Morphology - UZH · Morphemes I: position Roots and bases Root The smallest,unanalyzable...

Morphology

Class 3

Morphemes I: position

FS 2014

Rik van Gijn


Learn about morphemes and their distribution

√ Acquaint yourself with different kinds of units involved in word structure

√ Acquire the vocabulary to talk about these units

√ Learn about their place within words

√ Learn about different types of morphological processes

Goal of this class


Simplex and complex words

Words may consist of smaller meaningful units

Are the following words simple or complex?

word sentence

worker dinner

unbelievable believable

simplicity complex

Of how many smaller units do they consist?


Morpheme

Morpheme

Smallest unit of language with its own meaning

Morpheme

Form

Meaning

Morpheme

Highly idealized picture

We will discuss different

kinds of exceptions to

this basic pattern in

week 5


Morpheme

Morpheme

Smallest unit of language with its own meaning

Form

Meaning

Morpheme

concrete abstract

concrete abstract

consistent variable

consistent variable


Morpheme

Today

We look at form, and mostly at concrete and consistent cases, but we

will also take a look at more abstract operations.

Form

Meaning

Morpheme

concrete abstract

consistent variable

concrete abstract

consistent variable


Morpheme types

Three morphologically complex words

unbearable

lightness

being

1. Divide into morphemes

2. What do you think is the most important morpheme of each word?

Why do you think that?


Smallest form-meaning units

un

bear

able

light

ness

be

ing

Morphemes are primitives of form-meaning combinations, they cannot be analyzed further in these terms

If you are not sure about morpheme recognition, you can try substitution: which parts can be replaced by others? Those are likely to be the morphemes.


Morpheme types

un- bear -able light -ness be -ing

support weight

possibility of

absence of

of little weight

the idea of

exist in the act of

What is the semantic core of every word? What is each word really about?


Morpheme types


support weight

possibility of

absence of

of little weight

the idea of

exist in the act of

What is the semantic core of every word? What is each word really about?

WHAT?


Morpheme types


support weight

possibility of

absence of

of little weight

the idea of

exist in the act of


Roots

Literally the root of the word, where the word ‘begins‘

unbearable

bear

↓

bearable

↓

unbearable


Smallest form-meaning units

un

bear

able

light

ness

be

ing

Morphemes are primitives of form-meaning combinations, they cannot be analyzed further in these terms


Which of these morphemes can stand alone?

un

bear

able

light

ness

be

ing

/ˈeɪbl/ attrib. Having the qualifications, power, or capacity for some activity. Obs

/əbl/ Forming adjectives denoting the capacity for or capability of being subjected to or (in some complex words) performing the action denoted or implied by the first element of the complex word.

www.oed.co.uk



un

bear

able

light

ness

be

ing

Replacement tests Can you replace these morphemes with other root morphemes?

un

do

able

dark

ness

do

ing



un

bear

able

light

ness

be

ing

(Potentially) free morpheme A morpheme that can stand on its own as a word-form.



un

bear

able

light

ness

be

ing

(Potentially) free morpheme A morpheme that can stand on its own as a word-form.

= root?


However…

A few morphologically complex words

•grateful

•capable

Divide into morphemes


However, replacement tests say…

•grateful

Successful, colorful, mindful, etc.

Gratitude, gratuitous, etc.

•capable

Bearable, enjoyable, affordable etc.

Capacity,


Roots and bases

Root

The smallest,unanalyzable constituent morpheme of a word to which

other morphological material can be added.

Roots may be potentially free morphemes, but not necessarily

Base

Word form to which morphological material is added.

One can thus say that roots are bases, but bases are not necessarily

roots. For instance, -bear- forms the base to which -able is added,

bearable forms the base to which un- is added, but only bear is a root.


Roots and bases

Affix

A dependent form that attaches to a base.


Roots, bases and affixes

morphemes

Potentially free Obligatorily bound

Roots/bases Bound roots/bases Affixes


Lexemes and stems

Lexeme

Abstract unit denoting a family of word forms that differ in their

grammatical endings, e.g. walk, walks, walking, walked belong to the

lexeme WALK

Stem

Word form without grammatical (inflectional) endings.

walk-


Intermezzo: examples, morpheme breaks, and glossing

http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php

The Leipzig Glossing Rules (LGR)

(...) ten rules for the "syntax" and "semantics" of interlinear glosses, and an appendix with a proposed "lexicon" of abbreviated category labels.


Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules

Rule 1: Word-by-word alignment Interlinear glosses are left-aligned vertically, word by word, with the example. E.g. Indonesian (Sneddon 1996:237) Mereka di Jakarta sekarang. They in Jakarta now 'They are in Jakarta now.'



Rule 2: Morpheme-by-morpheme correspondence Segmentable morphemes are separated by hyphens, both in the example and in the gloss. There must be exactly the same number of hyphens in the example and in the gloss. E.g. Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993:207) Gila abur-u-n ferma hamišaluǧ güǧüna amuq’-da-č. now they-OBL-GEN farm forever behind stay-FUT-NEG ‘Now their farm will not stay behind forever.’ Clitic boundaries are marked by an equals sign, both in the object language and in the gloss. West Greenlandic (Fortescue 1984:127) palasi=lu niuirtur=lu priest=and shopkeeper=and 'both the priest and the shopkeeper'



Rule 3: Grammatical category labels Grammatical morphemes are generally rendered by abbreviated grammatical category labels, printed in upper case letters (usually small capitals). A list of standard abbreviations (which are widely known among linguists) is given at the end of this document. (see website)



Rule 4: One-to-many correspondences When a single object-language element is rendered by several metalanguage elements (words or abbreviations), these are separated by periods. E.g. Turkish çık-mak come.out-INF 'to come out' Latin insul-arum island-GEN.PL 'of the islands'



Rule 5: Person and number labels Person and number are not separated by a period when they occur in this order. E.g. Italian and-iamo go-PRS.1PL (not: go-PRS.1.PL) 'we go'



Rule 6: Non-overt elements If the morpheme-by-morpheme gloss contains an element that does not correspond to an overt element in the example, it can be enclosed in square brackets. An obvious alternative is to include an overt "Ø" in the object language text, which is separated by a hyphen like an overt element. Latin puer or: puer-Ø boy[NOM.SG] boy-NOM.SG ‘boy’ ‘boy’



Rule 7: Inherent categories Inherent, non-overt categories such as gender may be indicated in the gloss, but a special boundary symbol, the round parenthesis, is used. E.g.Hunzib (van den Berg 1995:46) oz#-di-g xõxe m-uq'e-r boy-OBL-AD tree(G4) G4-bend-PRET 'Because of the boy the tree bent.' (G4 = 4th gender, AD = adessive, PRET = preterite)



Rule 8: Bipartite elements Grammatical or lexical elements that consist of two parts which are treated as distinct morphological entities (e.g. circumfixes) may be treated in two different ways: German ge-seh-en or: ge-seh-en PTCP-see-PTCP PTCP-see-CIRC 'seen‘ 'seen'



Rule 9: Infixes Infixes are enclosed by angle brackets, and so is the object-language counterpart in the gloss. Tagalog b<um>ili (stem: bili) <ACTFOC>buy 'buy' Latin reli<n>qu-ere (stem: reliqu-) leave<PRS>-INF 'to leave'

Infixes are generally easily identifiable as left-peripheral (as in the Tagalog example) or as right-peripheral (as in the Latin one), and this determines the position of the gloss corresponding to the infix with respect to the gloss of the stem. If the infix is not clearly peripheral, some other basis for linearizing the gloss has to be found.



Rule 10: Reduplication Reduplication is treated similarly to affixation, but with a tilde (instead of an ordinary hyphen) connecting the copied element to the stem. Hebrew yerak~rak-im green~ATT-M.PL 'greenish ones' (ATT= attenuative)


Typological parameters

• Traditional parameters: whole language typologies

• Our approach: parameters as properties of morphemes



Some examples

Vietnamese (Comrie 1989)

khi tôi đền nhà bạn tôi chúng tôi bắt đấu làm bài

when I come house friend I PLURAL I begin do lesson

‘When I came to my friend’s house, we began to do lessons.’

Bolivian Quechua (Van de Kerke 1996)

much’a-na-chi-na-yki

kiss-REC-CAUS-NOM-2SG

‘You should make them kiss each other.’

Spanish

habl-ó

speak-3SG.PAST.PERF.IND

‘He spoke.’

Yurakaré (Van Gijn 2006) ti-ma-y-mala-ma 1SG-3PL-GO-go.SG-IMP.SG ‘Go and get them for me!’



Friedrich von Schlegel 1772-1829

August von Schlegel 1767-1845

Three types of languages: 1. No-structure languages (Chinese) 2. Agglutinating lgs (Turkish) 3. Inflecting languages (Latin)



Isolating languages: no or little use of affixes Agglutinating languages: Ideally express one concept per morpheme, and combine morphemes with little to none morphophonological alternation Inflectional languages: Often fuse together several grammatical categories within one morpheme; often have complex morphophonology in their morpheme combinations.

Wilhelm von Humboldt 1767-1835

August Schleicher 1821-1868

Incorporating languages: Languages that can treat verb + arguments as a single word.



Three parameters 1. Synthesis (degree of concepts that can be ‘packed’ into a single word) Analytic – Synthetic – Polysynthetic 2. Technique (degree of coalescence between morphemes) Isolating – Agglutinating – Fusional – Symbolic 3. Nature of concepts (degree of semantic content) Radical – Derivational – Mixed relational – Pure relational

Sapir 1921



analytic synthetic polysynthetic

Isolating Classical Chinese

Agglutinating Hungarian Yup’ik Eskimo

Fusional Russian Chiricahua Apache

A. Aikhenvald (2007) in Shopen (ed.)

synthesis

tech

niq

ue



Some examples

Vietnamese (Comrie 1989)

khi tôi đền nhà bạn tôi chúng tôi bắt đấu làm bài

when I come house friend I PLURAL I begin do lesson

‘When I came to my friend’s house, we began to do lessons.’

Bolivian Quechua (Van de Kerke 1996)

much’a-na-chi-na-yki

kiss-REC-CAUS-NOM-2SG

‘You should make them kiss each other.’

Spanish

habl-ó

speak-3SG.PAST.PERF.IND

‘He spoke.’

Yurakaré (Van Gijn 2006) ti-ma-y-mala-ma 1SG-3PL-GO-go.SG-IMP.SG ‘Go and get them for me!’



Position prae, post, in, simul Fusion Isolating > Concatenative > Nonlinear Flexivity Flexive, Nonflexive Semantic density: Exponence Cumulative, Separative Synthesis Analytic > Synthetic > Polysynthetic

Bickel & Nichols 2007

Locus head-marking, dependent-marking


Position

Position of affixes is defined by their relative position with respect to the

base they attach to (Bickel & Nichols 2007).*

PRAE

POST

IN

SIMUL

* B&N go one step further in including some free forms as morphemes (or formatives in their

terminology) but this pertains particularly to inflection so we’ll postpone that discussion until later.


Morpheme types: prefixes

PRAE

Yurakaré (Isolate)

ti-ja-n-kaya

1SG-3SG-BEN-give

He gave it to me.

Achinese (Austronesian)1

ji-pi-langũ

3-CAUS-swim

He makes (someone) swim.

1. From Bauer (2003: 27) Introducing linguistic morphology. Georgetown U. Press


Morpheme types: suffixes

POST

Cochabamba Quechua (Quechuan)

yanapa-wa-rqa-nki

help-1OBJ-PAST-2SG

‘You helped me.’

Turkish (Altaic)

tan-iş-tır-ıl-ma-dık-lar-ın-dan-dır

know-REC-CAU-PAS-POT-NEG-NZR-3P-ABL-3COP

‘It’s because they cannot be introduced to

each other. (lit. it is from their not being able to be made known to each other

1. From Van de Kerke (1996) Affix order and interpretation in Bolivian Quechua

2. From Bickel & Nichols (2007: 191) Inflection. In Shopen (ed.) Language typology and synatactic

description, part III. Cambridge UP.


Morpheme types: prefixes versus suffixes

Matthew S. Dryer. 2013. Prefixing vs. Suffixing in Inflectional Morphology. In: Dryer, Matthew S. & Haspelmath, Martin (eds.) WALS Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (http://wals.info/chapter/26, Accessed on 2014-02-28.)


Morpheme types: infixes

IN

Movima (Isolate): aroso = rice

kas aro<ka>so

NEG rice<IRR>

‘There is no rice.’

Tagalog (Austronesian)

ganda gumanda

‘beauty’ ‘become beautiful’

hirap humirap

‘difficulty’ ‘become difficult’

1. From Haude (2006) A grammar of Movima. PhD thesis RU Nijmegen.

2. From Lieber (2009) Introducing morphology (CUP), cited from Schachter & Otanes 1972


Morpheme types: transfixes

IN

Arabic (Semitic)

kataba 'he wrote'

kattaba 'he caused to write'

kaataba 'he corresponded'

takaatabuu 'they kept up a correspondence'

ktataba 'he wrote, copied'

kitaabun 'book (nom.)'

kuttaabun 'Koran school (nom.)'

kitaabatun 'act of writing (nom.)'

maktabun 'office (nom.)‘

McCarthy 1981: 374 in Linguistic Inquiry 12.

Root: ktb Transfixes: vowels that can alter the root pattern


Morpheme types: vowel mutation

IN

German (Germanic)

Mutter - Mütter

Vater - Väter

Tochter - Töchter

Manchu (Tungusic)

haha ‘man’ hehe ‘woman’

ama ‘father’ eme ‘mother

amila ‘rooster’ emile ‘hen’

Haenisch 1961: 34 in Lieber (2009) Introducing morphology (CUP).


Morpheme types: vowel mutation

IN

N. Junín Quechua (Quechuan)

wayi ‘house’ wayi: ‘my house’

aywa ‘go (root)’ aywa: ‘I go’

Adelaar & Muysken (2004) The languages of the Andes. Cambridge: CUP.


Morpheme types: consonant mutation

IN

Scottish Gaelic nom.sg.indef gen.pl.indef [b…] bard [v…] bhàrd ‘bard’ [kj…] ceann [ç…] cheann ‘head’ [g…] guth [ɣ…] ghuth ‘voice’ [th…] tuagh [h…] thuagh ‘axe’ [b…] balach [v…] bhalach ‘boy’

Calder (1923: 81–93) cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010) Understanding morphology. Hodder Education.


Morpheme types: consonant mutation

IN

Standard Arabic

darasa ‘learn’ darrasa ‘teach’,

waqafa ‘stop (intr.)’ waqqafa ‘stop (tr.)’,

damara ‘perish’ dammara ‘annihilate’)

Haspelmath & Simms (2010) Understanding morphology. Hodder Education.


Morpheme types: subtraction

IN

Maori

active passive gloss

huri huri-hia ‘turn’

inu inu-mia ‘drink’

karanga karanga-tia ‘call’

mau mau-ria ‘seize’

paa paa-ngia ‘touch’

tomo tomo-kia ‘enter’

From Bauer (2003) Introducing linguistic morphology. Georgetown U. Press


Morpheme types: subtraction

IN

French (Romance, IE)

Bauer (2003) Introducing linguistic morphology. Georgetown U. Press


Morpheme types: suppletion

IN

English (Germanic, IE)

Present Past

go went

is was

Yurakaré (Isolate)

Singular Plural

tuwi shama ‘die’

dele ñeta ‘fall’

bushu peta ‘lie (down)’


Morpheme types: weak suppletion

IN

We will see further examples of morphological processes that take place ‘inside’ the base later on (next week and when we talk about compounds)

English (Germanic, IE)

Present Past

think thought

bring brought

Yurakaré (Isolate)

Singular Plural

wita wiwi ‘arrive’

letu lele ‘sit (down)’


Morpheme types: circumfixes

SIMUL

Tagalog

Intsik ka-intsik-an

‘Chinese person’ ‘the Chinese’

pulo ka-pulu-an’

‘island’ ‘archipelago’

Cavineña (Takanan)

E-ra=mi e-bawitya-u

1SG-ERG=2SG POT-teach-POT

[i-keS bawe=kwana=ke].

1SG-FM know=PL=LIG

‘Icould teachyou what I know.’

1. Schachter and Otanes 1972: 101 in Lieber (2009) Introducing morphology (CUP).

2. Guillaume (2008) A grammar of Cavineña. Mouton de Gruyter.


Morpheme types

SIMUL

German (Germanic, IE)

der Stab / die Stäbe der Turm / die Türme die Not / die Nöte der Wald / die Wälder das Haus / die Häuser

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