On the Road toRookwood: Women'sArt and Culture inCincinnati, 1870-1890

Nancy E. Owen

IntroductionRookwood Pottery of Cincinnati (1880-1967)

was the largest, longest lasting and arguably mostimportant of more than 150 art pottery operations inthe United States during the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries. The American Art Potterymovement arose largely in reaction to the perceivedinferiority of American ceramic ware exhibited at the1876 Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia.1 At theExposition, ceramics displays from over 400 foreignexhibitors—including important displays fromEngland, France and Japan—stimulated an interest inimproving the quality of America's production on thepart of both established ceramists (primarily men)and amateur china painters (primarily women).Among Centennial visitors who were to play a signif-icant role in the American Art Pottery movementwas the founder of Rookwood Pottery, MariaLongworth Nichols of Cincinnati, who had displayedher china painting in the Women's Pavilion.Reportedly Nichols was so impressed by the ceramicsof Japan at the Centennial that she persuaded herwealthy father to provide the funds so that she couldhave her own pottery, which she named after theLongworth country estate.1

Three years later, in 1883, William Watts Taylor,an able administrator with no experience in theceramics business, was hired to manage the Pottery.Nichols, widowed in 1885, devoted less time to herdecorating interests following her 1886 marriage toBellamy Storer, a politician in Theodore Roosevelt'scircle.' She signed the Pottery over to Taylor in 1890when she retired, giving it to him as a present.

Nancy Owen is a lecturer in Gender Studies atNorthwestern University where she received her doctor-ate. Ohio University Press will publish her book onRookwood Pottery this year.

Rookwood was subsequently incorporated withTaylor, the majority shareholder, as president andtreasurer, roles he held until his death in 1913.Throughout his tenure at Rookwood, Taylor main-tained tight control over production, marketing andconsumption of the ware, overseeing the growth ofthe firm from a local entity to one garnering interna-tional acclaim.

This article examines Rookwood as a site ofwomen's labor that inspired two very different views.On the one hand a sizable percentage of the populacesaw and praised the Pottery as a feminine endeavor.On the other hand William Watts Taylor, who ran thecompany for thirty years, emphatically denied thisassociation. These different vantage points can beunderstood within the nexus of domesticity andwomen's labor. The doctrine of separate spheres, alsoknown as the "cult of domesticity," provided both alimitation and a springboard to women's art produc-tion in the United States during the late nineteenthand early twentieth centuries. That is, this ideologyinsisted that women's place was in the home andviewed women as natural guardians of the arts. Thismade available several opportunities for women to beinvolved in art production but particularly favoredarts accomplished in and for the home such as chinapainting.

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century,"china mania," and a "wild ceramic orgy" swept theUnited States and Rookwood's founder, MariaLongworth Nichols, as well as a number of othersocially prominent Cincinnati women were avid par-ticipants. Nichols was the granddaughter of artpatron Nicholas Longworth, sponsor of HiramPowers and Robert Duncanson; Longworth was listedin the 1850 census as paying the largest sum in realestate taxes of any individual in the United States,except for William B. Astor. She was the daughter of

Ohio Valley History

Joseph Longworth, who became wealthy in his ownright after Nicholas' death in 1863.4 AlthoughNichols and the other Cincinnati ceramists gainednational recognition for art pottery efforts, they neverescaped the association of their work with the ama-teur endeavors of the "idle rich." When Nicholsfounded Rookwood this association followed her intothe public sphere. It was this appellation thatWilliam Taylor sought to avoid when he took over thefirm as manager in order to make it a viable commer-cial enterprise.

Shortly after the Pottery was founded in 1880,Maria Nichols and Rookwood began to receive a greatdeal of positive publicity seemingly because of hersex. Writing in 1895, Nichols acknowledged this say-ing, "I don't suppose any undertaking ever had somuch gratuitous advertising as the RookwoodPottery, because it was a woman's."s Rookwood dec-orator Clara Newton wrote in 1901 that, "The tryingof such a project by a woman, was not only new inour country, it had in it also an element of the pic-turesque that fascinated the imagination."6 An arti-cle in The Ladies Home Journal of October 1892 sug-gested that, "in having been founded by a woman, itis a witness to the important and active share takenby women in the work of this country, a privilegepeculiarly American, and not paralleled except incomparatively rare instances in the nations of the OldWorld."7 Rookwood was often invited to exhibitwares in the women's section of national and inter-national expositions.

This recognition of Rookwood as a feminineendeavor persisted long after Maria Nichols had dis-sociated herself from the Pottery. William WattsTaylor did not welcome the links between Rookwoodand femininity. Although the decorating departmentestablished in 1881 initially included only women(most of whom worked part time), when Taylor tookover as manager he immediately began to hire maledecorators, a practice that led some of the women toresign. Maria Nichols supported Taylor's policy andechoed evolutionary sentiments about women's lackof endurance, telling the remaining female workers,"there were simply not enough women with the prop-er artistic ability and sufficient energy to come dayafter day and do a day's work."8 Despite Taylor'sefforts at gender segregation, during the golden age ofthe Pottery (1883-1913), women decorators usuallyoutnumbered men.

Taylor may have felt some personal antipathy towomen as well as to his subordinate role, for in 1887he wrote, "while she remains the proprietor ofRookwood, the writer, who is an adult male conductsthe business."9 Moreover, when invited to displayware in the Women's Industrial Section of the 1888Glasgow International Exhibition Taylor responded,"On looking into the matter closely we find that prac-tically all the high class work we now have on handis done by men and could not well be classified in thedepartment of women's work."10 When asked aboutparticipation in a local industrial fair Taylor againreplied that "so large a part of our higher class workis done by men that we do not think we could makea proper exhibit in the woman's department."11 Onanother occasion he tried to hedge his bets remarkingthat "most of our work is done by men, but of coursethe Pottery as an institution is 'woman's work.' ""In a letter to a Chicago patron he wrote, "You pleaseus greatly in calling Rookwood Pottery 'virile.' We doour best to get that quality into it at least."13 Indeedby 1904, the role of women at Rookwood was beingdiscounted altogether. Taylor peevishly wrote to hisfriend and fellow art pottery expert, Charles FergusBinns, that "The Pottery has been written about to arather tiresome degree from the 'woman's standpoint'and . . . you can imagine how this has been ratherwritten to death. . . . Of course you know Rookwoodso well that you appreciate how its characteristicdevelopment has been the work of the other sex to atleast a controlling extent."14

The Cult of DomesticityThe late Victorian "cult of domesticity" was

rooted in traditionalist notions of separate spheres formiddle- and upper-class men and women. This pow-erful ideology posited a rigorous division between amasculine public realm dedicated to production,competition and material gain and a feminine privateor domestic realm consecrated to ideal virtues, beau-ty and consumption.^ In this era, bourgeois mas-culinity was hegemonically defined in relation topaid professional work, whereas bourgeois femininitywas organized in the family around marriage, domes-ticity, motherhood and child-care. The "masculine"professional took his meaning by inflection with itsopposite, the amateur, who stayed comfortably athome within the realm of "lady amateur" dabbling atart study and more often at decorative art production.

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood

In the Gilded Age, "amateur" lost all vestiges of itsassociation with upper-class refinement and virtuousgentlemanly achievement. Instead, as one writer sug-gested, "amateur collided with professional/"6

During this period another author noted, "It is noteasy, again, for women to escape the influence of thecommon notions of 'amateur/ as contrasted with'professional' work, by which, in a strange confusionof meaning, we have come to understand that to do athing 'for love of it' is really equivalent to doing itimperfectly."17

Because the work of amateurs was almostalways understood to be the work of women, "ama-teur accomplishment" came to be associated with thetradition of female parlor training and amateurismcame to be cultural conceit that distinguished a pop-ular and frequently feminine art from "serious" eliteand often masculine art.'* As Lewis Day wrote in1881, "Assuming that lady amateurs do not, as aclass, think of materially altering their mode of life,but simply desire to occupy their leisure pleasurablyin the pursuit of art, it would be better for them...thatthey should realize at the outset that . . . it is improb-able that their paintings will have any great value asart. The conditions of their life are against it."u< Inthe late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries,"amateur" had the connotation of feminine, theopposite of professional. The caricature of the ladyamateur not only created severe problems for profes-sional women artists, it was also problematic for pro-fessional craftswomen trying to establish the sinceri-ty of their involvement.

Amateurism was also threatening from an eco-nomic perspective. Charles Ashbee writing in 1908acknowledged that amateurs were not exclusivelyfemale yet at the same time he criticized the ladyamateur: "Our fellows are rightly nervous of thiscompetition of the amateur, especially the lady ama-teur. . . . She is perpetually tingling to sell her work .. . and her name is legion and because, being support-ed by her parents she is prepared to sell her labour for2d. an hour, where the skilled workman has to sell hisfor Is. in order to keep up standard and support fami-ly."2" Similar sentiments were expressed by a critic of"well-to-do-society ladies who are using their knowl-edge of the arts, especially that of china painting toincrease their allowance of pin money, so that theymay indulge themselves or rather their passion formore elaborate apparel." The author did not take

issue with women's painting for their "own satisfac-tion" or "for sweet charity's sake" but considered itselfish for women of wealth and fashion to try to selltheir work and possibly drive down the prices forcommercial wares produced by male professionals.21

Thus, the constellation of attributes associated withamateurism were: female, dilettante, upper-dass, self-taught and non-commercial. Features ascribed to pro-fessionalism were: male, serious or intellectual, mid-dle-class, educated, and commercial.

The Practice of China PaintingOne way for women to bridge the gap between

womanliness and professionalism was to undertaketypical amateur activities for pay which could beaccomplished at home. As such, china painting andneedlework were ideal professions for middle-classwomen not only because they had aristocratic associ-ations but because they were performed at home.China painting and needlework were especially val-ued because they contributed to creating a soothingenvironment distinctly separate from the materialis-tic world in which husbands and fathers worked."Estimates of the total number of china painters in theUnited States during the 1890s range from forty-fivehundred to twenty-five thousand.2' Interestingly,china painting was often equated to an affliction:American women had supposedly succumbed to the"china craze" or to "china mania." These pejorativesneatly reinforced the amateur status of the work.

Most decoration was floral and was done by theoverglaze process, which involved applying mineralcolors to the surface of a previously fired, hard-chinablank and then refiring it to a temperature thatcaused the enamel to fuse with the blank, making thepainted design a permanent decoration. Painterscould purchase white blanks, colors and other sup-plies from a large number of vendors. They could takeor send their work by mail to be fired at a commercialkiln or could purchase a portable kiln for home use.Many larger cities featured china painting classeseither with individual teachers or at schools ofdesign.24 In addition to such classes, there were alsoat least fifty instruction manuals published between1870 and 1920 that disseminated information onchina-painting techniques and processes to enthusi-asts. One of the most popular was by Mary LouiseMcLaughlin of Cincinnati. Her book, ChinaPainting, first published in 1877, eventually sold over

Ohio Valley History

twenty thousand copies. There were also specialinterest periodicals such as The China Decorator(1887-1901), Keramic Studio (1899-1924), andCeramic Monthly (1895-1900) that provided instruc-tions, color studies for copying at home and hints onfiring.2'

China painting was not entirely segregated fromthe broader developing interest in art during the peri-od. Magazines like Art Amateur, International Studio,Brush and Pencil, The Magazine of Art and Arts &.Decoration also carried news and sometimes reviewedexhibitions held by china painting organizations orother arts and crafts exhibitions that included chinapainting.26 Thus home decoration and art endeavorssuch as china painting, while practiced in the privatesphere, gave women some personal control over theirhomes and played a role in liberating women's cre-ative spirit in the late-nineteenth century.

This is not to say that the creative efforts ofmany women china painters were always taken seri-ously. Although both men and women painted china,it was usually men who were the European-trainedleaders of the movement and the women who weremost often labeled "amateurs ." 2 7 IndeedMcLaughlin's exceedingly popular manual, subtitledA Practical Manual for the Use of Amateurs in theDecoration of Hard Porcelain, alludes in the prefaceto the fact that the book was written for women:"Having been repeatedly urged to give the results ofmy experience in china painting to my fellow art-stu-dents, I take this method of doing so."2* McLaughlin's"fellow art-students" were, of course, women whowere becoming increasingly attracted to china paint-ing. To be sure, there were many women for whomchina painting was little more than a way to fillleisure time made possible by household servants.29

However, there were other women who sought andachieved financial success and recognition but allwere consumers buying materials and taking lessons.Regardless of their purpose, the great majority ofwomen who participated in this popular art rarely, ifever, received the labels of "artist" or "professional."Although a few women china painters, such as M.Louise McLaughlin, achieved national and interna-tional professional recognition, the efforts of themajority of women participants were trivialized asamateurish.30

The woman who founded Rookwood Pottery,Maria Longworth Nichols, an upper-class amateur

china painter, founded the Pottery primarily for herown satisfaction but succeeded in providing consis-tent, respectable employment for a large number ofprofessional women artists. In order to fully graspwhat was at stake in the founding and promulgationof Rookwood Pottery, it is necessary to examine thecultural climate in Cincinnati in the late-nineteenthcentury and to discuss Rookwood's amateurantecedents.

Art and Culture in Nineteenth-CenturyCincinnati

Cincinnati, founded in 1788, was a mature andprosperous city by the mid-nineteenth century. Aboom town in the years before the Civil War, immi-gration caused the city's population to grow from 750persons in 1800 to 26,515 in 1830 and to 161,044 m

i860.31 The city's position on the Ohio River, themajor transportation link between the East Coast andthe opening West, brought trade and an impetus tomanufacturing. Beginning in 1870, Cincinnati annu-ally staged the largest Industrial Expositions held inthe United States prior to the Centennial Expositionof 1876 in Philadelphia.'2 With the wealth of industrycame cultural refinement. Known variously as the"Queen City," and the "Athens of the West,"Cincinnati developed into a major regional art centerby 1865." A number of artists lived and workedthere, and patrons promoted its artists by direct sup-port and by purchasing their paintings. Several organ-izations were formed to provide training and criti-cism.

One such organization, the Ladies' Academy ofthe Fine Arts (LAFA) was founded in 1854 by SarahWorthington King Peter, who had earlier founded thePhiladelphia School of Design. The purpose of theLadies' Academy was "To aid in the cultivation ofpublic taste—to afford encouragement to artists, andto furnish a source of intellectual recreation andenjoyment to the people by the establishment ofGalleries of copies executed in the best manner frommaster pieces of paintings and sculpture."34 In thefirst sixty days of its existence, LAFA managed tosponsor four events including a loan exhibition, aShakespeare reading, a gala party and a lecture. Thestandard price of admission to LAFA events was fifty-cents, which probably excluded all but the "bestsort."35 Within three months, LAFA had raisedenough money to send Mrs. Peter to Europe to secure

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood

the aforementioned copies. Although she eventuallyhad to advance the majority of the funds herself (amoney panic hit Cincinnati during her absence andthe association's funds evaporated), she did succeed inobtaining copies of Raphael's School of Athens andnumerous casts of classical sculpture. These workswere exhibited in the LAFA gallery until 1864 whenthe Association disbanded. The collection thenpassed to McMicken University and sparked theMcMicken School of Design, which eventuallybecame the Cincinnati Art Academy. At least oneperson later gave LAFA considerable credit on a larg-er scale, noting that its members, "appear to havebeen the first body of women in America to appreci-ate the art-needs of the country, and to set about sup-plying those of their own city/"6

McMicken University, chartered in 1859, hadbeen funded by a bequest from Charles McMicken'sextensive land holdings and railroad investments tothe city of Cincinnati for the establishment of a col-lege where students could obtain a practical Englisheducation and sound moral instruction. TheMcMicken School of Design opened its doors in 1868.The new school admitted students of both sexes,charged no tuition to city residents, and forbade loudtalking and use of tobacco. From the beginning, thecurriculum was similar, but not identical to, the tra-ditional European academies. First-year studentsworked on shading and perspective, spending longhours copying from engraved prints of acknowledgedmasterpieces. Second-year students drew from castswith a focus on composition and design. Third-yearstudents were allowed to draw from nature and workwith color, sometimes drawing from models dressedin costumes.17 Classes were offered during the dayand in the evening. Day classes attracted genteelwomen searching for respectable careers, whileevening classes were attended primarily by working-class men.'"

In 1873, in addition to drawing, the schooloffered applied art classes in sculpture, wood carving,and engraving, effecting an application of design tolocal manufacturing. At the center of this initiativewas woodcarver Benn Pitman, who had come to theUnited States from England in 1853. Because furni-ture manufacture was a major industry in Cincinnati,wood carving was readily accepted into the curricu-lum at the School of Design. The writing desk shownin Figure 1, carved by Catherine Peachy, is a splendid

demonstration of American romantic naturalism.The desk also embodies Pitman's ambivalent attitudetoward women's work. While training, guiding andcooperatively working with them in the decorativearts, he was also to some degree supervising the seg-regation of specific tasks by gender. A work like thisdesk was usually made from Pitman's designs by amale joiner, then ''deconstructed" into its separateparts for decoration by female artists, before beingreassembled by the male joiner. Pitman instituted avirtual one-man revival of handicrafts in Cincinnatialways stressing the fundamentals of good design.19 Alocal influence in Pitman's wood carving came fromthe similar work of Henry and William Fry. Fatherand son had come to Cincinnati at mid-centurywhere they decorated the homes of several prominentcitizens including John Shillito and Henry Probasco.

Figure 1: Writing Desk by Catherine Peachy, ca. 1870,black cherry and mahogany. (Cincinnati Art Museum,Gift of Miss Irene Edwards)

Ohio Valley History

Subsequently, they received two commissions fromJoseph Longworth: first to decorate Rookwood, hisCincinnati estate; and second to design the interior ofa home built for his daughter Maria on the occasionof her marriage to George Ward Nichols in 1868. TheFrys, also English, along with Pitman, played particu-larly influential roles in teaching artistic wood carv-ing to a generation of Cincinnati women, many ofwhom came from the most refined families in thecity.40

The School's exclusiveness brought criticismfrom one of the university trustees. He found that"instead of helping people who needed art educationto make a living, it was run for the accommodation ofladies, mostly the wives and daughters of our wealthycitizens, who go into rhapsodies over the 'Antique.'"41

The Frys and Pitman agreed that decoration, especial-ly in the home, not only fit the proper domesticsphere of women but that women "possessed morerefined sentiment" and worked "for less sordid ends"than men. "Let men construct and women decorate,"suggested Pitman in his influential A Plea forAmerican Decorative Art.42

Pitman was also a major force in introducing theart of china painting to Cincinnati. Reportedly, heobtained a set of colors for china painting in 1874 dur-ing a trip to Philadelphia. He subsequently invited anumber of students from his wood carving class to trysome experiments in mineral painting. The class metin his business office at the Phonographic Institute,which was in the Carlisle Building, diagonally acrossfrom the School of Design. Because china paintingwas not yet included in the School's curriculum, suchclasses could not be offered there. Pitman hiredMarie Eggers, a young German woman, to giveinstruction to this small class of interested womenthat included Mary Louise McLauglin, ClaraChipman Newton, and Jane Porter Dodd among oth-ers.43 Independent of Pitman's efforts, MariaLongworth Nichols had discovered china painting ayear earlier when a neighbor, Karl Langenbeck,received a set of mineral colors from an uncle inGermany.44 Whatever the genesis of the movement, atleast one local observer noted, "the decorated chinafever broke out in this city in almost epidemicform."4S

This socially prominent and artistically inclinedwomen's interest in china decorating came to theattention of the local organization established "to

secure a creditable representation of women's work atthe approaching 'Centennial,'" the Women'sCentennial Committee. The Committee, whichincluded virtually every woman of prominence inCincinnati, sponsored several events designed toarouse public interest and, more important, to raisefunds for participation in the national celebration.46

The most lavish, the "Martha Washington TeaParty," featured dancing, food, and beverages servedon china decorated with flags and facsimile signaturesof George and Martha Washington.47

As a result of their fund raising, the Women'sCentennial Committee had $7,000 in their treasurywhen they recessed for the summer. Eventually$5,000 of this was donated to help raise the $30,000needed to construct the Women's Pavilion inPhiladelphia. As a consequence of their generosity,the northwest corner of the Women's Pavilion wasreserved for an exhibit from the Cincinnati School ofDesign, under the sponsorship of the Women'sCentennial Committee. The school's clientele in1876 was largely of the same class as the women whosponsored the Centennial activities and some of thestudents were also members of the Centennial com-mittee. Benn Pitman, who cooperated closely withthe Women's Centennial Committee, accompaniedthe exhibit of carved furniture, painted china andother art work to Philadelphia and set up the display.The installation, which included wares by MariaLongworth Nichols as well as Mary LouiseMcLaughlin, was "unquestionably the most exten-sive and satisfactory exhibit of amateur overglazedecoration made up to that time in the UnitedStates."48 Indeed, the event marked a significant stepin the development of ceramic art in Cincinnati and"can well be designated as an event in the history ofpottery in the West. . . . It was a remarkable exhibit,prepared by a few society ladies, and attracted univer-sal comment, so much so that it was deemed worthyof a prominent place in the Centennial. "49 TheCincinnati exhibition received a great deal of atten-tion and praise, "as its features of wood carving andchina painting were novel and in advance of women'swork shown by other cities."50 This exhibition wasparticularly important for these Cincinnati women inthat their work, seen outside the city for the firsttime, was subjected to professional scrutiny and crit-icism.51

An even greater impact than national recogni-

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood

Figure 2: Louise McLaughlin (at easel) drawing portrait ofClara Newton (From CHS Photograph Collection)

tion came from the displays of other nations at theCentennial. Several Cincinnati craftswomen visitedthe exhibition, and both Mary Louise McLaughlinand Maria Nichols returned inspired by the work offoreign artists. McLaughlin was impressed by the dis-tinctive underglaze faience pottery produced byHaviland and Company of Limoges, France and beganto direct her own efforts in this direction.52 Theirtechnique known as proces barbotine, involved paint-ing under a clear glaze with a liquid mixture of clayand oxides. Nichols's attention was claimed by theJapanese display of pottery and lacquer ware. Both sheand her husband came to believe that Japanese designpromised "to exert a wide and positive influenceupon American art industries."53

In the year following the Centennial,McLaughlin not only published her china paintingmanual but she also began working at CoultryPottery to try to duplicate the Limoges proces barbo-tine of underglaze decoration. It is important to real-ize the differences between china painting and artpottery making. Critically, china painting wasaccomplished most often at home, whereas art pot-tery production was of necessity carried out in thepublic sphere. China painting involved painting

designs with mineral colors on glazed blanks, whichcould then be fired in a small, low-temperature kiln.Making art pottery involved many steps: mixing clay,shaping the ware, painting the design, first firing,glazing and second firing. In order to make art potteryone had to have access to facilities, equipment and astaff of workers.

McLaughlin succeeded in producing "Limoges"style decoration the next year, but her technique dif-fered from that of the French in using natural slip ona damp unfired ground rather than slip prepared fromfired clay on a thoroughly dried ground.54 Figure 3shows McLaughlin's "Ali Baba" vase: a virtuosoexample of her mastery of the new technique that isover three feet tall. Once she accomplished this goal,McLaughlin then joined her socially prominentfriends to organize the Pottery Club.55 The minutes ofthe first meeting record, "The purpose of the Clubshall be the development of the art interests ofCincinnati in the direction of underglaze work inPottery, carving in clay, and in such other directionsas may suggest themselves as practicable."56 It islikely that Maria Nichols was also asked to join, buther invitation somehow became mislaid. Nicholsinterpreted the undelivered invitation as a slight and

1 0 Ohio Valley History

decided to work independently, renting space fromFrederick Dallas, owner of Hamilton Road Pottery.

While McLaughlin and Nichols traveled theirseparate paths, the city had awakened to the fact thatit was in the midst of "a wild ceramic orgy."57 TheWomen's Centennial Committee reorganized tobecome the Women's Art Museum Association ofCincinnati (WAMA). In concert with their male advi-sors, they decided that Cincinnati should have both amuseum and an art school modeled on the SouthKensington Museum in London. As had been thecase for the Ladies Academy of Fine Art, WAMA wasinterested in decorative arts as much if not more than

Figure 3: Ali Baba Vase by Mary Louise McLaughlin,1880, earthenware. (Cincinnati Art Museum, Gift of theWomen's Art Museum Association)

they were in painting and sculpture. Copies ratherthan originals were still considered to be the maingoal of the collection. The newly formed WAMAorganized several classes, including one on chinapainting. Contending that they had used "good judg-ment in providing new art classes," Benn Pitmanurged WAMA to take over the operation of the Schoolof Design.58 They also initiated a Decorative ArtSociety to encourage women who possessed artistictalent and to furnish a standard of excellence as wellas a market for their work.59

Separately, John Rettig, a local artist and scenepainter, and Albert Valentine opened a class in theLimoges style of pottery decoration, which numberedabout "fifty ladies" by the summer of 1880. Afterthree months of instruction it was noted, "A numberof the pupils have been learning with the hope ofadding to their income by their products. Others haveentered the class for amusement."60 Mary GayHumphreys commented, "A whirlwind of petticoatshad invaded the potteries. . . . Every woman whocould find a corner in a pottery installed herselfthere."61 Frederick Dallas alone was firing the workof more than two hundred amateurs, all but two ofwhom were women.62

Among these hundreds of amateur pottery deco-rators, there may well have been some women whoengaged in the activity in order to add to theirincome. However, most of the national attentionfocused on Cincinnati faience concerned the "idlerich" who were neglecting their social duties butavoiding hysteria as mentioned in this quotationfrom Harper's Weekly Magazine: "There are scores ofwomen in Cincinnati belonging to the 'idle rich' classwho spend most of their time in the potteries. It is tobe feared that this occupation is often at the expenseof what are called 'social duties,' but there can be nodoubt of the fact that they are by it much healthier inmind and body . . . . Handling dear old mother earth,whether it be digging potatoes or making pots andplaques, does not leave much room for hysteria."63

Given that women were urged to eschew intellectualstimulation in order to avoid nervous ailments, it isstriking that pottery decoration was viewed as a wayto prevent hysteria. Presumably this judgmentstemmed from the idea that pottery decoration wasnot serious enough to be dangerous, an idea borne outby another author who asserted that the art potterymovement was "Begun by a few thoughtful women of

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood 11

taste and social influence/' The writer noted thatthere was much to be said in favor of pottery makingand decorating as a "purely social and domestic enter-tainment" which was also "an educating and refininginfluence/' and went on to point out, "It is an inter-esting commentary upon the occupations of ourwomen that the dusty quarters of the manufacture ofiron-stone and Rockingham should be the point ofattraction for so many of the refined, and cultivatedwomen of the city." Nonetheless, she meted outpraise for "the introduction of a new industry in theUnited States, in which the feeble instrumentality ofwomen's hands are quietly doing the initial work."64

In Potter's American Monthly, Alice Hall noted,"Still another lady who does not seem to considerthat abundant wealth and family prestige imposesupon her a life of idleness or social vacuity, devotesherself to the construction of dragon vases to such anextent that her work may also be regarded as distinc-tive."6' The person referred to is almost certainlyMaria Longworth Nichols. Finally, Lilian Whitingobserved that, "The Cincinnati ceramic ware isalmost exclusively the product of the leisure of ladies

whom a love of art, and not necessity has inspired toexertion."66 The attribution of amateur was mostoften deployed to suggest inferior work, but it couldalso be used to demonstrate social standing and finan-cial independence.

Contemporary commentators went to somelength to emphasize not only the class and refine-ment of the participants in the pottery movement butalso their amateur status and differences from theprofessional, male potters and decorators. The maleemployees of the potteries were often referred to as"patient," "gallant" or as "having a soft place in theirhearts" for the lady amateurs.67 It was observed that,"It must have been with grim humor and some con-descension that the potters saw this eruption into theDallas and Coulter [sic] establishments, the ringedfingers in the day, and the fashionable toilettes mud-besmeared."68 Tellingly, an article in Crockery andGlass Journal, a publication geared toward commer-cial ceramic and glass manufacturers, praised thework of the Cincinnati lady potters with the caveat,"Of course these pieces are done by our amateurs andnot by the professional decorators. For the regular

Figure 4: Rookwood Pottery Personnel—Valentien issecond from the left in the back row. (From CHSPhotograph Collection)

I 2 Ohio Valley History

trade Mr. Dallas has employed a gentleman wellversed in his art, and is turning out a large quantity ofdecorated ware, and of a superiority that promises tomake a good name for Cincinnati and a specially goodname for the Hamilton Road Pottery in this particu-lar line."69

Thus, in Cincinnati as elsewhere, there weredecided gender- and class-based distinctions withinpotteries. Commercial potteries were the province ofmale professionals who were serious, busy and oftenmembers of the lower- or lower-middle classes. Yetwomen were permitted in (for a fee) with the under-standing that they were beholden to the men whomade the pots and did everything but decoration.Their upper-class status was preserved, even withinthe confines of a manufactory, because they wereamateurs.

The Early Years at RookwoodThis constellation of attributes—upper class

lady, amateur, and artistic—were approvingly appliedwhen Maria Longworth Nichols founded Rookwoodin 1880. Nichols, shown in Figure 5, was described asa "pleasant little lady with twinkling eyes."70 Yet inpainting garb situated in her studio, she presents thevisage of a serious artist. Elizabeth Perry (herself anupper-class lady with artistic aspirations) wrote aboutNichols that, "These are pleasant times and places,when women give their leisure and means to thefounding of an artistic industry."71 Other articlesabout the founding do not mention Maria Nichols.Crockery and Glass Journal noted, "The new Potterywhich is shortly to be completed on Eastern Avenue .. .will be devoted to the work of our lady decorators.Mr. Joseph Longworth is the chief financial supporterof it."72 The next week this same publication noted,"That a lady of Mrs. Nichols' wealth, culture andsocial standing should wish to embark in so singulara business venture is remarkable." The author goeson to note, "She has associated Mr. Cranch, Esq."who "will aid her in making designs and will alsoconduct the business transactions of the firm."73

These comments suggest that Nichols's movementinto the public sphere was acceptable because she didso as an amateur with the financial backing and man-agement skills of men.

There are several possible explanations as towhy Nichols founded the Pottery when she did,among them the long distance she had to travel from

.?

Figure 5: Maria Longworth Nichols, ca. 1880 (From CHSPhotograph Collection)

her home to Dallas Pottery and her estrangementfrom her husband. Indeed the founding of Rookwood,which propelled Nichols into the public sphere, wasclosely linked to her own domestic situation.According to Mary Louise McLaughlin, JosephLongworth agreed to finance his daughter's potteryendeavor in order to dissuade her from seeking adivorce.74 Another motivating factor might have beenher frustration with the hard fire of the commercialkilns at Dallas Pottery.7' She wrote that she "wascontinually discouraged by the fact that the hard fireof the granite ware kilns destroyed nearly every colorI used except cobalt blue and black."76 This explana-tion is cast into doubt though, because Nichols andMary Louise McLaughlin had paid to build two lowerfire kilns at the Dallas Pottery, one for underglaze, theother for overglaze work.77 Nichols remained deter-mined to have her own pottery and her father agreedto give her an old schoolhouse which she then outfit-

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood

Figure 6: Aladdin Vase by Maria Longworth Nichols,1880-84, earthenware. (The Metropolitan Museum of Art,Gift of William and Marcia Goodman)

ted as a pottery with the advice of Joseph Bailey, Sr.,a friend and employee from the Dallas Pottery. ThePottery was on the banks of the Ohio River, a locationthought to be advantageous for delivery of clay bybarge (but instead left the fledgling operation subjectto devastating floods).78

Whereas Joseph Bailey provided advice and sup-port, his employer, Frederick Dallas went to somelengths to discourage Nichols' endeavor by pointingout the difficulties involved and suggesting that itwould fail as a business.79 Thomas Wheatley, a deco-rator who had worked at Coultry Pottery, thenthreatened to prevent Rookwood from using theunderglaze slip painting technique. Wheatley hadsomehow obtained a patent in 1880 on the techniquedeveloped by Mary Louise McLaughlin in i877.Xo

Wheatley's work featured underglaze slip painting as

well as modeled ware. When a reporter for theCincinnati Daily Gazette asked Nichols if she fearedMr. Wheatley instituting proceedings against her shereplied, "I don't care if he does, I shall go on buildingmy Pottery and I hope to have the first fire in the kilnin a month's time. While my principal object is myown gratification, I hope to make the Pottery payexpenses."81 The second clause of this statementsuggests that while Nichols was aware of the need toseparate women's art accomplishments from com-merce, she was ambitious enough to want profes-sional status.

Reportedly, Joseph Longworth was fond of say-ing that he financed the Pottery "to give employmentto 'the idle rich.///82 Although this humorous remarkundoubtedly contained a grain of truth, several effortswere made in the first few years of the Pottery's exis-tence intended ostensibly to help make it pay expens-es. In 1881, Nichols started a pottery school intend-ed to provide training and experience for futureartists. Clara Chipman Newton taught two classes aweek in overglaze painting and Laura Fry gaveinstruction in underglaze work. The school charged$3.00 weekly tuition or $1.00 per hour for privateinstruction. Students came from as far away asChicago, Pittsburgh and Cleveland.8' Given thetuition charged, it is likely that the students werelargely upper-class. Nichols also began renting spaceto the Pottery Club, firing their wares and providingthem with specimens to paint.84 Nichols also insti-tuted the production of commercial ware for tableand household use, such as breakfast and dinner serv-ices, pitchers, plaques, wine-coolers, ice-tubs, water-buckets and the like.

However it was the art pottery produced byMaria Nichols and other decorators that received theapprobation of the press. One highly acclaimed piece,shown in Figure 6, was Nichols's "Aladdin Vase,"decorated with fish instead of the floral decorationmore commonly used then in Cincinnati and whichin size—thirty inches tall—rivaled McLaughlin's "AliBaba." Remarking on the first year's production,Crockery and Glass Journal noted, "This Pottery hasfinished its first year's work with results that bear thehighest testimony to the genius and courage of awoman who is laudably seeking to impress upon agreat industry—whose creations enter more largelyinto domestic life than any other—the principles ofpure art.""s The Pottery also received awards at the

Ohio Valley History

Tenth and Eleventh Cincinnati IndustrialExpositions."6 This early success was in no smallmeasure due to the training and experience of the dec-orators hired by Nichols. In 1881, she hired AlbertValentine (later Valentien) as the first full-time deco-rator. Valentine, who along with John Rettig taughtunderglaze decoration classes, had studied underThomas Wheatley at Coultry Pottery and was a grad-uate of the School of Design/7 Valentien's workdemonstrates the Japanese influence. His vase,shown in Figure 7, was influenced by Hokusai'sManga, a multi-volume set of random drawings. Thebanded relief decoration on this piece was created byscoring a nailhead and impressing it into the clay.The gilt, applied after the glaze firing, was probablymeant to resemble Japanese brocade.

Unfortunately, the encomia earned byRookwood at exhibitions didn't translate into finan-cial success. Haphazard accounts make it difficult todetermine the extent of the Pottery's indebtedness,

Figure 7: Vase by Albert Valentien ,1885, earthenware.(Cincinnati Art Museum, Estate of Charlotte Johnson andmiscellaneous funds)

but it is clear that without Joseph Longworth's con-tinued support, Rookwood would not have survived.The financial difficulties were compounded by MariaNichols's poor management. She was careless withthe Pottery's funds, often confusing her personal andbusiness accounts. As mentioned, in 1883, in aneffort to put the Pottery on a more businesslike foot-ing, Nichols hired William Watts Taylor to be manag-er. Although he had no experience in the potterybusiness he did possess a keen mind, sound adminis-trative skills and a flair for public relations.88

Taylor was determined to make Rookwood athriving commercial concern. One way this could bedone was to move the perception of its productioninto the male realm of fine art and out of the femalerealm of amateur production. As a first step, Taylorclosed the pottery school, pointing out that peoplewho could afford to pay $3.00 per week tuition wouldnot be likely to go to work for the salaries currentlypaid by Rookwood. Fearing that an "amateur taint,"gendered feminine, would damage Rookwood's repu-tation, he banished non-employees from the premis-es—taking away space from the Pottery Club and dis-continuing the practice of selling ware to amateursfor decoration. Crockery and Glass Journal remarkedof the announcement, "The ladies [of the PotteryClub] have been informed that they can no longermake their ware at the Rookwood Pottery." The rea-sons given were quite pointed: "Their products havebrought the fame of the place into disrepute." It fur-ther claimed that it hurt the trade that the managersof the Pottery themselves might get, although thisreason was not given publicly.89

These statements are self-contradictory, sug-gesting on the one hand that the amateurs' workbrought Rookwood's fame into disrepute and on theother hand that it was good enough to impinge onRookwood's markets. At any rate there was confu-sion because pieces decorated by the Pottery Clubwere stamped with the Rookwood symbol, making itdifficult to distinguish ware decorated by amateursfrom those made entirely by the Pottery. Taylor wentso far as to tell an aspiring Rookwood decorator thatwork by amateurs was "generally embarrassing."90Itis noteworthy that Edward Cranch, a lawyer with noart training, was neither fired nor referred to as anamateur, rather he was to "do anything he pleased."91

His rather idiosyncratic etched designs, which oftenrelated to American folktales, were said to be

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood

Figure 8: William Watts Taylor (From CHS PhotographCollection)

"quaint" and to "possess uncommon merit" (Figure o,).92

Many years later, Taylor wrote about this early periodnoting, "the difficulties of the art were too greatto tempt the amateur after the first outburst ofenthusiasm."9'

Nichols agreed with Taylor in her analysis ofthis sort of amateur occupation, "The women decora-tors are generally working for some specified purpose,to accumulate a certain sum of money for a givenpurpose, or to acquire skill enough to open a class indecoration, but very rarely with the intention of per-manent employment or with the expectation of mak-ing a reputation in their art."94 A few days later sheadded, "It was without doubt one of the objects of theRookwood Pottery to give needy women of therefined and educated classes the opportunity toobtain profitable employment and the 'idle rich' anew and pleasant accomplishment. "9S

This first generation of women decorators wasnot interested in full-time employment, for thiswould have undermined Victorian sensibilities ofwhat constituted a lady. What the women decorators,including Maria Nichols, wanted was an outlet fortheir creative energy that at the same time, would notdamage their social positions. This required a morecasual approach to work than a successful businesscould tolerate. After Taylor took over, Rookwoodemployed many female decorators, but these womencame from a different social class, with far lessrestricted views on the role of women in art indus-

tries.96 By the mid-eighties the last of the "lady ama-teurs" departed and except for Maria Nichols andEdward Cranch, the individuals who had shapedRookwood's early years were gone.

1 Charles Wyllis Elliott, "Pottery at the Centennial," TheAtlantic Monthly 38 (September 1876): 575; and Jennie Young,"Ceramic Art at the Exhibition," Lippincott's Magazine(December 1876): 701-716.2 Maria Longworth Storer, History of the Cincinnati MusicalFestivals and of the Rookwood Pottery (Paris: Herbert ClarkePrinter, 1919), n.p.3 Rose Angela Boehle, Maria Longworth: A Biography(Dayton, Oh.: Landfall Press, 1990), 80, 100,138.4 "The Millionaires of Cincinnati," Frank Leslie's IllustratedNewspaper (January 15, 1881): i ; and Denny Carter Young,"The Longworths: Three Generations of Art Patronage inCincinnati," in Celebrate Cincinnati Art: In Honor of the OneHundredth Anniversary of the Cincinnati Art Museum, 1881-1981, ed. Kenneth R. Trapp (Cincinnati: Cincinnati ArtMuseum, 1981), 29-48.5 Quoted in Storer, History of the Cincinnati MusicalFestivals, n.p.6 Clara Chipman Newton, "Early Days at Rookwood Pottery,"c. 1900, n.p., Clara Chipman Newton Papers, CincinnatiHistorical Society Library (hereinafter cited as CHSL).7 Maude Haywood, "Founded by a Woman," The Ladies HomeJournal 9 (October 1892): 3.8 Quoted in The Cincinnati Daily Gazette (March 20, 1883), 4.9 William Watts Taylor to Mr. J. E. Beebe, March 22, 1887,Letterpress Book 1886-87, I 2 6 , Rookwood Pottery Collection,Mitchell Memorial Library, Mississippi State University (here-after cited as RPC, MML/MSU).10 Taylor to Mrs. Francis McDonald, February 4,Letterpress Book, 1887-88, 229, RPC, MML/MSU.11 Taylor to Mrs. Delia L. Williams, March 12,Letterpress Book, 1887-88, 333, RPC, MML/MSU.12 Taylor to Mrs. E. R. Holbrook, June 28, 1888, LetterpressBook, 1888-89, 63, RPC, MML/MSU.13 Taylor to Mr. E. R. Garezynski, February 14, 1890,Letterpress Book, 1889-90, 173, RPC, MML/MSU.14 Taylor to Charles Fergus Binns, April 8, 1904, CharlesFergus Binns Papers, Archives of American Art, microfilm reel3606.15 Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860," American Quarterly 18 (1966): 151-174.16 "The Decline of the Amateur," Atlantic Monthly 73 (1894):859-17 "Art Work for Women, III. How the Work May Be Done,"The Art Journal (1872): 130.18 See Tamar Garb, "'L'Art Feminin': The Formation of aCritical Category in Late Nineteenth-Century France," ArtHistory 12 (March 1989): 39-65; and Clarissa Campbell Orr,Women in the Victorian Art World (Manchester: ManchesterUniversity Press, 1995), 1-27.19 Lewis F. Day, "The Woman's Part in Domestic Decoration,"The Magazine of Art (1881): 458.20 Quoted in Anthea Callen, Women Artists of the Arts andCrafts Movement (New York: Pantheon, 1979), 28.

16 Ohio Valley History

21 "China-Painting Amateurs," Crockery and Glass Journal(July 2, 1885): 33.22 For china painting see Cynthia A. Brandimarte,"Somebody's Aunt and Nobody's Mother: The American ChinaPainter and Her Work, 1870-1920," Winterthur Portfolio 23(Winter 1989): 203-224. For needlework see Nancy DunlapBercaw, "Solid Objects/Mutable Meanings: Fancywork and theConstruction of Bourgeois Culture, 1840-1880," WinterthurPortfolio 16 (Winter 1991): 240.23 The lower number was reported in "White China forAmateurs," Crockery and Glass Journal (May 17, 1895): 14; thehigher number was reported in Jeanne Madeline Weimann, TheFair Women: The Story of the Women's Building, World'sColumbian Exposition Chicago, 1893 (Chicago: AcademyChicago, 981), 416.24 See, for example, "The Summer Term of the Art Academyof the Cincinnati Museum Association," The Studio 6 (June 6,1891): 267. See also Ruth Irwin Weidner, "The Early Literatureof China Decorating," American Ceramics 2 (Spring 1983): 28-

33-25 Weidner, "Early Literature of China Decorating," 32-33.26 See for example, the following articles, all published in TheMagazine of Art: "The Fourth Annual Exhibition of Paintingson China," (1878): 269-272; "The Fifth Annual Exhibition ofPaintings on China," (1881): 392-395; "China Painting at theBrussels Exhibition," (1881): 157-159; and "The 'RoyalAcademy' of China Painting," (1884): 24-250.27 In 1895, Edwin AtLee Barber described the career of EdwardLycett, a well-known china painter who came to the UnitedStates from England in 1861, as representing "the history ofchina painting in the United States." See "The Pioneer ofChina Painting in America," New England Magazine 13(September 1895): 3-48.28 Mary Louise McLaughlin, China Painting: A PracticalManual for the Use of Amateurs in the Decoration of HardPorcelain (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke and Company, 1877), iii.29 Cynthia A. Brandimarte, "Darling Dabblers: AmericanChina Painters and Their Work," American Ceramic CircleBulletin 6 (1988): 12.30 In her biography of McLaughlin, Anita J. Ellis reports thatshe most emphatically did not self-identify as a "chinapainter," believing this to be the province of amateurs. SeeAnita J. Ellis, "The Ceramic Career of M. Louise McLaughlin,"unpublished manuscript, 247-248.31 Boehle, Maria Longworth, 27-28.32 See Philip D. Spiess II, "The Cincinnati IndustrialExpositions, 1870-1888: Propaganda or Progress?" (Master'sThesis, University of Delaware, 1970).33 Robert C. Vitz, The Queen and the Arts: Cultural Life inNineteenth-Century Cincinnati (Kent, OH.: Kent StateUniversity Press, 1989), 13, 35.34 Records, Ladies' Academy of Fine Arts. CHSL.35 The Cincinnati Gazette. May 27, 1854; printed in LeaBrinker, "Women's Role in the Development of Art as anInstitution in Nineteenth-Century Cincinnati" (Master'sThesis, University of Cincinnati, 1970), 12.36 Helen Evastson Smith, "Women Art Patrons," (1893); quot-ed in Brinker, "Women's Role in Art in Nineteenth-CenturyCincinnati," 25.37 Life classes for male students were formally instituted c.1878; a separate women's life class was instituted in 1885.Ellis, "The Ceramic Career of M. Louise McLaughlin," 23.

38 Vitz, The Queen and the Arts, 190.39 Kenneth R. Trapp, "'To Beautify the Useful:' Benn Pitmanand the Women's Woodcarving Movement In Cincinnati in theLate Nineteenth Century," Nineteenth Century 8 (1982): 175-191; and Anita J. Ellis, "Cincinnati Art Furniture," TheMagazine Antiques 121 (April 1982): 930-941.40 [Benn Pitman], "Wood Carving Department," in School ofDesign Annual Catalogue, 1873-74 (Cincinnati: A. Pugh,Printer, 1874), 10, 12, 13.41 Cincinnati Enquirer (April 23,1876), 1.42 Benn Pitman, A Plea for American Decorative Art(Cincinnati: C. J. Krehbiel & Co., 1895), 12.43 Newton, "Early Days at Rookwood Pottery," n.p. See alsoElizabeth Williams Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati,"Harper's New Monthly Magazine 62 (May 1881): 834.44 Vitz, The Queen and the Arts, 191.

Figure 9: Temperance Jug by Edward Pope Cranch, 1886,dull finish glaze line. (Private Collection)

45 Lawrence Mendenhall, "Cincinnati's Contribution toAmerican Ceramic Art," Brush and Pencil 17 (February 1906):

5 1 -

46 The committee included Maria Longworth Nichols, SarahWorthington King Peter, Elizabeth Williams Perry, and LouiseTaft among others. See Ellis, "The Ceramic Career of MaryLouise McLaughlin," 54. Alfred T. Goshorn, who had achievedrenown as the director of the Cincinnati Industrial Fairs, wasthe director of the Centennial Exhibition (he would subse-

Winter 2001 On the Road to Rookwood

quently be named first Director of the Cincinnati ArtMuseum). See Brinker, "Women's Role in Art in Nineteenth-Century Cincinnati/ ' 36-40.47 Carol Macht, The Ladies, God Bless 'Em: The Women's ArtMovement in Cincinnati in the Nineteenth Century(Cincinnati: Cincinnati Art Museum, 1976), 7.48 Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati," 834.49 Lawrence Mendenhall, "Mud, Mind and Modelers," FrankLeslie's Popular Monthly 42 (December 1896): 669.50 Mary Louise McLaughlin, "Miss McLaughlin Tells HerOwn Story," Bulletin of the American Ceramic Society 17(May 1938): 218. See also "The Cincinnati School of DesignWood Carving Exhibit," The New Century for Women 5 (June10, 1876): 33-

51 Kenneth R. Trapp, "Maria Longworth Storer: A Study of HerBronze Objets D'Art in the Cincinnati Art Museum" (M.A.thesis, Tulane University, 1972), 22.52 Haviland &. Company was founded in 1842 in Limoges,France, by David Haviland, an American importer of finechina. See "David Haviland," The Art Amateur 2 (February1880) : 55 .

53 George Ward Nichols, Art Education Applied to Industry(New York: Harper and Brothers, 1877), 176.54 McLaughlin published the results of her studies in PotteryDecoration Under the Glaze (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke andCompany, 1880).5 5 McLaughlin served as president, Clara Chipman Newton assecretary, Alice Belle Holabird as treasurer. There were eightother known members although sources do not always agree asto who they were. See "The Cincinnati Pottery Club,"Crockery and Glass lournal (January 29, 1880): 14.56 Clara Chipman Newton, "The Cincinnati Pottery Club,"manuscript, Clara Newton Papers, CHSL; edited and publishedin the Bulletin of the American Ceramic Society 19 (September1940) : 345-3 5 1 -

57 McLaughlin, "Miss McLaughlin Tells Her Own Story," 219.58 Benn Pitman to Mrs. Elizabeth Perry, February 1, 1879,Papers of the Women's Art Museum Association, Letter #91,CHSL.59 Alice C. Hall, "Cincinnati Faience," Potter's AmericanMonthly 15 (November 1880): 359.60 "Cincinnati Reports," Crockery and Glass Journal (March18, 1880): 28.

61 Mary Gay Humphreys, "The Cincinnati Pottery Club," TheArt Amateur 8 (December 1882): 20.62 Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati," 843.63 "Cincinnati Art Pottery," Harper's Weekly Magazine 24(May 29, 1880): 341.

64 Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati," 837, 843.65 Hall, "Cincinnati Faience," 362.66 Lillian Whiting, "Ceramic Progress in Cincinnati," The ArtAmateur 3 (July 1880): 32.67 Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati," 845.68 Humphreys, "The Cincinnati Pottery Club," 20.69 "Cincinnati Trade Reports," Crockery and Glass Journal(February 10, 1881): 26.70 Cincinnati Daily Gazette (October 7, 1880); printed inHerbert Peck, The Book of Rookwood Pottery (Cincinnati:Cincinnati Art Galleries, 1991), 11.71 Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati," 845.72 "The Cincinnati Exposition," Crockery and Glass Journal(September 16, 1880): 10.

73 "Mrs. Nichols' Decorated Pottery," Crockery and GlassJournal (September 23, 1880): 16.74 Mary Louise McLaughlin to Ross C. Purdy, February 25,1938, Mary Louise McLaughlin Papers, CHSL.75 "Mrs. Nichols' Decorated Pottery," Crockery and GlassJournal (September 23, 1880): 16.76 Nichols quoted in Storer, History of the Cincinnati MusicalFestivals, n.p.77 Perry, "Decorative Pottery of Cincinnati," 835.78 "Cincinnati Reports," Crockery and Glass Journal (March13, 1884): 8.

79 Storer, History of the Cincinnati Musical Festivals, n.p.80 McLaughlin's brother George, a Cincinnati attorney, keptcareful records which proved that Mary Louise McLaughlinhad developed the technique well in advance of Wheatley'spatent. See "A Ceramic Claimant," The Art Amateur 3(November 1880): 112.81 Cincinnati Daily Gazette (October 7, 1880), printed inPeck, The Book of Rookwood Pottery, 11.82 William Watts Taylor, "The Rookwood Pottery," TheForensic Quarterly 1 (September 1910): 204.83 Cincinnati Daily Gazette (October 13, 1881), 8.84 "Art and Artists: More About the Pottery Club Reception,"Cincinnati Commercial (May 1, 1881), i} and Newton, "TheCincinnati Pottery Club," 349.85 "Cincinnati Reports," Crockery and Glass Journal (January19, 1882): 36.

86 "Cincinnati Reports," Crockery and Glass Journal (October19, 1882): 38; and "Cincinnati Reports," ibid. (September 27,1883): 44-87 Albert Valentien, "Rookwood Pottery," 4, Albert ValentienPapers, CHSL.88 Taylor had come to Cincinnati from Louisiana as a child.Poor health prevented him from attending Harvard beyond oneyear,- instead he joined his father's commission house, Taylorand Brother, as a clerk. Following his father's death in 1869, hebecame a partner with his uncle, a position he held until hejoined Rookwood. Peck, The Book of Rookwood Pottery, 24.89 "Cincinnati Reports," Crockery and Glass Journal(September 21, 1882): 46.90 Taylor to Miss Cornelia S. Cassady, September 17, 1890.Letterpress Book, 1889-90, 420. RPC, MML/MSU.91 Newton, "Early Days at Rookwood Pottery," 9.92 Edwin AtLee Barber, The Pottery and Porcelain of theUnited States (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1894), 294.93 Taylor, "The Rookwood Pottery," 204.94 Quoted in the Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (March 20,1883), 8.95 Quoted in the Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette (March 25,1883), 4-96 The Cincinnati Society Address Book: The Social Register,1900 (Cincinnati and New York, 1900).

I S Ohio Valley History