Paper Number: 118 February 2012
PLANNING 2.0, from Protest to Participation
East-West Perspectives
Nicolas Douay Associate Professor in Urban Planning
PRES Sorbonne Paris Cité / Université Paris-Diderot / UMR CNRS Géographie-Cités
David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies (LEWI) Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU)
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PLANNING 2.0, from Protest to Participation
East-West Perspectives
Nicolas Douay
Associate Professor in Urban Planning
PRES Sorbonne Paris Cité / Université Paris-Diderot / UMR CNRS Géographie-Cités
Abstract
This paper attempts to explore new forms of urban planning in places that use
Internet technologies. The development of online social networks offers new
possibilities of expression and protest. Web 2.0 has been transformed into a digital
public space complementary to the traditional physical public space especially when
the latter is controlled.
Keywords
Web 2.0, social mobilization, urban struggles, collaborative planning
Games like SimCity and more recently FarmVille staged an urban under the influence
of new information technology and communication (ICT). Beyond the fantasy of a
new rationality for digital urban planning, the ICT transform less the contents of
planning than the processes with the multiplication of the means of communication.
Indeed, the web is changing the nature of forms of engagement and negotiation. It
connects people and collects information. It circulates protest slogans and invites
participation. Compared to traditional forms of production in the city, the urban
planning processes 2.0 have a less hierarchical and collective organization and make
way for more individual forms of engagement. They bring together a larger number of
citizens in a shorter time and enhance media effects. The web reveals unusual
capabilities of expertise that appear through collaborative processes, enabling the
emergence of a form of collective intelligence. With help from ICT, planning 2.0
offers the possibility of a digital public space for expressing protests as well as testing
procedures for public participation.
French political scientist Michel Offerlé1 makes a distinction among three major
resources which can be mobilized by social movements. The first of these is their
number – the mobilization of considerable manpower. The second is the level of
expertise, which depends on members of the group and/or their ability to engage
people whose acknowledged competence brings with it the power to persuade others.
The third is their reliance on scandals to denounce a particular situation and arouse
public awareness. The participatory aspect of Web 2.0 affords easy access to these
three resources.
1 Michel Offerlé, Sociologie et groupes d'intérêt, Paris, Monchrestien, 1996.
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1. Contest
1.1. Denouncing urban projects: Chinese example
In November 2010, the number of Chinese people using the Internet reached 450
million, following a 20% increase in one year. Access to various international
networks, like YouTube, Twitter, Flickr and Facebook, is forbidden, but they have
their Chinese equivalents. The government makes use of this situation to keep control
over the web and prevent the development of dissident movements. Accordingly, the
Chinese web has been cleared of politically sensitive sites. Nonetheless, Chinese
surfers play cat and mouse with censors, sometimes through recourse to innuendo.
Large numbers of them have invaded the blogosphere and other social networking
sites on the new web 2.0,2
which have become uncensored forums for public
expression and opposition3. Consequently, it often happens that various issues create a
stir and force the authorities to react. In this way, problems linked to rapid
urbanization in China give rise to the social mobilization of Internet users4.
Web users' organization into networks enables large scale collection and
diffusion of information, plus the capacity to present a well informed alternative
viewpoint able to shape public opinion and, quite often, to force the official media to
take up issues raised by the protests. For its part, the government has also grasped that
there are advantages in drawing on the same information to shape its own reaction,
sometimes by offering justifications to avoid rumors being spread, or even, on some
occasions, by introducing alterations to its urban policies. So in effect, official
policies are put under surveillance by these cyber-citizens, who are able to challenge
their legitimacy. In the light of these developing forms of mobilization in cyber-space,
2 A concept put forward by Tim O'Reilly in 2005, which emphasizes the move towards a participatory
use of the web. This means that the internet becomes a channel for collective intelligence, with each
user forming part of a social network. To clarify, Web 2.0 actively includes the user by enabling him to
interact with others and become part of a community. 3 Pierre Haski, Internet et la Chine, Paris, Seuil, 2008; Guobin Yang, The Power of the Internet in
China: Citizen Activism Online, NYC, Columbia University Press, 2009; Zixue Tai, The Internet in
China: Cyberspace and Civil Society, NYC, Routledge, 2006; Hermès, no. 55, "Société civile et
internet en Chine et Asie Orientale", 2010: Séverine Arsène, "Online Discussions in China: The
Collaborative Development of Specific Norms for Individual Expression", China Perspectives no. 2,
2008, pp. 83-93. 4 Network users who mobilize in support of the movement to democratize the regime are also to be
found on the internet. But they participate in far riskier kinds of mobilization, as can be seen from the
fate of the imprisoned dissident Hu Jia and, more recently, Liu Xiabo who had also used the internet to
publicise his Charter '08.
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questions may be raised about these new tools’ contribution, through enquiry into the
forms, objectives, and effectiveness of these urban social movements, especially in
view of their collaborative aspect.
In late 2010, two experiences led to the establishment of participatory sites,
which required Internet users to provide information, in order to denounce current
urban policies. By acting as an intermediary for a large number of contributors, their
maps, compiled collectively, draw primarily on the scandalous nature of a particular
situation. But they are also aimed at developing a more broadly informed alternative
outlook, to oppose that of the authorities. In Mainland China (see the "bloody map"
insert), this mobilization is brought to bear on the violations related to property
development, whereas in Hong Kong it focuses on environmental issues (see the
"citizen map" insert).
Real estate blood map
Initially, cyber-citizens chose to provoke a scandal by relying on the shock value
of a situation. For example, in the spring of 2007, the Chongqing "nail house", which
was the only one to escape a housing development project, gained international
renown thanks to the blogger "Zuola" (or Zola)5. It led to the owner being offered
improved compensation. The story also highlighted, both in China and far beyond its
borders, the wider issue of forcible evictions of residents with modest means to clear a
space for new apartment blocks. These were often built for motives of real estate
speculation.
The "nail house" in Chongqing (2007)
5 http://zuo.la/
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Source: http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fichier:Chongqing_yangjiaping_2007.jpg
In 2010, an anonymous internet contributor using the pseudonym Xuefangditu,
or "real estate blood map", compiled a list of violent evictions linked to property
development projects in China. This blogger's motive was to denounce the rapid pace
of urbanization which is destroying the lives of many citizens, and to create a
movement to boycott those new developments where there had been bloodshed.
The map was published on October 8th
2010, and on October 20th
Xinhua news
agency published an article about it. This led to another ten Chinese publications
taking up the story a month later. By late December 2010, typing in "bloody map" on
Google showed more than 1,640,000 hits. According to figures released by Baidu, the
Chinese Google, Chinese people showed more interest in this map than in Li Yuchun
(the celebrity winner of a reality TV show).
The "Bloody Map" screen
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Source :
http://maps.google.com/maps/ms?brcurrent=3,0x35cab73c2e5c4465:0x946f70601c3d2630,0,0x34354978b41cab5
1:0xf168d14d8f0a2226%3B5,0,0&ie=UTF8&hl=zhCN&msa=0&msid=111560301092049321699.0004921f02f43
f6c4f07e&ll=35.532226,100.283203&spn=55.026174,79.013672&z=4
This blog makes use of the Google Map and, following the pattern set by
Wikipedia, it calls for the participation of other web users to collect, organize, verify
and discuss the information. The user can zoom in on the map and find the exact
location of an incident, whose nature is represented by a small icon: a hospital bed
symbolizes a fatality, a flame shows an immolation and a volcano a major
demonstration. There is also a question mark to show that the information has not yet
been verified.
Facts on the verified map
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Social status of the victims
Type of space expropriated
116 websites cited in the map
Various events are narrated, like the self-immolation of Tang Fuzhen in
November 2010. After a long period of resisting the demolition of her house on the
outskirts of Chengdu, this 47-year old woman doused herself with petrol three times
on the roof of her house while the demolition team burst in and beat up her sister and
her husband. She died in hospital two weeks later after horrible suffering. A mobile
phone video of her immolation was broadcast widely on the web and even made it
into a CCTV report. The event deeply affected public opinion and spread wider
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awareness of the effects of forced evictions linked to the country's galloping
urbanization.
Tang Fuzhen burns herself to death to protest against the demolition of her home
(2009)
Source: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-02/26/content_9506126_2.htm
In addition to registering scandals, this collaborative map-making, like blogs,
records the number of such incidents and acquires lasting value in allowing the
accumulation of such information. Such mapping could well become a useful tool for
following and evaluating the government’s urban policies. It could also provide
guidance for making ethical choices in local rehousing policies.
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Website citing the bloody map by country
Geographical diffusion
Hong Kong’s Citizen Map
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region presents a strikingly dual aspect.
Only 30% of the territory consists of densely occupied urban spaces crammed with
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high rise buildings, while the remaining 70% is green space. Of the latter 40% even
enjoys governmental protection. However, in view of the large expanses of territory
subject to official inspection, the authorities' resources appear rather limited and
poorly co-ordinated, with only a few hundred officials spread thinly across three
different organizations. In addition to this, since fines and penalties for contravention
are rather light, a certain sense of impunity has developed among the people running
the construction industry. They also enjoy a great deal of support in the Legislative
Council. Between 2005 and 2009, therefore, 93% of the 20,485 complaints about
illegal building in green space areas were made by members of the public.
In view of this situation, Hong Kong’s English language newspaper, South China
Morning Post, launched an initiative which makes use of the Ushaihidi technology
developed in Kenya6. Using an interactive website, the newspaper sets out to expose
attacks on the environment reported by the public. This project relies on
environmentally aware citizens, and their love of nature as well as their sense of
responsibility. This approach is summed up in the website's logo: "For Hong Kong by
Hong Kong".
"Citizen Map" screen
6 The Ushaihidi technology is a composite application using Google Map, which allowed Kenyans to
report and trace acts of violence in the days following the 2008 elections by accessing social media
sites through their mobile phones. This technology is developing and is serving a variety of purposes in
other countries.
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Source: http://citizenmap.scmp.com
The need for this tool arose out of an awareness of rising environmental
depredations, ranging from illegal dumping to building on protected land, which were
destroying green areas. In 2010, controversy focused on the ruining of an area of the
Tai Long Sai Wan nature reserve in Sai Kung. That is where a businessman, Simon
Lo Lin-Shing, wanted to build an impressive villa, with a swimming pool, tennis
courts, botanical gardens and artificial pools. Press reports said the project was on an
archeological site, and ecologists revealed that the site preparation work and lorry
traffic in protected areas had already seriously damaged the environment. The
government reacted to this by imposing a three-year moratorium.
In the light of these developments, the Citizen Map was devised to gather, verify,
and publicize information, and thereby to exercise some influence on government
policy. A week after its inception, 20 violations were reported, and that number rose
to nearly 120 by early January 2011. Currently, the Citizen Map is limited to
environmental issues, but its official statement of aims asserts that in future it might
be broadened to cover other matters.
This Citizen Map gives the inhabitants of Hong Kong the chance to become
active supporters of a stronger civil society, enabling them to function as watchdogs
over its natural resources, and keep an eye on the government and the rather too
friendly relations it might build with the most economically privileged circles.
1.2. Diversion of use of public space
The first Flash Mob appeared in 2003 in the United States. These flash-events
feature different activities: singing, dancing, artistic creation, pillow fight ... The
slogans of these gatherings often circulate via SMS or social networks like Twitter
and Facebook.
Facebook created controversy in 2009 by allowing the organization of "aperitifs
giants." This phenomenon blossomed in Nantes (West of France), bringing together
more than 10,000 people. The authorities were shaken by the spontaneity of the
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masses especially of the risks of collective intoxication with the organizers and
leaders remaining unidentifiable. Beyond the issues of public safety, these "aperitifs
facebook" also reveal a demand for new uses of public space giving way to more
spontaneity and challenging the dominant consumerism in various recreational and
festive activities in the city.
The Development of Critical Mass was also supported by the ease in mobilizing
participants through Internet. In North America7 and Europe, Critical Mass are part of
the collective motion of the "Vélorution." For example, in Montreal, a collective bike
ride is stage in the city center every month with multiple objectives: demonstrate
sustainable transport, get around the city without the danger of cars, re-imagine the
use of space. In Paris, roller rides appropriate traditional uses of public space,
challenging the dominance of the automobile.
1.3. Release information
ICTs also help simplify the dissemination of information. Thus Wikileaks has
embarrassed US policy makers. These new possibilities also exist at the local level
and could destabilize the established order. The launch of Wikileaks138 has sought to
reveal original features of local political management in various institutions of the
department of Bouches-du-Rhone (South of France).
2. Participate
2.1. Accountability
Wikileaks demonstrates the ability of the Internet to disclose information
unofficially, but public officials can be proactive and use ICT to share information
and thus make public management more transparent. This meets the requirement of
elected officials in terms of accountability. The Obama administration has made
efforts in this direction. In the UK, following the MPs’ expenses scandal, the new
government has also embarked on this path by making public all the expenses.
7 http://massecritiquemtl.org 8 http://wikileaks13.wordpress.com
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At the local level, such approaches are also possible. Local communities,
development projects or elected officials may open their own pages on social
networks to better monitor and target their communications, or bypass the traditional
media. Approaches appear to be more ambitious in Paris, where the mayor has
embarked on an initiative to share electronic data (databases, information systems,
maps, electronic records, etc.) The Open Data movement aims to secure for any type
of structure, including local authorities around the world, the provision (freely and
free) of all electronic data.
2.2. Share decisions
Internet offers new communication tools that open decision-making forum. Thus,
since 2008, the Council of Europe has promoted the use of ICT "to improve the
participation of citizens in their communities and provide an enhanced dialogue on the
future of their environment and their city."9
In 2009, during an international architectural competition for the future greater
Paris, the government launched a public consultation online with the website
MonGrandParis.fr, in response to criticisms about the lack of participation. However,
these exercises only make sense when they go beyond mere consultation to try to
share the decision. Thus, the software MetroQuest10
(built on the game SimCity)
offers the possibility of simulating the development of a city. Chicago has used this
software for developing the GO TO 2040 plan. The interface allows one to translate
the issues and options of planning into images and animations that are easily
understandable. The software provides for systemic long term planning decisions (in
terms of transport infrastructure, localization of economic activities, housing density...)
while obliging citizens to face responsibilities even if the budget issues are not
integrated. There are two versions of the software. The first is simple and can be used
online or through a kiosk placed in a public place. The second is more extensive and
is used at public meetings so that users can interact with the facilitators. In the light of
9 Cf. Résolution 267 du Conseil de l’Europe sur la Démocratie électronique et concertation sur les
projets urbains 10
http://www.metroquest.com/projects.aspx
Another example : http://engagingplans.com
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the different experiences, the software provides new tools in order to build consensus
around common visions.
MetroQuest
In the same perspective, but through social networks, the application Give a
Minute provides access to the public on an issue through Twitter. "What would
encourage you to walk, cycle or use public transport to Chicago Transit Authority?"
Through this question, Chicagoans were invited for a few weeks to share ideas on
transport. The campaign was promoted through all transport networks and public
spaces to encourage travelers to participate in the development of future strategies.
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Give a Minute
As for the software MetroQuest, its objective is to open up spheres of public
participation to citizens, in order to ensure that collaborative exercises are not too
busy with regulars who stake out more or less hidden issues including the expression
of NIMBY viewpoints. By simplifying the process of consultation, the aim is to
broaden the profile of participants and create digital public space more representative
of the diversity of people and their interests. The current development of geo-location
of users will probably give more tools to take into account the diversity of citizens in
the processes of public participation.
Conclusion: Towards a collaborative planning?
ICT appears central to the respective approaches of Citizens fighting against
urban and development projects, activists who divert the uses of public space, or
planners and elected officials who try out new decision-making forums. These new
tools allow renewal of the production process of the city with the possibility of a
digital public space. This digital alternative would provide a meeting place for
stakeholders representing different interests to interact and work collectively on
strategies. ICT would be an opportunity for players to learn and evolve together.
Under good conditions, digital dialogue could produce results superior to the sum of
the parts. Time will tell whether this planning 2.0 allows for a more collaborative
planning.
