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Report - - June 2017McKinsey Global Institute
Making it in AmericaBy James Manyika, Gary Pinkus, Sree Ramaswamy, Katy George, John Warner, and Andrea Serafino
Executive Summary (PDF–480KB) Research Preview (PDF–2MB)
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T
The United States needs to regain its competitive edge in manufacturing
while also grappling with its two-tiered labor market and finding ways to
make economic growth more inclusive.
he United States always assumed that its forward momentum would carry
the next generation toward greater prosperity, just as it took for granted that its
technical prowess in manufacturing would guarantee its global market share. But now
those assumptions have been upended. Although unemployment is down and wages
are finally ticking up again, these indicators can distract from the bigger picture. Tens
of millions of workers are struggling to make it in America, and even a full-time job
does not guarantee a decent standard of living.
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Manufacturing is not the only sector with poor wage growth, nor is it the largest. But it
was once the backbone of the middle class, and its erosion is symptomatic of broader
shifts in the economy. Part 1 of this research preview looks at how this unfolded and
outlines how the sector could exploit changes in technology and value chains to
compete for new market opportunities. Part 2 traces what has happened to wages
across the economy more broadly and considers what caused these pressures. Finally,
Part 3 starts a conversation about solutions that can lead to more inclusive growth.
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US manufacturing needs to regain its competitiveedge and retool for the 21st century
Manufacturing remains a pillar of the US economy and the primary industry in some
500 counties, of some 3,000, from coast to coast. The sector drives 30 percent of the
nation’s productivity growth, 60 percent of its exports, and 70 percent of private-sector
R&D spending—all factors that keep the nation’s innovation machine humming.
But manufacturing now accounts for just 9 percent of US employment, a much smaller
share than two decades ago. Excluding computers and pharmaceuticals, value added in
most other manufacturing industries is no higher today than it was in 1997. The
United States has lost market share not only to low-cost countries in labor-intensive
industries but also to other advanced economies in knowledge-intensive industries.
Today there are 30 percent fewer US manufacturing firms than in 1997, and the sector
has lost roughly a third of its jobs. Not only have plants closed, but fewer are opening.
The United States remains the world’s second-largest manufacturing nation, and the
diversity of its industrial base presents multiple opportunities for growth. But the
nation cannot afford to let its manufacturing muscle continue to atrophy.
Today demand, global value chains, and technology are evolving in ways that play to
US strengths. The United States can capitalize on these shifts to boost output and
narrow its trade deficit, particularly in advanced manufacturing industries.
• The first promising factor is rising consumption in emerging economies, combined
with the fact that the United States itself remains one of the world’s largest and most
lucrative markets.
• Factor costs are changing, too. Wages are rising in emerging economies,
automation weakens the case for labor arbitrage, and the shale boom has made
energy cheap and abundant in the United States. More of the world’s production is
up for grabs; global value chains are shifting as firms emphasize service-based
business models and proximity to markets, suppliers, and innovation partners.
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• The new world of digital manufacturing (Exhibit 1) represents a profound shift
toward higher productivity and the agility needed to meet fragmenting demand.
Technologies such as the Internet of Things, analytics, advanced robotics, and 3-D
printing are transforming factory floors into flexible, self-maintaining operations.
Companies will soon be able to connect their entire value chain with a seamless flow
of data, unlocking efficiencies and new service offerings.
Exhibit 1
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The growth opportunities for US manufacturing are real, but it would be naïve to
minimize the challenges of turning around two decades of negative trends.
• This effort has to start with stimulating a wave of investment from both domestic
and foreign sources—not just with tax incentives but through targeted strategies to
bring the industries of the future to communities that have been left behind.
• The second critical priority is revitalizing the domestic supplier base, which has been
hollowed out in the past two decades. Most US manufacturing firms are small
Digital manufacturing will change the future of production.
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companies that need financial, technology, and advisory support; large firms can
take a step toward building their own collaborative supplier networks by helping
smaller firms modernize and become more innovative.
• Third, the jobs at stake in 21st-century manufacturing may be service roles or
positions requiring digital skills, which means that workforce training will be an
important piece of the puzzle. Larger companies will have to do more to develop the
capabilities they need by offering their own training, partnering with education
providers and industry groups, or establishing workforce platforms.
• Finally, the United States needs a comprehensive strategy to boost net exports and
regain global market share—one that encourages more small firms to participate,
bringing the benefits of globalization to more workers.
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US manufacturing can achieve a turnaround if the public and private sectors treat it as
a national priority. But it is important to recognize that a successful revitalization will
not produce a return to 1960s-style manufacturing employment. For decades the
sector provided economic mobility to workers with less education, and nothing else
has emerged to take its place. Part 2 of this report looks at the broader trend of
narrowing opportunities.
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The United States is increasingly a two-tieredeconomy, with millions of workers struggling to getby
Previously published MGI research found that 81 percent of US households were in
segments that experienced flat or declining market incomes from 2005 to 2014. This
reflects what a powerful blow the Great Recession delivered. But a longer view shows
that pressures had been building for more than three decades.
Declining household incomes are ultimately a wage story—and only workers at the top
of the distribution have been bringing home bigger paychecks. The top quintile almost
doubled its wages and benefits in real terms since 1983, but everyone else remains
stuck at roughly the levels of the 1990s (Exhibit 2).
Exhibit 2
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There is now a yawning pay gap between workers with postsecondary education and
those without it. While a small number of high-growth metropolitan areas have
bounced back strongly in the recovery, real median household incomes remain below
their pre-2000 peaks in almost two-thirds of US counties. Meanwhile, the costs of
maintaining a middle-class life have continued to climb.
Multiple economic, technological, and societal forces have simultaneously contributed
to pressures on incomes and wages.
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• Some are structural shifts, such as the changing sector mix of the economy and the
declining share of national income going to labor. Productivity and wages have
historically risen hand in hand, but now that relationship has been weakened. In the
past two decades, the ongoing digitization of the economy has also made it possible
to get more output from knowledge-intensive capital using less labor. There is a new
premium on highly skilled workers who can make the most of technology.
• These long-term forces were exacerbated when the Great Recession struck. It caused
a massive loss of economic output and was followed by a weak and highly uneven
recovery.
• All of the forces above have played a role in depressing wages. In addition, we
highlight another potential contributing factor that is often overlooked in discussions
of US income inequality: the changing environment facing companies and
industries. There has been an extraordinary escalation of competitive pressures—
including foreign competition in tradable sectors as well as price competition and
declining returns in many asset-heavy sectors. Furthermore, profits are shifting to
asset-light sectors and a small number of superstar firms that employ relatively few
people. Some struggling firms have responded with cost-cutting measures such as
squeezing suppliers or opting for automation, offshoring, or contract work. In real
terms, wages remain below their 1983 levels in some large, asset-heavy sectors such
as retail, transportation, and construction (Exhibit 3). The trends in these sectors
alone mean that at least one-fifth of the US workforce has not advanced in more than
three decades.
Exhibit 3
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Our interactive data visualization shows changes in household income and
employment for all US counties over a decade.
Workers now have fewer options when their pay stagnates. Rapidly falling costs of
automation and the availability of lower-cost global labor have created more options
Learn more on Tableau Public
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for companies. As the nature of work has changed, the relationship between
companies and workers has weakened. Temporary work arrangements and
outsourcing are becoming more commonplace, and firms are better able to predict
demand and schedule labor in smaller and more erratic increments. Workers now
have decreased mobility, and the decline of unions has weakened their bargaining
power. Large segments of the labor force lack the skills that the marketplace values.
Many of the trends we see today—including weak recoveries from recessions, a
reweighting of the economy toward service sectors, and foreign competition—will
persist into the future. Some appear to be accelerating, such as digital technologies
reducing the need for low- and middle-skill workers. In the United States, some of the
large and labor-intensive sectors that have already come under wage pressure (food
service, manufacturing, and retail) appear to be most susceptible to automation in the
future. The convergence of deepening income inequality and accelerating technological
change increases the urgency to act.
Where do we go from here?
Disrupting current patterns in the labor market will require bolder interventions than
what has worked in the past—and inaction itself would be a choice to accept the status
quo of a two-tiered economy.
No single solution will be a silver bullet that will solve the problems of stagnant wage
growth and growing disparities across the economy. These complex issues raise bigger
questions than the usual economic debate, starting with how to address the
deteriorating quality of jobs and where the approximately 45 million workers without
post-secondary education fit into the economy. Some of the areas to explore include
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how to apply technology to improve the labor market for workers and whether
incentives could boost private-sector investment in human capital. It’s also important
to consider what kind of safety net will be needed in the future. If automation causes
large-scale dislocation, we may have to debate measures such as a universal basic
income or other types of redistribution.
Shifting the economy into higher gear is a critical first step. The United States has to
jumpstart growth and move forward on long-recognized priorities such as restoring
business dynamism, investing in infrastructure, improving productivity, and
revamping education and training. And the nation will have to do a better job of
executing on these goals.
More businesses need to start up, and more of them need to become fast-growing
firms that create jobs. To accelerate productivity growth, more companies need to be
encouraged to adopt the technologies and best practices of frontier firms. Small
enterprises need assistance to seek out global market opportunities and foreign
capital. US companies and investors need to recognize the long-term value of creating
training pathways and better-quality jobs—not just out of social responsibility but to
protect their own long-term interests.
Can the US economy return to dynamicand inclusive growth?
But economic growth alone may not be enough. Growth also has to be more inclusive.
We see four priority areas: reinvesting, retraining, removing barriers, and re-
imagining work.
• Communities in distress need targeted investment from public, private, and foreign
sources to bounce back.
• Continuous technological change means that mid-career workers need systems of
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lifelong learning to adapt—and currently the United States spends far less than other
countries on helping displaced workers transition into new roles.
• It is possible to remove some of the barriers that keep workers from seeking out
better opportunities, such as non-compete agreements, excessive occupational
licensing requirements, inadequate child care and family support, and affordable
housing shortages in booming job markets.
• This is a moment to reimagine work with more flexible models, a more sustainable
version of the gig economy, and more creative options for older workers.
The United States can do better, and there are many levers it has yet to pull. Workers
are not just a pool of labor; they are citizens and potential consumers. Raising wages
would juice a latent source of demand—and doing so could set off a virtuous cycle of
growth. Lifting up the millions who have been left behind can elevate the broader
economy in the process.
The full research preview on which this article is based is available for PDF
download (PDF–1.9MB).
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About the author(s)
James Manyika is a director of the McKinsey Global Institute, where Sree Ramaswamy is a
partner. Gary Pinkus is a senior partner based in McKinsey’s San Francisco office. Katy
George is a senior partner in the New Jersey office, where Andrea Serafino is a consultant;
and John Warner is a senior partner in the Cleveland office.
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