A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF FERTILITY

I N HIGHLAND GUATEMALA: A LADINO AND AN INDIAN TOWN

A Paper Presented

J o h n Kropp Gl i t t enbe rg , Ph.D. Assoc ia te Professor of Nursing and

Anthropology

For

Research on Heal th and Heal th Care Meeting of t h e Caribbean S tud ie s Assoc ia t ion

A t

Mart in ique

May 29, 1979

INTRODUCTION

Overpopulation is a concern of s c i e n t i s t s throughout t h e world.

Ominous outcomes of t h e p re sen t r a p i d l y expanding world popula t ion

have been p red ic t ed . The problem seems centered i n less-developed

coun t r i e s where 80 percent of t h e i n c r e a s e w i l l t a k e p l ace by t h e

end of t h i s century (Fawcett, 1970). Although much is known about

human reproduct ion throughout t h e world, l i t t l e is known about how

f a m i l i e s determine t h e i r i d e a l s i z e and what and how c u l t u r a l fac-

t o r s i n f l u e n c e f e r t i l i t y .

The i s s u e of what cond i t i ons i n f l u e n c e f e r t i l i t y h a s been

s tud ied widely, b u t it remains c o n t r o v e r s i a l . Carr-Saunders, i n

1924, d i d one of t h e f i r s t comparative s t u d i e s of cond i t i ons t h a t

a f f e c t popula t ion growth. Ke proposed t h a t human popula t ions evolve

t o an o p t i o n a l l e v e l i n ba lance w i t h t h e r e sou rces of each a r e a

and w i t h t h e economic technology of t h e s o c i e t y . Lorimer, however,

d i scoun t s Carr-Saunder's agrument by po in t ing t o evidence of how 4

populat ion balanceSalso by means of war, famine, and migra t ion

r a t h e r t han only by n a t u r a l means of c o n t r o l . Lorimer b e l i e v e s t h a t

family s i z e i s p r imar i ly an adap t ive response t o s o c i e t a l s e t t i n g s

(1967:16, 17 ) . According t o Polgar , c u l t u r a l means of r e g u l a t i n g

n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e was probably one of t h e f i r s t f e a t u r e s of human

c u l t u r e (1971:3). Lorimer-sees deep-seated norms as being condi-

t i o n s d i f f i c u l t t o change, s i n c e t h e b e l i e f t h a t b i r t h s are b l e s s s e d

events and dea ths are t r a g i c is ingra ined i n human beings (1969:

173).

Kingsley Davis b e l i e v e s c u l t u r a l norms a r e important cond i t i ons

t h a t i n f luence today 's overpopulat ion problem. H e says:

I1 ... i n p re sen t day a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s ... motiva t ion f o r having c h i l d r e n has changed l i t t l e . Here, even more than i n i n d u s t r i a l i z e d n a t i o n s , t h e fami ly has kept on producing abundant o f f s p r i n g even though a f r a c t i o n of t h e s e c h i l d r e n a r e now needed (1967:737)."

Kasada, however, argues t h e oppos i t e and he comes t o g r i p s

with cond i t i ons w i t h i n an a g r a r i a n s o c i e t y which pe rpe tua t e h igh

f e r t i l i t y . He no te s t h a t i n a g r a r i a n s o c i e t i e s having a l a r g e num-

be r of c h i l d r e n may b e q u i t e r a t i o n a l , a s they c o n t r i b u t e economic

production f o r t h e household (1970:314).

Polgar suppor t s t h i s view b u t h e a l s o c la ims t h a t popula t ion

growth i n less-developed c o u n t r i e s stems from t h e cond i t i on of neo-

colonial ism. To support h i s p o i n t Polgar c i t e s t h e case of Java

where popula t ion growth increased sha rp ly when peasant l a b o r was

ex t rac ted f o r government taxes . White a l s o uses J ava as a case-in-

po in t i l l u s t r a t i n g t h e f a c t t h a t when l a b o r needs are i n t e n s i f i e d ,

populat ion i n c r e a s e s (1973:231). A s Polgar p o i n t s o u t , "The v i c i o u s

cyc l e of i n t e n s i f y i n g l a b o r i n p u t s , even i n t h e f a c e of d e c l i n i n g

y i e l d s per man-days of work, r e q u i r e s l a r g e numbers of c h i l d r e n t o

he lp inc rease t h e s i z e of t h e l a b o r f o r c e of t h e household (1971:6)."

Modernization has been c i t e d by r e s e a r c h e r s as a cond i t i on as-

soc i a t ed wi th demographic change. However, vary ing cond i t i ons of

modernization c r e a t e d i f f e r e n t demographic p r o f i l e s ( E a s t e r l i n , 1969:

107; Heer, 1968:91). For i n s t ance t h e type of u rban iza t ion which

occurs i n L a t i n America appears t o have l i t t l e i n f luence on reduc-

ing f e r t i l i t y r a t e s (Raulet , 1970:215; Za ra t e , 1967:365). However,

dec l ines i n f e r t i l i t y a r e hampered by non-modernized s o c i a l cond i t i ons

such a s widespread i l l i t e r a c y , a predominance of a g r a r i a n econom-

i c s and a lower p ropor t ion of women i n t h e l a b o r f o r c e s (Stycos,

1964:171).

Today's world is becoming divided i n t o "haves" and "have-nots,"

o r c o u n t r i e s which a r e modernized and i n d u s t r i a l i z e d as opposed t o

those which a r e no t . It is i n t h e "have-nots" c o u n t r i e s t h a t t h e

h ighes t b i r t h r a t e s a r e occurr ing . These h igh b i r t h r a t e s have

been a s s o c i a t e d w i t h an e l imina t ion of any margin of supply f o r in-

vestment i n modernization. Today's "have-nots" cannot b e compared

wi th Western Europe dur ing its modernization e r a . Consider , f o r in-

s tance , t h e h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s t h a t Europe was s p a r s e l y populated,

had s t a b l e governments, and had a New World i n t o which i t s excess

populat ion could emigrate . Some of t hose cond i t i ons do n o t e x i s t

i n today 's less-developed c o u n t r i e s ; they a c t u a l l y have fewer op-

p o r t u n i t i e s t o modernize, a l though they do have t h e oppor tuni ty t o

borrow and adopt t h e learned technology from t h e developed c o u n t r i e s .

C e r t a i n l y even during t h e modernization of Europe time e lapsed;

lowered f e r t i l i t y was n o t a spontaneous occurrence . Modernization

ushered i n changes i n t h e s o c i a l systems. During t h i s per iod t h e

family no longer was t h e u n i t of product ion and a n impersonal sys-

tem of job a l l o c a t i o n took p lace . Females developed new r o l e s and

s t a tu ses when they were employed o u t s i d e t h e home. The g r e a t t h r u s t

of urbaniza t ion a l s o increased t h e burden of having many c h i l d r e n

who had previous ly been a s s e t s i n t h e r u r a l s e t t i n g where t h e i r la-

bor was v i t a l t o product ion (Coale and Hoover, 1958:12). Due t o

these changing va lues b i r t h r a t e s began t o dec l ine .

Taeuber a rgues t h a t less-developed c o u n t r i e s a r e prevented

from modernization because of t h e i r r a p i d l y inc reas ing popula t ion

(1969:32). Mamdani d i s a g r e e s ; he b e l i e v e s i t is t h e i s s u e of sur -

vival r a t h e r than l a c k of modernization which cond i t i ons t h e h igh

b i r t h rates. H e found when s tudying Manupur, I n d i a t h a t 96 pe rcen t

of t h e i n h a b i t a n t s b e l i e v e a l a r g e family is a n e c e s s i t y (1972:76).

I n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s i n less-developed c o u n t r i e s t h e demand f o r

labor as a means t o s u r v i v a l i s a cond i t i on which promotes a h igh

l e v e l of f e r t i l i t y . Human behavior , thus , i s a means of coping w i t h

the environmental cond i t i ons surrounding t h e popula t ion .

THE STUDY

It w a s t o t h i s i s s u e I addressed my f e r t i l i t y s tudy of two

agrar ian towns i n Guatemala i n 1974 and 1975. The r e sea rch ques t ion

I asked was: Under t h e same eco log ica l cond i t i ons , what i n f l u e n c e

do human-made cond i t i ons ( c u l t u r e ) have on t h e f e r t i l i t y r a t e ? I n

order t o s tudy t h i s r e sea rch ques t ion I used a controlled-comparison

s t ra tegy . The two towns were comparable i n s i z e , economic product ion ,

educational systems, h e a l t h c a r e systems, r e l i g i o n , and i n a simi-

l a r ecologica l niche. The independent v a r i a b l e was t h e human-made

conditions ( c u l t u r e 3 f o r one town was one-hundred percent Ladino

and the o the r 88 percent Cakchiquel Mayan Indian . A d e s c r i p t i o n of

the s e t t i n g s follow.

THE REGION AND SETTINGS

Guatemala, loca ted i n t h e Cen t r a l America Region, has one of

the highest crude b i r t h r a t e s , 43.6, i n t h e world (Taeuber, 1969:

34-58). The Republic i t s e l f h a s one of t h e h ighes t annual r a t e s of

i nc rease , 3 .1 (Demographic Yearbook 1972). It i s cha rac t e r i zed as

a less-developed, a g r a r i a n country; f o r i n s t a n c e , 54% of t h e popula-

t i o n is i l l i t e r a t e (census 1973) and economic growth had been de-

c l i n i n g i n t h e p a s t two decades (James, 1969).

The s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of Guatemala is cha rac t e r i zed by a quasi-

c a s t e system rep resen ted by two e t h n i c groups: t h e Ind ians and t h e

Ladinos. The Ind ians a r e t h e r a c i a l and c u l t u r a l descendents of

t he Mayan, pre-Colombian n a t i v e s ; whereas, t h e Ladinos a r e a c u l t u r -

a l l y , r a c i a l l y v a r i e d group i d e n t i f i e d a s be ing of a mixed Indian /

Spanish inhe r i t ance . The Ind ians p r imar i ly r e s i d e i n t h e p rec ip i -

tous mountains and engage i n hoe and machete a g r i c u l t u r e . They

speak one of the. Mayan languages.

On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e Ladinos - who comprise a s l i g h t m a j o r i t y

of t h e popula t ion , 56.3 pe rcen t (census 1973) - r e s i d e p r i m a r i l y

i n t he l a r g e urban c e n t e r s o r i n t h e t r o p i c a l coas t l ands and they

speak Spanish. However a couple Ladino communities can b e found

i n t he h ighlands surrounded by Ind ian popula t ions .

It was i n one of t h e s e i s o l a t e d Ladino communities t h a t I con-

ducted my comparative s tudy of f e r t i l i t y . Nest led i n t h e r i c h , vol-

canic-ashed mountains of wes tern Guatemala a t an approximate a l t i -

tude of 7,000 f e e t above sea l e v e l i s Zaragoza, a Ladino town of 3,000

population.

Legends say a colony of gyps ies o r escaped s o l d i e r s from Alvara-

do's Spanish army usurped t h e land b u t t h e n a t i v e s (Mendez, 1967:77)

but a more a c c u r a t e explana t ion , I b e l i e v e , i s t h a t e a r l y immigrants

from Zaragoza, Spain, s e t t l e d he re (Adams, 1964:246). Records show

t h a t i n 1731 for ty-seven Spaniards founded t h e town naming i t f o r a

Spanish p r i n c e s s , Zara, who was a member of t h e group and l i k e d

(goza) t h a t f l a t v a l l e y , wanting it f o r h e r home (Pregon Chemaltero

1972:37). The legends and myths pe rne tua t e t o t h i s day t h e s t r o n g

a f f i l i a t i o n t h e zaragozanos have w i t h Spain. Following t h e deva-

s t a t i n g 1976 Earthquake, Spain adopted t h e town and has been very

ins t rumenta l i n r ebu i ld ing houses, a new church and school (Bates ,

F a r r e l l , G l i t t enbe rg , 1979).

The town i t s e l f i s impress ive ly n e a t , w i t h s t r a i g h t s t r e e t s ,

l u sh t r e e s and b r i g h t l y pa in t ed tombs i n t h e cemetery. However t h e

c e n t r a l p l aza , t r e e l e s s w i th a defunct foun ta in ( i n 1974 a s w e l l as

today) is sad ly a t y p i c a l of most h ighland p l a z a s . With no open-

market nor busy pub l i c p i la , i t appears abandoned except on Sunday

af te rnoons when youths congregate f o r a l i v e l y game of b a s k e t b a l l

and men s t r o l l c h a t t i n g about c u r r e n t a f f a i r s . Women are no t i ceab ly

absent . S t r i c t c u l t u r a l r u l e s keep t h e zaragona behind t h e i s o l a t e d

w a l l s of h e r home. Her only ou t ings a r e a quick d a i l y walk t o t h e

town m i l l e r f o r corn g r ind ing and s e v e r a l s t o p s a t sma l l s t o r e s

near h e r home. Clad i n a dark d r e s s w i t h a b l ack shawl covering h e r

head, t h e Ladino woman l i v e s ou t h e r l i f e i n t h e madonna c u l t ; h e r

i d e a l is t h e Virgin Mary who endured and s u f f e r e d a l l f o r h e r Child.

A s t e p i n t o Patzun i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . Although only t e n k i lo -

meters away on an a spha l t ed highway, Patzun is a world away i n i ts

human-made environment. Known i n t h e a r e a as a c e n t e r of Indian

Power, Patzun was founded i n t h e 12 th century a s p a r t of t h e Empire

of t h e Cakchiquel (Morales, 1961:158). I n c o n t r a s t t o Zaragoza,

Patzun i s a l i v e l y p l ace , winding, narrow pa ths connect t h e compound

households of extended f a m i l i e s . The p l a z a is t h e c e n t e r of t h e

town's a c t i v i t i e s . On market days i t i s swarming w i t h n a t i v e s

dressed i n t h e i r c o l o r f u l t r a j e ; t h e women hold e g a l i t a r i a n s t a t u s

a s they barga in f o r c e f u l l y f o r t h e i r p roducts .

The most compelling s i m i l a r i t y is t h a t t h e townspeople i n bo th

Zaragoza and Patzun a r e poor peasants . Poverty is evidenced by

t h e i r c l o t h i n g , t h e i r houses, t h e i r l a c k of m a t e r i a l goods, poor ed-

uca t ion and h e a l t h . I n both towns women ga in t h e i r major r o l e s and

s t a t u s e s through ch i ldbear ing . Children are needed i n t h e l a b o r

fo rce , and they become n e t producers a s e a r l y as seven yea r s of age.

The men have adopted d i f f e r e n t coping mechanisms. Zaragozanos farm -

t h e i r land b u t they a l s o migra te , s e a s o n a l l y and r e c u r r e n t l y , t o

ob ta in wages a s u n s k i l l e d l a b o r e r s i n t h e urban c e n t e r s . Patzuneros

in s t ead of migra t ing c u l t i v a t e t h e i r l and more i n t e n s i v e l y and u t i -

l i z e t h e un i t ed power of co-operacives t o ga in t h e g r e a t e s t p r o f i t

from t h e i r l abor . The households i n Zaragoza a r e n u c l e a r wh i l e i n

Patzun, they a r e compound, extended family. The townspeople i n Zara-

goza are h i g h l y compet i t ive and have no a c t i v e coopera t ives wh i l e

t h e oppos i t e i s t r u e i n Patzun. Here coopera t ion i s learned e a r l y

i n t h e compound household; numerous coopera t ives f o r both men and

women have a h i s t o r y of success i n t h i s Indian town.

The Patzun women p a r t i c u l a r l y have more e g a l i t a r i a n power. I n

compound s e t t i n g s they l e a r n t o coopera te w i th mother-in-laws and

s i s te r - in- laws . Work i s shared i n a n open way. With head uncovered,

dressed i n a b r i g h t r ed , handwoven and embroidered b louse and c o l o r f u l

blue ankl*length s k i r t , t h e pa t zune ra h u r r i e s about town c h a t t i n g

openly t o a l l a t t h e c e n t r a l market o r washing c l o t h e s and exchang-

ing goss ip wi th f r i e n d s a t t h e c e n t r a l founta in . Besides growing

some garden foods and weaving f o r t h e family and f o r sales t h e

patzunera a l s o works bes ides h e r farmer husband i n t h e f i e l d s . She

c a r r i e s h e r latest c h i l d snuggling c l o s e l y i n a shawl on h e r back.

The pa tzunera i d e n t i f i e s s t r o n g l y w i t h h e r own mother whom she s e e s

a s o p t i m i s t i c , f r i e n d l y and h e l p f u l t o o t h e r s .

Children l i v i n g i n Zaragoza have fewer a d u l t s i n t h e i r environ-

ment. F i r s t a h ighe r number of f a t h e r s a r e absen t because of t h e i r

work, and a l s o i n a neo loca l , nuc l ea r s e t t i n g t h e r e simply a r e fewer

a d u l t s i n t h e home. S t r e s s is placed on t h e mother t o meet emotional

needs and i n h e r absence s i b l i n g c a r e i s a l l o c a t e d t o t h e e l d e s t

ch i ld . Children a r e s o c i a l i z e d i n t o behav io ra l p a t t e r n s of compe-

t i t i o n , r i v a l r y , and ind iv idua l i sm. I n Patzun t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n

toward coopera t ive behavior is s t r e s s e d ; i t i s a necessary q u a l i t y

f o r surv iv ing i n a compound family household. Pa ren t ing is a l s o

shared by a l a r g e number of a d u l t s i n t h i s s e t t i n g .

The emotional atmosphere i n t h e zaragozano home i s a l s o d i f -

f e r en t , because t h e women have low female a s p i r a t i o n s and h i g h l y

f a t a l i s t i c world views. The ma jo r i t y of zaragozanas expect t h e i r

w i l l no t improve nor can they a c t i v e l y b r i n g about change i n t h e

fu ture . The oppos i te views a r e expressed by a ma jo r i t y of pa t zune ras

who a n t i c i p a t e t h e i r l i v e s w i l l improve economically and t h e i r

daughters w i l l achieve h igh s t a t u s e s i n t he f u t u r e .

WORK ROLE OF THE CHILD

I n both towns c h i l d r e n c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e economy of t h e fami ly

very e a r l y i n t h e i r l i v e s and a l s o a t a h igh l e v e l . A t about f o u r

years of age, i n each town, males and females begin t o b e s o c i a l i z e d

i n t o t h e i r work r o l e s . Males accompany t h e i r f a t h e r s i n t o t h e f i e l d s

t o observe and by t h e age of seven they a r e a c t i v e l y he lp ing . By

t en yea r s of age, a son ea rns a s a l a r y i f t h e f a t h e r is a h i r e d

laborer , o r h e is c o n t r i b u t i n g s u b s t a n t i a l l y i f t h e fami ly is s e l f -

supporting.

Females begin household chores such as running e r r ands , f e t ch -

ing wood o r water and ca r ing f o r younger s i b l i n g s by t h e age of f i v e .

By seven y e a r s of age they a r e r e spons ib l e f o r some cooking and wash-

ing c lo thes . I n Patzun l e a r n i n g t o weave, embroider, and h e l p w i t h

s a l e s i n t h e market a r e important t a s k s f o r females seven yea r s and

older .

I n comparing the c u l t u r e s of t h e s e two popula t ions they a r e

qu i t e d i f f e r e n t . Zaragoza cha rac t e r i zed by n u c l e a r households, m i -

g ra t ing husbands, submissive wives, i s c o n t r a s t e d t o Patzun which h a s

compound households, succes s fu l farming husbands and o p t i m i s t i c ,

e g a l i t a r i a n wives. Are t h e r e then d i f f e r e n c e s i n how and why fami-

l i e s a r e formed?

FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

I n the 1974-75 s tudy s e v e r a l important d i f f e r e n c e s and s imi la r -

i t i e s were found i n ana lyz ing t h e reproduct ion h i s t o r i e s of a ran-

dom sample of 82 fecund females i n each town. The ch ie f f i n d i n g was

tha t t he re was no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e f e r t i l i t y

behavior of t h e samples. The T o t a l Live B i r t h s w a s a mean of 4.5

i n Zaragoza and 4.22 i n Patzun. T o t a l pregnancy means were 5.193

i n Zaragoza and 5.00 i n Patzun.

The Davis and Blake a n a l y t i c framework f o r s tudy ing t h e r e l a t i o n -

sh ip of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and f e r t i l i t y was used (Davis and Blake,

1956). The in te rmedia te v a r i a b l e s through which a l l o t h e r socio-

c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s a c t on reproduct ion a r e : i n t e r c o u r s e , concept ion,

ges ta t ion and p a r t u r i t i o n . Data c o l l e c t e d on t h e s e in t e rmed ia t e

va r i ab l e s were compared us ing a two-tai led t e s t f o r t e s t of s i g n i -

f i c a n t d i f f e r ences . I n bo th samples "number of yea r s of s exua l ex-

posure" and " c o i t a l behavior1' were similar. However t h e "age of

f i r s t sexual union" w a s s i g n i f i c a n t l y e a r l i e r i n Patzun and t h e r e

was longer post-partum abs t inence . But, as can be e a s i l y deduced,

these two f a c t o r s counter-balance as one "ear ly age of f i r s t sex-

ua l union" is p r o n a t a l and "longer post-partum" abs t inence i s a n t i -

na t a l . "Length of breas t feeding" w a s s i g n i f i c a n t l y longer i n Patzun

(19 months) than Zaragoza (16 months) b u t t h e "menstruation resumed

post-partum" was a s i g n i f i c a n t l y s h o r t e r per iod of t i m e . It i s be-

l i eved t h a t t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n may b e due t o p a r t i a l b r e a s t f e e d i n g i n

the Indian populat ion where the l a c t a t i n g mother does n o t pause as

long i n h e r feeding s e s s i o n s t o completely b r e a s t f e e d t h e i n f a n t and

a l s o o ther household members f r e q u e n t l y supplement a b i t of nourish-

ment by g iv ing i t t o t h e i n f a n t who is h e l d on t h e back of t h e mother.

Complete b reas t f eed ing , on t h e o t h e r hand, is l i k e l y p r a c t i c e d

i n Zaragoza. Here t h e mother is a lone , does n o t c a r r y h e r i n f a n t on

her back, b u t r a t h e r sits when b r e a s t f e e d i n g , t hus t h e b r e a s t is

more completely emptied. The anovula t ion a s s o c i a t e d w i t h b r e a s t -

feeding is h igh ly c o r r e l a t e d wi th complete b r e a s t f e e d i n g b u t less

s o with p a r t i a l o r incomplete b reas t f eed ing . Also, when a woman

is involved i n a g r i c u l t u r a l l y r e l a t e d t a s k s and h igh ly involved

work r o l e s , a s a r e t h e women i n Patzun, supplemental feedings may

begin very e a r l y i n t h e i n f a n t ' s l i f e . It is t h e i n t e n s i t y of

breas t feeding r a t h e r than t h e l eng th of t i m e b e f o r e weaning t h a t

may i n h i b i t ovu la t ion (Nerlove, 1976).

Thus l i f e s t y l e s of t h e two women popula t ions d i f f e r and ac-

count f o r some d i f f e r e n c e s i n conception. However, con t r acep t ive

p rac t i ce s were s i m i l a r i n both popula t ions ; few women i n e i t h e r

town used any modern con t r acep t ives ( t h e p i l l , i n j e c t i o n , o r s p i r a l

c o i l ) . Only 1 3 percent of t h e zaragozanas and 2 pe rcen t of t h e

patzuneras . Other v a r i a b l e s such a s r e l i g i o n , economic s t a t u s and educat ion-

a l achievement were a l s o c o r r e l a t e d wi th f e r t i l i t y . No statisti-

c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s were found b u t a g e n e r a l t r end w a s

noted. The genera l t rend was t h a t women who had no r e l i g i o n , were

l e s s educated and poorer , had more pregnancies and b i r t h s .

CONCLUSION

I n conclusion, I found t h a t e t h n i c i t y and c u l t u r a l f a c t o r s o r

human-made condi t ions had l i t t l e in f luence on f e r t i l i t y l e v e l s i n

these two samples, Zaragoza and Patzun. Rather , I b e l i e v e h i g h

chi ldbearing behavior can be explained by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r u r a l

poor have lower l e v e l s of educa t iona l achievement, non-d ivers i f ied

jobs, and heavy labor needs. The c u l t u r a l i d e a l of motherhood is

reinforced because t h e f a m i l i e s i n t hese towns needed c h i l d r e n

t o meet t h e i r l abo r needs (Gl i t t enbe rg , 1976). Based upon t h i s

evidence, be fo re p l a u s i b l e , humane s o l u t i o n s t o popula t ion growth

problems can be o f f e red , r e sea rch should be aimed at exp la in ing

the i n t e r a c t i n g components which in f luence human reproduct ion .

Behavior such a s human reproduct ion is i n t e r r e l a t e d t o complex

c u l t u r a l p rac t i ce s . Problems of popula t ion growth cannot be

d e a l t wi th s i m p l i s t i c a l l y b u t s c i e n t i f i c a l l y and humanis t ica l ly .