of chariots, esp. Yadin 1963; Hrouda 1963;1965; Nagel 1966; Madhloom 1970.

10 Provincial relief from Arslan Tash, S. E. Anatolia, Thureau Dangin et al. 1931, pl. VIII(time of Tiglath-Pileser III). Wall paintings from Til Barsib, Thureau Dangin and Dunand 1936,pls. XLIX, LI-III; Parrot 1961, ill. p. XV, pIs. 128, 345 (dating disputed). Glazed tiles fromAshur, Andrae 1925, pls. 7 (recent ill., Orthmann 1975, pl. 196) and 9: h (Tukulti-Ninurta II,888-884 B.C.), pl. 6 (presumably Tiglath-Pileser III, d. Fridman 1969). Seals, a.o. Porada1948, nos. 659-663; Wiseman n.d., no. 84; Legrain 1951, no. 6II (Ur; shield at rear of body;not Middle-Assyrian as stated by Nagel 1966, caption to fig. 37, but Neo-Assyrian or ratherNeo-Elamite, according to E. Porada, oral communication).

11 Comprehensive coverage, Orthmann 1971; chariots in pIs. 9: a, II: bod (Halaf), 25: a,c-f, 37: a-b (Carchemish), 41: a-b (Malatya; b = our fig. 57), 51: c (Sakcagozu: our fig. 58),52: f (Tainat), 57: a (Zinjirli).

12 Ivories, Barnett 1957a, nos. SI, 29: a-c, 50; Mallowan and Davies 1970, pls. XVI-XX(many exs.); Mallowan and Herrmann 1974, no. I, panel 9 (all Nimrod); Andrae 1943, pls.71-72 (several exs.; Zinjirli). So-called Phoenician metal bowls, a.o. Studniczka 1907, 175ff.

13 Ivories, said to be from Ziwiyeh, N. W. Iran (better "Ziwiyeh", d. discussion of theirpedigree in Muscarella 1977), Godard 1950, figs. 83-85; Wilkinson, C. K. 1975, figs. 15-16.Metal objects, Porada 1965b, 96ft with figs. 63-64 and pl. 23 (famous gold bowl; Hasanlu IV,destroyed ca 800 B.C.), II3f. with pl. 28 (silver vessel; same prov.); Amiet 1965, with fig. 2and pIs. XVI-II (vessel; no provo but presumably N.W. Iran); Calmeyer 1974, 65 with pl. 15: I

(fragm. quiver; "Luristan"), Chariots on these metal objects, except for Hasanlu silver vessel,closely similar, possibly indicating contemporaneity; an early rst millennium date is quitepossible in all cases, although Porada attributed Hasanlu gold bowl to later znd millennium,d. Muscarella 197Ia, 264f.; 1974a, 210.

14 Listed by Calmeyer 1975, 12f. with nn. 19-21; add Tasyiirek 1977, figs. 13-16. Cf. also vanLoon 1966, fig. 18: E5 (sealing); Calmeyer 1974, 55££. with pls. 10-12 (stone relief).

16 At least six chariots were buried at Salamis: Dikaios 1963, 152££. (tomb I); Karageorghis1967, 49ff. (tomb 3),77££. (tomb 47); 1973a, esp. 78ff., 86 (tomb 79; 2 exs.). Terra-cottas, Gjerstad 1935, pls. CCXXXIV (no. 3 = our fig. 59)-CCXXXV; 1963, 3££. with figs. 9-15 (all AyiaIrini); Young and Young 1955, esp. 228f. with figs. 15-17 (Kourion; also later exs.). Manyother models and profile representations discussed by Wilson 1972. Vase paintings, Karageorghis and des Gagniers 1974, 15ff. and nos. II 1-3, 5-6 (no. 5 also in Karageorghis 1973b).

16 Our fig. 60 from necropolis at Marathus (modern Amrit) in Phoenicia, d. Heuzey 1923,no. 187 (Louvre S 7); Studniczka 1907, 168, no. 17. Two others of exactly same type were saidto come from Phoenicia, de Ridder 1909, no. 187, and Catling 1971, no. 99 (now Oxford, Ashm1974-349); Poulsen 1912, 62f. with figs. 60-61 (Paris, Bibl. Nationale 5912). Cypriot manufactureis suggested by exs. of similar style found there, a.o. Ohnefalsch-Richter 1915, 54ff. with pl. IX(Frangissa near Tamassos); Littauer and Crouwel 1977a, 7f. with figs. 3-6 (Ovgoros).

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

8

103Box. Chariots under Ashurnas' al II (88 8 ..B.C.) ~ppear to be identical (fi;: 53-54). ?~19 ~~C.~and Shalma?eser III (858-824box WIth a solid siding that dips somewhat to~ards~hown as haVl~g a low, shallowtop rear corner thus differing fr th e front and IS rounded at the

, om e rectangular fil f .chariots. The rounded front corners and th . pro es o earlier Assyrian

e manner m which th d ouibowcase are shown in this e crosse quiver andarea suggest that these h . t h d

plans, so well documented on later znd ill . c hari: saD-shaped floor-m enmum c anots (cf 6) T

no~ally carry a crew of two abreast; sometimes a third . p. 7· heybehind these, occasionally clearly shown h ldin b crew member standsforward. 17 0 g on y a loop handgrip placed well

Lion-head-bossed or toothed shields are often seen in .of these chariots (jig 53) but it l' t 1 profile as hung at the rear

. ., s no c ear on what they h .against the rear edge of the thin-walled sidin the .are ung and, If hungto this problem is probably furnished b d g, Y would SWIVel loosely. An answerTh . . Y ocuments from Cyprus d th L

ese, consIstmg of actual chariot remains from Salami . an e evant.and numerous terra-cotta models from C s (mid 8th-7th cent. B.C.)cent. B.C.), show that chariots in those ::sh:

nda f~w from :~e Levant (7th-6th

front to back down the middle of th bId upnght partifiong running fromhoop 0.50 m. high was fixed at thee re~:' o~ ::e case .o~ one actual chariot, a metalshow the central partition with ahoo I'de pa~tItIOn. The terra-cotta modelsmodels from the Levant shows a li -h or so 1 upn~ht at its rear, and one of theat its rear (fig. 60). We may ventu~:t eadt-bosseld shield hung across this partitionth 0 ex rapo ate backwards and t

e 9th-century Assyrian chariots with hi ld h 0 suggest thatA Cypriot terra-cotta shows the hoop s e

dsl ung at rear also had such a partition.

. . use a so as a handgn' . .partition would provide a wall against hi h th P III mountmg.1S The

w IC e crew could br their ion turns; it would prevent them from' tli ace err InsIde legsened the fabric of the box. JOS mg each other, and it may have strength-

Actual Cypriot chariots show continued use of hflooring of interwoven thongs materially attested in ~he D-sh~ped fl~or plan and thesuppose that the Assyrian chariot also had th 19 A

eprevIOUS pe~IOd, and we may

em. spear, slantmgbackwards isUF 'loor plan, Littauer and Crouwel 197 c, 28' I .

14, 25;. Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs. CX~I-VIi. 916, ;4f. Loop handgnp, Barnett n.d., pls.

18 Gjerstad 1935, pl. CCXXXV' 3 DI's . 'fa so . ~rrot 1961, pl. 345 (Til Barsip mural). 6' '. CUSSlOn 0 partition 10 d hi I' .147, 197 , 221 WIth figs. 18-19 20 (our jig 6 ). Lrrta ' op an s re d, Llttauer 1972

Act~a.l loop, Karageorghis 1;73a, 73 willi °pis I C ue~ a~CdXCrouwel 1977c, 69 with pI. XXV:partition here too). . an LVIII (tomb 79, chariot beta'

UK 'arageorghis 1967, 49££. (tomb 3, chariot B).

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.102


8th and 7th century reliefs, Levantine and some Elamite chariots are indistinguishable from those of their conquerors.P

Of chariots appearing in profile view on non-Assyrian documents, only a few onNeo-Hittite reliefs and Urartian bronzes seem to be identical to their Assyriancontemporaries. Others, depicted on similar objects, on ivory plaques and metalbowls and on Iranian ivories, while generally resembling Assyrian chariots, oftendisplay features of the latter from different periods. This could be due to regionaldifferences. But whether these representations always show the actual chariots ofa particular time and place is doubtful; they may simply depict fictive chariots thatcombine elements of different date and provenance.

Features unknown on Assyrian chariots may also appear. Thus, documents indifferent media, including Neo-Hittite reliefs (fig. 57) and a silver vessel from Hasanlu, may show the side screens of chariots with an entirely horizontal upper edge,unlike the Assyrian screens of the 9th-7th cent. B.C., while a box of this type belongsto one Elamite chariot shown on a relief of Ashurbanipal. 25

Other chariots, unlike Assyrian ones, have an open handgrip at the rear uppercorner. Sometimes this is reserved in a raised corner (fig. 58), or in screens withhorizontal upper edges.!"

As in Assyria, chariot crews normally consist of two or no more than three men,one st anding behind the other two. The few terra-cotta models from the Levantincluding that with lion-headed shi eld at rear (fig. 60), and one north Syrian iva;from Nimrud, show a crew of four, as seen on reliefs of Sargon II and Ashurbanipal. 27Axle. The location is usually fully to the rear, as predominant in the previousperiod. In a minority of non-Assyrian representations, where the axle appears to becentral or nearly central (fig. 57), the location may have been dictated by limitationsof space (d. p. 78).28 Chariot axles were fixed and carried revolving wheels. From

24 A.o . Barnett n.d. , pis . 24, 25 ; Barnett and Falkner 1962, pl. CXVI (Ashurnasirpal II);Pater son 1915, pi s . 71-73 (Sennach erib ; captured ex . from Lachi sh, Palestine) ; Barnett 1976,pl. XXXV (Ashurbanipal; Elamite exs .).

25 Also Orthrnann 1971, pls. 24 : a , c-f , 37 : a-b, 42 : a-c 57 : a ; P orada 1965b, pI. 28 ; Barnett1976, pl. LXVI.• 26 Supra n: 13 (H as anl.u gold bowl a nd unprov. metal vase); Barnett 1957a, no. S 50 (Nimrudivory) . Urartian stone relief (supra n . 14) may show stand ing loop at rear. documented in Cyprus.

27 Supra n. 16; Mallowan and H errmann 1974, pI. III (Nimrud ivory no . I, panel 9; d . alsoLi;;auer and Crouwel 1 ?7~C ; da~ed t o time of Tiglath-Pileser III by Winter 1976,52 wit h n . 108).

A.a . other Neo-Hittite reliefs , Orthrnann 1971, pIs . 42: a, 57 : a ; silver vessel, H asanlu,supra n. 13.

105EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

20 Su ch as was found in chariot no. 120 of Tut'ankhamun, d. H . Carter's notes, on file in

Oxford Griffith Inst. . ' B tt21 Floor plan, Littauer and Crouwel, supra n . 17. Sp ear and possibly shi eld at rear, arne

and F alkner 1962, pl. IX. I IV ' ). I22 Sargon II, d . Botta and Flandin 1849-50, pl. 58 (= Madhloom 1970, p . . I , a so

infra n . 109· . B tt pls 65 ISenna-23 Dikaios 1963, 159 (Sal amis, tomb I) . Royal chariots, a . ~ . arne 1975 , . : \

h ib 1°3-109 II6-II8 168 (Ashurbanipal). One chanot of Sennachenb is clearly ar-~h:Zi~g ?:'several d~tai1s of tr'action and harnessing, Paterson 1915. pls , 74-76; W olff 193

6-37.

104tt hed outside towards the rear on the right-hand side of the chariot box, as on

:ar~~r Assyrian chariots (d. p. 91 ; jig. 41). A tassel, depending from the floor at the

rear, suggests the presence of a carpet. 20 • .,

When, after an interval during which we -have no cha~ot repr~entatIons III themajor art of Assyria, they reappear on palace walls under Tlglath-Pileser III (745-727

B.c.), there is considerable change (fig. 55). A rectangular, rath~r than aD-shaped,floor plan is suggested by the profiles of these and, although a shield (or a rear h?op)appears to be shown at least once, the humps at the upper rear con:er, sometimesaugmented by handgrip tassels here, may represent substitutes .for, onmp.rovementson, the central standing handgrip. Quivers, now placed vertically at. either f:ontcorner, indicate a higher siding. A spear fixed aslant towards the rear IS sometimesstill shown. The continued us e of a carpet is suggested by tassels at the rear of the

floor. 21 .Chariot boxes depicted under Sargon II (721-705 B.C.) Sennachenb, (704-68.1

B.C.) and Ashurbanipal (668-630 B.C.), do. not see.m to depart greatly from thisformula except that they appear to become, If anythmg, larger-probably to accom modate a complement of four men, first shown under Sargon II, an~ more ~ftenunder Ashurbanipal (fig . 56) 22. The size of royal chariots, :lOwever, IS sometimesdearly exaggerated. Even those not exaggerated may-to Judge by the. men a~dhorses-have had wheels as large as ca 1.40 m-1.50 m. in diameter'23whi~h ar~ infact the estimated dimensions of som e actual wheels from Cyprus. ThIS heightmight require a step at the rear and perhaps the carpet tas~els there conceal onefrom view. On royal chariots of Ashurbanipal, a strap crossing the upper p~rt ofthe siding from the rear and fastened by a toggle , sug~ests a means of closing arear door, such as is also documented in the succeeding penod (d. p. I~6) . .

Enemy chariots shown under Ashurnasirpal II, except f~r their wheels beingeight- rather than six-spoked, appear to be identical to Assyrian ones. In the later

. ._-- -:.:.,

29 Barnett 1975, pls. 65, 92, 103ff., n6ff., 168. Tasyiirek 1975, 154 with pis. XXXII: d andXXXV: a-b (Urartian cap) . Drack 1958, f~g. 29 (Europ:an ca?s). . . .

30 Mallowan 1966,208f. with fig . 142 [Nimrud ex.); Linch pm VISible on relief, Barnett 1976,pI. V [Ashurbanipal, royal chariot). Karageorghis 1973a, esp. 80f. with pis. CI-V, CCLVI-II(tomb 79, chariot beta). . . .

31 Barnett n.d ., pis. 24, 25; ten-spoked wheel shown in Layard's drawing of a lost relief IS

doubtful, Barnett and Falkner 1962, pI. CXVII. Suggestion of eight spokes in case of ourfig. 54 (Assyrian chariot in boat) is due to co~f.usionof .artist. .

32 Exception : six-spoked wheels on archaizing chanot of ~ennachenb, supra n. 23. .33 Karageorghis 1967, 49f. with pI. CXXI (tomb 3, chan ot B: 8 spokes); 1973a, 68 WIth n. I

and figs. 10-II (tomb 79, chariot beta: 10 spokes). Four-spoked wheels on a .few small-~cale

ills . may not be realistic, Moorey 1971a, 104 with n . 4 ; Muscarella 1971a, 264 WIth pI. 63 : fig . I

(fragm. ivory; Hasanlu) .


were of a peculiar construction, unlikely to be suitable for wheels with a largernumbe.r of sp?kes (d: p. 79). The latter would have had independent cylindricalnaves into which th~ inner ends ~f the spokes were morticed, and soil impressionsof such naves. were mdeed found m Cyprus. According to this reasoning, Assyrian9th-century six-spoked w~eels ~ight also have been made in the "Egyptian"manner. In this case,. the slight thickening of the spokes for a short distance beyondthe n~ve c~ul.d be mterpreted as indicating the rawhide binding material thato~cuples a similar area on Egyptian wheels. This feature is found, however, on latereIght-spoked Assyrian wheels (d. fig. 55) and even on Elamite cart wheels, wherethe number of spoke~ would certainly preclude such a construction. It appears tooon several non-AssyrIan ~oc~ments, e.g. on the six-spoked wheels of a fragmentarybronze model.f~~m Gordion m. central Anatolia (find context dated ca 700 B.C.).34Another possibility presents Itself: that this was a cylindrical nave but metalsheathed, with short metal sockets through which the spoke ends passed beforebeing morticed into the wooden core of the nave. Such a construction is in fact attested in Iron-age (late Hallstatt) Europe.3s

The felloes (q.v.) of Assyrian wheels are depicted as if composed of two concentricelements-a beaded inner one and a wider, flat outer one. (Whether the outer one~s technically a felloe or a tyre would depend on whether the spoke ends penetrateIt or not.) A few reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II reveal that the outer element is notsingle, but composite. Sometimes it is shown as made up of six butt-ended segments,and at le~st ~nce as of t~r~e bevelled and overlapping ones (fig. 53, d. 54).36 Thiscons~ructlOn IS not surpnsmg wherever we find a heavy wheel. There is a directrelation between the dimensions of the cross-section of a piece of wood and thedegre: to which it may be heat-bent to form a felloe or wooden tyre: the thickerthe piece, the less the degree to which it can be bent. Hence, to achieve depth, thedeep felloe must be made in two parts-inner and outer-or there must be a felloeand a \:o~den tyre. Even then, these elements are often made in segments. Whilethe majority of. extan~ EgyPtian wheels of the preceding period (15th and 14thcent. B.C.) are light, WIth smgle-Iayered felloes, we have one heavier pair from therath cent. B.C. (d. p. 79; fig . 47) and a single, also six-spoked, heavier wheel proba-

3~ ~lso a.o.Barnatr n.d., pI. 121 (re-spoked Elamite-cart). Gordion model Littauer 1976223 WIth fig . 24. ' ,

35 Decheletts 1913, 750ff.; Drack 1958, fig . 33.

. 38 AI.so a . o. Barnett n.d., P:. 17. Cf. Spruytte 1977, pI. 33 : 3-4 (reconstructions). ImportantdiSCUSSIOn of European, Cypnot and Assyrian wh eels, in Kossack 1971.

';;' .~ .:;.-.,',


the time of Sennacherib on, the axle ends on royal chariots are shown as decoratedwith a rosette, which suggests a metal axle cap. Even ends that appear plain andshow no linch pin may have worn undecorated caps, like an actual bronze cap,extending back over part of the nave and inscribed with the name of the Urartianking, Sarduri II (764-735 B.C.). This cap is very similar to ones used with Iron-age(late Hallstatt) European wheels, where they frequently conceal.a~ inconspic~~us

linch-pin head.F' This may explain why linch pins are so seldom VISIble on Assynanreliefs. That they were in use in Assyria is documented by a 0.135 m-long bronzeexample from Nimrud. Extremely long (0.56 m.) and elaborate linch pins, piercingornate bronze axle caps, were found with a buried chariot in Cyprus.P?Wheels. Ninth-century reliefs of Assyrian chariots show the six-spoked wheelspredominant in the previous period (figs . 53, 54): while ~ few e~emy chariots appearing on them show eight-spoked ones." By the tIm~ of Tiglath-Pileser III ~744.-727

B.C.), the Assyrians themselves have adopted the eight-spoked wheel, WhICh IS toremain standard on all subsequent Assyrian wheels (figs. 55, 56).32

Elsewhere, the number of spokes appears to vary from six to ten, with a tendencyto become fixed at eight (figs. 57, 58). On those actual Cypriot chariot wheels wherethe number of spokes could be calculated, it was eight or ten. 33

Direct information for the size of chariot wheels is furnished by some Cypriotwheels, which are estimated to have measured ca 0.85 m., 0.90 m., 1.05 m. and1.40 m./L5o m. in diameter. Assyrian reliefs show wheels of native ~hariots of the8th and 7th centuries as distinctly larger than 9th century ones, WIth some royalchariots having the largest of all. We may, however, somewhat discount the size ofsome of the latter wheels, since the king and even the horses here are over-sized.

We have seen that four- and six-spoked wheels of the preceding period in Egypt

31 Wilkinson 1878, 234f. with figs . 66-67; Littauer and Crouwel 1979 (in press; this wheel. ca0.96 m . in diam ., presently in Brooklyn Museum) .

88 Kossack 1971, 155ff. with fig . 34; also Karageorghis 1967. 49f . with pl . CXX.39 A.o. Barnett 1975 . pIs . 65. 92, rojff., 168. A metal tyre, such as was used on Halstatt

wheels (Kossack 1971, 157, 159), is possibly indicated beneath hobnails on an Assyrian muralfrom Til Barsib, Parrot 1961, pI. 345 ·

bly from the 1St millennium B.C.37 These had felloes made of overlapping segments,with wooden tyres in butt-ended segments, flush with the felloes and lashed tothem. It would be very difficult, however, to hold a flush tyre firmly in place merelywith bindings-particularly in rough going . One solution to this problem might bea tongue-and-groove construction, in which a tongue on the inner surface of theouter felloe or tyre lies in a groove in the perimeter of the inner felloe. Such a construction has been suggested for wheels from Salamis in Cyprus.i" A very few wheelsunder Ashurnasirpal II show faint traces of binding on the inner part of the felloein areas flanking the outer ends of two opposite spokes (fig. 53)· The only conceivablepurpose of such bindings may have been to secure the mitred overlaps of two sectionsof heat-bent felloe. It may be relevant that in the later Egyptian wheel, which hasan inner felloe in overlapping sections, the overlaps lie across the spoke ends, andthe latter may have been supposed to have had the effect of pins in holding the twosections together. Bindings on either side of the spoke ends further secured thespoke ends. The problem of the 9th-century Assyrian wheels lies in how the outerfelloe or wooden tyre was secured in the absence of any clamps or bindings showncrossing it. vVe know from actual remains that the Egyptians used rawhide tyres(d. p. 79). These are put on wet and, in shrinking, consolidate the whole construction. In Assyria such a tyre would have helped to hold the parts of the composite felloe together. By the time of Tiglath-Pileser III two pairs of large metalclamps are shown joining both parts of the felloe and confirming the tongue- andgroove construction (figs . 55-56). The wh eels of royal chariots from the time ofSennacherib on are shown as studded with hobnails."

The only wheel-base dimensions obtained from actual remains are those of chariotbeta from tomb 79 at Salamis. Here the track was ca 1.68 m., which falls within

Egyptian track dimensions.Naves must have been long, as were all wooden ones (d. p. 79), but the only

dimensions obtained from actual remains are from two tombs at Salamis. Thes e at0.68 m. and 0.70 m., fall far outside any other known lengths for antiquity, withEgyptian naves varying from 0.31 m. to 0-44 m. (d. p. 79) and Hallstatt ones

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. rog

from 0.39 m. to 0.44 m.40 The latter may offer the safest parallels for Assyrianwheels.Draught pole. In contrast to the preceding period, when a single pole and a twohorse team were standard, we now find three different types of poles, as well asteams of two, three and four animals.

Remains of vehicles buried in Cyprus and Cypriot terra-cotta models furnishthe most explicit information. Buried bigae had single poles running back underthe box, while quadrigae had two poles, each pole running out from the side of thebox to a reportedly single, four-horse yoke. The terra-cotta model quadrigae, including those found in the Levant, show two poles too, but more often with twotwo-horse yokes (figs. 59-60).41

A Cypriot model biga and some other models in other materials from the islandand from the Levant that probably date to the next period (d. p. 147; jig. 83)document a different type of pole.42 This is the so-called Y-pole (q.v.), formed bybending the two side poles inwards in front of the box-not to merge, but to runcontiguously out to the yoke. Something similar is suggested by the profile viewsof chariots on Assyrian 9th-century reliefs (figs. 53-54). Here, the pole, as it risesfrom the chariot floor, impinges on the lower side of the box nearest the viewer, as acentral pole never would. Moreover, on several reliefs, the outline of a second poleappears ben eath the first (fig. 53), indicating the presence of a comparable elementcoming from the other side of the box, the two joining to run forward as a Y-pole.This type of pole is shown as rising abruptly before curving forward, which suggeststhat it did not continue back along the sides of the box or beneath it, but rose fromwhat look like metal sockets at the front. 43

The same pole appears to continue through the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III andinto that of Sargon II, although with a differently shaped chariot box (fig. 55) .

40 K.arageorghis 1967. 50 (tomb 3. chariot B); 1973a. 68. 70 (tomb 79. chariot beta); Drack1958, fig , 26 .

n Definite bigae .(not to be confused with single-poled carts, supra n. 3), Karageorghis 1967,49f~. ~tomb 3. ~hanot. B): 77££. (tomb 47, rst burial) ; 1973a. 74f.• 86 (tomb 79. chariot delta).Definite qu.adngae. Dikaios 1963. 156ff. {tomb I, znd burial); Karageorghis 1967, 77ff. (tomb47, znd bunal); 1973a. 78ff. (tomb 79, chariot beta). Terra-co ttas, infra n . 62.

:: For.Y-pole, Littaue: and Crouwel 1976, 76ff:; 1977a. Iff. with figs. 3-6 (Ovgoros model).While those ~ew r~lIefs of unharnassed ch ariots of Ashurnasirpal II (our f ig. 54) do not

show a pole of this design but what appears to be a single one. the foreshortening needed torender such may have been beyond capacity of artistes) . and deductions cannot be safely made.Independently, Spruytte has also come to conclusion that these Assyrian chariots had a Y-polecf. Littauer and Crouwel 1977a, 5f. '

,, -


; "- ". . -e-,

u Paterson 1915, 108f.; Littauer and Crouwel 1977c, 70f. . .45 "Pea pod" later shown on arch aizing chariot of Sennach erib, supra n ', 23. Bo,,:case inter

pretation supported by Neo-Assyrian bronze bucket in Teheran (unpubI.; mfor:nahon U . Calm eyer-Seidl letter Feb. 15, 1977) , where a "pea pod" is seen lying on ground in battle sceneinvolving chariot (with "pea p od") and horsemen. For other interpretations, a.o. Nagel 1966,5d. with n . 156; Madhloom 1970, 16f . (stressing function as pole support).

46 Also Orthmannrozr , pls. 9: a , II: b-d, 42: a. .41 Boessneck and von den Driesch (report forthcoming ; copy provided b~ B~essneck) . Find

circumstances, Hauptmann 1972 , royf. with pl. 59 : 1-2; also per sonal commu nicati on ,

Horses

Horses continue to be used extensively in harness, and there is increasing evidenceof their use as mounts.

The fullest osteological information comes from eastern Anatolia, where earlierevidence was also found (d. p. 41). Two stallions and a mare were buried in achamber tomb at Norsuntepe (7th cent. B.C.)-all between 5! and 6 years old.t?The males stood 1.40 m.-1.45 m . at the withers, one of them being slightly biggerand heavier than the other. The mare, at 1.25 m., was the smallest , but the mostthick-set .

In the 7th-century. Assyrian reliefs suggest a return of the single, central ~ole, as. inthe znd millennium, and this is supported by views of unharnessed chanots ifig«.56, 61). This pole runs forward from floor le~el in a mild upward curve towards thenew, four-horse yoke. . .

Assyrian reliefs show poles rectangular in section and usually remforced WIthpatterned metal sheathing (figs. 53, 55-56, 61). .. . , .

A pole supportfbreastwork brace is a constant on AssYJ?an reliefs. Unlike earlierexamples (d. p.8I), it appears to be a metal rod that nses close .to the box

44ata

nearly vertical angle, and forks near its attachment to the pole ifig«. 53-55). On9th-century and som etimes on 8th-century reliefs a pea-pod-shaped elem~nt, oftendecorated is seen running forw ard from the top of the front breastwork (ftgs . 53-55)as did therod or thong pole-end brace on earlier Assyrian chariots (d. p. 81; fig. 41).One purpose of this new element, which may still have concealed a pole-end brace,may have been to carry a bow, as its shape suggests.v

Non-Assyrian documents also frequently illustrate the vertical p~le. supp.ort/breastwork brace, as well as the "pea-pod" brace (fig. 58). Some Neo-Hittite relie.fs,however, instead of the latter, show the simple rod or . thong like that of earlierAssyrian chariots (fig . 57}.46

DRAUGHT ANIMALS (AND MOUNTS)

IIIEARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C .

Regrettably, very little is known about other skel etons reported from the Near~ast. These include the burial of several horses at Gordion (7th cent. B.C.) and ofsmgle horses at Baba Jan (Sth-zth cent. B.C.) and War Kabud (both in Luristan) 48

~t Hasanlu in northwest Iran, four skeletons were excavated by Iranian archaeologists, apparently in connection with a tomb; four other skeletons were found on afloor of Building V and a skeleton and skull found in Building VI of period IV(destroyed ca 800 B.C.) . From nearby Dinkha Tepe comes a fragmentary skeletonof an animal that stood ca 1.50 m .49

M~~an levels at Nush-i Jan near Hamadan gave a wide range of sizes, from ponieso~ mImat~re horses ~h~t stood 1.05-1.10 m. to horses standing over 1.50 m. at theWIthers, WIth the rnajorrtv standing 1.35-1.37 m., and variations from light to heavytype~. 50 Comparative dimensions furnished by the skeletons of harness horses from~y~not tombs also show a wide range, from 1.32 m. to 1.53 m. 51 Such variationsIII SIZe and type may well indicate selective breeding.

Horses are very frequently depicted-primarily in harness, but increasingly asmounts. !he r~lative. size of Assyrian horses may be deduced from the very circumstantIal reliefs (ftg. 53, 55-56, 62, 76-78). Ninth-century horses appear smallerthan 7th-century ones, when larger, heavier chariots and the increased use ofmounted troops . probably cr eated a demand for bigger horses. Assyrian horsesunder Ashurbampal are shown as strong, well-built, well-muscled animals, withlon~ canon bones, large hooves and "breedy " heads. Some 8th-century reliefs seemto illustrate the small pony cit ed above.52

48 Yo~.ng, R. S. 1956, 266 with pI. 96: figs . 56-57; 1964a, 55ff. with pl. XV: I (Cordionj ,:.lso Ozgu~, T. and Akok 1947, 80 (horse burial, tumulus near Ankara); Goff 1969, 123ff . withIg·. 7 (Baba Jan) ; V~nden Berghe 1968, 120 (War Kabud) ; al so Moorey 1971a , 103 (horse t eeth

st~~ned ? y bronze bits reported from ot her t ombs in Luristanj ,

Ghlrshman 1964a, 24ff. with fig . 131 ; Dyson 1965 , 208ff . (Hasanlu tomb)' 1973 195f

'1975, 1.81 (Has~nlu bUildings) ; Mu scarella 1974b, 67, 78f . with n . 16 (Dinkha T~pe) ' ~Iso i~~formation provI.ded by Bokonyi, letter March 2, 1974. Horse burials fr om Kalouras dear S.w.corner of CaspIa? (unpubl. d. H akemi 1968, 67), and p ossibly also horse teeth from nearbycemetery at Marlik (suPra p . 000), may d ate to early rst millennium.

50 B OOk " .o onyi 1973c: 13?f.; .1 978, ~sp . 28; also letter, March 2, 1974 . Horse remains, from 7th

cent. levels at Urartian SItes in Iranian Azerbaijan, belong t o animals standing at ca 1.34-1.45 m.,Boessneck a~d ~auss ~973, 128 (Bastan;. earlier horse .m a terial t oo); also Boessneck 1973,985~Zendam-I-Sulelman), for Skeletal matenal from Kanmr Blur (early 6th cent.), infra p. q8.

J?ucos 1967, esp. 157. (table) . Cf. .also. three ~orses, including a ca 18-year-old stallionstanding at ~a 1-48 m., buned a t some time m 1St mill. B .C. in mastaba near pyramid of Un asSaqqara, QUlbelland Olver I916 ; Vitt 1952, 201ff. '

52 Good ills. of horses, Barnett n .d . ; 1975; 1976. For sm all ponies Littauer 1971

26f withpis. VII : a-b. ' , .


Treatment of mane and tail . This is primarily elucidated by Assyrian reliefs. . .Manes. No distinction seems to be made throughout between th: manes of ndingor harness horses. Up to the time of Ashurbanipal, manes are consistently left long .Only enemy chariot horses under Ashurnasirpal II sho",: manes hogged (q.v.) orperhaps pulled (q.v.) and braided into knots. The forelock IS left long but evened ~ff,

until the time of Tiglath-Pileser III, when it is largely supplanted by a brow c~shlOn

(d. p. 1z7). Under Ashurbanipal, the mane is sometimes hogged, b~t agam ~he

forelock is occasionally left long. Under Sennacherib we first see a peculiar ~endenng

of the mane, which is to continue under Ashurbanipal.P This shows a hangmg ma~ebut, above it, what looks like the centre of the mane which had been. hogged. (fzg.6z). More likely, it is a way of indicating a thick mane that was parted m the middleand fell on both sides.Tails. Throughout the period, tails may be left long, merely evened off at theends and tied by a cord at the middle (figs. 53, 55, 78). On mounts ~nder Ashurnasirpal II (fig . 76) and Shalmaneser III, they may also be shown WIth the lowerhalf looped back in a "mud knot. " This fashion appears ~nly on mounts u~~er

Tiglath-Pileser III (fig. 77), but the paucity of document~tlOn m~kes generalitiesimpossible. Under Ashurbanipal , the lower hal~es of the tails of dnve~ ho~ses maybe braided before being ti ed up, and the nbbons of royal horses tails have"streamers'I."

Horses are frequently mentioned in the voluminous Neo-Assyrian tex~s : administrative documents, letters and reports of military expedit ions . They ar e hst edoften in large numbers-among booty collected or tribute received . The demandfor horses to replenish the chariot and mounted corps may even have acted as aninc entive for the Assyrians to undertak e military expeditions ~o the north, whe~e

the rich pastures of Azerbaij an and Urartu were noted for their hors es.P There ISno reference to them as pack animals or in .slow dr aught. T •••

As previously, classific~tion of horses IS. by se~, a~~ ~~lour. No sp ecific SIzes aregiven, but horses are occasionally charactenzed as big".

53 Barnett n .d .• pls. 24. 25 (Ashurnasirpal II) ; 1975. pI. 65 (Sennach erib);, .54 Discussion, Madhloom 1970, 22f.; he did not recognize "mud k nots on Ashurnasirpal

II's mounts. Barnett n .d. , pls, 57-59 (braiding).55 A .o . Salonen 1956, 31ff .; J ankowska 1969, 266 with fig. 5; Moorey 1971a, II5££. Lo cal

texts confirm importance of horse breeding in Urartu, a .o. Hancar 1956. 185.££. .56 Salon en 1956, 34 . White horses appare ntly especially priz~d , a~ i.n e~rher tex~s , d . W eidner

1952 159 R emains of actual stables are claimed to have been Identified III Palestine•. d . La~J.On

and Shipton 1939, 32ff. ; Yadin 1976 ; d . also J;reu sser 1954. 5?f. (AshurZ' But, as III ?reVIOUSperiod (supra p . 94. n. 85), this in terpretation IS op en t o question. cf. Pritchard 1970 , H erz og

Im· =~

Other animals

Although there is osteological and other evidence of asses, mules and hemiones,their appearance with chariots seems confined, like that of bovids, to mythologicalscenes, involving divine drivers.f? Ordinary carts, however, are usually shown asdrawn by mules or bovids (d. p . IOO).

57 Ass . cf. esp. sk eletons found with and without vehicle burials in Cyprus, Ducos 1967(standing at 1.05-1.32 m.; d . 18I: "horses" from tombs 2 and 31 are in fa ct asses). Mule, d.esp . its u se as pack animal, inf ra n. 142 . Hemione, d . esp. famous hunting reliefs of Ashurbanip al; since these show foal being cap tured alive. a nimals may also have been used t o get hybrids,a .o. Barnett n .d ., pIs. 103-104 . Mythological scenes, supra n. 13 (H asanlu gold bowl, relatedm etal vessel wit hout prov ., fragm. "Luristan" quiver ). Bovids a lso on an Neo-Hittite reli efsh owing a rc haic type of t wo-wheeler with pentepartite disk wheels, driven by deity, Orthrnann1971, pI. 41: f (Malatya). These scenes recall ea rlier on es and texts from Anatolia, supra pp. 56,n . 33, 74 , n. 9, 80; discussion, also Mellink 1966 .

58 Di scu ssion, Littauer 1976a , 217ff.

Sg Gordian m odel, supra n . 34. Six re in s seem rarely in d icated on "Whit s Obelisk", Unger1932, pI. VIII (reliefs B6-7); Madhloom 1970, 10. F or tiles, Andrae 1925 , pI. 7. Eight reinson Ashurnasirpal II's reliefs, Barnett n .d .; pis. 24-25 ; 1975, pI. 37 ; quadrigae may also be

II3EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

HARNESSING

Traction in Assyria through the 9th cent. B.C. continues to be by a pole attachedto a two-horse yoke similar in shape to the ones known from Egypt in the precedingperiod. Similar Y-shaped yoke saddles are in use, and som ewhat shorter yokebraces (d. p. 85; fig. 43)· This is clearly illustrated on reliefs sh owing unharnessedchariots of Ashurnasirpal II (fig . 54). Similar harnessing may be assumed for thechariots of Shalmaneser III, although it is less explicitly shown. In profile views oneor both yoke-saddle finials may sometimes be seen and also, in distorted perspective,the sharply recurved yoke end id entified by its animal-headed terminals (fig. 53).58

Although only two horses were under yoke before the 8th century, and no morethan three horses are ever shown, there are indications of two-, three- and four-horseteams, the latter t aking over completely towards the end of the 8th century. Thatbigae and trigae existe d side by side already at the time of the "White Obelisk"is suggested by the rendering of both four (fig. 41) and six rein s on it. While til esof Tukulti-Ninurta II (888-884 B. C.) show two pairs of reins, the consiste nt , carefulrendering of six (fig. 53), and occasionally of eight reins under Ashurnasirpal IIindicates both trigae and quadrigae. A fragmentary bronze model from Gordionillustrates a quadriga composed of two yoke horses and two outriggers (q.v .), as inGreece."

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.IIZ

The existence, from the 8th cent. B.C. on, of quadrigae with all four horse~ under.yoke, and not only the two pole horses, is confirmed by Cypriot chariot remainsand terra-cotta models from Cyprus and the Levant, although the latter do not datebefore the 7th-6th cent. B.c. But in contrast to Assyrian documents, these alwaysshow two poles, with either a single four-horse yoke (fig. 60) or two two-horse yokes(fig. 59)·62

Bigae seem to be indicated on several Neo-Hittite reliefs, where no more thanfour reins are illustrated (fig. 57) and where a yoke saddle is still sometimes shown,and on some other documents.P

A fan-shaped object appears in the yok e area on several Assyrian reliefs, sometimes seeming to project across two horses' necks (fig. 53). To judge from unharnessed chariots depicted under Ashurnasirpal II (fig. 54), there was one such objectfixed to the centre of the yoke (possibly as finial to the yoke peg) and facing forward. These objects were restricted under Ashurnasirpal II and Sargon II to royalchariots or to those of officers, and under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal to certainroyal chariots only. They might have figured decoration, as did two actual bronzeexamples found at Zinjirli.v' On a few royal chariots under Ashurnasirpal II, thefan-shaped object is shown as surmounted by a decorated disk, which may representa sun disk, as did similar objects on earlier Egyptian pharaohs' chariot poles ."

The exact manner in which the three- and four-horse teams were harnessed isdifficult to reconstruct from the strictly profile views on Assyrian reliefs. The numerous and complicated straps under Ashurnasirpal II (fig. 53) and the summaryexecution of the Balawat Gates of Shalmaneser III make the 9th century especiallyhard to interpret . So long as yok e saddles were in use they must have been held onby neck straps attached to the ends of their legs and crossing the horse's neck in

• 82 Four-horse y~ke apparentl~ pn~sent on two buried quadrigae, Dikaios 1963, 159f. withfig . 4; Karageorghis 1973a, 79 WIth figs. IO-II (tomb 79, cha rio t beta); details of reconstructionof yoke, poles and body of latter may be questioned. Littauer 1976b. Terra-cottas with fourhorse yoke, a .o. Littau er a nd Crouwel 1977c, 71 with pI. XXV; others with two two-horseyokes, a.o. Gjerstad 1935, pI. CCXXXIV: 5 (good ill ., Karageorghis 1967, fig . 5) ; Young andYoung 1955. 216f. with figs. 15-17.

83 Orthmann 1971, pI. 24: a, c-f (yoke saddles). Actual bigae and terra-cottas from Cyprus,supra nn. 41-42 .

64 Andrae 1943. 79ff. with figs . 90-91 and pI. 40 : cod (Zinjirli exs ., ca 0.68 and 0.803 m . inwidth); Botta and Flandin 1849-50. pis . 56-57) (Sargon II) ; Barnett 1975. pIs . 65, 168 (Sen nacherib and Ashurbanipal); discussion, also H rouda 1965. 96 ; Madhloom 1970, 14. 16.

66 Barnett n .d ., pIs . 26, 27. Cf. Carter 1927, 60. 62f. with pI. XLIV (actual exs .; tomb ofTut'ankhamun) ; Yadin 1963, 192-193 , 213-217, 333-337 (Egyptian ills .) ; discussion. Littauer1976a, 219 .


The 8th century seems to be a period of transition and experiment-both artisticand technical in Assyria. Chariots under Tiglath-Pileser III may show six or eightreins with two horses (fig. 55). Artists, who had tried to show all three horses of atriga under Ashurnasirpal II, but had baulked at a fourth, were now experimentingwith reducing the number until, by the 7th cent. B.C., we shall find a single horserepresenting a team of four (fig . 56).

While a provincial relief of the time of Tiglath-Pileser III , from Arslan Tash,depicting a triga, still shows the yoke saddle and the pad beneath is, the terrets(q.v.) are no longer situated on the horse's shoulder, but on the yoke itself. 60 Thereliefs of this king from Nimrud, however, seem to indicate another technical change-a new type of yoke that is explicitly illustrated only with unharnessed chariots(Assyrian, Levantine and Chaldean) under Sargon II, Sennacherib (fig. 61) andAshurbanipal." This new, long yoke, which is shaped into bays-clearly paddedfor the horses ' necks , instead of fitted with yok e saddles, is only shown on thesereliefs as a four-horse yoke. But some reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III, suggest that atwo-horse form of it was used in triga hitch with an outrigger (fig. 55). This new yokewas still sharply recurved at the ends. The terret rings-eight to a four-horse yokeinstead of being fixed on the shoulder, as earlier in Egypt and in oth-century Assyria, were now fixed on the yoke in the indentations between the .bays and nearthe still sharply recurved ends of the yoke (figs. 61, 62). Their higher position helpsexplain the very garbled rendering of the yok e under Tiglath-Pileser III as anunsuccessful attempt to depict this new, fitted yoke from the side, and the absenceof yoke-saddle finials on these reliefs confirms this interpretation.

Yoke braces, an important harness element used with earli er yokes (cf. p. II3;jigs. 43, 54), may well have continued with the new fitted type. Although notillustrated with the unharnessed chariots under Sargon II, Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal, they do appear with the long, four-bayed yokes of Elamite carts shownfloating down the river Ulai (fig. 52).

deduced from two pairs of horses being swum aft er single chario t transported by boat. Barnettn .d .• pIs. 18-20; 1975. pIs. 25-26 . Presence of trigae much debated : pro. esp. Hrouda 1~63.156; 1965, 96, 151; Littauer 1976a. 219, 222ff. (referring t o trigae in Greece a nd Etruria};contra, esp. Nagel 1966. 53££. ; Madhloom 1970. 15H. . . .

80 Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931. pI. VIII; Littauer 1976a, 218f. WIth fig. 17 (detail) .81 Littauer 1976a• figs. 21 (Sargon II) , 22 (our f ig . 61 ; Sennacherib) ; P ater son 1915. pIs.

71-73 (same king ; chariot cap t ured at Lachish, !,ale:~n~); Barne~t 1976, pI. XXXV (~hu~banipal ; captured Elamite exs.). Four-horse yok e implicit in harnessing scen e of Ashurbampal sroyal quadriga (our f ig. 63 ; Barnett n.d ., pI. 59 ; 1975, pI. 92; 1976, pis. V and A).

. :"" ";':"'-: ::..

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. lI5

front, as they did earlier in Egypt (d. p. 85). The horses nearest the viewer onAshurnasirpal II's reliefs are presumably outriggers, as no saddle legs are visibleon them." The neck strap, which widens to spread the pressure on the front of theneck, runs back to an open, thumbnail-shaped element, of the same form as thesaddle pad, and obviously deriving from it, and which must be connected in somewayan the far side with a yoke horse. The terret ring is placed on the horse's shoulderin a position similar to that which it occupied in Egypt, but since there would benoyoke saddle on an outrigger, there is no saddle end to which to attach it and it isperhaps held down by one of the straps that passes under the horse's belly. A secondstrap that passes under the belly just in front of the first forks as it goes up over theshoulder and its ends connect with a strap encircling the horse's neck above thesaddle-pad strap. This may be a backing element (q.v.), although an outrigger wouldnot seem to need one.

It also might represent a second, more secure means of attaching an outrigger toa yoke horse. This is suggested by the fact that no traces are shown running to thechariot box on these very detailed reliefs, although traces are consistently depictedin the much less realistic Greek vase painting of quadrigae, where only two horsesare under yoke." The conclusion is that the outriggers must have been connected0I11y to the pole horses or to the ends of the yoke, although not being under it.With this type of harness, a horizontal strap is worn across the chest below the neckstrap. The fringe that hangs from it, besides being ornamental, probably also servesto keep off flies (already seen on the "White Obelisk," fig. 41, and even in th e 3rdmillennium, d. p. 30; figs. 3. 6, 8).

Harnessing of later Assyrian chariots. from Tiglath-Pileser IlIon, when thefitted yoke had come into use, appears to have been simpler, involving fewer straps(figs . 55-56). The neckstrap, now attached to the yoke itself because the yokesaddles have disappeared, is still a constant and essential feature. The other strap,placed below it and crossing the chest, continues to be shown-often still with ahanging fly fringe. Only one strap that apparently passes under the belly is shown .Under Tiglath-Pileser III (fig. 55), this single strap seems to be attached to the endof the yok e. In the absence of any other visible backing element, it probably fillsthis role. Whether there was any connection between it and a possible similar strapon the next horse (not marked on the chariot models), is unascertainable. Sometimesunder Sennacherib and consistently under Ashurbanipal (figs . 56, 62), th e single

88 Littauer 1976a, 218£. For harnessing, also Hrouda 1965, 98f .; Nagel 1966 , 58.87 A.o . Simon and Hirmer 1976, pIs . XIII, 55-56, 94; discussion, Littauer 1976a, 223.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.II6 EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.II7

belly strap, instead of being attached to the yoke (i.e. infrant of the withers) appearsto cross the back (behind the withers like a true girth, q .v.) and widens in its upperhalf. Its only visible connection is with the horizontal band that goes around thechest and that, since under Ashurbanipal it no longer carries a fly fringe, seems tohave little practical purpose except to keep the "girth" in place. Neither of thesestraps seems elaborate enough to be purely decorative. Two practical roles may bepostulated for this girth: 1. a connection might exist between it and a similar girthon the next (pole) horse, helpful in keeping the four horses properly aligned undero?: yo~e; 2. i! co~nected by a strap running from beneath the horse's belly (in:,sIble In profile VIew) and up between its forelegs to the neckstrap of the yoke,It would help to ~eep the yoke from riding forward over th e horse's head in backing.It would be an Improvement over the earlier form of backing element, one of th edefects of which was that, unless slack, it could cut the animal under the elbows(d. p. 86). In the absence of any other visible backing element, it is difficult not tointerpret this girth as such.

Another harness element is a discoid shoulder ornament that is standard in Assyria from Tukulti-Ninurta II to Sargon II (figs . 53, 55). It appears later only sometimes on Assyrian royal chariots, but is still used by the Elamites with cart harness(fig. 51). Actual examples have been found vvith Cypriot vehicle burials-two to ateam. Of repousse bronze, and hinged to bronze tongues with suspension loops atthe top, these disks are clearly too small to have afforded protection. They mayperhaps have served to weigh something down, their fringes also helping to keepthe flies away. 68

Assyrian reliefs throughout indicate that harness straps were often decoratedwith appliques of discoid, banjo, or other shapes, which also decorated the breastbands (q.v.) of ridden horses (fig s. 53, 55, 62). Numerous bronze examples, particularly from outside Assyria proper, suggest a wide distribution of such objects."

Non-Assyrian chariot representations, when showing harness in any detail,

88 Something similar is already shown with some royal Egyptian chariots , Yadin 1963, 334,337 (Ramesses III) . Madhloom (1970, II) suggests presence also on "White Obelisk" . Actuale::-:s . from Cyp~s, Karageorghis 1967, 49 (tomb 3, nos. 23 . 114 ; total length 0.52 m . ; diam.dIsk. 0 .2~ m.) .wlth.pl.. CXXVIII; 1973a, 76, n£., 83££., 86 with esp. pIs. CCLXXII-VI (tomb79). Their weight indicates that they could not have been suspended from outside rein assuggested by Karageorghis (1967, 49) and Madhloorn (1970, 12, 17 with n . 5) ; d . Littauer I976a,220f.

89 A.o. Boehmer 1965. 802f£. (material esp . from cemetery B, t omb 15 at Sialk on Iranianplateau); Calmeyer 1969, group 48; Moorey I97Ia, 128 and s.v. nos. I5 I- I52a.

depict it as resembling that seen on Assyrian r~liefs: A good example is. a NeoHittite relief from Sak<;agozii, where the harnessmg IS of 9th cent. Assynan type

(fig. 58).

CONTROL

Harness and riding horses were controlled by apparently. similar (usually ?itted)bridles. These might vary (according to their usage) only in some of the bits employed and in some accessory elements. Led horses were often controlled by other

means. . I dHeadstall. On Assyrian reliefs the cheekstraps (q.v.) divide near their ower en sinto two or three branches for attachment of the bit's cheekpieces (q.v.): and aresecured by a throatlash (q.v.) that crosses the upper cheek, rather than going underthe throat proper, as do modern ones. A browband (q.v.) is usually pr~ent (fig~. 53,56, 76, 77). A half-noseband (q.v.) of special design appears un~er Tlglath-PileserIII to become standard from Sargon II onward. Its straps run diagonally upwardsacr~ss the nose from the point of cheekstrap division (figs . 55, 56, 76, 78 andesp. 79). The position of these straps acr.oss the nose a~d o:-er the brow is i1lustra~edon a stone head from Zinjirli (where their area of crossmg IS covered by a decorative

plaque) and on a Cypriot terra-cotta modelYigs. 63, 59)·70 .'Bits. Surviving bits, as before, have basically snaffle (q.v.) combmed WIth.cheekpiece action, but are more varied. Still mainly of bronze, the~ now ar~ sometimes ofiron, or combine both metals. Rarely, bone or antler cheekpieces. which must have

had either " soft " organic or jointed metal canons, are found.Actual bits fall into a variety of categories, depending upon the type of canon,

it connection with the cheekpieces, and whether the latter are studded or not.~.sBits with bar canons. Widely used in the previous period with discoid cheekpieces(d. p. 87; type I), these (of bronze) are now limited to Luristan in :vest-central Iran(fig. 65).71 The single canons, round or roughly rec~an~ar in section, 'pass throughholes in the centres of the cheekpieces, and almost invariably have theIr ends rolledback on themselves to form loops that would have held rings for the attachment ofthe reins. No satisfactory explanation has yet been found for the fact that these loops

10 Von Luschan 19II , 335f. with figs . 245-247; also Wolff and Opitz 1935-36, 332ff. wi~h

figs . 8-10 (d. 326 for half-noseband on Assyrian reliefs); Gjerstad 1935, pl . CCXXXIV: 3 (Ayia

lrini model). . 6 f (71 Only on e Luristan bit of type I comes from known fin~,conte~\Thrane .19 4, ig . 5 our

fig . 65; shrine, Tang-i-Hamamlan); for similar openwork bow-tie cheekpIeces, Calmeyer

1969, group 38; Moorey 1971a, s .v. nos . 108-109· .


9

II9

are bent in opposite directions. The canons are occasionally so long that the bits areessent~ally."run-out" ~its, ~here the extra length protruding gives added leverageto a directional pull. Directional control is also emphasized by the studs on the innerfaces of the cheekpieces, as on many earlier examples (d. p. 89). .

The cheekpie~esare sometimes still discoid, but are usually in the form .of piercedplaques of varymg shape-frequently zoomorphic-and have loops to take a twopart cheekstrap.:"T~at t~e.bit.s were actually used-the most elaborate ones perhaps only in cere

monies-c-is mdicated ~y the w~ar on some of them-in one case even to the breakingthrough of the cheekpiece hole in the area where it was reinforced.". ~he emphasis on directional control implied by the studded cheekpieces probablymdicates that these were primarily driving bits.2 . Bits u:ithjrn,nted wire c~nons. Firmly documented at Ashur (fig. 66) and in Cyprus,these bits basically continue a type established in the preceding period (d. p. 88;type 4).74 The canons are composed of two strands of heavy metal wire, loopedthrough ea:h other in th: middle and twisted back on themselves to pass throughthe cheekpieces and end m loops to take the reins or a rein attachment. The cheekpieces are long and roughly rectangular and carry two or three loops for attachingthe che:kstraps. Studs are lacking on the majority of them, including the rathernarro~ Iron ones found with vehicle burials in Cyprus (mid 8th to 7th cent. B.C.).The WIre canons are more severe than the plain bars, and the joint in the centreproduces a "nutcracker" effect on the corners of the horse's mouth when both reinsar: pulled. I~ the canons are very long-as they often are-this joint could presspamfully against the roof of the horse's mouth." In the case of one such bit found onSamos, the cheekpieces were in the form of galloping horses and clearly influenced

72 Discoid cheekpieces, Moorey 1971a, S .V. nos. IIO-III ; 197rb, rz r f .: two complete bits(~otratz I~66, pls. 118, II9) may date to later znd mill. , supra p . 87, n. 61; other individualCIrcular objects are. too weak in fabric to have been cheekpieces, Moorey I971a, s.v, no . 141;1971b, 122. ~heekpl~ces of o~her sh.apes (they derive, like those cited supra n . 71, from rectangular cheekpieces which were III use III the previous period with jointed, not bar canons, d . p. 88,tYPffe 3), Potratz 1966, 107, 138ff .; Moorey 1971a, S .V. nos. II5-130 ; 1971b, I23f.; Amiet 1976,55 .

13 Moorey I971a, 107; 1971b, 124f.; Amiet 1976, 56.74 Ashur exs., Po~ratz 1966, pI. 105 (our f ig. 66); 1941-44, 5 with fig. 4 (cheekpiece only); add

Preusser 19.54, 59 W1t~ n : 131 and l?I. 27: c ~ another ex. may date to later znd mill ., supra p. 88,n. 64 . Cypnot exs ., Dikaios 1963, fig. 21; Karageorghis 1967, 21,49,86, 105 with esp. pI. CXLI;1973a, 76, 82, 86 with esp. pI. CCLXIII.

75 Littauer 1969a, 295; d . length of canons of our fig. 66 (Ashur): 0.26 m ., of Cypriot exs.from tomb 79: 0.184-0.304 m . (compared with max. length today of 0.153 m .).

>.f

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.lI8


78 Ghirshman 1939, pl. LVI: no. S. 835 (our fig. 68; Sialk B, tomb 15), also nos. S. 588,80

3 : a-b, 841,

and 79I: a-b with pI. LVII (bone); Contenau and Ghirshman 1935, pl. V: 6(Giyan in Luristan); Goff 1969, fig. 7: 5 (Baba Jan, horse burial, supra n. 48); Dyson 19

64,372,

fig. 3 (bone; Hasanlu III, not IV, d. Muscarella 1974b, 79, n. 16; unpubI. bone/antlerexs. as well as all-metal bits from Hasanlu IV in Philadelphia, University Museum); Porada19

65b,fig. 73 (bone ex.; "Ziwiyeh"; d. bronze ex., Godard 1950, fig. 46); others without provo

from Iran, Potratz 1966, 125f£.; Moorey 1971a, S.V. no. 131. Boehmer 1972, nos. 2II7-2II8(antler; Bogazkoy); Hauptmann 1972, I05ff. with pI. 69:2 (mouthpiece only; Nor§untepe,horses' burial, supra n. 47); Barnett and Watson 1952, 143 with fig. 22 (bone; Karmir Blur).

7P Scythian bits, a.o. Potratz 1963, 6lff.

80 Boehmer 1972, no. 694 with pl. LVIII (our fig. 69; Bogazkoy, "Unterstadt"), and p. 192,n. 156b. (unpubI. ex.; Gordion); unpubI. ex. from Iran (call. M. A. Littauer).

81 Potratz 1966, pI. 122 (our jig. 70; Nimrud) , fig. 47: a (reportedly Assyrian; no prov.).For Urartian exs., some inscribed with royal names, Azarpay 1968, 43, 50 with pI. 22 (Altintepe), 4

2(Karmir BIur); Tasyiirek 1975, 153 with pIs. XXXII: c, XXXIV: a-b; d. also two

exs. from "N.W. Iran", Moorey 1971a, nos. 133-134.


ones, the metal canons being usually wire, but sometimes plain. The cheekpieces,of bronze, iron, bone or antler are rod-like, of varying design, sometimes with decorated ends.

7sWhere the loops of the canon ends were large enough, the cheekpieces

may have passed through these loops (the principle of Scythian bits) and the reins(as before) have been attached to the latter. 79 But where the canon-end loops weretoo small for this they must have been attached to the central cheekpiece hole bythongs or wire. In this case the reins would have been attached to the canon endsinside the cheekpiece. This last variant would have been milder, because no leveragewould have been exerted on the cheekpiece.

5· Bits with jointed canons linked directly to cheekpieces. Documented by only a fewexamples from central Anatolia (fig. 69) and north-west Iran, of bronze or iron, thesebits seem only to be structurally improved versions of type 3, in that the outer endsof the canons are linked more securely to loops in the cheekpieces by means ofheavy rings.

soThe reins are also attached to these rings (hence to the cheekpieces)

or to metal extensions of this loop, as in Anatolia (fig. 69). The canons, sometimes ofwire, may be composed of two to five links. The cheekpieces are rod-like, of varyingdesign, and may be pierced or have two loops for cheekstraps. This bit, like type 4,would have a relatively mild action-particularly where there were multiple links.6. Bits with jointed canons cast in one piece with their respective cheekpieces. Amongthe few examples safely dated to this period, are one from Nimrud (fig. 7

0) and some

from UrartU-all of bronze.st The canons may be linked directly together in thecentre or have an extra link between them; in cases they are roughened by beingwrapped with fine wire. The cheekpieces are rod-like, of varying design; they may

,

I

120

. al h h ot identical with it. The mouthpiecesby the traditional Lunstan .type, f tthi?U

gt

~ found at Nimrud and on Samos and. g other cheekpieces 0 s ypaccompanym hi h t that they like the first Samos example, mayRhodes had perished, :'. c s~gges s. 76 The iack of studs on Cypriot bits thath h d canons of jointed Iron WITe. dir . al

ave a. . .. mi ht be due to the decreased need for ectionwere associated WIth drivm

gbl gh iots with four-horse teams all under yoke thatcontrol on the less manoeuvra e c an ,

come into use in the late 8th cent. B.C. . al Anatolia in different

3· Bits with joi~ted sm~~~ :~;:~~~~~:e~:::a: ~;n~;onze or iro~. 77 Their twoparts of Iran (fz~. i~~ection and cas~ separately, their inner ends passed throughcanons are. rounholes and interlocked at the centre. The outer ends of. th: canonsthe cheek~le~e. thick rings or in clenched fists to take a separate rem nng. Themay tenn~a em. which are unsuitable for studs, may be short or long,new. rod-like che~kPIeC~S, t to a wide angle; they may be pierced to take the cheekstraight, crescentic, or en f thi u ose and their ends may be decorated.strap ends or may hav.e loops or s pfrp ~ type 2 except that their smoothThese bits have eslsentiall

ythTehSeaymmeaaych~;e been used: as at least some of those of

make them ess severe. .. difficanons .. b t al f riding where directional control is not so 1-type 2 were, for driving, u so or ,

cult. t d of the canons of all Near Eastern metal bitsWh .ously the ou er en s .ereasd, tPhreVlgh the' cheekpieces we now also find other methods of connectmghad passe rou ,

:.r;,~: ~it~:~';~;:;s passing through loops i: '7s ~~oi:~t~~:o:d~:~~~latter Documented in different parts of Iran (f g.) If" oft"thes~ bits have jointed canons of bronze or iron, and apparent y some imes s

(with remains of jointed wire canons), B508, B756,76 Samos exs., Jantzen 197

2,nos. BI215 f ith fg 70 ("bronze", but said to be "elec-

B895 with pl. 61. Nimrud, Mal.lowan 1966, 127 . WI no I6~ with pl. 25. For relationship withtrum" by Moorey). Rhodes, Blinkenberg 193:: ~~~re . 19~Ia, II5; 1971b, 123f.; 1974, 194;Luristan bits, Calmeyer 19

6?, s.vi.f5JouP,+;5, 88 lmos also presents parallels for two Dsimilar cheekpieces on Assynan ..re ie s'] znfa n. 7' nos B33

215

19with pl. 4

8(here regarded

shaped ckeekpieces from Bogazkoy, cf. an ~en 19 2, . ,

as parts of belts); Boehmer 1972V~OS'a~~t~:V:no. S. 924 (our fig. 67; pair from Sialk B,77 Ghirshman 1?3?, pIs. XX . 1 from Luristan, Potratz 1966, 135ff; Moorer 197Ia, s.v.

tomb 74); many SImilar ~~iure~~~~dI964a, fig. 339 (Hasanlu); Negahban 1964, fig. 134 (M~rnos. II2-

II4;197

1b,122, rs no 132' and others from Transcaucasia,

lik; d. parallel from "N.W. Iran", ~~rey 19JI~ 1962 166ff. with pl. 48: fig. 26 (Gordian);Potratz 1966, fig. 78 and pl. 176: a-b), ~ung, U· artu Ghirshman 1966, ZI9£. with figs. 1-3;exs some inscribed with royal name~, rom r , . rAzarpay 1968,50 (Altintepe); Piotrovski 1969, pl. 77 [Karmir Blu )' .

. ---.-"'--',::-'.

82 For bits on Assyrian reliefs, esp. Anderson 1961, 67ff .; Hrouda 1965, 97ff. with pl. 29;Madhloom 1970, pl. VIII; Moorey I97Ia, 108, 112.

83 Also on tiles of Tukulti-Ninurta II, Andrae 1915. pl. 7.84 Clearest on Sargon I'I's horses. a .o. Encyclopedic 6, 317. 319. 320 (= Yadin 1963. 427);

ANET, pl . 27; Barnett 1975, pl . 61.

have decorated ends, and they carry two loops for the cheekstraps. Reins wereattached to an external loop cast solid with the cheekpiece and its canon. This bit,which is to become the prevailing one in the next period (d. p. 150; jig. 85a-b),would have had a strong compressing action on the corners of ' the horse's mouthbecause of the rigid connection between canons and cheekpieces. It is primarilya braking bit, hence suitable for a chariot that does not require much manoeuvering,or for riding. It has certain practical advantages over earlier bits, since it eliminateswear caused by friction between canons and cheekpieces and, being in large partcast, it involves fewer stages of manufacture.

It is usually very difficult to identify these actual bits on horses in figured documents. As is amply apparent from the above descriptions, similarly shaped cheekpieces-plaques as well as rods-might be used with different types of canons. Thelatter, being largely in the mouth, are hard to indicate in two-dimensional art. Thisis true even of the detailed Assyrian reliefs. These do, however, illustrate somedevelopment-at least in the design of the cheekpieces.s-

Bits of both driven and ridden horses under Ashurnasirpal II (figs. 53, 76) havelong, roughly rectangular, plaque cheekpieces with canons passing through holes inthe centre, which strongly recall type 2. The ends of what seem to be jointed canonspass through the centres of the cheekpieces and appear to be very long. 83

Under Tiglath-Pileser III (figs . 55, 77) and Sargon II, driven and ridden horsesalike wear distinctly narrower cheekpieces-straight or slightly curved. Both ofthese may be rod-like, as many actual cheekpieces, but the straight ones may suggest flatter pieces, like some of type 2. The reliefs suggest that the outer ends of thecanons no longer always passed through the cheekpieces and that the reins wereattached inside the latter.f" Whether this is realistic, or simply a convention to avoidthe reins obscuring part of the cheekpiece, it is impossible to tell. The latter seemsmore likely, as on most of the actual bits the reins are attached on the outside.

Under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal (figs . 71, 78, 79) the great majority of bitsshown on both driven and ridden horses have crescentic cheekpieces, often taperingtowards the upper end. These resemble in shape actual cheekpieces of antler tineknown from the Near East at this time and before (d. p. 88f.; jig. 50), as well as


from Europe and Central Asia. Although almost certai '. .form, the cheekpieces on the Assyria li f ainly inspired by the antlerthe fact that no actual close parallels~~~:t:~~ ~suallY ~ave been of metal, despitemetal would have been preferable, both for stren ~own. ormally, where available,however, showing a mounted Ashurb . 1 gtd and ~or elegan~e.85 In one case,tion of the accompanying canon, the :~d~f:~:te hunt~ng, there IS a clear indicathe cheeckpiece (jig . 71). It is twisted, as if of cord p;sses tIght~y ~round the centre ofpieces do not show the ends of the can hi h . he other SImilarly shaped cheekas prevalent for the time. In some ca~~si;i c m.~ ~~ve been of metal and jointed,having each canon and its cheek . t s pOSSI e at they resembled type 6 inby the rein being sometimes seen r~:~:n~~stotoaglether, athsugghestio~ perhaps supported

A h . oop on e c eekplece 86not er design of cheekpiece shown onl on h . .

and Ashurbanipal (jigs. 56, 62) is matchedYb arness amm:us under Sennacheribrather thick bars, sometimes apparently of ~;~t:~tualt~eClII~ns. Th~e a~e long,terminating in loops. To judge b one exam 1 . me or ound WIth It, andthrough the cheekpiece was of WI! . t p e (fzg. 62), the canon, which passed

. ,re, as m ype 2 . 87

Fmally, cheekpieces in the form of all . h . .actual metal ones f N' d g opmg orses, identical in appearance with

rom imruo, Samos and Rhod (fSennacherib--sometimes on the 1 h . es c . p. r rof.) , are shown underof the pole of his "rickshaw" (c;oya orses (fzg. 72) and on the .horse-head finialrestricted use of bits with h hPk I~4). These few representation, confirm theAssyrian bits.88 SUC c ee pieces, which fall outside the mainstream of

Non-Assyrian documents tell little about bit Athat appear to show "bitless bridl " s. nd several Neo-Hittite reliefs

n es are so summary that th d .such a necessary element of the head t 11 h . ey even 0 not depictliterally (fig. 57). s a as t e headpiece, hence cannot be read

Reins. As in the previous p . d . .head of each horse . throu a parr of r.ems ran from the driver's hands to the

,passmg rough terret nngs on the way. Under Ashurnasirpal

85 Cf, esp. details, Albenda 1976-77 fi 8 .1961. 68f., 72 with pI S' a-b: Moorey' gS·3 -4 I

f,43-4S, For mfluence of antler tine Anderson

86 B ", I97Ia, 104 . 'arnett n.d., pI. 89 (our jig 71) F I

caption to pl. 6: b. '. or oop, a.o. Barnett n .d .• pIs. 83-84; Anderson 196187 C 'f. esp. details Albenda 1976 fi

nacherib) . ' -77, IgS. 42 (our jig. 62), 46 (= Barnett I97S, pI. 6S; Sen-

88 Porada I96Sb. pl. 2I (our jig. 72 ; attributed th .pls . 74-76 (two chariots, inclUding archaizing pere to AShurbarupaI); Paterson I9IS,Azarpay 1968, pI. 29) ; discussion Calmeyer andoMneo'oSU ra ::,; 23); Gadd 1936, pl. 23 (detail,

, rey suI" a n. 76.

EA.RLIERFIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.122


II, Assyrian triga drivers are clearly shown with reins held individually, separatedby the fingers of each hand (fig. 53). The whip is then held between the thumb a.ndforefinger, and one hand can be used-if rat~er awkwardly-to shorten the ~ems

in the other. When the same method is used with four reins, however, as we see It onthe occasional quadrigae of Ashurnasirpal II, it becomes very cumbersome i~deed,

because the seventh and eighth reins must be held between thumbs and forefingers,and the driver has no liberty to adjust them. It never seems to have occurred to theAssyrians to group the right and left reins into bundles by knotting them over thehorses' backs as we see Greek drivers doing from the 6th cent. B.C. on. Even adistribution ;f the reins into right and left is shown only once (on a quadriga ofAshurnasirpal II), although this absence of evidence may be due to difficulty inrendering this arrangement.s" . .

An attempt to ameliorate this situation is first noted under Tiglath-Pileser III,where three pairs of reins som etimes go back to the driver's hands and the twooutside reins appear to be attached instead by a slip knot to a fixture at ~he frontof the box.P'' As evidence of yoke-saddle finials is lacking on these chanots, andterret rings appear as attached to a clumsily rendered yoke, instead of on the shoulderas .before, these are probably already fitted yok es, with individual bays for thehorses' necks and terrets set in the depressions between them, as illustrated onunharnessed four-horse yokes with eight t errets under Sargon II, and Sennacherib(d. p. II4; fig. 61, d. 62). .

This new method of reining, st andard from Sargon II onwards, leaves the driverof a quadriga with the original three r eins in each hand and permits him quicklyto loosen on e of the outside reins. That these reins were attached, not at the frontcomers of the box, but closer to the centre, is shown by a lion-hunting mural fromTil Barsib where there is evidently room for the trophy's body between comer postand rein fixture. It has been suggested that this extra line was not a rein but a fonnof yoke brace from the ends of the yoke to the box ~nd that the rei~s ~ad beenreduced by some means to six; this, however, seems disp~oven by the indisputableoccurrence of eight terrets on the yokes, and by some slight evidence of the continuation of the traditional form of yoke brace (d. p. II4).91

89 Barnett 1975, pI. 37. Gr eek drivers, a.o. Simon and Hirmer 1976, pIs. XIII, 94. .80 On those chariots where traditional "pea pod" is missing. That there were two straps. IS

suggested by their once being shown as double, Barnett an d Falkner 1962, pIs . XV-I; ot herwisenearer rein may .be assumed to mask further on e. d . pIs . XLIII-IV, LXXX! (below)-~II.

81 Parrot 1961, pI. 345 . Dis cussion , Littauer 1976a. 225f.• where yoke-brace interpretationwas still supported.

. --:.... ... , _...

-'


92 Littauer 19~6a, ~25. Somewhat similar arrangement suggested for Assyrian qu adrigae byNagel 1966, 55 WIth figs , 73, 75.

93 C~riot burials, Dik~ios 1963, 160 with figs. 21, 31; Karageorghis 1967, 21 (tomb 2), 48(tomb 3 , no. 115 = our i tg. 73), 87 (tomb 47 ; d . nos. 72, 88 of ivory); 1973a, 76f., 81. 86 with

~.sP: pls. CCLXVII-III (tomb 79). Other bronze exs., a .o, Andrae 1943, fig. 152 and pl. 54 (Zinjirli}: ~ufnell 1953, P~: 41:5 (Lachish) . :t.Jrartian exs. , Ghirshman 1964b; Piotrovski 1969, pI. 79(Karmrr Blur); TC\9yu rek 1975, 153 WIth pIs . XXXII: a, XXXIII : a-b. Ivory ex s. Orchard1967. pl.s. I-XI [shield-shapsdj, XII-XXV (spade-shaped, all Nimrud) ; Young, R.S. 1962pI. 47: fig . 25 [Gordion) . •

• 94 Von L?s.~h~n 1911, 336f. with figs. 248~249; also Wolff and Opitz 1935-36, 332ff. withfigs. ?-7 (ZlUJIrh head). Terra-cottas, a .o, LIttauer and Karageorghis 1969, 153 with fig. 5(Cypnot horse head); supra nn . 42 (Ovgoros) and 16 (Levant) .

95 I.vory e.xs., Orchard 1967, pIs. XXVIIff. (Nimrod); Young, RS. 1962, pI. 46: fig. 24(Gordion) , Silver exs., Godard 1950, figs. 96-100 ("Ziwiyeh"). Discussion. esp. Barnett 19

64z rff . ; Kantor 1962, 93ff. ,

e6 Luristan exs., Goff 1969, 123 with fig . 7: 3 (Baba J an, horse burial, supra n . 48) ; Moorey197 Ia , s .v . nos. 159-160. Urartian exs., Ba:nett 1959, IS with fig . 13 ; Piotrovski 1969, pI. ,79(both Karmir Blur); Tasytirek 1975 , 153 With pIs. XXXII: b , XXXI.II : c. Exs. from Cypn~tburials, supra n . 93 (s.v. blinkers ; our f ig. 74 = tomb 3, no . II6) ; also Littauer and Karageorghis

1969· . 'e7 Barnett n.d. , pls . 24-25 (Ashurnasirpal II); Albenda 1977, figs . 38-40, 45-46 (details ;

Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal). H eadstall on table, Meyer 1965, pI. 160; Albenda 1976-77,

figs. 7, 10 and pl. I . Terra-cottas, d . supra n . 94· ." .. e8 Discussion, Madhloom 1970 , 1I (crest apparently set in rosette-shaped fixture on WhiteObelisk"), 14, 20, 22 with pl. VIII, d . pI. XVIII (helmet crests; actual metal crest found atLachish, Tufnell 1953 . 387 with pl . 39 : 1-2).. .

ee Most actual Cypriot frontlets have crest ; excep tions, Karageorghis 1967, pl . CXIV: nos,48,51 (tomb 2) ; crests also on some t erra-cottas, a .o. our f ig. 60 .

shape, a basic distinction may be made between frontlets suspended from ~ browband, as were finds from Luristan and Urartu, and those attached by a hmge tothe poll decoration or to a metal plate covering the poll, as were metal exampl~s

found on buried harness horses in Cyprus (fig. 74) .96 Frontlets are frequently illustrated on figured documents. In Assyria, they appear under Ashurnasirpal II,where their form is not clear, and again under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal(jigs. 62, 71, 72). The headstall of Ashurbanipal's m~unt, shown. lying on a table,indicates that its frontlet hung from a browband (jtg. 79). It differs from actualknown examples in having a knob-like projection at the top. Outside Assyria, ahingeless frontlet is clearly shown on the stone horse head from Zinjirli (jig . 64),while the hinged type appears on many Cypriot t erra-cotta models." .3. Poll decoration. Already seen on the " Whit e Obelisk" (jig. 41), this consists, inqth-cent. Assyria, of three tufts of feathers or a fan-presumably of horse hair-setin an arched metal fixture that usually appears to run from back to front across thepoll (q.v.). Under Tiglath-Pileser III (figs . 55, 77) all horses wear a poll decorationin the form of one or more tassels stacked on a vertical rod topped by a finial.Various forms of arching metal crests, holding fans of hair and similar to helmetcrests, appear from Sargon II on-at first only on riding horses, but, under Ashurbanipal, also on harness horses (jigs. 56, 62, 78, 79).98 One variant is paralleled bymetal crests found on buried harness horses in Cyprus. These have a channel totake the horse-hair fan; they must have been attached to the headpiece (q.v.) ofthe bridle, and a frontlet depended from them by a hinged connection (jig. 74)·99Eighth- and 7th-cent. Assyrian reli efs, however, show no connection between polldecoration and frontlet (d. esp . fig. 79). Figured documents from other areas alsoillustrate the use of similar forms of poll decoration (e.g. fig. 60).


4· Brow cushion. This is a quilted or padded object that lies across the brow, attached at either end to the browband at or near the latter's junction with thecheekstraps. First seen in Assyria on the "White Obelisk" (fig . 41), it is not depictedthere again until the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (figs. 55, 77) and then continues tobe shown on harness and saddle horses with shaven forelocks, where it could haveserved to shade the brow and to protect it from flies (figs. 71, 72, esp. 79). Cypriotterra-cotta models, where it is shown as lying beneath what is probably a hingedmetal frontlet, may suggest its origin as a cushion between the parietal bones andthe frontlet and an insulation against sun-heated metal.t?? Such a use in Assyria,however, is nowhere illustrated on the reliefs.5· Appliques. Headstall straps, like harness straps (d. p. II7), were often decoratedwith metal, ivory or bone appliques in the form of rosettes, disks, banjos, etc .,usually with matching strap crossings (figs. 55, 71, 72, 77, 79).6. Nape strap. Assyrian reliefs show a wide, curving, sometimes decorated strapgoing around the upper part of the neck of harness and saddle horses, crossing thepoll just behind the headpiece of the bridle (figs. 53, 55, 56, 62, 72, 76-78).

In the 8th century (figs. 55, 77), a ti er of tassels usually hangs from it and, underAshurbanipal, one or more bells (figs. 62, 78) , many actual examples of which havebeen found in Assyria and elsewhere.P! (Note. On royal harness horses under Ashurbanipal, a single narrow thong or cord encircles the throat below this strap (fig. 62)-

A necklace of beads (perhaps apotropaic) is worn about halfway up the neck byboth harness and riding horses under Ashurnasirpal II (figs . 53, 76).(Control of the led horse). Bridled horses in Assyrian reli efs are led by a lead lineattached apparently to the bit inside the che ekpiece. Curiously, there are no representations of horses wearing ordinary halters. H orses are shown being swum across ariver or led on land by a rope tied around the lower jaw, American-Indian fashion.Under Sargon II and later kings (fig. 62) what must be a metal ring around the lowerjaw, with a strap running up the cheek and over the poll, and a lead line that appearsto be a continuation of the latter is sometimes illu strated.w-

100 Discussion, Littauer and Karageorghis 1969, 154ff. with fig. 6 (terra-cotta ).~:~ A:tu~l b.ells, Calmeyer 1969, group 51 ; Moorey 197Ia, S .V . nos. 153-158.

. , Lme inside che~kple.ce , a .o. some of Sargon II 's horses, supra n. 84. Rope around lowerjaw, SHfra n . 59 (swmlII~mg horses) ; StrOl,?menger and Hirmer 1964. pl . 231 (Sennacherib) .Metal nng,. Loud 1936, fig. 32; Encyclopedic 6. 14-15 (Sargon II) ; Madhloom 1970, pl . VI : 1(Sennachenb) ; Barnett n.d ., pls . 57-58; 1975, pI. 93 (AshurbanipaJ). An actual metal ringreportedly fr om Iran, is Oxford, Ashrn ace. no. 1969.759 (unpubl .), '


108 Discussion, Littauer I976a, 223f.; also Yadin 1963, 298.

Chariot useMilitary . That chariots continue to be used extensively in warfare is amplydocumented by representations-particularly the Assyrian-palace reliefs-andcuneiform texts. The reliefs, moreover, illustrate a development in the chariotsthat reflects modifications in their military role.

The relatively small-wheeled, low-sided, basically two-man chariots depictedon 9th-century Assyrian reliefs (figs. 53-54), and the relative scarcity of the mountedtroops that now begin to appear and their awkward hors emanship suggest that atleast part of the chariotry is still a fast, flanking and pursuing arm, as in the preceding period (d. p. 92). Such a role would require considerable manoeuvrability,still possible, as the one or two extra horses that are now often driven with the teamare attached only by traces and are not under the yoke (d. p. II4)· Manoeuvrabilityis confirmed by the continued use into the 9th-century of metal "run-out" bits,sometimes still with studded cheekpieces, implying an emphasis on directional

control.The purpose in warfare of such a three- or four-horse hitch, where the extra

animal added little or no pulling power, is not altogether clear. We may have hereto do with reserve horses that were driven with the team. Considering the fragility ofhorses' limbs and digestive tracts under stress, even without the factor of battlewounds, and what must have been the frequent difficulty of replacing such speciallytrained animals locally when on campaign, it seems only natural that reserve horseswould accompany the chariotry. There is little evidence, however, before the 9th

century, with the possible exception of the "White Obelisk" (d. p. II3), of theirhaving been driven with the team. And although they would indeed have beenmore vulnerable if attached when in action, that is also when they would be mostneeded.P" For the king's chariot and those of a few important individuals, such asthose shown in chariots with standards, two spare horses , rather than one, mighthave b een added, and it is on just such chariots that we see the eight reins, ratherthan the usual six, meticulously depicted.

As before , 9th-century Assyrian chariots were primarily mobile platforms for anarcher standing beside the driver, the rear axl e position providing him with a stablefiring base. In addition, chariots carried weapons designed for close-range combat, athrusting spear stuck at the rear-a weapon already associated with earlier Assyrian and oth er Near Eastern chariots (d. p. 91 ;jig. 41 ) , and axes. The latter were


kept, toge~er ~th arrows and sometimes a spare bow, in pairs of crossed quivershung on either SIde of the box (figs. 53-54). The spears, the axes, and the swordsoften shown worn by the chariot crew were for use should it be necessary to fightfr~m a slow-moving or immobilized chariot or from the ground (d. p. 92). Theshield, when ~ung across the ~ear of two-man chariots, was for the same purpose.

For protection, the crew might wear scale armour, as in the preceding period.Helmets appear rarely under Ashurnasirpal II, but commonly under ShalmaneserIII. In royal chariots and very rarely in others, a third crew member, a shieldbearer, appears, squeezed in at the rear.1M

Ninth-century Assyrian chariot horses may also wear protective armour in theform of trappers and gorgets (q.v.). The gorgets, more frequently shown on riddenh~rses (d. p. 137), ar: bib-shaped, with tassels along the bottom edge.lOS Theymight have been of boiled leather, or of metal, like actual examples of similar formfound at Hasanlu in northwest Iran (no later than ca. 800 B.C.) or associated withvehicle .burial.s at Salamis in Cyprus (mid-8th to 7th cent. B.C.) (fig. 75),106 Furtherprotection might be afforded by metal blinkers and frontlets or chamfrons (q.v.d. p. 125) although these may sometimes, like gorgets, have been worn mainly asornaments.

Although all these defensive devices inclicate that chariots came within reachof enemy missiles, they remained too vulnerable to be used as tanks. Indeed likethe .earlier chariots, they were certainly not used as a shock force in a frontal chargeag~mst ~ well-prepared enemy line (d. p. 92). Unfortunately, 9th-century Assynan ~eliefs and texts do not elucidate the tactical role of chariots in actual battle.The r:hefs of. battle scenes offer no more than a generalized picture of victoriousAssynan chanots at speed, hunting down already defeated enemies fleeing in chariotson foot, or on horseback. '

One text of Shalmaneser Ill's, however, is of particular interest, as it records the

104 Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs. CXVI-II; Barnett n.d ., pIs . 25 (shield bearer' probablysame attendant holds parasol over king Ashurnasirpal II on campaign, d . 1975. pl . '37; Budge19I4, pl . XVII : I ), pIs. 142 : t op reg., also 148 169 172 (Shalman eser III)

105 And ' , .rae 1925, pI. 7 (Tukulti-Ninurta II; gorget); Barnett and Falkner 1962 pIs. CXVI-II(trapper). ?orget st~l seen ?n provincial relief from Arslan Tash, Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931,pI. VIII (time of ~lglath-~ileser III) , and on archaizing chariot of Sennacherib, supra n. 23.H~~;e armour also 1~ Assynan texts, Oppenheim 1950, 194, n . 27; Salonen 1956, 142f.

Dyson and PIgott 1975,183; Dyson 1975 (ill. on cover); 1977,552 (Hasanlu IV, d . Littauer 1976a, 220: t:w0unpubI., ~ess orn ate exs . of same prov ., in Philadelphia, Uni versity Museum). Ka~ageorghis 1967, 49 WIth pI. CXXVIII (Salamis tomb 3 ; no . 22 = our fig . 75); 1973a,76, 84ff. WIth pIs. CCLXXV-III (tomb 79).


.'

confirmed by texts. Mounted troops, first introduced into Near-Eastern warfare inthe 9th cent. B.C., had, by the mid 8th and particularly by the late 8th and the7th cent. B.C., improved their horsemanship to a degree that enabled them to makemore effective use of their weapons (bow and spear) and thus exploit more fullytheir advantages over chariotry in mobility and in economy of materiel (d. p. 139).

Where mounted troops took over their traditional, fast, flanking role, the newer,heavier chariots remained primarily firing platforms for archers, although muchless mobile than before. The bigger wheels raised the chariot floor and gave thebowmen the advantage of extra height. Of the close-range weapons that were associated with the smaller 9th-century chariots, the spear goes out of use under TiglathPileser III and axes (and shields), if they are still carried, are now inside the box.'While thrusting spears do appear under Ashurbanipal, it is only in hunting scenes,where they are used from the chariot (as, in rare cases, are swords or daggers) todispatch lions. no

With reduced manoeuvrability and potential harassment from increasinglyimportant mounted troops, there was greater concern for protection, evidenced bythe constant presence of one or two shield-bearers and by the higher siding. Helmetscontinue to be worn and scale corselets appear under Ashurbanipal (fig. 56). Thedraught team wears protection also: an armoured trapper under Tiglath-Pileser IIIand, under Ashurbanipal, an ox-hide trapper which may extend all the way up theneck and which is fastened by toggles (fig. 56).111

How would this heavier chariot have been used in battle? Most Assyrian reliefsare uninformative, battle scenes of Sargon II traditionally showing the vehicles atspeed, their archers harassing already defeated enemies. Similar scenes appear onreliefs depicting Ashurbanipal's victory over the Arabs, the four-man chariots beingshown together with mounted archers and spearmen on foot. 1l2 Other reliefs of thisking, however, no longer show chariots, but only mounted troops and infantry,in the thick of battle. Archers are now for the first time shown shooting from a

uo Spear shown twice under Tiglath-Pileser III, Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs . XLIII-IVand IX (shield here t oo ?); spear and shield on contemporary relief from Arslan Tash, supran. 105 . For Ashurbanipal, a.o. Barnett 1975, pls, 102f£., 115f£., 123; 1976 , esp . pIs . A, E.

111 Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs . IX, XV-I, LXXXI (above). Some bronze armour platesfrom Nimrud may have been attached to trappers or to chariot boxes as shown on these reliefs,d. Stronach 1958, 172f. with pI. XXXIV; Mall owan 1966, fig . 336 : b-e,

112 Only one relief of Tiglath-Pileser III shows chariot actively engaged in battle, Barnett andFalkner 1962 , pls , XV-I. Sargon II's war chariots, supra n. 109; also Loud 1936, fig. 79. Thereare no chariots in battle reliefs of Sennacherib . Barnett 1975, pl . 174; 1976, pIs. XXXII-III(Ashurbanipal's Arab war) .


size and composition of a force assembled against him by a coalition of Levantineenemies at the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.). This force includes the figure of 3940

chariots, of which widely different numbers (2000, 1200,7°0, 30 and 10) were supplied by five different kingdoms. Foot soldiers 'were in the thousands, and the contingents of 1200 and 700 chariots were matched by an equal number of mountedtroops from the same sources (d. p. 138). Other texts of Shalmaneser report theformation of his own armies, which included around 2000 chariots.l'" Texts as wellas representations stress the importance the Assyrians still attached to chariots,recording how the armies on campaign were prepared to surmount considerablenatural obstacles with their chariotry in order to keep it with them. Vehicles wereferried across rivers (fig. 54) or crossed smaller streams on pontoon bridges and, inmountainous terrain, a crew member might dismount to ease the team.l'"

The fast, basically two-man chariots appear to have gone out of use in Assyriaby the mid-8th century B.C. when, after a considerable lapse of time, palace reliefs

reappear under Tiglath-Pileser III .The bigger, heavier and higher-sided chariots that now become standard are

clearly designed to accommodate, with their larger, rectangular box, a crew ofthree or four men, i.e. a driver and archer in front and one or two shield bearers

behind them (figs. 55, 56) .109

The resulting increase in weight on the animals' necks probably required placingfour horses under a single fitted yoke so as better to distribute it-although at thecost of manoeuvrability. Indeed, the yoking of four horses meant the end of thetraditional role of chariotry as a fast, flanking ann, since the more rigid equipagethus produced was much more awkward to turn than the earlier ones, where onlytwo horses were under yoke and the vehicles were smaller and lighter.

The changes observed in design, size of crew and draught team, and method ofharnessing of Assyrian chariots certainly reflect modifications in their militaryrole. In fact, the changes may be explained as a reaction to the development andgrowing importance -of mounted troops that is illustrated in palace reliefs and

107 Oppenheim in A NET, 278f. (Qarqar); Elat 1975 ·108 A.o. Yadin 1963, 304, 4541. Chariot in mountains already on " W hit e Obelisk", Unger

193 2, 32f. with pI. XIII (relief Dr). For texts, Grayson 1976, a .o . pars. 565, 571, 635 (Ashurna-sirpal II), also 14, 16, 21, 25 (same already under Tiglath-Pileser I). .

109 R eliefs of Sargon III at least once show two shield bearers (Botta and Flandin 1849-50,pI. 58 = Madhloom 1970, pI. IV: I) and probably more often, where dra\~ngs i~ Bott~ andFlandin (pIs. 76, 92 ; d. Reade 19]2, 103) implausibly suggest one man holding up two shi elds .A crew of four is standard on Ashurbanipal's war and hunting chariots.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. 131

113 Barnett 1976, pls. XVI, XXI, LXVII, LXIX (also Yadin 1963 , 452), LXX: a (our fig .57), c and pl. F .

11' Manitius 1910, esp . JI9£" 135ff.; Salonen 1956, a .o, 227f.; von Soden 1963; Saggs 1963 ;Reade 1972. Military chariots also in Biblical texts, de Vaux 1960, e rff.; Yadin 1963, 284££.,300f£.

116 Orthmann 1971. 398f£. (Neo-Hittite reliefs; d. pl. 24: a, c-f for armoured chariot box) .Ills. of Urartian bronzes, a.o. Azarpay 1968, pls. 13, 21. Trappers and gorgets on Nimrod ivories,Barnett 1957a, nos. SI, 29: a-c, 50; Mallowan and Davies 1970, no. 67 ; Mallowan and Herrmann1974, no. I, panel 9 (pi. III); also Andrae 1953, pls. 71: ak and 72: 0 (Zinjirli).

standing chariot, side by side with mounted archers and slingmen on foot, all components of the long-range fighting force. Such scenes suggest that Assyrian chariotswere now little more than convenient firing platforms for archers, higher, and betterprotected than before, but of more limited mobility (fig. 56).113

Assyrian texts of the 8th and 7th centuries B.C. contribute little to this pictureexcept to confirm the use of military chariots by Assyria and her enemies.Pf

Judging from representations, Assyrian and non-Assyrian, and texts, other nationsdo not appear to have used chariots in a manner significantly different from theAssyrians. In the one instance where vehicles do not serve as mobile firing platforms, but as transports for archers to the battlefield, they are not true chariotsbut the carts of the Elamites at the battle of the river Ulai (d. p. 101; jig. 51).

While the bow is the chief weapon, several Neo-Hittite reliefs and Urartian bronzes show a spear (as well as a shield) at the rear, as on 8th century Assyrian chariots(figs. 57-58). These and other features, such as the helmets and corselets, gorgetsand armoured trappers, may not always be realistic, but may be due to iconographical influences from Assyria, a consideration that may also apply to the chariotsthemselves (d. p. 105).115

Most important information on the military use of chariots outside Assyria isfurnished by actual remains from Cyprus and by terra-cotta models from thatisland and from the Levant. These document the use of chariots even less manoeuvrable than the late Assyrian ones with single pole and four-horse yoke. Equippedwith twin draught poles and drawn by four horses which were under either a singlefour-horse yoke or two two-horse yokes, they could have moved swiftly only in astraight line. The terra-cotta models demonstrate that these vehicles, the two polesof which offered a stronger construction than the single pole of contemporaryAssyrian quadrigae and distributed the weight more evenly on the team's necks,were also platforms for archers to shoot from, with the driver standing beside himand one or two shield-bearers at the rear (figs. 59-60). Like the chariots depicted on

116 Discussion: Li~~er and Cr~uwel I 977c, 73 s.v. model from Meniko (pl. XXV). C£. also~odels from A;:a Irini (always ~th thre.e-man crew) , G:ierstadt 1935 , pls. CCXXXIV: 3 (ourftg. 59), 5 (good m;;., Karageorghis 1967, fig. 5; here warnor carries spear; bow-case and quiversattached to both sl~es of box), CCXXXV: 3-6; 1963, figs. 9-12, 14-15. Gorget also on modelsfrom Levant (our ft g. 60, and supra n. 16) which carry crew of four, including two shield bearersat rear. Armament, including spear, shield and quiver, was associated with remains of chariotB in Salamis tomb 3, Karageorghis 1967, 33, 46.

117 Paterson 1915, pls. 40-42, 46-47, 74-76, 79 etc. (Sennacherib), 65-66 (Ashurbanipal) .C£. textual refs. to vehicles with parasols, Salonen 195 1,64.

118 ~Hpra n. JIO (Ashurbanipal); Mallowan and Herrmann 1974, pi. III (Nimrod ivory) .Other ~s., a.o. Barnett n.d ., pls . 26-27; Meyer 1965, pls . 109 (our f ig. 53), I JI (Ashurnasirpal II);Guralrnck 1976 (Safl~on II); Orthmann 1971, 418ff. (Neo-Hittite reliefs, including our figs. 57,58); Godard 1950, figs , 83-85 ("Ziwiyeh" ivories); Burney 1966, 77f. with fig . 10 (Urartianbronze frag.). Cf. Assyrian texts, Salonen 1951, 5If.; Grayson 1976, pars. 600, 681.

119 Parrot 1961, pi. 345; Orthmann 1971, pl. 26: c.I~O .Texts, ~alonen 1~51, 59, 7off. ; Millard 1964, 20f£. Cultic connection is suggested by ar

chalz~ng chanot on reli ef of Sennacherib (supra n . 23). and perhaps by others of same king,carrying a standard, d . Calmeyer 1974, 59f£. with fig. 2, also 75£. for standards, which are firstshown in an Assyrian chariot on "White Obelisk", Unger 1932, 43 with pl. V (relief A6).

I33EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

Assyrian reliefs, the draught team may wear protective armour, including trappers andgorgets of different design (fig. 59), as well as blinkers and frontlets (d. p. 125).116

Reliefs of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal show-peculiarly, only in militaryscenes, although it may have been used in other contexts also-what is an apparently extra-large (?) and elaborate royal chariot, sometimes incorporating archaizing elements. This vehicle accompanies the king on campaign (although notused in actual battle) and from it, shaded by a parasol, he may inspect his troops,direct the siege of a city, receive a surrendering enemy or review prisoners of war.ll7Civil. The use of chariots for hunting continues to be documented by Assyrianand non-Assyrian representations and texts. The royal or aristocratic hunter isalways accompanied by his charioteer and sometimes by one or two hunt attendants~the latter number seen on reliefs of Ashurbanipal and on an ivory plaquefrom Nimrud.P" The hunting chariots of Ashurbanipal seem to differ little from thefour-man military ones of his time. The chariot may be employed not only by thekin~ as a mobile platform from which to use bow, spear or short sword/daggeragainst the game but, as shown on a wall painting from Til Barsib, by attendantsfor carrying home the latter (lions) slung over the front of the box. Interestingly,a Neo-Hittite relief from Charchemish indicates that chariots, when used in lionhunting, might be protected by high wicker-work screens attached to their sides.P"

Texts indicate that; as before, chariots were used for cultic and other peacefulpurposes, as is suggested by certain representations.tw


.:

" --.....:..

121 Encyclopedic 5, 316 (Sargon II); Paterson 1915. pIs . 29. 32-33; Gadd 1936. pl. 23 (allSennacherib); Barnett 1976, pl. A (Ashurbanipal); also Thureau-D angin and Dunand 1936,pl. LI (Til Barsip mural ). Some dis cussion. 'We id ner 1939. 88ff. ;Calmeyer 1974. 51; d . alsoreferences in Assyrian texts, Salonen 1951, 64ff.

122 Yadin 1963. 382-385 (includes our fig . 76; Ashurnasirpal); Barnett n .d., pIs. 14off. (Shalmaneser III; good ills ., als o Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pIs . 209 : abo ve. 2L~) .

123 Barnett 1975. pl . 38 (campaign) ; n .d. , pl. 27 ; d. Barnett and Falkner 1962, pl. CXV(hunt) .

124 ANEP, pl . 352 (Obelisk; tribute from GiIzan). Barnett n.d., pl. 144 (middle reg.).


~allop, sid~ by side ; each pair consists of a warrior and a squire, the squire controlling the reins of both horses. ~hese scenes show military riding in Assyria growing0.ut of the use of the war chanot. The chariot complement-warrior and driver-isSImply transferred to the backs of its team, the men's respective functions remainingthe same. They are still often seated far back on the hors e's loins in the manneof donke~ riders (d. p. 67)·125 Moreover, two mounted enem y arch~rs on a relief o~Ashurnasirpal II, although they ride a more horsemanlike seat, and one of them iseven able to. e~plo~ the so-called " Par thian shot" (i.e. shooting backward at hispursuers while I~ flight}, also ride in pairs, like their Assyrian contemporaries.126

Such a syst:m did not yet fully exploit the advantages of riding Over driving, sincethe exp:n~ture of manpower was the same and mobility in difficult t errain stillp~rt~y limited, although the number of horses might be reduced and the vehicleeliminated,

By mid-Sth cent. B.c. , under Tiglath-Pileser III, rid ers are at their ease on horseback, comfortably seated bareback just behind the withers (q.v .), their legs hanginnaturally (fig. 77)· 127 Th eir horses are bridled like contemporary chariot horse~and,. alth~ugh mounted troops still operate in pairs, each rider appears to be controlling hIS own horse.

Und.er ~argo~ II, military riders sit on saddle cloths and, while still sometimesoperating m pairs, are also shown functioning independently.128Mou~t ed troops under Sennacherib are seated on what is either a trimmed fleece

or a quilted saddle cloth, and under Ashurbanipal on an intact fleece or pelt . Thesea:e held on by a breastband and som etimes a girth as well, which may often behI~den by. t~e rid er's leg .,In batt~e ~ontexts under the latter king, these are placed0\ er an oxhide trapper (ftg. 78) similar to that worn by chariot horses (fig. 56).129The royal mounts of both kings wear quilted saddle cloths with small tassels alongthe bottom edge and bigger ones at the corners, held on by a multiple-tasselled

::: ~f. des No ett os 1931, 19:f. ; SUI.imirski 1952. 451; Anderson 1961, 12.udge :914, pI. XX~\> good 111., Jettmar 1967, pI. 44 ; also Sulimirski 1952.452. Impor

tant recent dlsc~sslOn of .n dmg in Kovalevska ya 1977. esp. 86-87 (chronolocrical t able of ridinand horse gear III Assyna. bi g

::: Barnett and Fal~ner 1962. pIs. XIII-IV, LXIV-V, LXVI -II (our f ig. 77).

LBotta ~nd Flandin 1~49-50, p Is. 64, 66, 67. 87, 88, 99 (military) , 108, II2 (hunt ; cf. also

oud 1936, fig . 87; Guralnick 1976. pIs . I , V) .129 Senn ach erib, d . mounted riders (infra n. 138), and di smounted riders, Paterson 1915,

a. o. pIs . 5 ~-5 8 , 60-61. 74-76, 96-97 ; P orada 1945. 154 ; cf. R eade 1972. III£. with pl . XL:b(~ounted nders ; E sarhaddon ?). AshurbanipaI, d. a.o. Barnett n.d., pls. 118-120 122 (Ulairiver battle; other battle contexts . infra nn . 133, 138).85. 90,95 (hunting). '

10

' ., -

EARLIER FIRST MILLEN NIUM B.C.134

Note on man-powered royal conveyances

Assyrian reliefs and a wall painting from Til Barsib sometimes illustrate a twowheeled platform, bearing either a throne or a chariot box. 121 This vehicle has apole curving sharply upwards just in front of its human team; a short straight rod (a"yoke") is set across the pole at breast height. Straps, running over the shouldersof the two-man team, support and pull the " rickshaw" , and it is directed by pressureagainst the "yoke." The pole has a decorative finial, sometimes clearly in the formof a bridled horse's head (d. p. 123).

RIDING

From the 9th century BiC. on, evidence, both figured and textual, increases verysubstantially. Most informative are Assyrian reliefs, but representations from otherar eas also document riding, primarily on horseback.

Mounted troops first appear in Assyrian reliefs under Ashurnasirpal II (fig. 76),followed by Shalmaneser III. The horses seem identical to those pulling chariots,and are similarly bridled, with the same form of bit,but without frontlet or polldecoration.P"

Riding is astride, usually bareback, sometimes, under Shalmaneser III, on asaddle cloth held in place by a girth, breastband, and bre eching (q.v.). On campaignor in the hunt Ashurnasirpal II's own mount (on which he is never shown riding)is led behind the royal chariot by a man mounted beside it; it wears an elaboratefringed saddle cloth held on only by breastband and breeching, both fringed also.123

A similar fringed saddle cloth appears on a led horse on Shalmaneser Ill's "BlackObelisk". This king himself appears astride a horse in a campaign scene on the Gatesof Balawat, sitting on such a cloth and with his foot supported on a sort of shelfhung along the horse's side, which gives his leg a very different inclination fromthose of the mounted troops; his horse is led by an attendant on foot. 124

In 9th-century battle scenes, Assyrian mounted troops operate in pairs, at a


Horseback riders of the steppes, as well as the Arabian dromedary riders, probablydescended from a primary riding, rather than a driving tradition.P"

USE

Military. Unfortunately, neither the Assyrian reliefs nor textual accounts ofmilitary campaigns are sufficiently explicit for us to deduce the tactics used inactual battles, particularly those in which mounted troops accompanied chariotryand infantry. Thus it is difficult to assess the relative importance of these threearms at any given time, except to note that the importance of mounted troopsincreased as that of light chariots declined, the former taking over the role of fast,flanking and pursuing arm that the latter once performed.

The earliest , 9th-cent. B.C. Assyrian representations of mounted troops fightingfrom horseback, as said above, show them riding in pairs, both helmeted but withonly one effective warrior, who wears a sword and uses th e bow, the other ridercontrolling both horses and (under Shalmaneser III) protecting the archer with ashield (fig. 76). In scenes of the Assyrian army en route, particularly in mountainousterrain, we see a single man carrying the arms and managing both horses, his companion evidently going on foot. 134 A short spear is also sometimes carried, as wellas the bow. In a few instances, under Shalmanes er III, the second rid er no longerprotects the archer , but takes an active part in the fighting, using a spear.P" Th emounts wear bib-shaped metal gorgets, like those occasionally seen on chariothorses (d. p. 129).

Mounted troops are mentioned in 9th-cent. B.C. t exts from Tukulti-Ninurta IIonwards, where they appear beside chariotry as a regular component of Near-Eastern

137EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.136

breastband and perhaps by a girth (d. fig. 79; saddle cloth and bridle of Ashurbani-

pal's mountj.P" . '.Control evolved along with the seat. As noted above, m the 9t h century, paired

military horses were controlled by the squire who, at the times when he ca~ed ashield in his left hand, must have held all four reins in his right one. The reliefs ofTiglath-Pileser III do not clearly elucid~te ~he method of ~eining in his time but,under Sargon II a new system is seen, which IS most clearly illustrated under Ashurbanipal (fig. 78). A very short single rein, reaching no /further back than to thehorse's throat, joins both ends of the bit. A secon~ one-piece "rein:" a~parent1y ofrope knotted at intervals, encircles the neck, reaching back to the nder s hands a~dpassing through the front rein just in front of the throat. In the area where the reinsare looped through each other, a tassel that conceals a weight (or a h.eavy be.ll ?)is hung. l3l This system provides a constant steadying pressure on the bit and givesthe horse the illusion of still being controlled, even when the archer drops thesecond "rein" to shoot. The latter being in one piece, short and weighted, willstay in place even when dropped. Th e disadvantage of this method would be adecrease in directional control, which might, however, be supplemented by hand orleg pressure or switching of the rider's weight. .

Although this reining is different from tha: of conte:npor~ry chanot horses,headstalls and bits resemble theirs and the bndle sometimes mcluded a frontlet(fig . 79). On royal (and perhaps on some other) mounts .the decorated nape strap(d. p. 127) has a special elliptical shape, and appears to be tied at the top.

A derivation of military riding from chariotry may be assumed for other parts ofthe Near East also, although these are far less :vell documented than As.syria, a~~it seems possible that other (northern steppe) mfluences were at work m Iran.

130 Sennacherib, d . Paterson 1915 , a .o. pIs. 40-41, 48, 79 (king never sho\~n moun~ed) .Ashurbanipal, d . a .o. Barnett n .d ., pIs. 83-85 , 87, 89, 90,99; 1975, pIs . 127-129 (king hunting) :also Moortgat 1967, pl , 280. Discussion, W olff and Opitz 1935-36, 324ff.; Albenda 1976-77,

38ff. (saddle clot h . our f ig . 79, mistaken~y sai~ t o b~wo,:en from reeds) . .131 Cf. Anderson 1961 , 12. Interesting dISCUSSIOn m Wolff and Opitz 1935-36, ~27f. , but

ti that ends of "front reins" are somet imes attached to lower end of cheekp iece seemssu gges IOn . ' ide j hidd bdue t o misinterpretation of figured evide nce, where rem end on oppo site Sl e IS 1 en ycheekp iece on vi ewer's side; suggestion of "doubling" "front rein" is also doubtful.

13 2 F or ste ppe in fluences, Sulimirski 1952; Hancar 1.956, 55If~ .; Jettmar 1?67, ?IIff. Ills .from Iran, Ghirshman 1939. pI. LVI: no. S. 810 (seal ; Sialk}: Ami et 1976, 55 WIth fig . 37 (P.ottery ve ssel ; " Lurist an"} : 1973, nos. 16, 2Z, 28, 51-5 9 (Elami~e s~alin?s and rel ated seals .d~tmgto 7t h and/or 6th cent. B .C. ; d. Elamite riders on Ashurbampal s rehef~ of battle ~t Ulai river,a .o. Barnett n .d. , pIs . 133, 136). Horseback riding played important role in mountainous Urartu,

""

d . a .o. Saggs 1963 , 153 (text of Sargon II) ; Azarpay 1968, pIs . 12: b, ZI, 23 (ills . on Urartianbronzes) ; skilful riding here seem s indicated by remarkable broad jump of horse of King Menua(ca 810-786 B.C .) : 11.22 or 11.44 m ., cf. a .o. Hancar 1956,181; Kovalevskaya 1977, 22.

133 Dom estication and herding of a fast animal lik e the horse would ine vitably entail somek ind of primitive and casual riding. The early cheekpieces from Russia are conside red as evidence of su ch (d. supra p . 25). This does not me an that the first formal and organized us e ofthe horse was not in the Near East and as harness animal rather than as a m ount. There is noevidence that the dromedary was put to draught before being ridden. For dromedary riders, d.Barnett and Falkner 196z, pIs. XIII-VII (Tiglath-Pileser Ill's Arab war); Barnett n.d ., pIs .IIO-II3, II5-II6; 1976, pIs . XXXII-III (Ashurbanipal's Arab war) ; d. also Neo-Hitfite reliefs ,a.o . Orthmann 1971, pI. 8: e ; Assyrian texts, Salonen 1956, 85ff .

m A.a . Yadin 1963, 40zf., 456 ; Barnett n .d ., pI. 161.13 6 Barnett n.d., pIs . 147, 167 (middle reg. ; in lower reg. -as elsewhere- squire protects warrior

with shield).

"_. . ". ..... - -:-.:".

RIDING ON OTHER ANIMALS

Some Assyrian reliefs show captive women and children riding on mules. Theyare seated on what is clearly a rigid pack saddle such as is depicted in other reliefson mules carrying enemy spoil or hunting gear. Its construction is best illustratedin a relief of Ashurbanipal, where it is seen hanging from a tent pole in the Assyrian

139 Barnett 1976, pl . XXXIV (= Yadin 1963, 458). Texts, Manitius 1910, 217f. (d. also120ff., 135ff. for mounted troops); Salonen 1956, 227f.; Saggs 1963, 145.

140 Cf. reliefs of Ashurnasir:Pal II (Barnett 1975, pl . 38), Sennacherib (Paterson 1915, a.o .pIs. 40-41, 79), and Ashurb~lllpal (Barnett 1976, pl . XVI) where royal chariot is accompaniedby led mount(s) on campaIgn. Cf. also textual evidence for kings on horseback, Luckenbill1927, par. 213 (Sargon II on campaign); supra n. 132 (Urartian king Menua). For mountedmessengers, Salonen 1956, 221f.

IU Cf. reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, Sargon II and Ashurbanipal, supra nn. 123, 128, 130;also a.? gar~ent patterns on Ashurnasirpal II's reliefs, Canby 1971, pIs. XIII: b-e and XV :a-b; TIl Barsip mu~als. Parrot 1961, pI. 345. d. Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936, pl. LIII:no. XXVIIc (Assynan king); "Ziwiyeh" ivories, Godard 1950, figs . 86-87.

Officers, sometimes mentioned in texts, may also be made out on some reliefs ofAshurbanipal, where they are seen shouting orders.P"

The evidence demonstrates that by the late 8th and 7th cent. B.C., when practicehad not only given the riders a more secure seat, but bits with greater brakingpowers (d. p. 122) pennitted them to pull up their horses, and a special reiningsyst.em freed both h~nd~, mounted troops had become more effective. Their supenonty over the chanot III economy of materiel, in mobility in all types of terrain,and as a flanking and pursuing .arrn, their suitability for protecting infantry on themarch and for continued use as scouts and messengers (already documented in thelater znd millennium B.C. d. p. 96) would have made them invaluable. Ridingproved itself superior to driving particularly on campaign in difficult, mountainousterrain. It is here too that Assyrian kings may have become familiar with riding asan alternative to their traditional conveyance, the chariot.tw This situation is undoubtedly indirectly reflected in the Assyrian reliefs, where the light chariot of the9th century, which had performed some of these (same) tasks, is (gradually) seenturning into the bigger, less manoeuvrable vehicle, carrying as many as four men,of. t?e late .8th and 7th centuries, with its restricted field of operation (d. p. 130 ) .

Civil. Vanous representations, Assyrian and non-Assyrian, show that riding, likethe chariot, now played an important role in hunting. The reliefs of Ashurbanipalare :he ~ost explicit, depicting the king himself mounted, using bow or spear,leading his own reserve horse, or having it brought up by a mounted attendant.w


armies.P" The force assembled against Shalmaneser III by a coalition of Levantinekingdoms at the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.) included Igoo "cavalry" horses, thenumbers corresponding to the numbers of ch?-riots supplied by the same kingdoms(d. p. 130). If, however, mounted troops at this time rode in pairs outside Assyriatoo the effective numbers would be reduced by half.P?

Texts and representations of the gth cent. B.C. make it clear that chariots s~illplayed an important role in warfare. Indeed, they held distinct advantages over themounted troops, whose effectiveness at this time was limited by deficiencies inriding technique. In the chariot, the archer had both hands free to operate and thedriver could concentrate on control of the draught team. The driver, moreover, hada finn footing under him and a breastwork against which to brace his feet whenpulling up his team, features lacking on a stirrupless horse.

By the mid-8th cent. B.C., mounted troops under Tiglath-Pileser III, althoughstill paired, effectively control their own mounts and use the spear at the same time(fig. 77). There is no indication of the bow, and they are shown only attacking thefleeing enemy-although it must be noted that a resisting enemy is seldom, if ever,depicted. The riders wear helmets and scale corselets. Under Sargon II mountedtroops may function individually but, although they carry a bow, are never shownusing anything but a spear while moving at fast gaits.

Under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal, probably thanks to the new system ofreining (d. p. 136), we at last see mounted troops functioning individually. Theywear helmets and scale corselets as before, but leg protection is now added. Theycarry a bow and/or spear and wear a short sword; a short stabbing spear may becarried in the arrow quiver (fig. 78). Reliefs of Ashurbanipal illustrate horsemenoperating side by side with chariot-mounted archers and with infantrymen, includingarchers and slingmen. Mounted troops, however, are never shown operating information; the closest thing to a unit is a seri es of horsemen depicted on reliefs ofSennacherib pursuing the enemy single-file through wooded, hilly country.P"

138 Grayson 1976, pars. 468 (Tukulti-Ninurta II) 560, 563, 571, 584, 638 (A~hurnasirpal II).Elat's refs. (1975, 27 with n. 13) to earlier Assyrian texts seem to concern driven rather thanridden horses .

137 Supra n . 107. Use of term pitballu (d. Salonen 1956, 46f .; AHw 858 , s .v. petballu; alsopersonal communication W. van Soldt) rules out Yadin's interpretation (1963, 298) as "outriggers" of chariots that also took part in this battle. Ot~er te.xts refer to Shalmaneser Ill's ownmounted troops, a .o. Elat 1975, 27. Ills. of horseback nders ill Levant, a .o . Meyer 1965, pl . 102;Orthmann 1971, pls . 55: b, 66: e (Neo-Hittite reliefs). .

138 Barnett 1976, pls. XXXIV, LCIX (= Yadin 1963, 458, 452; Ashurbanipal) . Pater son1915, pls, 16 (= Yadin, 459; Sennacherib), cf. also pls, 12: below, 17-18, 19-20, and 92 (swamp).


EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.14°

camp.142 It is composed of two parallel boards.that lie on eit~er side of the animal'sspine, joined by cross pieces. A wooden loop fits over the POIll:S of the haunch~s tohelp keep the saddle from slipping sideways: It may be held III plac~ by a paIr ofgirths or a forking girth, and either it or the saddle cloth beneath It secured bybreastband and breeching (q.v.). Occasionally it shows a bow at the front. Thecaptives shown riding on such saddles sit on what loo~ like cushions or bun?-!esplaced on top of it. A bronze model group from Kalo~ras III northwe~t. Iran, possiblyof this time, shows a hors e, carrying a man seated sideways on a TIgId pack saddlewith high bows at front and back.143

•

Dromedaries now appear for the first time-in represent ations and texts-as packand riding animals. Assyrian reliefs illustrate their use as ~ounts in wa~are bydesert peoples, their riders armed with the bow. These ammals are particularlysuite d t o desert areas, as they can go with little food and wate r for long periods.w'

S UMMARY

Wheeled vehiclesAssyri an palace reliefs, our most important source of inform ation at this period, illustrate

carts and chariots , but hardly an y vehicles with more tha~ two w~eels. Th e carts ha.vewheels of varying cons truction and are usually pull ed by p.aIred bovids or mules. E~amitecarts are exceptional in several resp ects ; they have wheels WIth as many as twelve t o SIxt eenspokes and their use in cludes military t ransport , in w~ch case they are drawn by mul e.s orhorses. Cyprus yields the remain s of actual carts, their revolvmg axles prot ect ed by iron

bearing shoes. ..'The chariots shown in 9th century Assynan rehefs of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser

III have a D-shaped floor plan and a low, solid breastw~rk . They carry a ::rew of t '":oabreas t, a third man sometimes st anding behind them. To Judge .by comparat~ve mate,nalfrom Cyprus- terr a-cotta models and th: :ema~s of ~ctual chanots- , Assyn~n cha.not swere divided down the middle by a partition , SIX or (m the case of.enemy chanots) eightspoked wheels revolve on an axl e fixed at the rear of the floor . Th eir outer felloes (or wooden tyr es ?) are deep and made of three to six segments of wood. The draught pole seems t obe of the Y-Pole type (q.v.). A presum ably metal pole support/breastwork brace drops

HZ Discuss ion, esp . W eidner 1939. 84ff. with figs. 72-73; good ills ., also Strommenge~ andHirmer 1964, pl . 212 (empty saddle ; Shalman eser III) ; Bamett 1976, pIs. XIX (captives).X XXIX-XLI (hunti ng gear ; Ashurbanipal). For saddle in te nt, Meye r 1965, pl. 159 ; Bamett1976, pl. LXVI (above righ t ). . .

143 H akemi 1968, 66 with p l. XXXVII: 81. It r ecall s bronze figurine from Sames, Jantz en1972, no . B 452 with pl . 81 (said t o be Caucasian). . . '

144 Supra n . 133. Discussion of dromedaries and two-humped, Bactnan camel. B ulliet 1975.

ch . 3 and 7·


sharply to the metal-sheathed pole, and a " pea-pod"-shaped connect ion extends from thetop of the front breastwork topole end. Draught is mostly by three, sometim es four horses,the latter number particularly with royal chariots. Only two horses are under yoke. Yokesaddles, yoke braces, and a backing element continue to be used.

When, after an interval, chariots reappear on Assyrian palace walls in the znd half of the8th century under Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II, there is considerable change. Thechariots now hav e a rectangular floor plan and higher sides. Wheels are larger and becomeeight-spoked, the composite felloes held together by two pairs of large metal clamps. Whi lethe Y-pole seems to continue, the " pea-pod" element between box and pole end disappears.The draught team becomes fixed at four , with all horses under yoke-cert ainly by thetime of Sargon II. This long, four-horse yoke is not fitted with yoke saddles bu t is shapedinto bays for the horses' necks.

.Th e 7th century reliefs of Sennac herib and Ashurbanipal illustrate this same chariotwhich, if anything. has become larger-probably to accommodate a crew of four (twoabreast), first shown und er Sargon II and then often under Ashurbanipal . Wheels of royalchariots are now hobnail ed. The pole is no longer of the Y-pole type but single and central .It is shown with the metal pole supportfbreastwork brace.

Throughout, Assyrian cha riot (and riding) horses are cont rolled by bitted bridles, thebits st ill fun cti oning on the snaffle principle. Surviving bits are of metal (bronze or iron)or organi c materials. and occur in several types. Bridle accessories include blinkers (q.v.),frontlets (q.v.) and poll decorations .

As far as we know, the chariots employed by other peoples in the Near East oftencorrespond closely with th e Assyri an ones. Differences can, however, also be not ed-forinst ance in Cyprus , where we find a two-poled chariot with either a single four-horse yokeor t wo two-horse yokes.

In the 9th century, Assyrian cha riots appear to cont inue the traditional milit ary role asa fast, flanking and pursuing arm . Despit e the addition of one or two horses to the draughtteam, they remain manoeuvrable since these are outriggers and not und er yoke. Suchteams may have begun with th e incorporation of reserve horses that accompanied thevehicles on campaign. Chariots are st ill primarily mobile firing platfo rms for an archerstan ding beside the driver, bu t they are also equipped with close-range weapon s, includinga thrusting spear (alr eady associate d with Asiatic chariots in the previous period), and witha shield hung across the part it ion at the rear. This indicat es preparedness for fighting at asta ndst ill or on foot , if necessary. For defense the crew may wear helmets and scale arm our.Royalt y or important officers are prot ected also by a third crew memb er, a shield bearersqueezed in at the rear. The hor ses may wear, for protecti on or decorat ion, trappers,gorgets, blinkers or frontlets (q.v.).

The trend toward s a bigger, heavier and higher-sided chariot that can be observed in theAssyrian reliefs of the lat er 8th and 7th centuries must reflect a modification in the vehicle' smilit ary role. The t eam of four horses, all under yoke, first definitely documented underSargon II, points t o a decrease in manoeuvrability. The increased concern for prot ecti on,particularly apparent in the introducti on of two shield bearers, indicates that the chariotis now more vulnerable-probably especially to attacks of increasingly important mounted

headstalls and bits appear to be similar, often even to the inclusion of a frontlet. A trimmedfleece or quilted saddle cloth is used by military riders under Sennacherib; under Ashurbanipal they sit on a? intact fleece or pelt which is placed over an ox-hide trapper, similarto that seen on chanot horses. Royal mounts wear elaborate, quilted and fringed saddlecloths.

In the 7t~ century, no doubt as a result of the new reining system, Assyrian mountedtroops, weanng helmets and scale corselets, function individually, using bow or spear.That they have largely taken over the former role of the chariot as a fast , flanking andpursuing arm is implied by the changes in type of chariot-to a bigger, heavier and lessmanoeuvrable one (d. above). These mounted troops are never seen, however, operatingin formation and they cannot properly be called cavalry (q.v.) .

At this time the ridden horse also plays an important role in hunting.Outside Assyria, horseback riding is less well documented. However, a similar origin and

development of military riding may be assumed for some other parts of the Near East.


troops (d. below). Chariots, though much less mobile than before, still remain primarilyelevated firing platforms for archers. Though still shown traditionally launched atspeed against a fleeing enemy, we now for the first time see archers shooting from stationarychariots, among archers on horseback and sling-men on foot-all components of the longrange fighting force.

As far as we know, other peoples do not appear to have used their military chariots ina manner significantly different from the Assyrians. The two-poled chariots documentedin Cyprus, with all four horses under yoke, would have been even less manoeuvrable thanthe Assyrian four-horse chariots with a single pole. Like the Assyrian ones, they are showncarrying a driver, archer and one or two shield bearers.

Riding

The earliest documentation of mounted troops in the Near East is in 9th-century B.C.Assyrian reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III . The horses appear identical tothose pulling chariots and they wear similar bitted bridles. Riding is astride, usuallybareback but sometimes on a saddle cloth, the riders still often employing the "donkeyseat". The royal mount (only shown being led) wears an elaborate, fringed saddle cloth.

Ninth-century Assyrian mounted troops operate in pairs, at a gallop, side by side;each pair consists of an archer and a squire who controls both horses and also protectsthe warrior with a shield. Both riders are helmeted and may also sometimes use a shortspear. Their mounts wear gorgets (q.v.). -

'The reliefs clearly show military riding in Assyria growing out of the use of the warchariot, the chariot complement being simply transferred to the back of the team, their respective functions remaining the same. These horsemen do not yet fully exploit the advantages of riding over driving, since the expenditure of manpower remains unchanged andmobility in difficult terrain is still limited, although the number of horses may be reducedand the vehicle eliminated.

By the mid 8th century the relatively scanty figured evidence under Tiglath-Pileser IIIshows mounted troops, wearing helmets and scale corselets, pursuing the enemy with spears.Riders still ride bareback and operate in pairs, but they apparently control their horsesindividually and sit more securely. . .

Under Sargon II mounted troops ride comfortably on saddle cloths and, although stillsometimes shown in pairs, also function independently. While carrying a bow as well as aspear, they are never illustrated using anything but the latter when moving at a fast gait.

A new method of control begins at this time, though it is most clearly illustrated in the 7thcentury reliefs of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal. A short, one-piece "rein" reaching nofurther back than to the horse's throat joins both ends of the bit beneath the jaw. A secondshort, one-piece "rein" encircles the neck, being looped through the first "rein" in front.In the area where the one is looped through the other, a weighted tassel is hung. Thismethod prevents the reins from slipping off over the horse's head when the rider dropsthem to use the bow and provides a constant steadying pressure on the horse's mouth, sothat the animal has the sensation of being controlled at the same time.

Despite the difference in reining between 7th-century mount and chariot horse, their


;" . ~-- - " .'";

of Persians but also of subject or allied peoples. These riders use both spe~ and bow ~r?mhorseback, employing the "Parthian shot" techniqu: with the. latter, Wlth~ut.requmngthe special reining system of the 7th-century Assynans. ~lasslcal authors mdicate thatelite Persian riders and their mounts may wear defensive armour of metal. Mountedtroops mainly playa flanking, pursuing and harassing ~ole, exploiting their superior spe~dand manoeuvrability. The same classical authors make It clear, however, that these tacheswere not successful in certain kinds of terrain and against disciplined, heavy infantry OJ,"against cavalry (q.v .), such as that of the Macedonians, which was trained for hand-to-handfighting. . . .

Horses are also ridden in the hunt and in the famous messenger service maugurated by

Darius 1.

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i.i.--- - -~ :

LATER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.160

' . ':: :'._ -~':' "

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 179

LIST OF FIGURES

Abbreviation

Berlin, VALondon, BMNew York, MMANicosia, CMOxford, Ashm.

Vorderasiatisches MuseumBritish MuseumMetropolitan Museum of ArtCyprus MuseumAshmolean Museum

1. Pictographs on clay tablets, Uruk (after Falkenstein 1936, nos. 741, 745, 744)2. Stone plaque. London, BM 128858 (after museum photograph)3. Detail of "Standard", Ur. London, BM 121201 (after Strommenger and Hirmer

1964, pl. XI).4. Terra-cotta model, Kish. Oxford, Ashm. 1925. 291 (after museum photograph)5. Wheel, Susa (after de Mecquenem 1943, fig. 89: 1-2 and pl. X: 2)6. Shell inlay, Nippur (no. 6N-169) (after Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, fig. 4)7. Copper model, Tell Agrab. Bagdad, Iraq Museum 31389 (after Frankfort 1943,

pIs. 58-60)8. Detail of stone plaque, Ur. Philadelphia, University Museum CBS 17086 (after

Woolley 1934, pl. 181: b)9. Terra-cotta model, Kish. Chicago, Field Museum of Natural History Fl\I 229170

(after Langdon 1924, pl. VII: 3)10. Silver and electrum terret, Ur. London, B:;\iI 121438 (after Woolley 1934, pl. 66)II. Shell inlay, Susa . Paris, Louvre Sb S631 (after Amiet 1966, fig. 143).12 a-b. Two shell inlays, Mari. Paris, Louvre (after Parrot 1967, pl. LXV: no. 2468;

1956, pl. LVII: no. 451)13. Detail of cylinder seal. New York , Morgan coll. 220 (after Porada 1948, pl.

XXXIV)14. Three views of copper model. Paris, Louvre AO 2773 (after museum photo

graphs)IS. Copper model. New York, MMA ace. no. 66.1S (after museum photograph)16. Terra-cotta model, Tepe Gawra. Philadelphia, Dropsie College (after Speiser

1934, pl. XXXV: az)17. Detail of cylinder seal. Philadelphia, University Museum CBS S028 (after

museum photograph)

. . _....:::.....-: - ;

18 a-b. Fragments of stone relief. Berlin, VA 2904 (after Moortgat 1967, pls, 192

193)19. "Bronze" tyre, Susa. Teheran, Iran Bastan ~luseum (after de Mecquenem r943,

pl . X:r) .20. Two views of terra-cotta model, Ashur (after Andrae 1922, pl. 61: c-d)21. Detail of cylinder seal, Tepe Hissar. Teheran, Iran Bastan Museum (after

photograph, Philadelphia, University Museum)22. Fragmentary terra-cotta figurine, Selenkahiyeh (after photograph, M. N. van

Loon)23. Fragmentary terra-cotta figurine, Selenkahiyeh (after van Loon 1975, pI.

VI:8)24. Detail of seal impression. Paris, Louvre (de Clerq coll. 284) (after museum

photograph)25. Cylinder seal . New York, Morgan coll. 893 (after Porada 1948, pl. CXXXIV)26. Terra-cotta model, Mourek. Copenhagen, National Museum (after Ingholt

1940, pl. XVII: I) .27. Fragm ent of pottery relief vessel , Bogazkoy Museum (after BIttel 1970, pl. I)28. Detail of seal impression, Kultepe, Karum II (after l>ZgU9 N. 1965, pl. VIII:

no. 24)29. Detail of seal impression. New York, MMA ace. no. 66.245 .17b (after museum

photograph) .30. Mould-made decoration of front screen of fragmentary terra-cotta vehicle model,

Uruk Berlin, VA n576 (after Ziegler 1962, pl. 8:137)31. Detail of seal impression. London, BM 16815a (after Figulla 1967, pl. 14: no. 22;

Bu chanan 1971, pl . II :c)32. Detail of cylinder seal. New York, Morgan coll. 971 (after photograph, E. Porada)33. Detail of cylinder seal. Yale, Babylonian coll. (Newell coll. 343) (after photo

gra ph , W. W . Hallo).34. Detail of cylinder seal. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale 480 (after Delaporte 1910,

pl . XXXII)35. Detail of cylinder seal. Oxford, Ashm. 1920.25 (after museum photograph)36. Detail of cylinder seal (after Amiet 1969, fig. 9)37. Terra-cotta plaque. England, private coll. (after p~otograph Oxford, Ashm.)38. Detail of seal impression , Kiiltepe, Karum II (after l>zgU9, N. 1965, pl. XXVI:

no. 77)39. Detail of cylinder seal. Paris, Louvre AO 20.138 (after museum photograph)

182 LIST OF FIGURES

I·;····.·····~y

" , .

~: ' '.

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LIST OF FIGURES

40. Detail of seal impression, Nuzi (after photograph, E. Porada)41. Detail of "White Obelisk". Niniveh. London, BM n8807 (after Orthmann

1975, pl . 206).42. Chariot, Thebes, tomb. Florence, Museo Archeologico 2678 (aft er museum

photograph) .43. Detail of wall painting, Thebes, tomb of Rekhmire (after photograph of copy in

New York, MMA ace. no. '31.6 .34).44. Detail of stone relief of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu (after Nelson 1930, pl. 71)45. Detail of stone relief of Ramesses II, Abydos (after Treue 1965. p. 1°4; Wres

zinski 1935, pl . 21: a)46. Fragmentary wheel , Th ebes, tomb of Amenophis III. Oxford, Ashm.1923.663

(after Western 1973, fig. I; museum photograph)47. Wh eel, Th ebes, tomb of Tut'ankhamun. Cairo, Archaeological Museum Journal

d'entreeorqqj (after drawing H. Carter, object no. 144 of chariot no. 161; photograph, Oxford, Griffith Inst.)

48. Bronze horse bit, Tell el Ajjul. Jerusalem, Rockefeller Museum 37.3271 (aft ermus eum photograph)

49. Bronze horse bit, Tell el Amarna. Oxford, Ashm. 1933.1209 (after museumphotograph)

50. Two views of antler cheekpiece of horse bit, Beycesultan (aft er Foltiny 1967,fig. 5)

51. Detail of stone relief of Ashurbanipal, Niniveh. London, BM 124939 (aft erBarnett 1975, pl. 137)

52. Detail of stone relief of Ashurbanipal, Niniveh, London, BM 124802 (afterBarnett 1975, pl. 160)

53. Detail of stone relief of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud, Berlin, VA 959 (after Meyer1965, pl . 109)

54. Detail of relief of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud. London, BM 124543 (after Barnettn .d., pls. 18-19)

55. Detail of stone relief of Tiglath-Pileser III, Nirrirud. London, BM n8908 (afterBarnett and Falkner 1963, pl. LXXI).

56. Detail of stone relief of Ashurbanipal, Niniveh. Berlin, VA 961 (after Meyer1965, pl . 161)

57. Detail of stone relief, Malatya. Paris, Louvre AO 255 (after Encyclopedic 5,

P·291 )

58. Detail of stone relief, Sakcagozu. Berlin, VA 971 (after Meyer 1965, pl . 90).

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LIST OF FIGURES

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80. Detail of stone relief, Persepolis (after Hinz 1969, pls. 38: a, 24)81. Detail of cylinder seal. London, BM 89132 (after museum photograph)82. Gold model, " Oxus Treasure". London, BM 123908 (after museum photo-

graph).83. Two views of bronze model. Paris, Louvre 22265 (after museum photograph) .84 a-b . Two bronze horse bits, Persepolis (after Schmidt 1957, pls. 78-79)85. Fragmentary cylinder seal. London, BM 89816 (after Wiseman n.d., no. II5;

Boardman 1970, pl. 904)

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