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MATERIAL CHOICE AND TRAVEL TIME IN ANCIENT POLYNESIA: AN EXPERIMENTAL PERSPECTIVE ON BASALT ADZE EXCHANGE I Ernest H. Winterhof! "Prehistoric exchange cannot escape the need for the development of rigorous methods for linking the static material remains of the archaeological past to past dynamic behavior... " (Torrence 1986:xi) INTROD eTIO E xchange of material between ocieties ha long been a worldwide phenomenon (Ana tasio 1972; Braun J 986; Brurnfiel 1987; Carlson 1994; Hatch et al. 1990; Hayden and Schulting 1997; Hutterer 1977; Kirch 2000; Stark and Arnold 1997; Summerhayes 2001; Weisler 1997). As a fundamental focus of archaeological study for decades, researchers investi- gate the organizational attributes of prehistoric exchange through the recovered material pattern found in the networks' different tages; raw material procurement (Neff 1998; Wei ler 1997) commodity production (Torrence 1986), prod- uct di tribution (Renfrew 1969), utilization and con umption (Earle 1982). But in the la t twenty year , re earcher began to empha ize the role of acqui ition (Gla cock 2002), becau e geochemical techniques provide a scientific and quantifiable means to ource material, and have become increasingly ac- ce ible to archaeologists (Ericson and Baugh 1993). As a re- ult, exchange research became more focu ed on the linking of two locales versu the tudy of cultural factors that perpetu- ate exchange networks. To addre the cultural factor this article inve tigate the economic processes found in basalt adze exchange network of ancient Polynesia by conducting a simulative experiment on the relative utility of two exclusive material choices - basalt and shell. Then, the information is employed within a predictive optimal foraging model, where the results are tested against previously recorded archaeologi- cal data from West Polynesia. Within Polynesia over the last three thousand years, in- sular chiefdoms produced elaborate social hierarchies requir- ing increa ed amounts of subsistence production to faci]jtate their higher populations and political complexities (Kirch 2000; Sahlins 1958). As an e ential tool in their subsistence technology, i landers utilized adzes in felling trees, clearing land, haping canoes, con tructing homes, and other wood- working activities (Be t et al. 1992; Buck 1930, 1950; Earle 1997; Green and David on 1969, 1974; La s 1998; Leach and Witter 1990; Moir 1985; Sali bury 1962; Townsend 1969). Polyne ian adzes were either manufactured out of basalt, a homogenous and often fine-grained volcanic rock, or out of hell, commonly made from bivalve uch as the Tridacna pecie (Be t et al. 1992; Moir 1985). Archaeologi t often unearth the e two material type together at i land , although, ba all' pre ence can be poradic due to it unavailability on coral atoll . To explain it pre ence on atoll , basalt has been touted a a uperior tool material for woodworking (Green and David on 1974), where high quality material is the reason 1. Thi paper ha been peer reviewed. 2. Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon why i landers moved ba alt adzes hundreds of kilometer from high volcanic island to atolls over open ocean (Be t et aI. 1992). But, what i the authenticity of this assumption? Is there an actual economic superiority associated with basalt versus locally available materials, such as Tridacna hell? An uncritical understanding of ubsistence requirement has clouded past interpretations of Polynesian exchange develop- ment. The Pacific Ocean span over 166 million quare kilo- meters, covers a variety of major climatic zones, and contains over 25,000 islands and islets with differing landmasse , bio- diversity and geology. Volcanic high islands and coral atoll de cribe the two general i land types and major ecological differences found within Oceania. Atolls are compo ed of a narrow ring of low i let of humic soil and crushed coral en- compas ing a central lagoon, with a flat coral reef encircling the outside of the i land (Be t 1988). Volcanic rock is not na- tive to an atoll and mu t be imported; although, clam can be routinely found in an atoll' hallow lagoon. Wherea , high islands of either 'continental' or 'oceanic' rock routinely have tool grade tone pre ent, albeit rock quality varie greatly (Weisler and Sinton 1997: 173; Dickenson and Shutler 2000:217-221). Confronted with this unequal di tribution of important tool material resource in the Pacific, this article examine the documented exchange of basalt adzes in Polyne- ia (Best et al. 1992; Clark, et al. 1997; Di Piazza and Pearthree 2001; Sheppard, et al. 1997; Sinton and Sinton 1997; Walter and Sheppard 1996; Weisler 1993; Wei ler, et al. 1994; Weisler and Kirch 1996; Weisler and Sinton 1997; Weisler 1998). Most pertinent to this re earch are the ba alt adzes originating on Tutuila Island, which archaeologi ts traced to i land within Samoa, Fiji, Tokelau, Santa Cruz, Solomons, and Southern Cooks (Allen and Johnson 1997; Winterhoff 2003). Illustrating one po ible factor in ba alt tool exchange, Kaeppler (1978) de cribe a protohistoric trade network between Tonga, Fiji and Samoa as a ocial network or trade partnership for pou e and goods among the e three cultural entities beginning in the mid 17 th century and lasting into the historic period. umerous re earchers cite Kaeppler' 1978 review of till trade network a an archetypal example of exchange mechanisms (Be t et al. 1992; Clark, Wright and Herdrich 1997; Earle 1997; Weisler 1997). Upon further study, the ethnohistoric evidence does not, however, pro ide a ufficient explanation for Tutuilian adzes found in earlier time period and on other island groups outside the network uch a Tokelau, Santa Cruz, Solomons, and Southern Cooks (AJlen and Johnson 1997; Di Piazza and Pearthree 2001; Win- Rapa Nui Joumal 91 Vol. 19(2) October 2005
Transcript
Page 1: MATERIAL CHOICEAND TRAVEL TIME INANCIENTPOLYNESIA: AN EXPERIMENTAL PERSPECTIVE ON ...islandheritage.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/... · 2014-03-07 · MATERIAL CHOICEAND

MATERIAL CHOICE AND TRAVEL TIME IN ANCIENT POLYNESIA:AN EXPERIMENTAL PERSPECTIVE ON BASALT ADZE EXCHANGE I

Ernest H. Winterhof!

"Prehistoric exchange cannot escape the need for the development of rigorous methods forlinking the static material remains of the archaeological past to past dynamic behavior... "

(Torrence 1986:xi)

INTROD eTIO

E xchange of material between ocieties ha long been aworldwide phenomenon (Ana tasio 1972; Braun J986;

Brurnfiel 1987; Carlson 1994; Hatch et al. 1990; Hayden andSchulting 1997; Hutterer 1977; Kirch 2000; Stark and Arnold1997; Summerhayes 2001; Weisler 1997). As a fundamentalfocus of archaeological study for decades, researchers investi­gate the organizational attributes of prehistoric exchangethrough the recovered material pattern found in the networks'different tages; raw material procurement (Neff 1998;Wei ler 1997) commodity production (Torrence 1986), prod­uct di tribution (Renfrew 1969), utilization and con umption(Earle 1982). But in the la t twenty year , re earcher beganto empha ize the role of acqui ition (Gla cock 2002), becau egeochemical techniques provide a scientific and quantifiablemeans to ource material, and have become increasingly ac­ce ible to archaeologists (Ericson and Baugh 1993). As a re-ult, exchange research became more focu ed on the linking

of two locales versu the tudy of cultural factors that perpetu­ate exchange networks. To addre the cultural factor thisarticle inve tigate the economic processes found in basaltadze exchange network of ancient Polynesia by conducting asimulative experiment on the relative utility of two exclusivematerial choices - basalt and shell. Then, the information isemployed within a predictive optimal foraging model, wherethe results are tested against previously recorded archaeologi­cal data from West Polynesia.

Within Polynesia over the last three thousand years, in­sular chiefdoms produced elaborate social hierarchies requir­ing increa ed amounts of subsistence production to faci]jtatetheir higher populations and political complexities (Kirch2000; Sahlins 1958). As an e ential tool in their subsistencetechnology, i landers utilized adzes in felling trees, clearingland, haping canoes, con tructing homes, and other wood­working activities (Be t et al. 1992; Buck 1930, 1950; Earle1997; Green and David on 1969, 1974; La s 1998; Leach andWitter 1990; Moir 1985; Sali bury 1962; Townsend 1969).Polyne ian adzes were either manufactured out of basalt, ahomogenous and often fine-grained volcanic rock, or out ofhell, commonly made from bivalve uch as the Tridacnapecie (Be t et al. 1992; Moir 1985). Archaeologi t often

unearth the e two material type together at i land , although,ba all' pre ence can be poradic due to it unavailability oncoral atoll . To explain it pre ence on atoll , basalt has beentouted a a uperior tool material for woodworking (Green andDavid on 1974), where high quality material is the reason

1. Thi paper ha been peer reviewed.2. Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon

why i landers moved ba alt adzes hundreds of kilometerfrom high volcanic island to atolls over open ocean (Be t etaI. 1992). But, what i the authenticity of this assumption? Isthere an actual economic superiority associated with basaltversus locally available materials, such as Tridacna hell? Anuncritical understanding of ubsistence requirement hasclouded past interpretations of Polynesian exchange develop­ment.

The Pacific Ocean span over 166 million quare kilo­meters, covers a variety of major climatic zones, and containsover 25,000 islands and islets with differing landmasse , bio­diversity and geology. Volcanic high islands and coral atollde cribe the two general i land types and major ecologicaldifferences found within Oceania. Atolls are compo ed of anarrow ring of low i let of humic soil and crushed coral en­compas ing a central lagoon, with a flat coral reef encirclingthe outside of the i land (Be t 1988). Volcanic rock is not na­tive to an atoll and mu t be imported; although, clam can beroutinely found in an atoll' hallow lagoon. Wherea , highislands of either 'continental' or 'oceanic' rock routinely havetool grade tone pre ent, albeit rock quality varie greatly(Weisler and Sinton 1997: 173; Dickenson and Shutler2000:217-221). Confronted with this unequal di tribution ofimportant tool material resource in the Pacific, this articleexamine the documented exchange of basalt adzes in Polyne-ia (Best et al. 1992; Clark, et al. 1997; Di Piazza and

Pearthree 2001; Sheppard, et al. 1997; Sinton and Sinton1997; Walter and Sheppard 1996; Weisler 1993; Wei ler, etal. 1994; Weisler and Kirch 1996; Weisler and Sinton 1997;Weisler 1998). Most pertinent to this re earch are the ba altadzes originating on Tutuila Island, which archaeologi tstraced to i land within Samoa, Fiji, Tokelau, Santa Cruz,Solomons, and Southern Cooks (Allen and Johnson 1997;Winterhoff 2003). Illustrating one po ible factor in ba alttool exchange, Kaeppler (1978) de cribe a protohistoric tradenetwork between Tonga, Fiji and Samoa as a ocial networkor trade partnership for pou e and goods among the e threecultural entities beginning in the mid 17th century and lastinginto the historic period. umerous re earchers cite Kaeppler'1978 review of till trade network a an archetypal example ofexchange mechanisms (Be t et al. 1992; Clark, Wright andHerdrich 1997; Earle 1997; Weisler 1997). Upon furtherstudy, the ethnohistoric evidence does not, however, pro ide aufficient explanation for Tutuilian adzes found in earlier time

period and on other island groups outside the network ucha Tokelau, Santa Cruz, Solomons, and Southern Cooks(AJlen and Johnson 1997; Di Piazza and Pearthree 2001; Win-

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terhoff 2003). This article attempts to evaluate whether Tutui­Ian adze trade was indeed a result of such social mechanisms(Kaeppler 1978; Weisler 1997) or more ecologically relatedones (Earle 1997). This study calculates the utility of bothclamshell and basalt as a tool for felling trees. The measure­ment of utility is accomplished by performing a simulativeexperiment assessing results of cutting rates. Then using eachmaterial's utility ratio, a predictive model of optimal foragingis implemented to examine issues of energy maximization inthe different behavioral strategies required by either material.

EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY

"The strength of imitative experimentation lies not in provid­ing a final and single magical proof of a hypothesis, but ratherin the elimination of improbable hypothe es and narrowingand sharpening the definition of the information" (Ingersoll, etal. 1977:xiv). Also, information on the manufacture and use ofadzes in Polynesia is limited, due to the rapid and almost com­plete replacement of traditional tools with metal acquired afterEuropean contact (Bayman and Moniz Nakamura 2001:240;Buck 1930, 1950; Green and Davidson 1974:254; Lass 1998).Here, the lack of relevant ethnographic data makes the experi­mentation of those behaviors a necessity in accessing the rea­soning behind material choices driving behaviors.

Previous comparative research on tree felling and mate­rial efficiency focused on the benefits of steel over stone tools(Salisbury 1962; Townsend 1969). Townsend's experimenta se sed the relative efficiencies between stone and steel(1969). His re earch utilized native islanders to fell tree ofvarying sizes and hardne s, while he timed the clearing withboth materials. Relating time against the tree' circumference,Townsend found that steel was 4.7 times quicker than stone infelling trees. In complimentary result from an earlier ethno­graphic study, Salisbury (1962) concluded steel tool werethree time as quick than stone adzes when clearing the ameplot of land.

This article builds on this prior research by testing simi­lar variables and using an experimental basi ; however, it di­verges by applying it to a prehi toric situation in which shelland stone were the sole choices. In addition, this experimentand analysis addresses a situation wherein an individual has achoice of utilizing either local or imported material as a tool,and what factors would influence such a decision. There couldhave been numerous social values at work in deciding whichmaterial to utilize, but values are difficult to assess archaeo­logically. Informed of this limitation, this study investigateignificant factor in the past economic system. Important

economic variables in making such a decision are the time­energies required to obtain the raw material and manufacturethe tool, and then how the tool performs during use; its effi­ciency, durability, maintenance, costs and expected lifespan.

POLYNESIAN ADZE TECHNOLOGY

AcquisitionThe Tridacnid species of bivalves were utilized often as

adze material in Polynesia. Tridacna gigas and Tridacnamaxima are the two species most identified from shell adzeassemblages (Moir 1985). As it relates to this study, their geo-

graphic distribution covers areas within island Melanesia, Mi­cronesia and West and Central Polynesia. Complications onacquisition arise when discussing eastern and remote Polyne­sia, where cooler ocean currents impede reef growth and clamhabitat.

In West Polynesia, islanders harvested them from in idelagoons exclusively or in tandem with fishing trips. Ethno­graphically, Goodwin observed clams being collected in la­goons on approximately one out of two daily fishing trips(Goodwin 1983:162-163); in addition, he stated that the meatinside of the clams produced protein for dietary consumption.Similarly, the efforts in prehistoric shell acquisition were em­bedded in complementary foraging activities, and the overallcost of acquisition thus reduced due to additional benefits offood production. Also, the overall size of the Tridacna gigasmakes for abundant adze material. The species can grow up to10 cm a year, and can reach ages of over one hundred yearswith sizes of 60 + cm in length. Ancient islander acquiredraw material for adze manufacture at a con ervative rate ofone shell adze per half day, based off Goodwin's ob ervationsand approximate adze sizes.

A for basalt, islanders from volcanic high islandsneeded a trip into the interior to obtain this material (Buck1930). Archaeological research indicates that the relativeproximity of quarrie in Tutuila to habitation sites were veryclose, usually less than a kilometer in distance (Ayres andEisler 1987; Clark, et al. 1997; Leach and Witter 1990; Win­terhoff 2003). With prior knowledge and skill, selection andgathering of tool grade basalt could have happened quickly,and numerous blanks would have been acquired in an averageday. A con ervative rate of acquisition on a volcanic i landestimates to one basalt adze blank per one fourth of a day ofwork (Leach and Witter 1990; Vial 1941; Winterhoff 2003).

Another component to basalt acquisition for this study isstone as an imported tool, where acquisition time needs to in­clude transport time between islands. Using data from Irwin(1992:43-44), an average double-hulled Polyne ian canoecould, in good weather, travel 100-150 nautical miles during asingle day. It is assumed for the purpose of this study that thetransport time between islands will roughly equal the time ittakes atoll islanders to accumulate materials that cost the sameamount of time-energies a the imported basalt adze broughtfrom a high island.

ManufactureThere is very limited data relating to the flaking qualities

of clamshell in the Pacific; however, Cleghorn (1977) con­ducted a limited experiment on flaking Tridacna shell to ana­lyze flaked shell tools from the Philippine Archipelago. Hisconclu ions were that better flaking occurred from the u e of asofter basalt hammer stone (3.5 Moh's hardness scale), freshshell was easier to flake than fossilized specimens, and shellswere probably initially broken for food extraction. Interest­ingly, the properties of the softer basalt are similar to coral,which also has a 3.5 on the Moh's hardness scale and wasabundant on atolls.

Adzes manufactured out of Tridacna shell were oftenmade into two types (Buck 1950; Moir 1985). Blanks comingfrom the thin outer portions of the bivalve produced smallerand flatter adzes with an overall quadrangular shape. Their

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METHODOLOGY

Figure l. Carneiro's volume equation and as ociated chematic(1979).

v

----0----

IhI

MaintenanceTool maintenance occurred regularly during and between

use. Chips along cutting edge accumulated over time thusretarding the cutting efficiency of the tool. Maintenance re­quired re-sharpening of the cutting edge and wa accom­plished by polishing the edge against a grinding tone until theneeded blade was produced. Town end (1969:201) found thatthe Heve tribe of New Guinea dulled tone adzes after 3 hrand 49 minutes, and sharpening a stone adze took themroughly an hour.

Hafting and LashingsHafting an adze to a handle i an integral part of the ub-

i tence technology. Correct hafting can add additional lever­age, increased force and a stable triking edge at impact,which are attributes that greatly help in felling trees. Buck(1930) discusses three elaborate la hing technique on Sa­moan adze handle, but a multitude of correct applicationmethods would have been available in past societie . It is as­sumed that ancient tool users utilizing either basalt or shelladzes would have had equal knowledge of hafting, thus forthi experiment this data should cancel it elf out.

Equipment Used for ExperimentTo conduct an experiment that examine tool material'

efficiency, one shell and one tone adze were manufacturedwith approximately equal volume and cutting edge (Figure 2).The shell adze had a length of 8.5 cm, a cutting width of 4.0cm, 1.9 cm thickne ,a 70 degree bevel angle, and weight of

Carneiro's mathematical equation to calculate comparablecutting and wear rate .

A tool's life pan i the cumulative amount of work it icapable of finishing, beginning at its inception until it di­card. Admittedly, adze are known to have different u e (i.e.heirloom objects) that would extend their lives longer than itsfunctional clas ification (Sheppard, Walter and Parker 1997).For this experiment, lifespan will tay with a more impledefinition, total use for its original function as a woodworkingtool.

To calculate a material's utility in tree felling and, to a greaterextent, general wood working, efficiency measure need to beaccounted for by experiment. For thi paper, efficiency willbe defined as the number of cubic centimeter cut within aminute. To collect this data, an experiment was conductedwith every attempt to replicate object and condition imilarto the past ones being tested.

The adze was an important tool for ancient Polynesians.Using an adze, an islander could fell trees, make canoes, clearland, build homes, and create miscellaneous utilitarian andceremonial objects (Buck 1930 1950; Lass 1998). Archaeo­logically, adze and their wa te flakes compo e the large tportion of artifact assemblages at prehi toric sites (Green andDavid on 1974). Although the tatic archaeological data inOceania only hint at the dynamic past behaviors that pro­duced them, ethno-archaeology and experimental archaeologyattempt to fill in the gap (Binford 1981; Torrence 1986).

"The felling of a tree with a tone ax ... has rarely beenwitnes ed by ethnologists" (Carneiro 1979:21). While study­ing the Yanomamo of outhem Venezuela, Carneiro con­ducted a replicative experiment to analyze how long it took anative Yanomamo using an 'ance tral tone axe' to cut downa tree (Carneiro 1979). In calculating the time required to fella tree, he wa able to attribute hi re ult to other tree by cre­ating a mathematical formula to determine the cutting timerequired by the amount or volume of wood needed to be re­moved for the tree to fall (Figure 1). While conducting a epa­rate experiment on felling a tree, my study relied on

proposed function was for fine woodworking activitie , likecarving (Buck 1950). Adze coming from the hinge area,where thicker accumulation of hell material were available,had a larger convex cros - ection and length. Being larger,i lander utilized these adze in felling trees and the roughshaping of canoes and house beams (Buck 1950). Clam sizecan allow for at least two blanks per shell or four per clam.Rough time estimation for the manufacture of a shell adzewould be approximately one day, ba ed on visual observationsfrom this project. However, more research i needed to quan­tify thi e timate.

While there is more ethnographic data on ba alt adzemanufacture, it i till par e. Vial (1941:160) tate thatmanufacture time for tone adze in Papua New Guinea tookhalf an hour to all day to chip out an adze blank, then poli h­ing took up to three days for a high quality ceremonial adze.Also in Hawai'i, historic observations of adze manufacturetated that they ground and polished the adze over three to

four days (Bayman and Moniz Nakamura 2001 :240). How­ever, an ordinary adze u ed for subsistence purposes wouldhave taken less time, becau e of less accurate chipping andpolishing. Such is the ca e for Samoan tone adzes; only thearea around the cutting edge wa poli hed on the majority ofadze type (Green and David on 1969). Green and David on(1969) developed an adze typology for Samoa, where theyrecorded ten adze types with a few additional subtype . Pre-ent in thi adze typology are a variety of size ,cro - ections,

and overall hape. The variety of type pre ents a situationwhere pa t woodworkers had pecialized tools for differentjob; chi eling, carving or cutting. In addition, research onSamoan lithic indicates the preferred method of stone adzemanufacture was fu t to knock off large flakes as blanks,which would have been ea ier to reduce into a preform, beforethe final grinding tep (Leach and Witter 1990). For a ub i ­tence tool, manufacture time for a tone adze would have av­eraged roughly two days, ba ed on the combination of ethno­graphic and archaeological data.

Use

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Figure 2. The front, back and side views of the hell (on top) andba alt (on bottom) adzes used in the experiment.

Malaeloa Quarry sample has a 30% greater tensile trengththan the basalt used in the experiment, and ha a trength rat­ing in the upper range of ba alts (Logan, personal communi­cation). The surprising re ult from the Tridacna hell comefrom the extremely dense nature of the sbell' crystallinestructure, which outweighs the differences in strength betweenshell's carbonate and ba alt's silicate composition (ibid.).

Polynesian canoes were often made from large breadfruittrees (Artocarpus altilis). The unavailability of breadfruit treeat the locality of the experiment required an adequate replace­ment, so the simulation study could be as accurate a pos ible.A local oftwood was elected with a similar pecific gravity.Breadfruit has a pecific gravity of 0.5 (Donnegan et al.2001). Douglas Fir has a specific gravity of 0.45, and wacho en as a proxy species (Briggs 1994). For the experiment,two Douglas Fir trees with a 20 cm diameter trunk were se­lected.

Material Efficiency ExperimentTo asses a tool material efficiency, an experiment was

performed similar to one conducted in the Amazon byCarneiro (1979). His ethno-archaeological study involved alocal informant, who wa timed a he cut down a tree using atone axe. For my experiment, three volunteers, with varying

levels of experti e, were asked to cut down a tree utilizingeacb adze. A con ciou effort wa made by each volunteer tovary their tyle of chopping during the experiment (twohanded, one banded, forceful chop and cleaning cuts) so tohelp negate a bias from a possible learning curve between thetwo experiments. At the beginning and end of each experi­ment, each adze was measured for wear and the tree wasmea ured for volume of wood cut. Time was subtracted whenadju tments were needed to re-haft or a volunteer needed tore t. Totaling the cumulative timed e ions per adze materialan average cut rate wa created. The cut rate i not an ab oluterate comparable to prehi toric woodworker, but a relativerate that can be compared between material .

Mathematical AnalysisTo analyze the results of the above experiment, a forag­

ing choice model wa created to predict the behavioral deci­ion of ancient i landers. The model is graphically repre­ented in a stati tical bi-plot, where the two axes of the graph

report the mea ured utilitie of each ub titutable material.Thi i ba ed on the a sumption that, within an economic sys­tem, past choices were made to maximize one's benefit andto minimize one's los es. As a result, a person will implementthe group of choices that will create the most utility. Utility isdefined as "the level of satisfaction derived from the con­sumption and is determined inductively by measuring whatpeople maximize (Kaplan and Hill 1992)." To create an opti­mal foraging model, two factors are needed: 1) total benefitavailable from the use of either material, and 2) time cost ofeach re ource or the price of commodities - the income thatmust be expended to acquire a given amount (Kaplan and Hill1992; Hill 1988).

sideback

5cm

front

f\.\ ""\:'\.

........

\ I... I

136.5 gram. The shell adze was made from a fresh Tridacnagigas hell measuring 25 cm by 20 cm. Due to limitation inacquiring basalt from Tutuila, an adze wa made from localmedium quality basalt (Springfield Quarry, Oregon). The ba-alt adze measured 8.4 cm in length, a cutting width of 3.9

crn, 2.1 cm thickness, 70° bevel angle and weighed 158.2gram.

Physical property analyses were conducted on sampleof Tutuilan basalt, the local basalt used in this experiment, andclamshell, so an assessment of their ten ile trengths could beexamined and compared (Table I). An object' ten ilestrengtb is the maximum amount of tres it can take prior tothe object breaking. Ten ile strength is mea ured in force perunit area or pounds per quare inch (p i) by a Point-LoadTe ter. The machine concentrate an increa ing load on thesample, while the surrounding loading frame measures theforce applied. The information has ignificant implication formaterial choice, particularly to it durability during use. The

Table 1. Tensile Strength Measurements.

ITensile Strength (psi)-

Material

Tridacna Gigas Shell 4146 (median)Fiji I land (n = 6)

Medium Quality Ba alt 3080 (median)Springfield Quarry, Oregon(n =4)

High Quality Ba alt Malaeloa 4402Quarry, Tutuila (n = 1)

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REsULT

EfficiencyThe stone adze was able to fell a tree with a volume of

2646.2 cm3 in 76 minutes. The ba a1t material' relative cutrate calculates to 34.82 cm3 per minute. It required 83 minuteto fell a tree utilizing the shell adze with a volume of 2029.3cm3

. Thi calculates to a 24.45 cm3 per minute cutting rate. Inorder to evaluate whether this difference would have influ­enced deci ions on what material type to u e, one need tolook at adze efficiency perfonn in different situation. Byinserting the cut rates of each material derived from experi­ment into the equation provided by Carneiro (1979), time (inhours) can be calculated for the felling of a variety of treesizes (Table 2).

Table 2. Postulated fell time for variou diameters of trees.f--

Tree Approximate Shell Adze Basalt AdzeDiameter Volume of Material Calculated Calculated

cm Cut From Tree for Time for Time forFell cm3 FeU hours Fell hours

20 2100 1.43 1f----

30 4700 3.20 2.25 I40 8400 5.73 4.02

f--

50 13,000 8.86 6.22

60I 18,800 12.82 9

DurabilityWhile efficiency is one variable that needs to be con id­

ered with decisions, durability must al 0 be considered. Fol­lowing the experiments, the adze exhibited notable wearalong their cutting edges. There was visible chipping on bothadzes' edges, where basalt and hell had roughly equalamounts of wear. By combining the experimental result withTownsend's (1969) data from the Heve, a basalt adze needs tobe re-sharpened after every 3.81 hours of cutting; re-harpening takes an hour and approximately Y2 cm is removed

from the tool's length. Ba ed on the similar tensile strengthsand in field observation, Tridacna shell would have a compa­rable re- harpening schedule.

Durability of the materials become a significant factor,when you combine a material' cut rate, a material' wear rateand it sharpening rate while felling a tree larger than 20 cmin diameter. For a 20 cm diameter tree, the time difference infelling i roughly 40 minute between ba alt and shell adzes,but when cutting down a 60 cm diameter tree, the basalt adzetook eleven hours and Tridacna hell required 15.82 hour .Thi di crepancy between ba a1t and shell has a major impacton the effective life span of the tool. A tool's lifespan wa cal­culated to be the length of u e time necessary to wear the toolto half of its original size. The two manufactured adze had atotal length of 8.5 cm with a hypothetical discard length at4.25 cm. The tool's overall effectiveness was then calculatedby estimating the amount of wood volume cut before the toolwa exhau ted. Calculating the overall number of sharpeningperiod a eight and combining the material's efficiency, the

research indicate a total life pan of shell adzes at 39,609 cm3

of wood volume and 56,408.4 cm3 for basalt adzes. The re-ults suggest that the medium basalt has a 30 percent longer

lifespan than Tridacna hell, which may be a product of thematerials' densitie . When looking at time-energie a theyrelate to work productivity, the total productive life pan forba alt is 3 days (8 hr/day) while hell equals 2.1 days.

Overall UtilityTo calculate a material' overall utility, an e timate of all

time-energies expended for each behavioral decision areneeded, where the total productive life pan is divided by thecost of acquisition, manufacture and maintenance (Table 3).

Table 3. Experimental and Estimated Results Per Adze on the Over-all Utility of Shell and Sa all as a woodworking Tool.

Acquisition Manufacture Maintenance Useday day day day

- I----

basalt 0.25 2 0.33 3

shell 0.5 I 0.33 2.1

utility =benefit/co t = u e/(acquisition + manufacture +maintenance); ba a1t utility = 1.16; shell utility = 1.15

A a woodworking tool, basalt has a utility of 1.16 and hellha a utility of 1.15. Based on the a sumption that both mate­rial are available, basalt has a slightly higher utility ratingthan hell. However, what happens when ba a1t adze mu t beimported from another island?

Predictive ModelGiven that the majority of adzes in ancient Oceania are

tied to subsistence practice, a simple foraging model wa em­ployed to examine deci ions that would maximize an i ­lander's long-term net rate in an economic system. Accordingto Smith and Winterhalder, "simple tools are a nece ary toolfor the analy is of complex ystem" (1992:23). The modelhas three parts: 1) the deci ion to acquire local shell or importa basalt adze; 2) the currency of time-energies found in eachmaterial's utility; and 3) the constraint of distances required toimport an adze in tlle insular environment of the Pacific. Tocreate predictions of ba alt adze exchange, I utilized optimalforaging models to examine the relative utilities of ba a1tcompared to shell a the distance from which basalt i ac­quired increases. Time, a related to travel di tances betweeni land , was used to explore the differences in utility ratio ofboth materials (Figure 3). Ba ed on averaging the co ts andbenefits of both basalt and hell, the mean foraging return rate(repre ented by a dotted line in the model) provide the e­lection parameter for the optimal material. When the utility ofa material exceeds the mean foraging return rate, that materialwill be chosen. In model A the utiLity of basalt and hell arebased on the availability of each item on the same i land. Inmodel B, basalt is located on another island, thus basalt' util­ity i lower than the mean return rate, becau e of the addi­tional cost of importing it over a half a day voyage. Then inmodels C and D, ba alt adze are ranked considerably Lowerin comparative utility when it i necessary to ship basalt forone and two days, respectively.

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A2

B2

1.5 1.5

§ [email protected] ..--- ~ @S 1 5 1 ------------•

.5- .5

Basalt Shell Basalt Shell

20 2

C

1.5 1.5

~ @ ~ @5 1 5 1

1-------------•.5 .5-------------•

Basalt Shell Basalt Shell

Figure 3. Results from experiment charting the optimal choice basedon utility and travel time between islands, circled dot indicates opti­mal choice; A) materials found on the same island; B) importingba a1t take 0.5 day; (C) importing basalt takes I day; D) importingbasalt takes 2 days.

DISCUSSIO

Testing the Model in the West Polynesia RegionTo test the proposed model, the islands of Tokelau and

Samoa were selected to compare against the experimental re­sults for five major reasons: 1) the distance between the archi­pelagos is roughly a two to three day voyage (Irwin 1992); 2)the recorded presence of Tutuilan adzes found on Tokelau(Best et al. 1992; Winterhoff 2003); 3) Tridacnid species werepresent on Tokelau in prehistory (Moir 1985); 4) Tokelau liesoutside the Fiji-Tonga-Samoa Trade Network (Kaeppler 1978;Weisler 1997); and 5) the volcanic islands of Samoa, espe­cially Tutuila, had major production zones for basalt adzes inprehistory (Ayres and Eisler 1987; Best et. al. 1992; Buck1930; Clark, et. aI, 1997; Wei ler 1997; Winterhoff 2003).

Tokelau is composed of three coral atolls, Fakaofo, Nu­kunomu and Atafu, located approximately 450 kilometersnorth of Tutuila. At Tokelau, prosperous settlements wouldhave first occupied these atolls at 1000 BP coming from west­ern Samoa. Tokelau lacks native basalt for adze manufacture,and would have either utilized local clam shell or importedstone adzes.

Simon Best (1988) conducted initial surveys on all threeof the island and excavations (a total of 66m2

) on Fakaofoand Atafu. His discussion of recovered artifacts was prelimi­nary, but qualitative conclusions can be drawn. As relating toadze material composition "[s]hell adzes were the most nu­merous artifacts found, both in surface collections and fromexcavations" (Best 1988: 110), and, stone adzes and fragmentswere found in only limited quantities. Comparing Tokelau'sarchaeological data to the results of the predictive model,there is a tentative positive correlation between the experi­ment and the past material record found in the archipelago.

Although there were small numbers of basalt tools recoveredin excavation, the majority of tools were comprised of hell.This evidence provides support for the optimal strategy pre­sented in this study. The presence of limited amounts of basaltadzes may be explained as a re ult of disaster relief from Sa­moa. After large tropical storms or hurricanes, Tokelau's la­goon resources would have been greatly ravaged by heavywave action. This situation would have required importedadzes despite the models' predictions, due to the needed re­building of residential structures and land clearing withoutlocal resources to draw upon.

FURTHER DIRECTIO S FOR THE RESEARCH

To further test the proposed model, the island of Upolu in theSamoan Archipelago was also chosen to contrast the results ofoptimal distance for four major reasons: I) Tutuila is roughly40 nautical miles east of Upolu or less than a half day voyage,thus creating a positive prediction for the economic exchangeof basalt adzes; 2) based on the archaeological record, Upoluand Tutuila, as with the rest of the archipelago, developedjointly into traditional Samoa at around 1700 BP (Ayres andEisler 1987); 3) no archaeologicaJly recorded ba alt quarrieshave been documented on Upolu, and 4) there has been docu­mentation of a Tutuilan adze recovered in western Samoa(Best et al. 1992).

Based on the foraging models, if the superiority of basaltadzes as subsistence tools were the basis for exchange inPolynesia, then the resultant sphere of interaction would havebeen relatively small or nonexistent. As Upolu lies within apositive distance for basalt adze exchange from Tutuila, Tu­tuilan basalt should be found in substantive number on Upolu,complementing their local, lower quality basalt. To comparethe archaeological record to the results from the predictivemodel, a comparison of lithic production of the two islands isnecessary (Table 4). Even when incorporating the differencesin excavation techniques, site types and the amount excavated,Tutuilan sites contain significantly higher amounts of wasteflakes compared to the number of adzes and adze fragmentsfound at each site. These high production levels at workshopsites in Tutuila posit the likelihood of adze manufacture forboth local subsistence use and inter-island exchange. How­ever, greater numbers of excavated adzes found on Upolu andother archipelagoes need to be geochemically sourced to moreaccurately evaluate the ultimate di tribution of Tutuilan basaltadzes.

From this research, intra-archipelago interaction wouldbe the most likely outcome if acquiling basalt for subsistencetools were the sole mechanism for exchange. As for the notedhigh production levels of adze manufacture on ancient Tutuila(Winterhoff 2003); this tudy predicts that the majority ofthese products will be located on either Upolu or Savai'i in thewe tern portion of Samoa rather than outside the archipelago.

Exchange as a set of behaviors is not directly observablein the archaeological record, and archaeologist need to createand test methodologies to connect exchange processes withthe material record (Torrence 1986). The preliminary resultspresented here do not presume to allow us to reconstruct an­cient behaviors, but it represents an attempt to con truct amethodology to measure exchange. By comparing the utility

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-Table 4. A Comparison of Basalt Adze Production on Upolu, Samoa and Tutuila, American Samoa.

Site arne Flakes Site Function Age Number of Adze Waste-

Upolu

Folasa-a-Ialo Inland Re idential Site Prehi toric 18 4-

Leulua i Inland Re idential Sites Hi toriclPrehi toric 18 871

Puna Inland Earthen Mound Prehistoric 7 25

Sasoa'a Inland Residential Site HistoriclPrehi toric 58 105

SuLu53 Inland Star Mound Prehistoric 13 271I

SuLoOI Coa tal Midden HistoriclPrehi toric 3 90- I-- --

Vailele Coastal Earthen Mounds Prehi toric 47 99

Tutuila- -Alega Coastal Work hop Site Prehistoric 5 2498

i--- ---'Aoa Coa tal Residential Site Prehistoric 12 3559

-Malaeloa InJand Workshop Site Prehistoric 8 4869

-Maloata Coa tal Residential Site Prehistoric 10 711

-Tataga-Matau* Inland Work hop Site Prehistoric 2 3099

(data for Upolu ite were collected from Green and Davidson 1969 and 1974); (data for Tutuila sites were collected from Clark 1992; Clarkand Michlovic 1996; Winterhoff2003; Ayre and Eisler 1987; Be t, et aI, 1998) *Star Mound Terrace ,

and the phy ical properties of each material, one can directlyinvestigate consumption requirement within an economicsy tern, and indirectly investigate the production rate requiredto fulfill them. Further work is required to a certain con ump­tion rates for adzes in an island society; however, if one wereto look at the household as the relevant archaeological unit inconsumption (Green 1993) and calculate the amount of workhour needed to provide all the woodworking activities for aingle generation. Then, one could divide the total number of

work hours required by the work hours available per adze.Then, this number (times the number of generations present)should roughly equate to the actual number of adzes present inthe archaeological record sans additional depositional anoma­lie.

A fruitful extension of this research would be to examineadditional island groups in Oceania with unique acquisitionenvironments and to test the utilities of different adze materi­al available for con umption within tho e i land groups. Fu­ture experiments will require additional effort to examine thecutting rate and durability of materials. The re ults from thisexperiment create a basis of compari on, but more simulativework can onJy enhance the validity of the approach. More­over, there are unresolved issues regarding the wide variety ofhell and ba alt found and used throughout the Pacific.

Te ting of archaeological ample can al 0 provide valu­able information on the ten ile trength of each material,which would document the significant impact of the durabil­ity of each material and thus its utility as a subsistence tool.Additional work may highlight that physical properties, alone,provide adequate measures for both a material's efficiencyand durability, thus replacing the need for individual andtime-consuming experiments with data that is ea ily repeat­able and quantifiable.

CO CL SIO S

Citing David on (1971 :68-69), Roger Green tate that relyingimply on the clam shell for tool material wa not a fea ible

alternative. A he wrote thirty year ago, "[a]n un tated a -umption that eem to have prevailed with re pect to materi­

al suitable for Polyne ian adze is that the material mo twidely and frequently u ed repre ent a choice that was almo tentirely the re ult of cultural preference" (Green and David­son 1974: 142). His argument was that exchange between i ­land negated environmental di crepancies when it came to

tool material. But, based on the re ult of this study, the ma­terial for adze wa not a reason for continued exchange inPolyne ia, and other materials, such a Tridacna shell, were aviable alternative as a locally available material.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank many individuals who have contributedto thi re earch. In the preparation for this article, Larry Sugi­yama, William Ayre , Suzann Henrik on, Tobin Bottman andAndrea Lipstein graciou Iy provided their intellectual input onearlier drafts. I would al 0 like to thank John Logan for bothhi time and his te ting of the ample' physical propertieand al 0 Gig, Todd and Montana for their tirele effort inconducting the actual experiment. Finally, I would like toextend appreciation to Roy Underhill of the Woodwright'Shop for hi informative comment in the early tage of theproject, and the anonymous reviewer who helped me to clarifyorne i ue. As for the tatement and views expre ed in the

article, I am solely re ponsible.

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