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PopulistParanoia:TheRootsandStyleofAgrarianReformthroughouttheLateGildedAge

By

JordanRosman

Advisor:RogersSmith

Thisthesisissubmittedinfulfillmentof

BachelorofArtsDegreeDepartmentofPoliticalSciencewithDistinction

CollegeofArtsandSciencesUniversityofPennsylvania

2017

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Acknowledgements

First,IwouldliketothankDr.RogersSmith,mythesisadvisorandthedirectorofthePennProgramonDemocracyandConstitutionalism,forhiscontinualguidanceandtimedevotedthroughoutcountlessmeetings,seminars,andback-and-forthemails.Dr.SmithfirstsparkedmyacademicinterestintheGildedAgeandrevisionisthistoryinhisAmericanConstitutionalLawclass.Thisyear,heencouragedmeearlytoembraceaninterdisciplinaryapproachtowardsthisresearch,whichmadethethesisprocessanextremelyvibrantintellectualundertaking.ThoughDr.Smithwasoriginallyskepticalofmythesis(andprobablystillis),IknownoonemorededicatedtointellectualtoleranceandhonestythanDr.Smith.Heshowedtheutmostrespectformyownideasandopinions,forwhichIwillalwaysbeappreciative.IwouldalsoliketothankDr.Doherty-Silforherleadershipandguidanceduringthefallhonorsseminar.Sheeffectivelycultivatedasenseofcommunityamongtheclass,whichallowedmetocriticallyengagewithfellowfriendsandstudents.IalsoowemuchappreciationtoDr.JamesHrdlickaandDr.ShenilaKhoja-MooljifortheirguidanceandhelpthroughouttheDCCseminar.IalsooweanadditionalthankyoutoDr.StevenHahnforpiquingmyinterestsinandpassionsforpopularpolitics.ThegrantprovidedbyPennDCCfacilitatedthearchivalresearchforthisproject,forwhichIammuchappreciative.Thus,IwouldalsoliketothankthelibrariansattheSouthernHistoricalCollectionattheWilsonLibraryofUNC-ChapelHillandattheAtlantaHistoryCenterfortheirfantastichelp.Ofcourse,Ithankallmyfriendsforthesupport,especiallyforteasingmeforallmyquirks.Finally,abigthankyoutoMom,Dad,Michael,Elana,andBenjifortheirlongstandingsupportandinterestinmytopic.Ithinkthewholefamilyhasappreciatedhavingonechildnotgoingintomedicine.

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AbstractTheendofthe19thcenturywitnessedaspectaculardisplayofpopulardiscontentintheUnitedStates.Anxiousandfrustrated,agrarianreformersattackedGildedAgeeconomicandpoliticalinequalitiesandhadcalledforaseriesofunprecedentedpublicpolicyproposals.This“Populistimpulse”haslongdrawntheattentionofpoliticalscientistsandhistoriansalike.ManyscholarshavepraisedthePopulistrevoltasamodelreformmovementforhavingshedlightonseriouscivicinequities.AnyassessmentofthePopulistshowever,requiresasoberanalysisoftheirdisturbingrhetoricalandpoliticaltendencies.Theyfrequentlyengagedinscapegoatingandadoptedaparanoidstyleofunfoundedconspiracytheories.Thus,thispaperwillattempttorehabilitateelementsofthe“Hofstadterthesis”andwillpromotetherevisionistapproachtowardsunderstandingthePopulists.ItwilldosobyanalyzingtherelationshipbetweenthehistoricalandsocialrootsofPopulistanxietiesandtheirparanoidstyle.

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gilded(adjective):havingapleasingorshowyappearancethatconcealssomethingoflittleworth

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NotetotheReader:Ingeneral,thereareseveraldifferentwaystouse

theword“populist”.By“populism”,withalowercase“p”,thispaper

referstoitsgeneraldefinition,thepoliticalimpulsededicatedto

defendingtheinterestsof“thecommonman”.Whenusingtheterm

“Populist”,withantheuppercase“P”,theessayreferstoaspecific

variationofpopularagrariandiscontentthroughoutroughlythelast

decadeofthe19thcentury.Therewasalsoapoliticalpartycalledthe

“PopulistParty”orthe“People’sParty”thatexistedfrom1891to1908.

Toreduceconfusion,thisessaywillexclusivelyrefertothispartyasthe

“People’sParty”.

TableofContents:Acknowledgements2Abstract3Introduction6PartI:JeffersonianRoots21PartII:Dispossession42PartIII:AParanoidStyle50

ConclusionandtheTrumpSurge75Bibliography86

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IntroductionApopulist“impulse”hassweptthroughtheAmericanpoliticalconscience.

Groundedinanti-elitistsentiment,thecurrentzealforreformhasreachedan

intensityandbreadthnearlyunmatchedthroughoutUnitedStateshistory.1After

decadesofglobalizationandincreasedincomeinequality,grassrootsactivistsfrom

acrossthepoliticalspectrumhavelaunchedacrusadeagainstgrowingeconomic

andsocialinequities.

In2009,TeaPartyactivistswagedasecondWarofIndependence,“marching”on

Washingtontodemandfairrepresentationandtaxation.Ayearlater,sharpcries

soundedfromthe99%inZuccottiParkwhowere“occupying”WallStreet.

Throughouthis2016presidentialcampaign,BernieSandersspokeofacoming

“politicalrevolution”thatwould“elevatepoliticalconsciousness”and“revitalize

Americandemocracy”2.MeanwhileDonaldJ.Trump,athisrecord-breakingrallies,

promisedto“draintheswamp”andMakeAmericanGreatAgain.Inthechambersof

Congress,lawmakerslikeElizabethWarrenhaveattackedtoo-big-to-failfinancial

institutionswithAndrewJackson-likevigor.

Atitscore,themodernpopulistimpulseseekstosecure“equalrightsforall”and

“specialprivilegesfornone”.“Populism”,asitsnamewouldsuggest,demandsan

adherencetotheinterestsofthe“commonman”.Thus,thepopulistassaultisa

defensiveone,anefforttoguardthe“people”againstthecronytakeoverof

democracy.1ThephraseisborrowedfromRichardHofstadter’sAgeofReform

2"About."OurRevolution.N.p.,n.d.Web.13Dec.2016.

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Morethanjustasetofpolicyproposalshowever,populismacrossAmericahas

launchedanassaultonpoliticalprocedure—notonlyonwhatpoliticsproduces,but

howpoliticsisconducted.Tomanyontheleft,theheightenedinfluenceofwealthin

politicsoverthepastseveraldecadeshastransformedAmericandemocracyintoa

hollowwebofquid-pro-quorelationships.Tosome,likesociologistPaulStarrand

politicalscientistJeffreyWinters,theUnitedStateshasbecomea“civiloligarchy”,a

democracydominatedbywealthandmoney.3Toconservatives,theadventofnew

agencies,laws,andtaxeshasyieldedWashingtonwithresponsibilitiesoutsideits

“fewanddefined”scopeofpowers.4ThelatestslewofregulationsduringtheObama

administrationhasfurtherinfuriatedRepublicans,arealityhighlightedbyRick

Santelli’s2009burstontheChicagoMercantiletradingfloor,rhetorically(or

perhaps,literally)asking:“PresidentObama,AreYouListening?!”5

Ethnicandeconomicchanges,irrespectiveoftheirnetbenefittosociety,haveleft

Americansbewilderedandinsecureabouttheirdemocraticvoice.Aremarkby

SteveBannonbestepitomizesthetensionfeltbetweenanincreasinglyglobalized

Americaandacountryinsecureaboutitsfluctuatingethnicandeconomicidentity.

Inaracially-chargedconversationwithTrump,BannonremindedtheRepublican

nomineethatacountry“ismorethanjustaneconomy…we’reacivicsociety.”6

Contextaside,theremarkcouldhavewellservedasthemottoforeithertheTea

PartyorOccupyWallStreetmovement.

3Starr,Paul."HowGildedAgesEnd."TheAmericanProspect.N.p.,n.d.Web.15Dec.2016.Winters,JeffreyA.Oligarchy.Cambridge:CambridgeUPress,2011.Print.4FederalistPapers,No.455Rick,Santelli.TradersRevolt.ChicagoMercantileExchange,Chicago.Speech.Feb.2009.6Clawson,Laura."StephenBannon'sideaof'civicsociety'isnotokay."DailyKos.N.p.,n.d.Web.15Dec.2016.

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Thus,modernpopulistshaveembracedanangryandfrustratedpoliticalstyle.To

them,theirrageisnotonlywarranted,butnecessary.Inatellingmomentinoneof

theRepublicanprimarydebates,DonaldTrumpproclaimedthathewould“gladly

acceptthemantleofanger”,receivingathunderousapplause.InanIowatown

meeting,BernieSanderstoldtheaudiencethathewasjustoneofmillionsof

Americanwhowereangry.Whileanxiety,fear,andangercanhelpbreedreformit

canalsogiverisetodemagoguery.Somereformershaveadoptedahatefuland

“paranoid”style,scapegoatinggroupsandmarginalizingdissenters.7Thatthe

UnitedStatesmayhaveelectedademagogueisapossibilitythatmustbeaddressed,

andonethatthisresearchprojectwillhelpprepareustoanalyzethrough

explorationofthemostprominent“populistmoment”inthenation’shistory.

Whenconsideringtheforce,style,andinterestsofmodernpopulism,itisnatural

lookatthehistoricalbackgroundthathashelpedfueledtheirrise.Severalhistorical

trendsacrosseconomic,social,andethnicciviclifehavehelpedlaythegroundwork

fortoday’ssurgeinpopularactivismanddemagogy.Givensuchchanges,scholarsof

allstripeshaveexplicitlyarguedthatwearelivingamidsta“second”GildedAge,

onedefinedbythesameelementsasits19thcenturycounterpart.ThefirstGilded

Age,theperiodspanningfromtheCivilWar’sculminationtotheturnofthe20th

century,representedatransformativeerainthisnation’shistory.Shakenatitscore,

theUnitedStatessawtheriseoflaborunrest,robberbarons,racialunease,

economicanxieties,andpoliticalturmoil—achangingAmericanidentity.

7Hofstadter,Richard."TheParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics."Harper'sMagazineNov.1964:n.pag.Print.

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Fromthe1980’stopresenttimes,theUnitedStates,hasundergoneaneconomic,

racial,andsocialrevolutioninGilded-Agefashion.Throughouthisbook,theAgeof

Acquiescence,laborhistorianStevenFraserconsistentlycomparestheGildedAgeto

moderntimes.Liketodayhewrites,“theGildedAgewasalsoatimeofprofound

socialuneaseandchronicconfrontations…citizenswereworriedabouthowthe

nationseemedtobevergingoncataclysmicdivisionsofwealthandpower.”8To

someextent,writesFraser,“ithasbeennaturaltoassumethatthesetwogilded

ages…wereessentiallythesame.”9

ThattheGildedAgeisa“TaleofToday”isapparent.10

Incomeequalityhassoaredtorecordrates.Since1975,theshareofincomefor

thetop1%hasincreasedalmostthree-fold,reachingitshighestpointinthepost-

warera,aratesurpassedonlyduringtheGildedAge.Inhis2013classicCapitalin

theTwenty-FirstCentury,ThomasPikettyemphasizesthepoliticaldangersof

heightenedincomeinequality,“potentiallythreateningtodemocraticsocietiesand

tothevaluesofsocialjusticeonwhichtheyarebased.”11

Whileeconomicinnovation,boththenandtoday,hasdrasticallyimprovedthe

livelihoodofmillionsofAmericans,ithasshatteredbasiceconomicsecurityand

stabilityformillionsothers.JosephSchumpeter’sanalysisof“creative

8Fraser,SteveTheAgeofAcquiescence:TheLifeandDeathofAmericanResistancetoOrganizedWealthandPower.NewYork:Little,BrownandCompany,2015.Print.99Ibid,810ThephraseifborrowedfromMarkTwain’s1873classicTheGildedAge:ATaleofToday11Piketty,Thomas,andArthurGoldhammer.Capitalinthetwenty-firstcentury.CambridgeMassachusetts:TheBelknapPressofHarvardUPress,2014.Print.

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destruction”—that"processofindustrialmutationthatincessantlyrevolutionizes

theeconomicstructurefromwithin,incessantlydestroyingtheoldone,incessantly

creatinganewone"--couldhardlybemorerelevantwhendiscussingtoday’s

powerfuleconomicforces.12

DecadesofimmigrationhavetransformedUnitedStatesethnicidentity.The

shareoftheU.S.populationthatisforeign-bornisnow13%,afigureonlymatched

duringtheGildedAge.13Tomanythenandnow,theincreasingdiversityhasbeena

tributetovibrancyoftheAmericanmeltingpot;toothershowever,ithasbeen

proofthatAmericahadbecomea“dumpingground”.

Thesocialdisparitiesamongourowntimesarevividlyapparent.Aviewfromthe

ThroggsNeckBridgeinNewYorkrevealsaManhattanskylineofprotruding

residentialtowerswithapartmentsworthhundredsofmillionsofdollars—what

TheNewYorkTimescalled“Gotham’sficklefingerofrealestatewealthsignaling

thenextGildedAge.”14MileseastinSuffolkCountyhowever,lierowsofforeclosed

housesindepressedcommunitiesstrugglingwithheroinaddictions.

Thecomparisonbetweenthelate19thcenturyGildedAgeandourowntimesisa

fascinatingone,andonethatsurelydeservescloserattention.Tohelpinformour

understandingofthemodernpoliticalenvironmentandthecurrentsurgeof

populism,itisimportanttoundertakeapoliticalanalysisofpopularmovements

12Schumpeter,JosephA.Capitalism,socialismanddemocracy.London:Routledge,2010.Print.82-83.13Gibson,Campbell,andKayJung.HistoricalCensusStatisticsontheForeign-BornPopulation:1850-2000.Rep.Washington,D.C.:CencusBureua,2006.Print.14Clines,Francis."What'sHappeningtoNewYork'sSkyline"nytimes.com.TheNewYorkTImes.December92016<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/02/opinion/whats-happening-to-the-skyline.html?_r=0>.

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duringtheGildedAge.Likemoderntimes,thechaoticGildedAgelandscapegave

risetoadiversearrayofenergeticpopularmovements,manyofwhichchampioned

thecommonman’swillagainstthedauntinginequitiesandracialanxietiesofthe

late19thcentury.

Mostprominently,itpromptedthebirthofthe“Populists”,agroupofagrarian

activistsdedicatedtoreformingGildedAgeinequalitiesandexcesses.Often,this

Populistimpulsewaschanneledtowardaddressinglegitimatepoliticaland

economicissuesofpublicconcernandbridgingcivicdivides.Othertimeshowever,

itwasdirectedtowardmobilizingmassesofcitizensthroughdemagogicincitement

andnativism--exacerbatingfearsratherthantrulyansweringthem.

Specifically,thelastportionofthe19thcenturyprovidesavaluablewindowinto

understandingGildedAgePopulism.Thedecade,a“PopulistEra”,waspackedwith

onedramaticmomentafteranother,highlightingtheanxietyanduneaseofthe

period.ThePanicof1893ledtoseriouseconomicdisarray:stockpricesdropped,

banksclosedandunemploymentsoared.Agriculturalcommoditymarketscollapsed,

intensifyingagrariandiscontent.Laborunrestgrewandreachedatippingpoint

duringthe1894PullmanStrike.WorkersfromtheAmericanRailwayUnionfaced

offagainstmilitarypersonnelsentbyPresidentClevelandtoendtheboycott,

leavingcloseto30dead.SegregationreachedanAmerican-lowduringthe“nadir”of

Americanracerelations,highlightedbytheSupremeCourt’saffirmationofthe

“separate-but-equal”doctrineinPlessyv.Ferguson(1896).Politicalconflictand

divisioncametoaclimaxintheElectionof1896.ItpittedWilliamJenningsBryan,

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thelegendaryopponentofthegoldstandard,againstWilliamMcKinley,astaunch

defenderof“soundmoney”.

Fromapoliticalsciencestandpoint,ananalysisofthePopulistmovement

throughoutthelastdecadeoftheGildedAgeisaneffectivewaytohelpunderstand

thelonghistoryandtraditionofAmericanpopulism.Stronglyconcernedwith

agrarianissuesandrepublicangovernance,therhetoricoftheGildedAgePopulists

soundedstronglyreminiscentofJefferson’schampioningofan“agrarian

democracy”andthe“yeomanfarmer”.Enemiesofmoneyedinterests,theagrarian

activistsalsofollowedtheexampleofAndrewJackson.

Fromanhistoricalstandpoint,astudyoflateGildedAgePopulismisan

instructivemethodtounderstandtheperiod.Alookthroughthelensofitsmost

ardentcritics,thosewhoanxiouslysoughttoreformitsdefiningfeatures,canshed

lightonGildedAgenotionsofcitizenshipanddemocracy.Muchliketoday’s“Gilded

Age”,itsdefiningelementsaretraditionallyunderstoodascivicillnessestobe

eliminated,ratherthanbenefitstobepreserved.Indeed,theGildedAgeissooften

rememberednotforwhatitrepresented,butwhatforitfailedtorepresent—justice,

equality,andopportunity.

Methodology

Giventhecomplexinteractionbetweeneconomics,politics,andcivichistory,the

researchprojectdemandsinquiriesintoanarrayofdisciplines,whichwillhelpshed

lightontherichandcomplexhistoryofpopularmovementsthroughoutUnited

Stateshistory.

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Specifically,itwillanalyzeagrarianreformmovementsfrom1891-1904,thetime

periodthatcouldwhatmightaccuratelybecalled“ThePopulistEra”.15Likeany

timeboundary,theoneemployedbythisprojectistosomeextentarbitrary.Indeed,

populardiscontentfaredstrongthroughoutthe1880sandwellintothe20th

century.However,theselectionofyearsismeanttoanalyzeaperiodofheightened

populismwithinthehistoricalperiodknownasthe“GildedAge”.1892markedthe

formationofthePeople’sParty,oneofthemostsuccessfulthird-partymovements

inUnitedStateshistory.TheelectionofTheodoreRooseveltin1904ontheother

hand,signaledthebeginningoftheProgressiveEra,anotherperiodofdrastic

reform.IncontrasttothePopulists,Progressivesmainlydrewsupportfromthe

urbanmiddleclass,notdispossessedagrarians.

By“Populist”,theprojectreferstoawidearrayofanti-elitistsentiment

throughoutthedecade.Thus,theprojectwillandemploypromoteRichard

Hofstadter’sdefinitionof“Populism”asan“impulse”thatpervadedthroughoutthe

“PopulistEra”.Studyingitasan“impulse”allowsthepoliticalhistorianto

understandseveralfacetsofPopulism.LimitingananalysistothePeople’sParty

wouldexcludesignificantsourcesofreformsentimentlikeWilliamJenningsBryan’s

legendary1896campaign.Afterall,onewouldn’texaminetheProgressiveEraby

simplystudyingthe“Bull-MooseParty”oranalyzemodernpopulismsolelythrough

thelensoftheReformParty.

Severaltypesandsourcesofevidenceareavailabletohelpunderstandthe

presenceofparanoiaandanti-pluralismamidstGildedAgePopulism.Primary

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sourceslikepartyplatforms,politicalspeeches,manifestos,andpersonalpaperscan

directlyshedlightonthepostures,attitudes,anddemographicmakeupofGilded

AgePopulism.Thisprojectwillemploydifferentmaterialswhenansweringthe

“who”and“what”ofPopulism.

WhenansweringwhatwasPopulism,itwillstudythepersonalpapersand

materialsofprominentPopulistleaderslikeTomWatson,WilliamJenningsBryan,

MarionButler,andIgnatiusDonnelly.Ananalysisofofficialpartymaterialslikethe

OmahaPlatformandthe1896DemocraticNationalPlatformwillbehelpfulaswell.

Novels,likeCoin’sFinancialSchoolorCaeser’sColumn,alsoshedlightonparanoid

attitudesthroughoutthePopulistimpulse.

Thisprojectwillalsolookatreform-mindednewspapersacrosstheUnitedStates,

thousandsofwhichsproutedduringtheGildedAge.Withrespecttothisproject,the

newspapersareanimportantsourceofprimaryresearchforseveralreasons.For

one,theyeffectivelyshedlightongrass-rootsattitudesatthetime.Their

provocativelanguageandincendiarypositions,havingoftenembracedanangryand

paranoidstyle,exemplifiedPopulistfrustrationatthetime.Tomany,theycould

blunttheinfluenceofmetropolitannewspapersthathadbeenfinanciallysupported

bydominantbusinessinterestsandrobberbarons.ManyPopulistsdisdainedthe

establishedmedia,andwerewillingtofightfirewithfirethroughtheirownnews

outlets.

Thus,itwillanalyzeSouthernpublicationsliketheLouisianaPopulist

(Natchitoches,Louisiana),theProgressiveFarmer(Winston,NorthCarolina)andthe

People’sPartyPaper(Atlanta,Georgia).IntheMidwest,itwillstudytheAmerican

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Non-Conformist(Indianapolis,Indiana),TopekaAdvocate(Topeka,Kansas),andthe

WillmarTribune(Willmar,Minnesota).Doingsocanhelpanswerboththe“who”

and“what”ofPopulism.

TheprojectwillalsoanalyzeempiricalstudiesconcerningthePopulists,which

willprimarilyhelpanswerthe“who”ofPopulism.Doingsohelpsbetteranalyzethe

rootsofthePopulistsurge.

Literature

Overthepastcentury,thePopulistshavereceivedmuchattentionfromscholars

andthinkers.ArichandcomplexhistoricaldebateconcerningGildedAgePopulism

hasthrivedsincetheearly20thcentury.Tosome,theywereforward-looking

reformerswhosoughttoaddresslegitimateeconomicissueswithoutrespectto

race.Toothers,theywerebackward-looking,reactionary,andxenophobicbigots.

Thisdebatehasbeenfrustrating,tosaytheleast.Questionsofdefinitionsand

critiquesregardingselectiveevidencearewidespread.ScholarshavedefinedGilded

Age“Populism”indifferentways.Someemployanexpansivedefinition,referringto

areform-minded“impulse“ofthe1890sandearly1900sthatpervadedthroughout

allpoliticalpartiesandfacetsofciviclife.Otherscholarshaveexclusivelyreferredto

thePeople’sParty,whichexistedfrom1892andremainedstronguntiltheelection

of1896.Thus,scholarshaveprovidedconflictinganswerstothe“who”and“what”

ofPopulism.

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In1931,JohnD.HickspresentedthefirstcomprehensiveaccountofthePopulists

inThePopulistRevolt.16HisworkarguedthatthePopulistswerepragmatic

reformerswhosoughttorelievefarmersofseriouseconomicdistressthrough

unprecedentedpolicyproposals.ThePopulistRevoltwasthefirstpiecetotakea

clearstandinfavorofthePopulists.

In1938,C.VannWoodward,inhislandmarkwork,TomWatson:AgrarianRebel,

presentedapictureofthePopulistsconsistentwiththeHicksmodel.17However,

Woodward’sworkwentonestepfurtherthanHicks’.NotonlydidthePopulists

addresslegitimateeconomicconcerns,Woodwardargued,buttheywere

revolutionaryintheirappealstoblackcitizensandtheirattemptstobridgeracial

divides.Thus,accordingtoWoodward,theydidn’tcaterto,butmitigatedpopular

paranoidtendencies.

In1955,RichardHofstadter’sPulitzerPrizewinningAgeofReformlaunchedthe

firstrevisionistcritiqueofthePopulistsand“setthetermsofthedebateoverthe

natureofPopulismforatleastadecade”.18Backwardlooking,paranoid,and

advocatesofanagrariandystopia,thePopulistswerenothingshortofdivisive

demagogues,arguedHofstadter,a“consensushistorian”.19Itisnocoincidencehe

16Hicks,JohnDonald.ThePopulistRevolt;AHistoryoftheFarmers'AllianceandthePeople'sParty.Lincoln:UofNebraskaPress,1961.Print.17Woodward,C.Vann.TomWatson:agrarianrebel.NewYork:OxfordUPress,1963.Print.18Miller,WorthRobert."ACentennialHistoriographyofAmericanPopulism."KansasHistory:AJournaloftheCentralPlains16.1(1993):54-69.MissouriStateHistoryDepartment.Web.<http://courses.missouristate.edu/bobmiller/Populism/Texts/historiography.htm>.19ThetermreferstoaschoolofAmericanhistoriography,prominentinthepost-warera,thatstressedtheunityofAmericanvaluesanddownplayedtheimportanceofclass-conflict.Inhis1948workAmericanPoliticalTradition,Hofstadterprovidesadefenseof“consensushistory”:“Thefiercenessofthepoliticalstruggleshasoftenbeenmisleading::fortherangeofvisionembracedbytheprimarycontestantsinthemajorpartieshasalwaysbeenboundedbythehorizonsofpropertyandenterprise.”

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argues,thatthesameimpulsethatcalledforincreasedeconomicreformsalsocalled

forincreasedsegregationandxenophobiclaws.20Hofstadter’sworksparked

tremendouscontroversyandargumentfromtheget-go.

InthedecadesfollowingAgeofReform’spublication,scholarssoughttodiscredit

the“Hofstadterthesis”,anddidsowithrelativesuccess.Mostcommonly,critics

havechargedthatHofstadter,writingintheMcCarthyEra,failedtolookbeyondhis

contemporarycircumstances,usedlittleempiricaldata,andignoredkeypiecesof

primaryresearchlikePopulistnewspapers.Histractreadsmorelikeathink-piece

inpoliticaltheorythanarigoroushistoricalanalysisofthePopulistera.

ScholarshavealsotakenissuewithHofstadter’scharacterizationofthePopulists

as“backwardlooking.”NormanPollack,inhis1976classicThePopulistResponse,

arguedthatthePopulistswereprimarilyclass-orientedandsimplyoffereda

moderncritiqueofindustrializing19thcenturyAmerica.21Inhis2007workThe

PopulistVision,CharlesPostelargues,contraHofstadter,thatthePopulistswere

forward-lookingreformersthatembracedprogressasameanstoalleviateagrarian

concerns.AsPostelstresseshowever,“moderndoesnotmeangood”:Populist

notionsofprogressoftenincludedproposalsgroundedinracism.22

OthershavedefendedthePopulistsagainstHofstadter’schargesofxenophobia

ofracism.Mostprominently,LawrenceGoodwyn’s1976workinTheDemocratic

Promise,arguedthatthePopulist“promise”wasabiracialefforttoalleviatethe

economicdistressoffarmers.Ultimatelyimpededbyobstructionistswithinthe20Hofstadter,Richard.TheAgeofReform:fromBryantoF.D.R.NewYork:Vintage,1955.Print.21Pollack,Norman.ThePopulistResponsetoIndustrialAmerica.Cambridge:HarvardUPress,1962.Print.22Postel,Charles.PopulistVision.N.p.:OxfordUPress,2007.Print.9

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RepublicanandDemocraticparties,the“promise”tobridgetheracialdivide

throughclassadvocacywasleftunfulfilledbecauseofpoliticalchallenges.23

AcentralfaultstandsoutinGoodwyn’swork,however.Criticshavechargedthat

GoodwyngroundshisframeworkwithanaprioridefinitionofPopulism.Those19th

centurypopularleadersthatdidespouseracismornativismaresimplyexcluded

fromtheGoodwyndefinition.Thus,criticscharge,Goodwyn,toooftenasked

theoretically,“whatwasPopulism?”,ratherthanempirically,“whowerethe

Populists?”.

StevenHahn’s1979RootsofSouthernPopulismisdedicatedtoexploringthe

latterquestion.Hahn’swork,thoughconfinedtoGeorgiapolitics,arguesthat

Populistsupportprimarilystemmedfromwhiteisolatedfarmers.Whilededicated

toaddressinglegitimateeconomicissues,thePopulists,Hahnargues,hadfailedto

formbi-racialpolity.24ScholarslikeStanleyB.ParsonsandSheldonHackneyhave

alsoproposedtheirownanswerstothisquestionofthePopulist“who”,

emphasizingthegeographicallyisolatednatureofthePopulists.25

Goals

Thisprojectwillpartiallyattempttorehabilitateelementsofthe“Hofstadter

thesis”,andwillhighlighttheparanoidtendenciesofthePopulists,usingsourcesof

23Goodwyn,Lawrence.Democraticpromise:thePopulistmomentinAmerica.NewYork:OxfordUPress,1976.Print.24Hahn,Steven.Therootsofsouthernpopulism:yeomanfarmersandthetransformationoftheGeorgiaUpcountry,1850-1890.NewYork:OxfordUPress,1983.Print.25Parsons,StanleyB.ThePopulistContext;RuralVersusUrbanPoweronaGreatPlainsfrontier.Westport,CT:GreenwoodPress,1973.Print.Hackney,Sheldon.PopulismtoProgressivisminAlabama.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUPress,1969.Print.

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evidencenotexplicitlyemployedbyHofstadter,likenewspapers.Perhapsthe

biggeststrengthofthe“Hofstadterthesis”isitsmultifacetedapproachtoward

understandingPopulism.Ratherthanpointingtoanysinglefactorthatgaveriseto

PopulismduringtheGildedAge,theapproachlookstoanarrayofeconomic,

cultural,andpoliticalrootsthatfueleditssurge.However,itwillemphasizeboththe

“forward-looking”and“backward-looking”tendenciesofthePopulists.

Indoingso,theprojectintendstopromoteamorenuancedunderstandingofthe

GildedAgeandtheera’sprimarysourceofpopulardiscontent.Reformmovements

arefrequentlynotgivenproperblameforinstigatingparanoiaandhatred.Too

often,Hofstadteraccuratelynotes,“weexaggeratethemeasureofagreementthat

existsbetweenmovementsofpopularreformandtheconsideredprinciplesof

politicalliberalism.”26

PartIwillanalyzethehistoricalrootsofPopulistanxieties.Specifically,itwill

establishanintellectualframeworkforunderstandingPopulistagrarian

frustrations,ruralorigins,andrepublicanunderpinningsthroughthelensof

Jeffersonianthought.

PartIIwillanalyzethesocialrootsofPopulistanxieties.Itwillstudythe

economic,political,andculturaloriginsofPopulistfeelingsofdispossession.

PartIIIwillstudytheirparanoidrhetoricandposturesacrossanarrayofcivic

concerns,whichwillshedlightonthesocialandhistoricalrootsoftheiranxious

tendencies.Itwilldemonstratethatsuchattitudeswerenotjustpresent,but

26Hofstadter,AgeofReform.19

20

widespreadacrossagrarianreformofthe1890s—theywerecentraltothePopulist

conscience.

21

PartI:JeffersonianRoots

Populistrhetoricacrossnewspapers,personalpapers,andotherpublications

featureanextraordinarilystrongaffinitytothelifeandthinkingofThomas

Jefferson.ThroughoutPopulistwritings,Jefferson,“thechiefApostleofthecommon

people”,ispresentedasthebenchmarkfromwhichtojudgepropergovernanceand

statesmanship.27Insimilarfashion,“Jeffersonianism”ishailedasthestandardfrom

whichtojudgeprudentpoliticalthinking.ThefatalerroroftheGildedAge,many

believed,hadbeenin“departingfromthedoctrinesofJeffersoniandemocracy”.28

BecausePopulistwritingsconflatethemanhimselfwiththeideology,analyzing

theirconceptionsofeachindividuallyhelpsshedlightontheirconceptionofone

another.

UnderstandingthePopulistattraction—indeed,theirobsession--withJefferson

andJeffersonianismisimportantforseveralreasons.First,ithelpsrevealimportant

facetsofPopulistidentityandconscience,the“who”and“what”ofPopulism.

IfunderstoodwithintheJeffersoniantradition,thePopulistscouldbothbeseenas

liberalandconservative.Forward-lookingreformers,they,liketheauthorofthe

Declaration,harboredanaturalfrustrationwiththestatusquo.Backward-looking

reactionaries,theydesperatelysoughttopreserveadyingJeffersonianlifestyle

amidstrapidurbanizationandtechnologicalchange—theywantedtomakeagrarian

Americagreatagain.

27“TheApostleofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.28Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.

22

WhilePopulistwritingspersistentlypraiseourthirdPresident,acloseranalysis

oftheirthinkingandpolicyproposalsrevealsthattheJeffersonian-Populist

relationshipwasawkwardfromtheget-go.Thus,studyingthisrelationshipcanalso

shedlightontheintricaciesofJeffersonianthought.Indeed,therehaslongbeentalk

ofavibrantandrich“Jeffersoniantradition”inAmerica.Exactlywhatthattradition

standsforandsymbolizeshaslongbeendebatedinAmericanhistoriographyand

politicalscience.

This“Jeffersoniantradition”hasinspiredanarrayofpopularmovementsacross

Americanhistory,somethathaveadvocatedcivicinclusion,andothersthathave

embracedhateanddivision.Inhislegendary1963“IHaveaDream”speech,Martin

LutherKingJr.beganbypointingtoJefferson’sproclamationthat“Weholdthese

truthstobeselfevident:thatallmenarecreatedequal.”29Thatsameyear,inhis

notorious“segregationforever”address,AlabamaGovernorGeorgeWallace

remindedhisaudiencethatJefferson,“asoutherner”,oncedeclaredthat“noKing

holdstherightoflibertyinhishands.”30

Today,conservativesclaimtheJeffersonianmantleforitstrustinlimited

governmentwhilemodernprogressivespointtohisegalitariantendencies.Atthe

1992Republicanconvention,RonaldReagandeclaredthatitwasonlyhe,not

WilliamJeffersonClinton,thatwastrue“friends”withthethirdPresident.31Thus,

locatingthePopulistswholly,partially,orbarelywithintheJeffersoniantradition

29King,MartinLuther,Jr.""IHaveaDreamSpeech"."LincolnMemorial,WashingtonD.C.28Aug.1963.30Wallace,George."GeorgeWallace's1963InauguralAddress."AlabamaStateCapitol,Montgomery.14Jan.1963.Speech.31Reagan,Ronald."SpeechoftheFormerPresidentatthe1992RepublicanConvention."1992RepublicanConvention.Astrodome,Houston.Aug.1992.AmericanHistory.Web.

23

canhelpbetteridentifyandunderstandthistoo-oftenamorphousstreamofpolitical

thoughtinAmerica.

AllPoliticsisPersonal:TheAppealofThomasJefferson

Inmanyways,theaffinityofagrarianactiviststothebiographyofJeffersonwasa

naturalone.Jefferson,astatesman,architect,andthinker,wasfirstandforemost,a

farmer.Ofcourse,theimageoftheJeffersonianfarmerisonethatcouldappealto

reformmovementsingeneral,notjusttheGildedAgeagrarianactivists.Forone,the

farmerhasoftenrepresentedthediligentandhard-working“small-man”ofthe

highestintegritythatstandsincontrasttopompousoligarchs.Heepitomizesthe

superiorandholyagrarianlifestylethatfacilitatesspiritualandcivicgrowth.Horace

Greeley,forexamplewrotethat,professionally,hewouldrecommendfarmingtohis

children,because“itisthatvocationwhichconducesmostdirectlytoareverencefor

HonestyandTruth.”32

Agriculturallifeservedacentralcivic,cultural,andeconomicpurposein

Jefferson’sworldview,arealitythatcouldappealtothedowntroddenfarmersofthe

GildedAge.ToJefferson,itwasthelifestylemostconducivetocultivatingrepublican

citizenship.A1785lettertoJohnJaywrittenbyJeffersondeclares:“Cultivatorsof

theeartharemostvaluablecitizens.Theyarethemostvigorous,themost

independent,themostvirtuous,andtheyaretiedtotheircountry”.33Theyarethe

32"TheYoeman."TheYoeman.N.p.,n.d.Web.30Jan.2017.<http://xroads.virginia.edu/~HYPER/HNS/Yoeman/yman3.html>.33Jefferson,Thomas.LettertoJohnJay.23Aug.1785.Paris:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.TheAvalonProject.YaleLawSchool.Web.

24

“chosenpeopleofGod.”34Thus,Jeffersonoftenlookedtothe“yeomanfarmerfor

inspirationforthenewAmericanproject”.35An1895Advocatearticlequotes

Jeffersonassayingthatthe“smalllandholdersarethemostpreciouspartofthe

state.”36

LikeSouthernPopulistssuchasTomWatsonorJamesVardaman,Jeffersonwasa

manoftheSouth.HethuscouldbeseenasaWashingtonoutsiderandafoeofthe

YankeeNorth,arealitythatcouldhavestronglyappealedtothePopulists.Tomid-

WesternreformerslikeWilliamJenningsBryan,Jeffersonmayhavebeenviewedas

somethingofageographicprogenitor.Afterall,hisinitiationoftheLewisandClark

expeditionsandpurchaseoftheLouisianaterritorygavebirthtothe“Mid-West”and

muchoftheAmericanWestinthefirstplace.

Theyeomanfarmersofthe1890sthusreservedaffectionforJefferson.Tothem,

Jeffersonepitomizedagrarianheroisminthefaceofadversity,areformeramidst

high-mindedoligarchs.APeople’sPartyPaperarticlepraiseshiscareerinthe

VirginiaLegislaturefor“ousting”the“highborncreatures”oftheVirginia

aristocracywhichwas“amonumenttohisworth,loftierthansculptorcouldraise,

andmoreenduringthanmarbleorbrass.”37Notjustanactivist,Jeffersonwasalso

thewisestofthinkerstoPopulists.An1893People’sPartyaddresswritesthat

34Jefferson,Thomas,andWilliamHarwood.Peden.NotesontheStateofVirginia.Ed.withanintroductionandnotesbyWilliamPeden.ChapelHill:UofNorthCarolinaPressfortheInstituteofEarlyAmericanHistoryandCulture,1955.Print.35Krause,PaulJoseph."ClaimingThomasJefferson:TheJeffersonianandHamiltonianGenesisofAmericanProgressivism-ArmstrongUndergraduateJournalofHistory."ClaimingThomasJefferson:TheJeffersonianandHamiltonianGenesisofAmericanProgressivism-ArmstrongUndergraduateJournalofHistory.N.p.,n.d.Web.1Feb.2017.36"OnJefferson'sBirthday."TheAdvocate[Topeka]27Nov.1895:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspaper.LibraryofCongress.Web.37“TheApostleofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.

25

Jefferson’swords“werepricelessgemsofAmericanwisdom.”38Inthisrespectof

course,thePopulistadmirationofJeffersonishardlyunique—hiscanonicalpolitical

writingshavelongbeenheldsacredintheAmericanconstitutionalconscience.

AJeffersonskepticcouldpointouthowever,thatthisso-called“people’s

champion”wasanextraordinarilyaffluentmemberofthearistocraticclass

himself.39APopulistcouldwellrespondthatJeffersonwasassimplya“traitortohis

ownclass”.40“Thoughanaristocratbybirth,andamanofwealth”writesaPeople’s

PartyPaperarticle,“specialPrivilegearousedhis(Jefferson’s)inveteratehatred”

and“classdistinctionswerehisabomination.”41Inhindsight,amoderndefenderof

Jeffersoncouldaccuratelynotethatthegreatestreformersand“privilege-busters”

inAmericanhistory—AndrewJackson,TeddyRoosevelt,andFranklinRoosevelt—

weremultimillionairesthemselves,withthelattertwoborntowealth.Afterall,“to

beatyourenemy,youmustknowthem”.42

Attimes,thePopulistattractiontothebiographyandthinkingofourthird

presidentbecameobsessive.Whenapproachedwithpolicyquandaries,activists

oftenlookedtowardsthepersonalopinionsofJefferson,askingwhathewoulddo“if

hewerealivetoday”.43Tosome,Jeffersonharborednear-propheticpowers.“Were

38"People'sPartyAddress."Indianapolis.Nov.1903.Address.39NotasrichasTrumpappearstobe,Jeffersonwasworth$212millioninmoderndollars—stillahealthysum.Sauter,MichaelB.,andThomasC.Frohlich."TheNetWorthofAmericanPresidents:WashingtontoTrump."247wallst.com.N.p.,10Nov.2016.Web.02Feb.2017.40ThephraseisborrowedfromthetitleofH.W.Brand’sPulitzer-prizewinningbiographyofFranklinRoosevelt:“TraitortoHisClass:ThePrivilegedLifeandRadicalPresidencyofFranlinDelanoRoosevelt”41“TheApostleofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print42Whileitsoriginationisunknown,thisquoteissometimesattributedtoavariationofSunTzu’sdeclarationintheArtofWarthat“ifyouknowyourenemiesandknowyourself,youwillnotbeimperiledinahundredbattles…”43"IfJeffersonWereAliveToday?"LouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]16Nov.1894:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.

26

Jefferson’searlywarningsconcerningthebankers,aristocrats,andoligarchswell

founded,”asksaPeople’sPartyPaperarticle?44Theywerenotjusttrue,answers

thenewspaper,but“appallinglytrue.”45Infact,“hepredictedthatthespecialfavors

grantedbythegovernmenttotheNationalBankerswouldresultincreatingan

aristocracyofCapital.”46

TheyalsoreserveacclaimforJefferson’sideologicalsuccessor,AndrewJackson.

“OldHickory”,likeThomasJefferson,deservedthehighestofacclaimfortackling

civicinequitiesanddefendingtheyeomanfarmeragainstcorruptedfinancial

interests.Bornintoapooragrarianfamilyandlaterthewealthyownerofthe1,000

acre“Hermitage”farm,Jacksonhaslongbeenremembered,bothtodayandbythe

Populists,astheperennial“people’spresident”andforefatherofJacksonian

Democracy.

TheideologicallineagebetweenJeffersonandJacksonwaswellappreciatedby

certainPopulists.InaletterfromWilliamJenningsBryantothechairmanofthe

NebraskaJacksonclub,theNebraskastatesmanwritesthat“thenameofJefferson

shouldbelinkedwiththatofJacksonforthelattercourageouslyappliedtothe

conditionsexistingathistimetheprinciplestaughtbytheformer.”47Anarrayof

Populistpublicationscalledforthereturnto“JeffersonianandJacksonian

principles”,implyingthatthetwoweresynonymouswithoneanother.48

44“EvilsForetold”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.45Ibid.46Ibid.47Bryan,WilliamJ.LettertoI.JDunn.4Jan.1895.MS.Omaha,Nebraska.48Butler,Marion."ToTheMembersofthePeople'sPartyAndToAllVotersWhoAreOpposedToTheSingleGoldStandard."Letter.Jan.1896.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Print.

27

HamiltonianHatred

ThePopulistsreservedaspecialdisdainforAlexanderHamiltonandhislegacy,a

realityemphasizedbyseveralPopulistnewspaperwritings.Byviciouslydenigrating

Hamilton’slegacy,thewritingselevateJeffersononaholypedestal,contrastinga

nefariousfinancialoligarchwithanaltruisticagrariandemocrat.Liketheir

memoriesofJefferson,theymadelittleefforttodistinguishbetweenHamiltonthe

manandHamiltonianismthepoliticalprogram,conflatingthetwo.TothePopulists,

Hamiltonepitomizedfinancialgreed,privileges,andtheindustrialusurpationof

democracy.WhereasJeffersonhadmadehislivingtoilingtherichfarmlandof

Monticello(andmakinghisslavestoiltheland),Hamiltonearnedhisfortuneina

lawofficeworkingforadamnedbanktuckedawayinthecrampedstreetsofNew

York’sfinancialdistrict.

Studyingthishatredissignificantforseveralreasons.First,ithelpsonebetter

understandtheAmericanhistoricalrootsofPopulistparanoia.Tomany,Hamilton

wasguiltyofpoliticalandfinancialconspiracy,justliketheBritishandKingGeorge

hadbeenyearsbeforehim.Hispoliticalmotiveswerenefariousandhispublic

policyproposalsreekedofcorruption.APeople’sPartyPaperarticlereflectsthis

cynicalattitudetowardHamilton.“WhenJeffersonenterednationalpolitics”,writes

thearticle“hefoundHamiltondevelopinghisschemesandcarefullylayinghis

plans”.49Hisplantofundpost-Revolutionstatedebtsforexample,wasnothingbuta

49“FederalismAgainstDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.

28

“plottogetthemoneyandthewealthofthecountryintothehandsofafavored

few.”50

InhisPulitzerPrizewinningworkTheIdeologicalOriginsoftheAmerican

Revolution,BernardBailynemphasizestheimportanceofparanoiatothe

Revolutionaryrepublicanspirit.AsBailynpointsoutthroughouthisbook,thereis

somethingwhollyAmericanaboutconspiracymongering.Tothecolonists,“they

werefacedwithconspiratorsagainstliberty”whohada“settled,fixedplanfor

enslavingthecolonies”51.Perhapsthemostparanoidofthisfoundinggeneration

hadbeennoneotherthanthefounderofAmericanpopulism,ThomasJefferson.As

earlyas1774,hedeclaredinapamphletthat

“thoughsingleactsoftyrannymaybeascribedtotheaccidentalopinionofa

day…aseriesofoppressions,begunatadistinguishedperiodandpursued

unalterablythrougheverychangeofministers,tooplainlyproveadeliberate

andsystematicalplanofreducingustoslavery.”52

Specifically,manycolonistspointedtoacentralized“’moniedinterest’createdby

“thecrown’sfinancialnecessitiesandthepowerofanewlyrisearrogant,and

irresponsiblecapitalistgroup,thatbattenedonwarsandstockmanipulation”.53Its

survivalhaddependedonunjusttaxcollectionandpoliticaloppression.Tothe

Populists,Hamiltonwassimplyaprogenitorthiscorruptedfinancialclass.A

People’sPartyPaperarticlewritesthatHamiltonepitomized“thespiritofmonarchy,

50“Jefferson’sFears”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.51Bailyn,Bernard.TheIdeologicalOriginsoftheAmericanRevolution.Cambridge,MA:BelknapPress,1992.Print.95,11952Ibid.12053Ibid.119

29

ofaristocracy,(and)ofclassrule”andwas“theleaderoftheseenemiesof

Democraticprinciples”.54Later,thearticlebelittlestheHamiltoniantraditionas

nothingmorethananexcusetofacilitatecronycapitalismandthereturnof

aristocracy:

“Whereverspecialprivilegesareaskedforfavoredindustries,Hamilton’s

ReportonManufacturesisransackedforarguments.Wheneverlegislation

intendedforbuildingupofamoneyedaristocracyasapartnerinthe

Governmentisdesiredbycapitalists,Hamilton’spleafortheNationalBank

istrotted.WheneverthespeculatordemandstheturningofthePaper

Money,whichpaysnointerest,andwhichformthebasisofBanker’smoney,

Hamilton’sideasonfundingcomeintoplay”.55

Thus,manyclungtothelegacyofJeffersonianDemocracyinsteadofthelegacyof

theHamiltonianprogram.An1893articleexaltingAlexanderStephensandThomas

E.WatsonreflecttheirhatredforHamiltonianismandtheircorrespondingworship

ofJeffersonianism.ThearticlewritesthatStephens,theformerVicePresidentofthe

Confederacy,stood“forJeffersonianDemocracyandthemassesagainstHamiltonian

Democracyandtheclasses”.56Inasimilarstyle,thearticlenotes,ThomasWatson,

thefieryCongressmanfromGeorgia,wasanadvocate“forJeffersonianDemocracy

andlegislation…against…HamiltonianDemocracyandPlutocracytosuitthe

PlutocratsoftheEastandFraudocratsoftheSouth.”57AnotherPeople’sPartyPaper

flingsanimplicitswipeatHamilton’slegacy,writingthat“alltheearlyfathersof

54“EnemyofDemocracy”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.55People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.56“Alex.StephensandTomWatson”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.57Ibid.

30

democracyopposedinternalimprovements”.Accordingtothislogic,Hamilton,a

fierceproponentofinfrastructuredevelopment,couldnotaccuratelybecalleda

“fatherofdemocracy”.58

Second,thePopulistdisdainofHamiltonshedslightontheiranti-pluralist

tendenciesanddivisivepostures.AsHofstadternotes,“thePopulistsadhered…toa

kindofsocialdualism”andthusviewedGildedAgesocietythroughsimplistic

divisions.59Itwasabattleof“Thepeopleversustheinterests,thepublicversusthe

plutocrats,thetoilingmultitudeversusthemoneypower”,andofcourse,

JeffersonianismversusHamiltonianism.60Inhis1892campaignbookNotaRevolt;It

IsaRevolution,Watsondepictedtheeventsoftheyearasa“replayofthehistoric

confrontationbetweenHamiltonandJeffersonin1792overwhethercountrywasto

begovernedbya“moneyedaristocracysupportedbyspecialprivilege.”61Forall

intentsandpurposes,therehadonlybeentwoclasses—“trampsandmillionaires”,

oneofwhichwasrepresentedbyJefferson,andtheotherbyHamilton.62

TheirrejectionofHamiltonianidealsasnothingbutacronyconspiracyis

disturbingtomanymodernobserversofAmericanpoliticalthought,andrightfully

so.Inhindsight,Hamiltonianidealsareoftencreditedwithconceivinglandmark

economicandpoliticaldevelopmentsthathavesignificantlybetteredciviclife.

Severalexamplesreadilycometomind:theassumptionofstatedebtsfollowingthe

revolutionarywar,thebirthofMarshalljurisprudence,thedevelopmentofHenry

58Ibid.59Hofstadter,AgeofReform,6460Ibid.,6561Fraser,9762"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."

31

Clay’seconomicsystem,andinthe20thcentury,theconstructionoftheInterstate

HighwaySystem.Evenfromthestandpointofthe1890s,Populistleadersand

rhetoricostensiblyrejecteddecades’worthofHamiltonianthinkingthathelpedglue

togetheranationthroughitstumultuousfirstcentury.Afterall,Hamiltonauthored

anoverwhelmingmajorityoftheFederalistPapers,themostinfluentialthinkpieces

ofAmericanconstitutionalgovernance.63

What’smoredisturbingisthat,attimes,Populistthinkingseemedtoattacknot

justHamiltonianism,butthewiderschoolofearlyFederalistthoughtwithwhichhe

isassociated.Populistwritingscalleduponactiviststostandupagainst“Madison

andHamiltonNationalism”.64TheattackonMadison,“thefather”oftheU.S.

constitutionandaDemocratic-RepublicanlikeJefferson,isperhapsevenmore

disconcerting.ThemagnitudeofHamiltonianandFederalistcontributionstothe

earlyAmericanrepublicandmodernsocietyarewithoutdoubt.

JeffersonianRepublicanism

ThatmanyPopulistsdeeplyadmiredJeffersonandJacksonandhatedHamilton,

isclear.Thattheyalsounderstoodthemselveswithinthe“Jeffersonian”campis

apparentaswell.ThroughoutPopulistwritingsandmaterials,Jeffersonian

republicandoctrineispresentedasthetruedemocraticschoolofthought.The

People’sPartyPaper,forinstanceforinstance,hailsThomasE.Watsonasthe“true

advocateofJeffersonianprinciples.”65.Manyhadyearnedforthereturntothe“great

64“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.65“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.

32

fundamentalprinciplesofRepublicangovernmentassetforthintheDeclarationof

IndependenceandtheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates,andasadvocatedand

practicedbyJefferson.”66

Insimilarfashion,thePopulistsunderstoodthemselvesasprogenyofthe

Jacksoniantradition.PopulistwritingsdisplayastrongattachmenttoJacksonian

ideals.Slogansofnewspapersandpoliticalpostersforexample,wouldoften

trumpettheJacksoniancredo:“EqualRightsForAll,SpecialPrivilegesforNone”.67

RobertRemini,inaJacksonbiography,writesthatJacksonianDemocracyplayeda

significantroleininspiringthePopulistmovement.68GeneClantonwritesthat

“Populisminmanywaysrepresentedthelastsignificantexpressionofanoldradical

traditionthatderivedfromEnlightenedsources…thatborethedistinct

imprint…Jacksonian,andLincolniandemocracy.”.69

Forthepoliticaltheoristorhistorianhowever,itwouldbewrongtoplacethe

PopulistswithinthisstreamofAmericanpoliticalthoughtgiventheirprofessed

senseofself-identityalone.Callingthem“Jeffersonian”or“Jacksonian”saysjustas

muchabouttheambiguitiesofthedoctrinesasitdoesaboutthePopulists.Infact,

primefacie,manycomponentsofthepopulistimpulseostensiblyclashedwithmany

facetsofthe“Jeffersonian”and“Jacksonian”legacies.

66Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.67People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]n.pag.Print.“People'sPartyCandidatesforPresidentandVicePresident1892.”TheGilderLehrmanInstituteofAmericanHistory,Washington,D.C.,1892,www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/populism-and-agrarian-discontent/resources/people%E2%80%99s-party-campaign-poster-1892.68Remini,RobertV.ThelifeofAndrewJackson.NewYork:Harper&Row,1988.Print.69Clanton,O.Gene.Populism:thehumanepreferenceinAmerica,1890-1900.Boston:TwaynePublishers,1991.Print.xvi

33

Thus,onemustlooktowardsothermethodsoflocatingthePopulistswithinthe

Jeffersonianstreamofthought.Whendoingso,twoimportanthistoricalrealities

standclearandareworthassessing.Forone,Populistmethodologyembraced

ambitiousnationalproposalstotacklepressingcivicandeconomicdilemmas.

Ultimatelyhowever,PopulistidealsaimedtoperfectAmericanrepublicanismby

preservinganagrarianlifestyle.Thus,theywerewillingtocallfornewnational

programsandabroadinterpretationoftheconstitutiontoreformwhathadbecome

thelate19thcenturystatusquo.OnemightsaythatthePopulistscalledforthe

employmentofHamiltonian“means”topursueJeffersonian“ends”.However,the

questionstillpersistsastowhetheroneshouldprimarilyunderstandtheminterms

oftheirmethodsortheirgoals.

ThefirstandmostsimplisticmethodofassessingthePopulistlegacyisby

analyzingtheirpublicpolicyproposals.Ifsimplyjudgedbythecontentoftheir

policysuggestalone,itwouldbenaturaltoplacethePopulistswelloutsidethe

Jeffersonianschoolofthought.Instead,onecouldplacethemwithinthe

“Hamiltonian”school,anawkwardrealitygiventheirpersonalhatredfortheman

himself.

OftenassociatedwiththethinkingofAlexanderHamiltonandearlystreamsof

Federalistthought,Hamiltonianismisprimarilycharacterizedbythebeliefthata

powerfulandenergeticcentralgovernmentwouldbestservethenationalinterest.

IncontrasttoJeffersonianlegalandpoliticalphilosophy,itadvocatesabroad

interpretationoftheConstitution,specificallyoftheNecessaryandProperclause.

34

SuchanapproachwaslegitimatebecauseitallowedCongresstoproposenational

solutionstonationalproblems.

Incontrast,legallyandpolitically,Jeffersonwasastaunchdefenderofstates

rightsandarestrainedcentralgovernment.Oftenrememberedasthefounderof

“strictconstructionism”,Jeffersonfamouslycalledforanarrowinterpretationofthe

constitution,limitingthepowersofthefederalgovernment.Apowerfulcentral

government,hebelieved,posednotjustadangerousbutanexistentialthreat

towardsdemocracy.TheJeffersonianpositionisinherentlyacynicalone—it

distrustsauthority.

InstarkcontrasttotheJeffersonianandJacksonianposition,thePopulistshad

calledforanenergeticfederalgovernmenttohelpcurbcorporateandfinancial

excess.ThePeople’sPartyPlatformof1892,orthe“Omahaplatform”,forinstance,

declaredthatthe“governmentshouldownandoperatetherailroadsintheinterest

ofpeople”70.AsFraserpointsout,it“showednoneoftheaversiontobig

governmentthathadoncebeenanaxiomoftheJeffersonianpersuasion.”71Inhis

legendary“CrossofGold”speech,WilliamJenningsBryanarguesatgreatlengthin

favorofnationalprogramslikethefederalincometaxandthefederalpowertocoin

money.72GeorgiaSenatorTomWatsonfamouslycalledfor“RuralFreeDelivery”,

thelargestexpansionofthefederalpostalserviceever.Theirinflationarymonetary

posturescontrastedsharplywithJackson’shardmoneystance.

70TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty.N.p.,n.d.Web.02Feb.2017.71Fraser72Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."1896DemocraticNationalConvention.Chicago.9July1896.Speech.

35

Indeed,thePopulistsinthe1890swereoneofthefirstnationalpolitical

movementstocallfornationalprogramstoeffectivelysolvenationalproblems.

Today,thePopulistsarecreditedwithhavingspurnedsomeofthecentrallegislative

andpolicyfixturesoftheProgressiveandNewDealErasthatexpandedfederal

power.AsHofstadterpointsout,“Populismwasthefirstmodernpolitical

movementofpracticalimportanceintheUnitedStatestoinsistthatthefederal

governmenthassomeresponsibilityforthecommonweal.”73

However,onemustanalyzeGildedAgePopulism,oranypopularmovementfor

thatmatter,asmorethanjustasetofpolicyproposals;itmustbeunderstoodasan

impulse—adispositionandattitudededicatedtoreformingeconomicandpolitical

excesses.ApropermethodoflocatingPopulistthoughtistoidentifytheirultimate

goalsofreformandtheirheroiceffortstopreserverepublicanciviclife.Ifthe

politicalscientistorhistorianistofindanycoherentlineofJeffersonianor

HamiltonianthoughtamongstatesmenormovementsinAmericanlife,heorshe

mustprimarilylooktotheirultimategoals,nottheirrespectivepolicymethods.

Policiesarefluid;theyshiftfromgenerationtogenerationandfromplatformto

platformforspecificdilemmasandissues.Idealsontheotherhandreflecttheinner

consciencesandpsychologiesofpoliticalmovements.Theyareendsinthemof

themselves.Whenproperlyjudgedbytheirultimategoals—theireffortstopromote

republicanvirtueandtopreserveagrarianlife--thePopulistsfallsquarelywithinthe

JeffersoniantraditioninUnitedStateshistoriography.

73Hofstadter,AgeofReform,61

36

APopulistParadox

Anobviousparadoxpresentsitself.Whymightamovementsodevotedto

republicanidealsandsoinfatuatedwithJeffersonembracesweepingnational

governmentprograms?Howcouldanypopularmovementforthatmatter,so

distrustfulofauthority,andsoconcernedwithequality,callfortheincreased

centralizationofpower?Understandingthis“Populistparadox”isofutmost

importancenotleastbecauseithelpsthepoliticalscientistorhistorianstudythe

PopulistEra,butbecauseitalsohelpsshedlightonpopularmovementsthroughout

Americanhistory.

Often,theanswerissimplyawillingnesstoembraceapracticalposturetowards

solvinginequitiesofpressingconcern.Afterall,popularmovementsarepolitical

movements;humanendeavors,theyareflexibleandconcernedwithpressingshort-

termgoals.Thus,thePopulistembraceofpragmatismreflectedtheirfeelingsof

desperationandanxietyamidstdauntingGildedAgeinequities.Despitetheir

intensehatredofHamiltonandHamiltonianism,theywerewillingtoadvocatefor

ambitiousfederalprogramstoalleviateagrarianwoes.Unprecedentedproblems

hadcalledforunprecedentedsolutions,andthePopulistsdidnothavetheprivilege

tostandonprinciple.Goodwynpointsoutthat“Therulesofcommercehadchanged

andPopulistsknewit”.74“Laissezfairecouldscarcelyspeaktomortgage-ridden

farmers”.75

SomePopulistswerewellawareofthisparadox,andtookefforttoreconciletheir

beliefsinJeffersonianidealsalongsidetheiraffirmationoflargegovernment74Goodwyn,37975Ibid..378

37

programs.Infact,theycriticizedthefeeble“laissez-faire”posturetowards

approachingdilemmasofpressingcivicconcern.Alegislative-memowrittenby

MarionButlerarguingagainstabillshedslightonthisparadoxinitsdefenseof

Populistpragmatism.ItclaimstheJeffersonianmantlefromthat“schoolofpolitics

whichcontendsthattherecertainthingsthegovernmentshouldnotdoevenwhena

greatwrongexiststhatshouldberighted”76.“AbelieverandafollowerofJefferson”,

hearguesthatthelaissez-faire“schoolofpolitics”misinterpretsJefferson’s

declarationthatthe“bestgovernmentisthegovernmentthatgovernsleast.”77

“ThereisnobetterfriendofMonopoly”,writesthePeople’sPartyChairman,“than

theso-calledrepresentativesofJeffersonwhousestheabovequotationasanexcuse

fornotdoingwhatthepublicinterestdemandstobedone.”78

WhatJeffersonbelieved,arguesButler,“wasthatthebestgovernmentthatwent

sofarintheexerciseofgovernmentalfunctionsasitwasnecessarytogotoprevent

thestrongfromoppressingtheweak.”79If“Jeffersonwerealiveto-day”,hewould

shirkawayfromthese“defendersofspecialprivileges”.80Instead,arguesButler,he

wouldsupportnationalcollectiveeffortsinPopulist-fashion.Afterall,“hefavored

puttingthepostofficeinthehandsoftheGovernment,becauseitwasanatural

monopoly.”81

Indeed,Jefferson,despitehisaffirmationofloftypoliticalprinciplesinthe

Declaration,wasarealisticandpragmaticpresidenthimself.Thathemayhave

76Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.77Ibid.78Ibid.79Ibid.80Ibid.81Ibid.

38

agreedwithButler’sassessmentisapossibilityworthconsidering.Aspresident,

JeffersonpurchasedthemassiveLouisianaterritoryfromNapoleonicFrance,

doublingthesizeoftheUnitedStates.Primefacie,thepurchaseconflictedwith

Jefferson’sstrictandnarrowinterpretationoftheconstitution—muchlikethe

Populistadvocacyoffederalpower.Nowherewasthefederalgovernmentexplicitly

grantedthepowertoexecutetheLouisianatransaction.

Instead,Jeffersonwellunderstoodthat“thepurchasewouldensurethepastoral

natureoftheUnitedStates…andwouldpromotethedevelopmentofavirtuous

Republicancitizenry.”82LikethePopulists,Jeffersonwasultimatelyconcernedwith

hisrepublicangoals,andrefusedtostandonprinciplewhenfacedwithanofferof

thismagnitude.Ofthepurchase,Jeffersonwrotethat“strictobservanceofthe

writtenlawsisdoubtlessoneofthehighdutiesofagoodcitizen,butitisnotthe

highest.Thelawsofnecessity,ofpreservation,ofsavingourcountrywhenin

danger,areofhigherobligation.”83,84

Insimilarfashion,PresidentJacksonnevershirkedfromtheopportunitytoveto

legislationthatthreatenedrepublicanvalues.OldHickoryexercisedexecutive

power,traditionallyaJeffersonianfear,tofendoffcreepingfinancialinterestsand

oligarchs.Inhis1832“VetoMessageRegardingtheBankoftheUnitedStates,“King

Jackson”declaredthataNationalbankwould“besubversiveoftherightsofStates,

82Balleck,Barry."WhentheEndsJustifytheMeans:ThomasJeffersonandtheLouisianaPurchase."PresidentialStudiesQuarterly22.4(1992):679-96.Web.09Feb.2017.83Ibid84Jefferson,Thomas."ThomasJeffersontoJohnB.Colvin."LettertoJohnB.Colvin.20Sept.1810.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Web.

39

anddangeroustothelibertiesofthepeople.”85Theriseofpressingdilemmashad

calledfortheuseofunprecedentedfederalexecutivepower.86

Tosomehowever,thechoicewasn’tbetweenfederalpowerandlaissez-faire,but

betweenincreasedfederalpoweroroligarchicpower.Tomany,financialand

industrialeliteshadabrogatedpowersanddutiesthatshouldonlybereservedfor

thefederalgovernment.JamesWeaverforexample,the1892People’sParty

candidateforpresident,wroteinhiscampaignbookACalltoActionthat“Theright

toissuethecurrencyandtodeterminethemoneysupplyforsixty-threemillion

peopleandtheirprosperity,havebeenleasedtoassociatedspeculators.”87Inhis

“CrossofGold”speech,WilliamJenningsBryanarguedatgreatlengthagainst

placing“legislativecontrolinthehandsofforeignpotentatesandpowers.”88

Reformers:APopulistVision

TheJeffersonianidealsofthePopulistscouldlargelybebrokendownintotwo

parts.First,manysoughttodisruptthestatusquoandoverthrowanoppressive

“regime”runbycorruptoligarchs,likeJeffersonhaddoneacenturyearlier.Many

wereseriouslyintentontacklingpressinginequities,arealityforwhichthey

deservegreatcredit.This“liberal”and“forward-looking”tendencywasvividly

apparentthroughoutPopulistrhetoric.TheOmahaPlatformtalkedofanation

“broughttothevergeofmoral,political,andmaterialruin”andsought“torestore

85Jackson,Andrew."PresidentJackson'sVetoMessageRegardingtheBankoftheUnitedStates."Washington.10July`832.AvalonProject.Web.86PresidentJacksonexercisedthevetopowertwelvetimesthroughouthisadministration,whatwasthenanexceptionallylargeamount.87Weaver,JamesB.ACalltoAction.NewYork:ArnoPress,1974.Print.1088Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."

40

thegovernmentoftheRepublictohandsofthe‘plainpeople’”89.TomWatsontitled

his1892campaignbook“NotaRevolt;ItsARevolution”tohighlighttherebellious

natureofthePopulistimpulse.90Accordingly,manycalledforunprecedented

reforms,likethenationalizationrailroadandbankingindustries.AsPostelpoints

out,“ThePopulistschallengedthecorporateframeworks.Theyprotestedthe

inequitabledistributionofwealth.Theydemandedmoreresponsivegovernment.”91

Reactionaries:TheAgrarianMyth

AlsocentraltothePopulistconsciencewasitsdevotiontoJeffersonianagrarian

life.AsHofstatderpointsout,“TheutopiaofthePopulistswasinthepast,notthe

future”and“lookedbackwardwithlongingtothelostagrarianEden.”92Specifically,

Hofstatdernotes,manyhadlookedbacktotheearly19thcenturyasaparagonof

agrarianlife.Theirdedicationtorurallikewascloselyrelatedtotheirfrustration

withthestatusquo;theGildedAgeeconomicorderthreatenedindependentrural

lifeformillionsoffarmersintheSouthandmid-West.

Agrarianlifewasalsoinsignificantmeasureameanstoanendformany

Populists.Becausetheagrarianwaywasmostconducivetohonorableciviclife,the

Populistsfearedthedestructionofrepublicanvirtue.InAgrarianisminAmerican

Literature,ThomasIngeidentifiesseveralcomponentsof“agrarian”ideology.For

one,thecultivationofthesoil“haswithinitapositivespiritualgood”which

facilitates“honor,manliness,self-reliance,courage,moralintegrity,and

89"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."90Watson,ThomasE.ThePeople'sPartyCampaignBook,1892.NewYork:ArnoPress,1975.Print.91Postel,vii.92Hofstadter,AgeofReform,62

41

hospitality.”93Incontrasttourbanprofessions,itistheonlyoccupationthataffords

self-sufficiency.Amodelworker,theagrarianman“hasasenseofidentity,asense

ofhistoricalandreligioustradition,afeelingofbelongingtoaconcretefamily,place,

andregion,whicharepsychologicallyandculturallybeneficial.”94

Thus,manyPopulistshadconjureddystopianimagesofalostagrarianlife,one

thatcouldofferthediscontentedfarmerpoliticalandeconomicdignity.Inhis

biographyofAndrewJackson,People’sPartySenatorTomWatsondeclared“that

duringthefirsthalf-centuryofourexistence,wehadnopoor.Andapauperclass

wasunthoughtof:abeggar,oratrampneverseen.”95SarahE.VanDeVortEmery’s

SevenFinancialConspiraciesWhichHaveEnslavedtheAmericanPeoplepaintsamore

vividbackward-lookingutopiathatchampionstheAmericanlaborer:

“ThirtyyearsagotheAmericanlaborerwasaprospectivelord.He

sawwithinhisreachahomeofplentyforhisfamily,andanoldageof

comfortforhimself.Thebrightpicturebeforehiminspiredindustry,

economyandsobriety,andthelaborerwasapeaceful,sober,

respectedcitizen.”96

93Inge,M.Thomas.AgrarianisminAmericanliterature.NewYork:OdysseyPress,1969.Print.94Ibid95Watson,Thomas.TheLifeandTimesofAndrewJackson.Thomson:n.p.,1912.Print.32596Emery,SarahE.VanDeVort.SevenfinancialconspiracieswhichhaveenslavedtheAmericanpeople.Lansing,MI:EmeryandEmery,1894.Print.11

42

PartII:Dispossession

TobestunderstandGildedAgePopulism,onemustunderstandthePopulist

conscience.AsHofstadteraptlynotes,wecanbestunderstandour“political

psychologythroughourpoliticalrhetoric.”97Anarrayofpolitical,cultural,and

economicanxietieshadproducedasenseofvictimhoodamongthePopulists.

Ultimately,thenewGildedAgeciviclandscapecouldoffertothesedevoted

agrarianslittlesolace.

ThePopulists’senseoflossandsufferingshoulddrawsympathyfroman

observerofthelate19thcentury.Theirplightwasanobleone,anefforttosavea

dyingvirtuouslifestyleamidstuncontrollableand“destructive”economicforces.On

theotherhand,theirself-prescribedsenseofvictimhoodshoulddrawconcernand

cautionfromthepoliticalscientistorhistorian.Oneofthedisturbingrealitiesof

Americanhistory(andallhistoryforthatmatter)isthatthegreatestcivicsinsand

crimesarefrequentlyperpetratedbyself-perceived“victims”.

Adouble-edgedsword,thepopularreformimpulsecanhelpteardownunjust

inequities.Ontheotherhand,itcanalsogiverisetohateandunfoundedfear.

“BeneaththesaneeconomicdemandsofthePopulistsof1890-1900”,writes

historianPeterViereck“seethedamaniaofxenophobia,Jew-baiting,intellectual

baiting,andthought-controllinglynchspirit.”98

PoliticalDispossession97Ibid.

98Nugent,WalterT.K.ThetolerantPopulistsKansasPopulismandNativism.Chicago,Ill.:The@UofChicagoPress,2013.Print.8

43

WhatdistinguishedthePopulistconsciencewasitsfirmbeliefthatonlya

privilegedfewhadbeenguiltyofconspiracy.AsSheldonHackneypointsoutin

PopulismtoProgressivisminAlabama,mosthadseenthemselvesasmembersofa

victimizedandsilentmajority,nota“persecutedminority”.99Hackneypointstoa

lettertotheeditorinthePiedmontInquirerwhichdeclaredthatPopulismwas

composedof“thatclassthatmakesacountryrich,great,powerful,honorableand

respectable,thepeoplecalledthemiddleclass…”.100AnotherletterintheTroy

Jeffersoniandeclaredthatthe“greatmassofthepeople”were“amongthefarmers,

laboringmen,miners,andmechanicsofthestate.”101

FinancialAnxieties

SomescholarshavesoughttominimizetheeconomicconcernsofthePopulistsin

attempttoemphasizetherelativeimportanceofracisminthePopulistconscience.

Suchanapproachhowever,ismisguidedfortworeasons.Forone,thepresenceof

bothracialandeconomicuneaseneednotbemutuallyexclusive--theyfrequently

fedoffoneanother.Economicworriesoftengiverisetoscapegoating,forwhich

ethnicminoritiesareeasytargets.

Second,suchscholarsignorewhatwererealandpressingfearsformanyPopulist

farmers.WhendiscussingPopulisteconomicconcernshowever,itisimportantto

distinguishbetweeneconomicanxietyanddistress,theformerbeingthefearof

economicturmoilandthelatterbeingtheturmoilitself.Withoutdoubt,manyGilded

99Hackney,77100ThePiedmontInquirer[Piedmont],14July1894101TroyJeffersonian[Troy],17August1894

44

Agefarmershadsufferedseriouseconomicdistress.Americantariffpolicy,for

example,forcedfarmerstobuymanufacturedproductsatartificiallyhighprices

whilesellingtheirgoodsinunprotectedforeignmarkets.Aparticularlynasty

droughthadstrucktheGreatPlainsfrom1890to1896,whichhaddevastatedcrop

yieldsinstateslikeNebraskaandKansas.Unpaidloansandmortgagesledto

foreclosedhomesandfarms,forcingmanytoenterintotenantfarmingand

sharecropping.Somehadsuccumbedtoaprocessof“primitivedis-accumulation”

andnever-endingdownwardmobility.102

However,itwasprimarilyeconomicanxiety,notdistressthathaddrivenagrarian

andPopulistunrest.Fromarational-choiceperspective,thisrealityisintuitive.

Afterall,politicalorganizationrequiresprecioustimeandmoney,resourceslargely

absenttoaforeclosedordowntroddenfarmer.Thosenearoratthebrinkofserious

economicdistresshowever,wouldhavestoodthemosttogainby“investing”in

cooperativeactiontoaffectpoliticalchange.

EmpiricalstudiesconfirmthisportraitoftheanxiousGildedAgefarmer.James

Stock,forexample,foundastrongrelationshipbetweenprotestactivityandlevelof

indebtedness.103Thoughdebtmayappearlikeasignofeconomicdistress,itinstead

signalseconomicanxiety.Afterall,businessesandentrepreneursincurdebtto

investinnewbusinessventures.Theybecomeanxioushowever,whentheyfeelthat

theycannotsuccessfullyrepaytheirloans.

102Fraser,49103Stock,JamesH."RealEstateMortgages,Foreclosures,andMidwesternAgrarianUnrest,1865–1920."TheJournalofEconomicHistory44.01(1984):89-105.Web.

45

OtherstudiessuggestthatsupportforPeople’sPartycandidateswasclosely

correlatedtothefrequencyofmortgagefarmforeclosuresinagivenregion.104

Thoughforeclosuressignaleconomicdistress,JamesStockconcludesthatitwasthe

threatofforeclosures—asourceofeconomicanxiety--thatdroveagrarian

discontent.AsStock’sfindingsdemonstrate,mortgageforeclosureswererelatively

rare,rangingfrom2-5%acrossSouthernandMidwesternstates.Stockthus

proposesa“fearofforeclosure”hypothesis:theostensiblethreatofimpending

foreclosure,nottheforeclosuresthemselves,hadprimarilydrivenunrestacross

farmcounties.Fromthisstandpoint,therelativerateofforeclosuresamong

neighborswouldhavebeenquitehigh.Inastatewithamodestannualforeclosure

rateof3%,theprobabilityofonehavingatleastoneneighborsufferfrom

foreclosurewouldhavebeenastaggering75%.Thisrealitywouldhavefrightened

manyfarmersinagivencommunity,suggestingthatthethreatofforeclosurewas

alwaysimminent.

Dataconcerningfarmincomeandproductivityalsoconfirmsthepresenceof

Populistanxiety.Averagefarmincomesgrewoverthelastseveraldecadesofthe

GildedAge,suggestingthatmostfarmerswerenottrulydistressed.However,

agriculturalproductivityandincomeincreasedatamuchslowerraterelativetothe

nationalaverage,closeto50%less.105Sucharealitycouldhavestokedagrarian

anxieties,suggestingthattheycouldnot“keepup”withtheirindustrial

counterparts.

104Ibid.105Fogel,Robert,andJackRutner."“TheEfficiencyEffectsofFederalLandPolicy,1850-1900:AReportofSomeProvisionalFindings."TheDimensionsofQuantitativeResearchinHistory.Princeton:PrincetonUPress,1972.N.pag.Print.

46

Theeconomicstatureofthefarmershadalsopredisposedthemtoanxiety.

Farmersoftenlivedatthemercyoferraticandunpredictablefinancialmarkets,

intensifyingtheagrarians’senseofvulnerabilityandanxiety.Duetothe

globalizationofagriculturalmarkets,Americanfarmershadbecomemarketprice-

takersandweresubjecttothevolatilityoffrequentbankingpanicsandtheboom-

and-bustcycle.Empiricalresearchfromseveralstatessuggeststhatagrarianunrest

wasstronglycorrelatedwitheconomicuncertainty,andpriceandincome

variability.106

Commonbusinesspracticesalsocontributedtoagrariananxieties.Farmerswere

frequentlyhard-pressedforcash,meaningmanywereleftatthemercyofbanksand

othercreditorsforcapitalexpenditures.Infact,astaggering90percentofGeorgia,

Alabama,andMississippifarmerslivedoncredit.107Railroadsandbankscharged

farmersdiscriminatoryratesfortheirservices.Interestrateswereoftenseveral

pointsgreaterandfreightratesfourtimeshigherintheMid-Westthaninthe

East.108TotheparanoidPopulists,higherratesandfinancialdisparitieshad

primarilystemmedfrommonopolisticmanipulationandrate-rigging.109Marion

Butlerforexample,whenwarningofthedangersoftrusts,writesthata“fewgreat

bankersandsyndicates…canthereforeregulateratesandmakediscriminationin

favorofmonopoliesandtrustswithwhichtheyareallied.”110

106McGuire,RobertA.“EconomicCausesofLateNineteenthCenturyAgrarianUnrest:NewEvidence.”JournalofEconomicHistory41(1981):835-52.107Goodwyn,15,113108Hicks,ThePopulistRevolt109Eichengreen,Barry."MortgageInterestRatesinthePopulistEra."TheAmericanEconomicReview74.5(1984):995-1015.Web.110Butler,Marion.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.

47

Atthecoreofagrariananxieties,satmonetaryexasperation.Givenitsfinancial

impactonagrarianlife,thecurrencyquestionoccupiedthePopulistconscienceto

thegreatestdegree.InThePopulistRevolt,JohnHickswritesforexample,that

“Duringthecampaignof1892,thePopulistshadlearnedthatofalltheplanksin

theirplatformthesilverplankhadthewidestappeal.”111Thegoldstandard,which

largelydeterminedmonetarypolicy,hadstrangled,indeed,“crucified”many

farmers,asdeflationandhard-moneypolicymadeitincreasinglymoredifficultto

paybackloans,leavingmanydrowningindebt.112Thus,many“werefrequently

plaguedbysocialostracism,lossoffinancialcredit,andsometimesphysical

intimidation.”113.OnecorrespondentwrotetoPresidentCleveland’ssecretaryin

1895:“Havingbeenprettywelloverthecountrysincewelastmet,traveling…South

andWest.Thepeopleinthatsectionaresimplycrazyonthemoneyquestion;they

cannotdiscussitrationally.”114

CulturalIsolation

GildedAgedivisionsnotonlystemmedfrompoliticalandeconomicdivides,but

alsofromculturalrifts.TheNortheastexperiencedrapidurbanization,arealitythat

heightenedsectionaldividesandexacerbatedagrariandiscontent.ManyPopulists

lookedcondescendinglyuponurbancenters,whichhadhousedthehaughtybankers

andmerchantsthathadbeensoresponsiblefortheera’sexcesses.AsHahnpoints

out,“Drawingupontheelementsofruraldisaffection,Populismarticulatedabitter111Hicks,301112Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."113Hackney,Sheldon,PopulismtoprogressivisminAlabama.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1969.http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.00252.0001.001.3114Hofstadter,Richard.TheparanoidstyleinAmericanpolitics,andotheressays.NewYork:Vintage,1967.Print.241

48

critiqueofcapitalistrelationsandvalues.”115“Itwasinconceivable”,writes

Hofstadter,“thatthehardworking,Bible-readingcitizenryshouldbeinferiorin

moralinsighttothecynicalfinanciersoftheEasterncities.”116Theircultural

anxietiesmadeappealstoFounding-eraconcerns.“Itwasthegreatmerchant,not

thefarmer,criedBryan”thathadcalledforstandingarmiesduringcolonialera.117

Theruralstandingofmanyfarmerswasalsosignificantbecauseitcontributedto

thePopulistsenseofsocialisolation.AsJamesTurnerpointsout,“thePopulists

tendedtoliveoutofthesocialandeconomicmainstream”—theywereculturally

isolated.118AcrossallSouthernstatesexceptAlabamaforexample,therewasa

strongnegativecorrelationbetweenthePeople’sPartyvoteandthepercentageof

populationintownsover2,500.119

ThisgeographicisolationofthefarmershadcruciallyshapedthePopulist

conscience.Hackneyemphasizestheimportanceofsocialrootlessnesstothetheir

senseofdispossession:

“Populistswereonlytenuouslyconnectedtosocietybyeconomicfunction,

bypersonalrelationships,bystablecommunitymembership,bypolitical

participation,orbypsychologicalidentificationwiththeSouth'sdistinctive

myths....theywerevulnerabletofeelingsofpowerlessness…”120

Thisrootlessnessmoldedtheiranxietiesandpsychologyinseveralways.First,as

Turnerpointsoutthat“TheirrelativeisolationgavePopulistsenoughindependence115Hahn,287116Hofstadter,Richard.TheAmericanPoliticalTradition.NewYork:Knopf,1973.Print.188117Ibid.189118Turner,James."UnderstandingthePopulists."TheJournalofAmericanHistory67.2(1980):354-73.Web.359119Turner,358120Hackney,30

49

fromthedominantpoliticalculturetoallowthegrowthofanoriginalpoliticsand

ideology.121Theycouldformdistinctideasapartfromthemainstream.Second,their

relativeisolationhelpsexplainthepresenceofparanoiaandpopularityof

conspiracytheoriesthroughoutthePopulistconscience.Manyfarmersweresimply

notexposedtoethnicoreconomicrealities,whichcontributedtofalsehoodsand

ungroundedmyths.Itismucheasiertobelieveinanti-Semiticconspiracytheories

forexample,ifonehasnevermetaJew.

121Turner,370

50

PartIII:AParanoidStyle

AnanalysisofPopulistrhetoricandstyleacrossnewspapers,speeches,books,

personalpapers,andpartymaterials,revealsadistinctmodeofexpressionamong

GildedAgereformers.Whenfacedwithdauntingcivicconcerns,manywerenotjust

fearful,butparanoid--hyper-suspiciousandpersecutorytowardenemies.Though

theiragrarianlifehadhelpedfacilitaterepublicanvirtue,itpredisposedmanyto

hateandparanoia.AreflectionoftheirJeffersonianhistoricalrootsandsocial

anxieties,Populistparanoiamanifesteditselfinseveraluglyways.

Inhislandmark1964essay,RichardHofstadtertracesahistoryandanoutlineof

this“ParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics”122.Characterizedbyheated“exaggeration,

suspiciousness,andconspiratorialfantasy”,itcanafflictthepoliticalmodesof

expressionof“moreorlessnormalpeople”.123Fromearlyanti-Masonicconspiracy

theoriestoMcCarthyism,andPopulism,onecanfindacommonparanoidthread

throughoutUnitedStateshistory.Thetermofcourse,ispejorative.However,itdoes

notnecessarilypassjudgmentonthetruthormeritofindividualfearsorproposals.

“Nothingreallypreventsasoundprogramordemandfrombeingadvocatedinthe

paranoidstyle”,writesHofstadter.124Usageofthetermisalsonotmeanttosuggest

thattheissuestheyraisedwerenotofseriousandpressingconcern.Eventhemost

criticalofhistorianshaveacknowledgedtheenormousdebtowedtothePopulists

foraddressingpressingeconomicissueswroughtbyGildedAgeindustrialism.125

122Hofstadter,Richard."TheParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics."HarpersMagazine6Feb.2017:n.pag.Print.123Ibid.124Ibid.125SeeHofstadter,AgeofReform

51

Rather,thetermdenotesadistinctstyle,method,andstrategyofpolitical

discourse.Often,Populistwritingsandmaterialswouldaddresslegitimatepublic

policyconcernsalongsidefancifulconspiracytheories.Talksofoligarchs,money

rings,“shylocks”,andmanipulatorscharacterizedthePopulistunderstandingof

civicconcerns.Thisstylemanifesteditselfinseveralwaysbecausemanywere

excessivelywaryofthoseacrosstheAmericancivicspectrum.Often,paranoid

attitudesemergedfromcomplexsynthesesofcultural,economic,andpolitical

anxieties.Whilesomeoftheirfearswerelegitimateandwell-founded,manyoftheir

theoriesweresimplyabsurdandgroundless.Afterall,amovementthatis

consistentlyparanoidislikelytobefrequentlywrong.

WhatmostdistinguishedthePopulistconsciencewasnotjustitsbeliefin

individualconspiracytheories,butitsparanoidconscience.AsHofstadteraptly

notes,“thereisagreatdifferencebetweenlocatingconspiraciesinhistoryand

sayingthathistoryis…avastfabricofsocialexplanationoutofnothingbutskeinsof

evilplots.”126Fromacivicstandpoint,thePopuliststhusdeserveenormousblame.

ThoughresponsibleforsheddinglightonGildedAgeinequities,Populistsoften

failedtoaddresspublicpolicyissuesinarationalmanner.Theyfrequentlyengaged

indisturbingrace-baitingandscapegoating.

Understandingthisstyleisimportantforseveralreasons.First,itshedslightson

thehistoricalrootsofPopulistanxieties.Theirparanoidstyle,havingemergedfrom

JeffersonianandJacksonianrepublicanroots,reflectedadesperateefforttosavea

rurallifestylethatwasmostconducivetorepublicanciviclife.LikeJeffersonhad

126Hofstadter,AgeofReform,71

52

doneduringtheRevolution,andJacksonthroughouthisadministration,Populists

hadsoughttowrestlepoliticalpowerfromaprivilegedoligarchy.Indeed,Jefferson

himselfexhibiteda“paranoidstyle”andengagedin“conspiracymongering”

throughouthispoliticalcareer.127Alwaysfearfulofthedestructionofrepublican

government,he“appearsreallytohavebelieved,atonetime,thattheFederalists

wereconspiringtore-establishmonarchy.”128Insimilarfashion,AndrewJackson

harboredahyper-suspiciousnesstowardsfinancialinterestsandtheBankofthe

UnitedStatesthroughouthispresidentialadministration.“TheBank…istryingtokill

me”hefamouslydeclared,“butIwillkillit.”129

Toalargeextent,therelationshipbetweenparanoiaingeneralandJeffersonian

republicanismisanaturalone.TheAmericanrepublicantraditionisinherently

fearful,alwaysresistingcrookedandaristocraticforces.LanceBanningwritesinthe

JeffersonianPersuasionthatthistraditionfirstgroundeditselfinoppositionto

corruptionandprivilege,“theruinofclassicalrepublicanideals.”130“EarlyAmerican

founders”,writesBanning,“hopedthattherejectionofhereditaryprivilegewould

makeitpossibletoformnewgovernmentsthatwouldbefullysuitedtothepeople’s

democraticcharacterandtothepreservation…oftheirspecialwayoflife.”131Onthe

onehand,anxioustendenciescanfendoffforcesthataredestructivetorepublican

democracy.Afterall,itwasanxietyandparanoia“aboveelse”,writesBernard

127Meacham,Jon.ThomasJefferson:theartofpower.NewYork:RandomHouse,2012.Print.xxviii128Hofstadter,Richard.TheAgeofReform.NewYork,Vintage,1955.72129“AndrewJackson.”TheWhiteHouse,TheUnitedStatesGovernment,25Dec.2014,www.whitehouse.gov/1600/presidents/andrewjackson.130Banning,Lance.TheJeffersonianPersuasion:EvolutionofaPartyIdeology.Ithaca:CornellUpress,1978.Print.82131Ibid.84

53

Bailyn,thatfirstpropelledtheAmericanRevolution.132Ontheotherhand,itcan

manifestitselfinhateandsocialstratification,whicharetoxictoliberalvaluesand

socialharmony.

Second,ithelpsbetterunderstandPopulistfeelingsofdispossession,anxieties,

andtheirreactionarytendencies--therootsoftheirparanoidstyle.Becausethe

agrarianactivists,self-perceivedvictims,were“fendingoffthreatstoastill

establishedwayoflife”,theydevelopedgroundlesssuspicionstowardconspiring

enemies.133Studyinglate19thcenturyparanoiacanthusshedlightonthepolitical

appealofthePopulistimpulseandthedemographiccompositionofitsadherents.

Tomany,thebattleagainsttheGildedAgestatusquowasanuphilloneas

“goldbugs”andelitesconspiredtosidelinetheagrarianfarmer.Thus,the“paranoid

style”could“successfullyleveragethepassionsandanimosities”ofafumingsilent

majority.134Thattheirpoliticalappealmayhavestemmeddirectlyfromtheiruseof

overtandcodedracistandparanoidlanguageisastrongpossibilityworth

assessing.

Toacasualobserverofthe19thcentury,theera’sinequalitiesanddilemmasmay

haveseemedtosomeextentinevitable,productsofpowerfuleconomicandpolitical

forces.TothePopulistshowever,thiswasnotso.Theproblemstheyfacedandthe

forcesthatthreatenedtheirlifestylewerebynomeansinevitable.Ratherthan

blamingdecentralizedforces,theyoftenturnedtowardsfinger-pointingand

scapegoating.ThisdistinctunderstandingofGildedAgeinequitiesbredthePopulist

132Ibid.95133Hofstadter,“TheParanoidStyleinAmericanPolitics”,3134Ibid,1

54

paranoidstyleandexplainswhymanyspokethelanguageofconspiracy.Someof

theirparanoiacouldbeadequatelyexplainedbytheireconomicorpolitical

anxietiesalone.Otherbrandsofithowever,developedfrommultifacetedrootsand

reflectedthediversityofPopulistanxieties.

ProceduralParanoia

Acrossseveralfacetsofciviclife,Populistsfearedthedecayoffairandhonorable

politicallife.Forone,manyfearedthatpubliclegislationhadbeencraftedsolelyin

favorofestablishedinterests.ALouisianaPopulistarticledeclaredthatthereare

those

“livingintheeastmostlyalotofwealthymenwho,takencollectively,

constitutewhatisknownasthemoneypower.Bybriberyandcorruptuseof

money,theygetslawspassedthatenablethemtoformmonopoliesand

truststorobthepeople.”135

They“blackmailcorporationsandmaintaincostlylobbiesforthepurchaseof

representatives”.136Manyalsoconsistentlyquestionedthevalidityofpolitical

electionsandbelievedinwidespreadvoterfraud.ThePeople’sPartyPaperfor

instance,talkedof“universalintimidation”and“bribery”.137Aftersweeping

congressionalRepublicanvictoriesin1894,whichwasseenbymanyasalossfor

thePopulistcause,severalnewspapersdeclaredchargesofvoterfraud.An

135“WhoBuysVotes”TheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]16November1894:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.136UntitledArticleTheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]23November1894:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.137People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]n.d.:n.pag.People'sPartyPaper.1894.Web.

55

AmericanNonconformistarticlechargesthatthe1894primarieshadbeenriggedby

ballotstuffing.138OnearticleintheLouisianaPopulistdeclaredthat“itmustbe

stoppedandthosewhoarereapingthespoilsoffraudthroughsuchmethodshad

bettertakewarningintime.”139

FinancialParanoia

ThatthePopulistsattemptedtoeliminatemonometalliccurrencyandlessen

agrarianfinancialdistressthroughsoundpublic-policyeffortsisclear.These

“Silverites”talked“Gold-bugs”likeGroverClevelandorWilliamMcKinleyasthe

worstofheretics.Ananalysisofseveralpartyplatformsrevealproposalstohelp

betterregulatethebankingindustryandmonetaryaffairs.The1896Democratic

Platformforinstance,demandedthat“allpaper(money)whichismadealegal

tenderforpublicandprivatedebts…shallbeissuedbythegovernment.”140The

OmahaPlatformfamouslycalledforthe“unlimitedcoinageofsilverandgoldatthe

presentlegalratioof16:1.”141

Ofcourse,aproperanalysisofthePopulistimpulseincludesmuchmorethan

simplyaglanceatpolicyproposals.Acomprehensivestudyoftheirrhetoricand

posture—theirstyle--revealsintenseanddisturbingparanoidtrends.Tomany,it

wasafullscalebattleofgoodversusevil,libertyversusdespotism.Itwasaneffort

todefeatthe“agenciesofthemoneypower”andthe“dominationofthegoldring”—138“LouisianaElectionFraud”AmericanNonconformist[Indianopolis]29November1894:n.pageAmericanNonconformistWeb.139“InAlabama”TheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]30November1894:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.140"DemocraticPartyPlatforms:1896DemocraticPartyPlatform-July7,1896."TheAmericanPresidencyProject.N.p.,n.d.Web.27Mar.2017.141"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."

56

the“evilsthatnowcursehumanity”.142Tomany,thegoldstandardseemedtoonly

serve“theenrichmentofthemoney-lendingclassathomeandabroad”.143

PoliticsandMoney

ThePopulistsfocusedoncurrencyremediestotheirproblemstoanunrealistic

extentbecausetothem,themonetaryquestionwasnotsimplyaneconomicone.It

wasaciviconeanddefinedtheGildedAgefarmer’scentralrelationtoAmerican

democracy.Itwas“paramounttoallothersatthistime”,andtheeliminationofthe

singlegoldstandardoccupiedacentralroleinthePopulistconscience.144Their

effortwasa“conflictofthemoneypowersbattlingforagoldoligarchyandthe

massesstrugglingforconstitutionalliberty.”145Itseliminationwasessentialifother

civicdilemmasweretobetackled.“Whenhaverestoredthemoneyofthe

Constitution”,declaredWilliamsJenningsBryaninhisCrossofGoldSpeech,“all

othernecessaryreformswillbepossible;…butuntilthisisdonethereisnoother

reformthatcanbeaccomplished.”146“NoCongresswilleverbeabletogivethe

peoplereliefandgoodgovernment”,writesMarionButler,becauseestablished

interests“nominatecandidateswhobelongtotheBritishgoldtrust.”147

Thus,manyreformersbelievedthatoppositiontothegoldstandard,was

consistentwith,andevenrequiredby,theprinciplesofJeffersonianandJacksonian

142Butler,Marion."SelectedSpeechesonthePeople'sParty."Letter.1896.MS.Winston,NorthCarolina.143"DemocraticPartyPlatforms:1896DemocraticPartyPlatform."DemocraticPartyPlatforms:1896DemocraticPartyPlatform.N.p.,n.d.Web.09Feb.2017.144People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.undated:n.pag.Print.145“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.146Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."147Butler,Marion."ToTheMembersofthePeople'sPartyAndToAllVotersWhoAreOpposedToTheSingleGoldStandard."Letter.Jan.1896.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Print.

57

democracy.Itwastheonlywaytodefeatthe“aristocracyofCapital”,borrowing

languagefrom18thcenturyJeffersonianlexicon.148That“Mr.Jeffersonbelievedthat

moneywasaNationalagent,andshouldbecreatedbytheNationalGovernmentand

fortheuseoftheNation”perhapswasreasonenoughforsomePopuliststooppose

thegoldstandard.149

Everwaryoffinancialinterests,thePopulisteffortalsolookedtotheexampleof

OldHickory,thegreatbank-buster.Inhis“CrossofGold”speech,Bryandeclared

that“weneedanAndrewJacksontostand…againsttheencroachmentsof

aggregatedwealth”and“whodestroyedthebankconspiracyandsavedAmerica”.150

Afterall,Fraserwrites,“Ruralhostilitytothemoneypowerwasanentrenched

tradition,itsrootsextendingasfarbackasJackson’swaragainsttheBankofthe

UnitedStates.”151

ANoteonCulturalParanoia

ItisdifficulttolocatePopulistparanoiathatemergedfromculturalanxieties

alone.SomePopulists,likeMaryElizabethLease,wereactivemembersinthe

TemperanceMovementandwereenergeticculturalreformers.However,mostof

theirculturalanxietieshadbeencloselyintertwinedwithotherpoliticaland

economicanxieties.Thatisnottosuggestthattheirculturalanxietieswerenot

energeticandfar-reaching.Whenapproachedwithpressingeconomicorpolitical

concerns,theirxenophobia,racism,andsenseofculturaldispossessionstoodclear.

148“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print.149“UntitledArticle”People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.150Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."151Fraser93

58

Thisrealitysuggestthatitwaseconomicanxietiesthatultimatelypredisposedthe

Populiststorace-baitingandnativistlanguage.TheirextraordinaryfearsofaJewish

“moneypower”forexamplebestexemplifythisreality.

ShylockBankersandTheRothschildSyndicate

PerhapsthemostdisturbingandnoteworthytrendsofthePopulistparanoid

stylewasitsfrequentreferencestoanti-Semiticimageryandconspiratorlanguage.

ManyagrarianswereparanoidofurbanJewishbankerswhohadlittlerespectfor

yeomanfarmers.Areflectionoftheiragrarianroots,Populistanti-Semitismthus

groundeditselfineconomicandculturalprejudice.Becausethe“popularimageof

theJewisrelatedtothecityinmanyways”,notesSociologistArnoldRose,American

anti-Semitismhasoftenemergedfrom“theglorificationofrurallife”.152Jewshave

oftenepitomizedpompouscitylifeandtheunbridledfinancializationofAmerica—

theyaretheurbanparexcellence.HistorianHasiaDineremphasizestheclose

relationshipbetweenPopulistagrarianismandanti-Semiticprejudices:

SomePopulistsbelievedthatJewsmadeupaclassofinternationalfinanciers

whosepolicieshadruinedsmallfamilyfarms,theyasserted,ownedthe

banksandpromotedthegoldstandard,thechiefsourcesoftheir

impoverishment.Agrarianradicalismpositedthecityasantitheticalto

Americanvalues,assertingthatJewsweretheessenceofurban

corruption.153

152Rose,ArnoldM.“TheStudyofMan:Anti-Semitism'sRootinCity-Hatred.”CommentaryMagazine,1Oct.1948.153Diner,Hasia.TheJewsoftheUnitedStates.Berkeley:UofCaliforniaPress,2004.Print.170

59

Ofcourse,thePopulistswerehardlytheonlygrouptoharboranti-Semitic

tendenciesinthelate19thcentury.Historianshavelongdebatedwhethertheywere

moreorlessanti-Semiticthantheircontemporarypoliticalcounterparts,aquestion

thatiscertainlyhardtoanswerdefinitively.154However,whenunderstanding

GildedAgeactivismfromthestandpointofpoliticalscience,oneneednotmeasure

Populistanti-Semitisminaggregateterms.Rather,onecanaskwhethertheirefforts

atreformandeconomicanxietiesstokedaparanoidracialprejudiceinany

significantway.

ThatthePopulistsdidstoketheseprejudicesisclear.Giventhewidespread

acceptanceandpopularityofanti-SemiticconspiracytheoriesamongPopulist

reformers,manybelievedthatgreedyJewishbankershadhelpeddesignagold

oligarchyandhadcheatedruralfarmersoffinancialstability.“Thereisnodoubt”,

writes19thcenturyhistorianLouiseMayo,“thatintheirintensehatredforthe

'moneypower,'somePopulistsacceptedanti-Semiticstereotypesandidentified

154Pollack,Norman."TheMythofPopulistAnti-Semitism."TheAmericanHistoricalReview68.1(1962):n.pag.Web.Pollack’sconclusionthatPopulistanti-Semitismisamythisdubiousonseveralgrounds.Primarily,Pollacksuccumbstothefallacyofcomposition;hedrawstoostrongofaconclusionbasedupontoolittleevidence.HeconcludesthatPopulistanti-Semitismwasraregiventhescarcityofexplicitanti-SemiticstatementsamidsttheHenryLloyd,WilliamJenningsBryan,andIgnatiusDonnellypapers.Hisanalysisisinsufficientforafewreasons.First,hefailstomakementionofvitriolicanti-SemiticstatementsmadebyMarionButlerandTomWatson,bothofwhomwerehighlyinfluentialfiguresinthePopulistEra.Second,astrongconclusionconcerningPopulismsurelymuststudyprejudiceoutsidethepapersofleadingfigures.Also,Pollackselectivelymanipulatesquotestobuttresshisargument.HequotesDonnelly’sassertionthattheJewshaveundergone“themostterribleordealofpersecutionthehistoryofmankindbearsanyrecordof”asevidenceofhiscompassionforJews.Tothecontrary,Donnelly’saccountofpersecutionwascentraltohisanti-SemiticconspiracytheoriesbecauseitheightenedtheevolutionaryselectiveprocessamongJews.InDonnelly’santi-Semiticnovel,Caesar’sColumn,oneofthecharactersexplainsthatpersecutionleftamongtheJews“onlythestrongofbody,thecunningofbrain,thelongheaded,thepersistent…andnowtheChristianworldispaying,intearsandblood,forthesufferingsinflictedbytheirbigotedandignorantancestorsuponanoblerace”.(SeeHofstadter,)ThenovelservesasagoodexampleastowhyPollack’sanalysisofpersonalpapersisinsufficient.

60

Jewswiththeevilsofsociety”.155Whileanti-Semitismwaswidespreadthroughout

Americansociety,“itwaschieflyPopulistwriterswhoexpressedthatidentification

oftheJewwiththeusurerandthe`internationalgoldring'whichwasthecentral

themeofAmericananti-Semitismoftheage”,writesHofstadter.156

LeadingPopulistfiguresembracedthisrabidformofanti-Semitism.Ina19th

centuryaddress,MaryElizabethLease,“thebestknownoratorofthePopulistEra”,

declaredthat“Redemptionmoneyandinterest-bearingbondsarethecurseof

civilization”because“WearepayingtributetotheRothschildsofEngland,whoare

buttheagentoftheJews."157GroverCleveland,sheoncedeclared,wasan“agentof

Jewishbankers.”158AttheSecondNationalSilverConventionof1892,aspeaker

warnedofpoliticianswhorepresented“WallStreet,andtheJewsofEurope.”159

IgnatiusDonnelly,oneoftheleadingdraftersoftheOmahaPlatform,oftenusedthe

term“Shylock”todescribeJewsasthe“money-gettersoftheworld.”160Inhis

personalpapers,People’sPartyChairmanMarionButlerwrotethat“aforeigngold

syndicateofLondonJews”and“cold-bloodedShylocks”hadhelpedmanipulate

railroadprices.161

155Mayo,LouiseA.,TheAmbivalentImage:Nineteenth-CenturyAmerica'sPerceptionoftheJew.London:AssociatedUniversityPress,1988.61156Hofstadter,AgeofReform,19157Woestman,Kelly.“MaryElizabethLease:PopulistReformer.”MaryElizabethLease:PopulistReformer|TheGilderLehrmanInstituteofAmericanHistory,TheGilderLehrmanInstituteofAmericanHistory,12Sept.2012,www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/populism-and-agrarian-discontent/essays/mary-elizabeth-lease-populist-reformer.“FurorOverMaryLease”NewYorkTimes,11Aug.1896.”158Lease,Mary,“TheProblemofCivilizationSolved”,319-320159ProceedingsoftheSecondNationalConvention,Washington,1892,48160Donnelly,Ignatius.Caesar'sColumn:AStoryoftheTwentiethCentury.Middletown:WesleyanUPress,2003.Print161Butler,Marion,“Trusts—TheCausesThatProduceThemAndTheRemedy”.1900.LegislativeMemo.Washington,D.C.

61

Thistypeofanti-Semiticparanoiacreptitswayintoinfluentialthink-piecesthat

drewuponthemoneyquestion.Notjustrandomanti-Semitictracts,thesepieces

wereinfluentialreformpiecesandbest-sellersthroughoutthePopulistEra.The

novelTaleofTwoNations,writtenbytheinfluentialPopulistthinkerWilliam“Coin”

Harvey,featurescharactersofracialstereotypesordisguisedhistoricalfigures.162It

presentsaLondonbankernamedBaronRothe,a“Hebrew”(whorepresentsthe

Rothschilds)whoisdeterminedtokeeptheUnitedStatesonthegoldstandard.163

HesendsanassistantnamedRosagnertopersuadeAmericanpoliticianstosupport

goldcurrency.Rosagnerfallsinlovewithagirlwhoisinlovewithafree-silver

Nebraskacongressman(whorepresentsWilliamJenningsBryan).Attheendofthe

playRosagneristoldthatheis“verywiseinhisownway—thecommercialway,

inbredthroughgenerations.”164

JamesB.Goode’sModernBanker,afictionalaccountaboutlate19thcentury

financiallifeischockfullofanti-Semiticconspiracytheories.ModernBanker

featurescharacterswhopersistentlywarnagainstcorruptedJewishinterests.The

“Jewnowfindshimselftheownerofmoresolidcashthanalltherestoftheworld

together”declaresonecharacter.165Sotoo,theyhadbeenresponsibleforpolitical

corruption:“Notsatisfiedwithallthis,theJewshaveorganized,arebuyingup

legislators,passinglawsandcreatingconditionsallfavorabletothemselves.”166In

162""Coin"Harvey(1851–1936)-EncyclopediaofArkansas.""Coin"Harvey(1851–1936)-EncyclopediaofArkansas.N.p.,n.d.Web.22Feb.2017.Harvey,William.ATaleofTwoNations.Chicago:CoinPublishingCompany,1894.Print.163Ibid.,287164Ibid,289165Goode,JamesB.TheModernBanker;aStoryofHisRapidRiseandDangerousDesigns.Chicago:n.p.,1896.Print.128166Ibid.

62

fact,oneofthecharactersblamesJewishinterestsforproppingupthegoldstandard

inthefirstplace:“TheJewssawthatbydemonetizingsilver,theywoulddoublethe

valueofgold.”167

Caeser’sColumn,writtenbyIgnatiusDonnelly,theleadingdrafteroftheOmaha

Platform,featuresadystopianoligarchyrunbyaJewishbankernamedJacobIsaacs.

Atonepointinthenovel,Isaacsdeclaresthat“thearistocracyoftheworldisnow

almostaltogetherofHebreworigin.”168Caeser’sColumnprovidesacomprehensive

theoryofJewishevolution.YearsofpersecutiononlyhardenedtheJew,wrote

Donnellyhavingrisen“fromdealersinold-clothesandpeddlersofhatsto

merchantsprinces.”169“TheysaidwithShylock:ThevillainyyouteachmeIwill

execute;anditshallgohardbutIwillbettertheinstruction.”170

Often,reform-mindedperiodicalsfellpreytorabidanti-Semitismwhenthey

approachedthemoneyquestion.Cartoonsdepictedexplicitanti-Semitismthrough

cartoons,oftendisplayinghook-nosedJewishfinanciers.An1896cartoonfor

example,inthePopulistnewspaperSoundMoney,shownbelow,depictsUncleSam

crucifiedbyhook-nosedbankerswithasignontopthatreads“theU.S.isinthe

handsofJews”.Judasisshownhungbyatreeinthecornerimage.Onecartoonin

thefree-silvermagazineNewRoaddepictsfemaleRothschildfamilymemberswith

largenosesseducingGroverCleveland.171

167Ibid.168Donnelly27169Ibid28170Ibid111171"ToBeDecidedAtChicagoNextMonth."NewRoad21June1896:n.pag.VassarCollege.Web.

63

172

WhenstudyingthePopulistEra,anobserverofanti-Semitismmustsurelybe

vigilant.Publicationsandperiodicalsoftenomittedexplicitprejudicedlanguage

towardsJewsbutmadementionoffamiliaranti-Semiticsymbols,suggesting

possiblecodedeffortstoappealtoanti-Semiticparanoia.Talksof“Shylock”bankers

andanimpendingRothschildtakeovermighthavebeenrampant,butreferencesto

thisShakespeareanfoeorbankingdynastywereoftendetachedfromexplicitanti-

Semitism.

Populistnewspapersfrequentlymadeuseofthistypeofrhetoric.Onearticlein

theProgressiveFarmernotesthatShylock“exactshispoundofflesh”whileanother

declared“thatthegreatbattlecryofthepresentcampaignisdownwithRothschild

andthegoldbugs.”173TheAdvocatewoulddecrythe“vaultsofShylock”andtalked

172"HistoryRepeatsItself."SoundMoney[Massillon]15Apr.1896:n.pag.SoundMoney.Web.173"Don'tBeFooled."TheProgressiveFarmer[Winston]24Feb.1891:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web."CreamofthePress."TheProgressiveFarmer[Winston]31Mar.1896:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.

64

ofa“Morgan-Rothschildsyndicate.”174TheLouisianaPopulisttalkedof“modern

Shylocks”whowanta“poundoffleshandblood”.175Theselectionofimagerylike

Shylock,apettypredatorlender,andtheRothschilds,apriestlyBritishfamily,

suggeststhatthisfinancialparanoiaspannedacrosstheclassladder.

Itisrarehowever,tofindamongthesenewspapersexplicitparanoidlanguage

concerningJewishinterests.MentionsoftheRothschildsor“Theomnipresent

symbolofShylock”canhardlybetakeninthemselvesasdefinitiveevidenceof

consciousideologicalanti-Semitism.176Nevertheless,theusageofthesesymbolscan

stillevinceanti-Semiticprejudicesandsuggestspossiblecodedattemptstoappeal

toanti-Semiticfactionswithinthefree-silvermovement,givenitsprejudiced

overtones.Withoutdoubt,theuseofsuchlanguagetriggeredbiasedattitudesfrom

someofitsaudience.Eveniftheydidnot,itsimagerystillsignalsadisturbing

paranoidstyle.

Cleverrhetoricalstrategiesmayhavemaskeddeeperprejudicedattitudes.Most

prominently,WilliamJenningsBryan’s“CrossofGold”speechintheChicago

Coliseumevokedfamiliaranti-Semiticimagery.Generallyrememberedforits

declarationthatyou“shallnotpressdownuponthebrowoflaborthiscrownof

thorns.Youshallcrucifymankinduponacrossofgold”,thespeechisremembered

asthemostlegendaryoftheera.177Thedeclaration’sselectionof“crucifixion”

174"MoneyMonopoly."TheAdvocate[Topeka]15May1895:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.Curiouslyenough,theTopekaAdvocateofferedfreecopiesofHarvey’sexplicitlyanti-SemitictractsTaleofTwoNationsandCoin’sFinancialSchooltosubscribers(seeSeptember4th1896issue,page1).175"TheModernShylockWantsaPoundofFleshandBloodAlso."TheLouisianaPopulist[Natchitoches]07May1897:n.pag.TheLouisianaPopulist.Web.176Hofstadter,Richard.TheAgeofReform.NewYork,Vintage,1955.78177Bryan,WilliamJ."CrossofGoldSpeech."

65

imagery,givenitsanti-SemiticovertonesofJudasandJesus,iscertainlyonethat

deservesclosescrutiny.HistorianLeonardDinnersteinarguesthatthecrossimage

conjuredaprejudicedreactionfromitsaudienceandsuggestedthat“ThesameJews

whowereresponsibleforthedeathofJesuswereresponsibleforthecurrency

crisis”.178AccordingtoDinnerstein,“ThemessagewascleartothemanyProtestants

whofilledtheranksofthePopulists”.179

ThespeechcouldfitwellwithinArnoldRose’sandHasiaDiner’smodelof

agrarianantipathytowardurbanJews.Throughoutthespeech,Bryantransitions

fromattackingurbanlife,whichwasoftenepitomizedbytheJew,topraisingrural

life.Dinnersteinwritesthatthespeecheffectively“appealedtoruralProtestants

whopossessedasimilarreligiousandculturalheritagewithotherAmericansinthe

SouthandtheWest.”180

ReminiscentofJefferson’sappealstoayoemandemocracy,thespeecharguesthat

thelaboringfarmeriscentraltociviclife.Ruralprofessions,theGreatPlains

congressmandeclaredusingpowerfullanguage,werenolessvaluableordignified

thanurbanones:

“Themanwhoisemployedforwagesisasmuchabusinessmanashis

employer.Theattorneyinacountrytownisasmuchabusinessmanasthe

corporationcounselinagreatmetropolis.Themerchantatthecrossroads

storeisasmuchabusinessmanasthemerchantofNewYork.Thefarmer

whogoesforthinthemorningandtoilsallday,beginsinthespringandtoils

178Dinnerstein,Leonard.AntisemitisminAmerica.NewYork,OxfordUniv.Press,1995.49-50179Ibid180Dinnerstein,49-50

66

allsummer,andbytheapplicationofbrainandmuscletothenatural

resourcesofthiscountrycreateswealth,isasmuchabusinessmanasthe

manwhogoesupontheBoardofTradeandbetsuponthepriceofgrain.”181

Throughoutthesecondhalfofthespeech,Bryan,inagrarianfashion,transitions

towardsemphasizingthesuperiorityofrurallifeoverurbanlife.Cities,heargued,

fundamentallydependedonfarmlife:

“Youcometousandtellusthatthegreatcitiesareinfavorofthegold

standard.Itellyouthatthegreatcitiesrestuponthesebroadandfertile

prairies.Burndownyourcitiesandleaveourfarms,andyourcitieswill

springupagainasifbymagic.Butdestroyourfarmsandthegrasswillgrow

inthestreetsofeverycityinthecountry.”182

ItisshortlyafterthispraiseofrurallifethatBryanoffershisquestionablyanti-

Semitic“CrossofGold”declaration.

His1896speechwasnottheonlytimeBryanengagedwithquestionably

prejudicedlanguage.Throughouthiscongressionalcareer,theNebraska

Congressmanemployedfamiliaranti-Semiticsymbols.America,heassertedonce

assertedontheHousefloor,couldnotafford“toputourselvesinthehandsofthe

Rothschilds”anddemandedthattheTreasury“shallbeadministeredonbehalfof

theAmericanpeopleandnotonbehalfoftheRothschildsandotherforeign

181"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."182Ibid.

67

bankers.”183Inspeeches,heoftenquotedsectionsfromtheMerchantofVeniceto

compareShylock’sdemandstothatofcontemporaryfinancialinterests.184

WhetherBryanintentionallymeanttodosoinhisspeechesisdifficulttoprove

definitively.True,studiesofBryanhimselfreveallittlepersonalprejudicetoward

Jews.185TheNebraskaCongressmanoftenpaidvisitstosynagogues,and

emphasizedthat“greedandavarice…knowneitherracenorreligion.”186However,

Populistparanoiacannotbeunderstoodassimplythesumofpersonalbiases,

prejudices,andbeliefs.Bryanhimselfmaynothaveharboredanti-Semiticbeliefs,

buthisspeechesandrhetoricalstylecertainlycateredtothem,eitherpurposefully

orinadvertently.Thatmanymembersofhispoliticalbaseandaudiencesassociated

imagesofShylockandRothschildswithhook-nosedJews,iswithoutdoubt.Itisno

wonderwhyhislegendary1896campaigndrewprominentsupportfromanti-

SemiteslikeCoinHarveyandHermannAhlwardt,whosewritingshelpedinfluence

laterNazithought.187

InternationalParanoia:SuspicionsofBritishManipulationandLondonWhales

Populistparanoiawasnotjustdirectedinward,butoutward.Thisinternational

paranoiamanifesteditselfinseveralways.Mostprominently,therewaswidespread

beliefinan“EnglishandAmericanBankers’Conspiracy”,whichgroundeditselfin

183Bryan,WilliamJ.“SpeechofHon.WilliamJ.BryanofNebraska.”Washington,D.C.,HouseofRepresentatives.184Ibid.185Pollack,Norman."TheMythofPopulistAnti-Semitism."186Bryan,WilliamJ.TheFirstBattle:AStoryoftheCampaignof1896.Chicago:W.B.Conkey,1897.Print.187DigitaleBibliothek,n.d.Web.<http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0001/bsb00016233/images/index.html?seite=130>.

68

politicalandfinancialanxieties.188Fromaneconomicstandpoint,manybelievedthat

LondonspeculatorshadmanipulatedAmericanstockmarkets.Fromapolitical

standpoint,Populistfearedforeign“aristocratic”assaultsonAmericandemocratic

sovereignty.TheOmahaplatformforinstance,declaredthata“vastconspiracy

againstmankindhasbeenorganizedontwocontinents,anditisrapidlytakingover

theworld.”189An1895People’sPartymanifestowrotethataconspiracywasentered

into“betweenthegoldgamblersofEuropeandAmerica”thatdealt“ablowtothe

prosperityofthepeopleandthefinancialandcommercialindependenceofthe

country”.190

ManyirrationallybelievedthatBritishstockjobbersandfinancialinterestswere

directlyresponsibleforproppingupthegoldstandardinAmerica.Anarticleinthe

ProgressiveFarmerdeclaresthattheUnitedStateswas“ruledbyEngland”andthat

Americans“wereslavesoftheBritishcapitalists.”191MarionButlerdeclaredawar

“againsttheinfamousBritishgoldconspiratorsasrepresentedandsupportedby

ShermanandCleveland.”192WilliamHarvey’sCoin’sFinancialSchoolforexample,a

booksopopularthatBryanclaimedthatnothingelsehad“producedsogreatan

effect”inexposingeconomicinequities,warnsofBritishmanipulation.193Itwas

188"EnglishandAmericanBanker'sConspiracy."People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1894:n.pag.People'sPartyPaper.Web.189"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."190FrankMcVey,ThePopulistMovement,NewYork1896.201-202191"HowEnglandTaxesAmerica."TheProgressiveFarmer[Winson]10Jan.1899:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica:HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.192Butler,Marion.CharimanHolton'sProgram.1896.193Bryan,WilliamJ.TheFirstBattle:AStoryoftheCampaignof1896.Chicago:W.B.Conkey,1897.Print.153

69

neverintheAmericantraditionto“letEnglanddictatetous”,declaresCoin’s

FinancialSchool.194Thebooksendswiththisproclamation:

“IfitisclaimedwemustadoptforourmoneythemetalEnglandselects,and

canhavenoindependentchoiceinthematter,letusmakethetestandfind

outifitistrue.ItisnotAmericantogiveupwithouttrying.Ifitistrue,letus

attachEnglandtotheUnitedStatesandblothernameoutfromamongthe

nationsoftheearth.AwarwithEnglandwouldbethemostpopularever

wagedbyman.”195

ItincludedcartoonsthatdepictedanEnglishOctopusextendingitstentaclesaround

theglobe:

196

194Harvey,WilliamHope.Coin’sFinancialSchoolChicago:CoinPublishingCompany,1894.Print.147195Ibid.132196Ibid.124

70

AreflectionoftheirJeffersonianpoliticalroots,Populistparanoiaappealedtothe

legacyoftheAmericanRevolutionandsoundedthecryofwar.LikeJefferson,whose

disdainforEnglishwayswaswell-known,manyPopulistsfearedtheBritish

manipulationofpoliticalprocessesandeconomicmarkets.Populistrhetoricoften

borrowed18thcenturyJeffersonianlanguageofanimpendingtakeoverofan

“aristocracy”.ExplicitreferencestotheAmericanRevolutionforexample,shedlight

onPopulisteffortstotossofftheyokeofBritishrule.“Willwecalmlysubmitto

surrenderourlibertiesthatourforefatherswrungfromKingGeorge,because

Englandwouldnotallowustocointheproductsofoursilvermines?”asksaTopeka

Advocatearticle.197

Indeed,thePopulistssawtheirreformeffortsasa“secondrevoltofthecolonies”,

anattempttore-assertfinancialandpoliticalindependence.198“England,thehead

andfrontofgoldmonometallism,”writesan1896article,“willbeobligedto

surrendertoAmerica,andthatsurrenderwillbeagreatdealmoregallingthanthe

surrenderatYorktown.”199ThePopulistconsciencethusincludedappealsto

JeffersonandotherFoundingFathers,“whohadfoughtforeightlongyearsfortheir

independencefromBritishdominationinthiscountry”and“anintricateknowledge

ofherdesignsonthiscountry.”200Theypromptlysetupacurrencybasedonsilver,

197GoldenIdol"TopekaAdvocate[Topeka]17July1895:n.pag.ChroniclingAmerica;HistoricAmericanNewspapers.LibraryofCongress.Web.198Weaver,6199LetAmericaCompelEngland.Aug.1896.SanFrancisco.200Harvey,Coin’sFinancialSchool,6-7

71

“amongthefirstthingstheydid.”201Tomany,bimetallism,notthegoldstandard,

hadlongbeentheAmericanstandard;somecalledit“thedollarofourdaddies”.202

PauperLaborand“Dumping”

AnotherstreamofinternationalparanoiadominatedthePopulistconscience—

thefearofpauperimmigrants.Thisvariationofparanoiaincorporatedbothcultural

andeconomicconcerns.Specifically,manyworriedthatalienswouldrobAmerican

workersoftheirhard-earnedjobsandwages.Takeforexample,particularly

xenophobiclanguageintheOmahaPlatform,whichattackedincreasinglevelsof

GildedAgeimmigration:

“Resolved,ThatwecondemnthefallacyofprotectingAmericanlaborunder

thepresentsystem,whichopensourportstothepauperandcriminalclasses

oftheworldandcrowdsoutourwage-earners…anddemandthefurther

restrictionofundesirableemigration”.203

Whatdisturbedmanythen,wasnotjustthepresenceofoutsiders,butoutsiders

whohadstolenAmericanjobs,manyofwhomweredeliberately“dumped”by

Europeannations.Tomany,Americahadbecome“theconvenientcorneronwhich

Europedumpsallherrefuse—paupers,criminals,Anarchists,hersurplusand

dangerouspopulationofallkinds.”204

201Harvey,Coin’sFinancialSchool,7202Hofstadter,Richard.TheparanoidstyleinAmericanpolitics,andotheressays.258203"TheOmahaPlatform:LaunchingthePopulistParty."204“TheDumpingGroundofNations””People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.undated:n.pag.Print.

72

Often,Populistsblamedspecificimmigrantgroupsfortheireconomicproblems,

liketheChinese,whowere“moralandsociallepers”tomany.205BecauseChinese

farmingtechniqueshadthreatenedthesuccessofwhitePopulistfarmers,many

agrarians,calledforthepurgeof“Asiaticlabor”.206

“EvenParanoidPeopleHaveRealEnemies.”207

Withoutquestion,someoftheparanoidattitudesofthePopulistswerenot

baseless.Afterall,asHofstadterpointsout,conspiracytheoriesareoftenwidely

acceptedbecausetheycontainsomeleveloftruth.208GildedAgefinancialand

politicalcorruptionwasrampantandwidespread,ahistoricalrealitythatisbeyond

dispute.Thus,onemustacknowledgethatsomePopulistnightmaresofeconomic

andpoliticalconspiracywerenotonlylegitimate,butever-real.Robberbaronslike

JayGouldmanipulatedstockmarketsandtradedoninsiderinformation.Railroad

magnateslikeCollisHuntingtonofthe“BigFour”eagerlybribedpoliticianstosuit

theirbusinessinterests.Inthe1888Presidentialelection,twelvethousandmore

voteswerecountedthantherewereeligiblevotersinWestVirginia.209Samuel

DeCanioconvincinglydocumentedthatconspiredbriberyandcorruptionhelped

ensurepassageoftheCoinageActof1873,whichtomanyPopulistswas“The

greatestconspiracyagainstthemassesofthiscountry”andwaspassed“without

knowledgeofthepeople”.DeCaniodemonstratesforexample,thatthePresidentof205People’sPartyPaper[Atlanta]Oct.1893:n.pag.Print206Postel,184207ThequoteisavariationofHenryKissinger’sdeclarationthat“evenaparanoidhasrealenemies”whendescribingRichardNixon’senemies208Hofstadter,AgeofReform,71209G.,DelBeccaroThomas.Thedividedera:howwegothereandthekeystoAmerica'sreconciliation.Austin,TX:GreenleafBookGroupPress,2015.Print.

73

theBankofCaliforniasecretlybribedTreasuryDepartmentofficialstocurryfavor

forthepassageofthelaw.

Itwouldbewronghowever,tocondoneallPopulisttypesofparanoiajustbecause

somewerelegitimate.DeCanioforexample,succumbstothelogicalfallacyof

composition;hegoessofarastodefendthePopulistsagainstallchargesof

irrationalconspiracy-mongeringbasedonevidenceforoneoftheirtheories.Ifitis

truethataportionoftheirparanoidbeliefsgroundedthemselvesinreality,thenitis

equallytruethatalargenumberoftheseconspiracytheories.Theirclaimsofa

“Rothschildsyndicate”or“Shylockconspiracy”forexample,werevirtuallybaseless.

Evensomeoftheirlessoutlandishclaimsfoundminimaljustification.Little

empiricaldataforexample,isavailabletosupportPopulistparanoidclaimsof

persistentfinancialandindustrialrate-rigging.210InterestrateswerehigherinMid-

Westnotbecauseofmonopolisticmanipulation,butbecausebankshadto

compensateforgreaterriskfactorslikethepotentialfordroughtandthefinancial

insecurityoffarmers.Railroadsemployed“Ramseypricing”modelswhichcharged

higherpricesinthelesscompetitiveSouthandMid-Westsoastobettercompetein

themoredevelopedandcrowdedNortheast.

Onthemostfundamentallevel,thePopulistconcernthatthedeathofrobust

agrarianlifewasorchestratedbyconspiringeliteswaslargelyunfounded.Intense

economicforces,stemmingfromglobalizationandindustrialization,pavedanew

commerciallandscape,whichleftlittleroomfortheindependent“yeomanfarmer”.

210Bogue,AllanG.Moneyatinterest:thefarmmortgageonthemiddleborder.Lincoln:UofNebraskaPress,1969.Print.

74

Thehighfinancialriskassociatedwithagrarianlifewasmostresponsibleforthe

decayofthePopulistrurallifestyle.JohnMaynardKeynesonceaptlynotedthat

“thehighratesofinterestfrommortgagesonland,oftenexceedingtheprobablenet

yieldfromcultivatingtheland,havebeenafamiliarfeatureofmanyagricultural

economies.”211Profitssimplycouldnotkeeppacewiththeincreasedcostsof

agrariancommerciallife,whichultimatelyspelleditsdemiseinAmericanciviclife.

211Kenyes,JohnMaynard.TheGeneralTheoryofEmployment,Interest,andMoney.N.p.:Harcourt,Brace,andCompany,1936.Print.241

75

ConclusionTheagrarianrevoltofthe1890srepresentedthegreatestexpressionofpopular

discontenteverinUnitedStateshistory.HavingeffectivelychanneledGildedAge

anxieties,thePopulistimpulsepervadedthroughoutallcornersofAmericancivic

life.Itgaverisetothousandsofnewnewspapersthattoutedtheanti-elitistposture.

ItproducedthemostsuccessfulthirdpartyeverinAmericanpolitical,the“People’s

Party”.Itinspiredreform-mindedwriterswhowrotetheera’sbestsellingnovels.It

gaverisetoagenerationofpoliticalleadershipthatencouragedthemassesto

defendhonestrepublicangovernance.

Morethanacenturyafteritsriseanddeclinehowever,politicalscientistsand

historiansstilldebateitsoriginsandbasicidentity.However,despiteallofthe

disagreement,severalhistoricalandpoliticalrealitiesstandclear.Stronglyrootedin

theJeffersoniantradition,thePopulistimpulseharboredrichanddeepAmerican

historicalorigins.Fueledbycomplexeconomic,political,andculturalanxieties,it

producedawidespreadconvictionof“victimhood”amongGildedAgeagrarians.

Whiletheseanxietieshelpedfacilitatemeaningfulreform,theyalsogaverisetoa

disturbinganddivisiveparanoidstyle.Today,amidstourownmodernGildedAge,

wehavewitnessedspectaculardisplaysofpopularwill,arealitythatbegsa

comparisonbetweenthepopulismofthenandnow.

TheRiseofTrump

ThemodernpopulistsurgecametoapeakwiththeelectionofDonaldJ.Trumpin

2016,whichshockedvirtuallyallacrosstheworld.IntheUnitedStates,manywere

76

horrifiedbytheriseofanostensibledemagoguewhileotherscheeredthechoiceof

apoliticaloutsiderthatcouldreformWashington.Hiscampaignwasperhapsthe

mostbizarreofanyinAmericanhistory,havingshirkedusualprecedentand

tradition.WhatstoodoutmostaboutTrump’ssurgeandcampaignhowever,was

thecandidate’sdistinctrhetoricalstyle.Areflectionofhissupporters’anxieties,

Trumpeffectivelyembracedaparanoidstyleofconspiracytheoriesand

scapegoating,liketheGildedAgePopulistshadacenturyearlier.

Primefaciehowever,itmightseemlikethesurgesofthePopulistsandTrump

sharelittleresemblancetooneanother,arealitythatistoacertainextenttrue.

Politically,thePopulistsandtheTrumpsurgearesaidtohaveoccupiedpolarends

ofthepoliticalspectrum.IthasbecomecommontospeakofthePopulistsas“left-

wing”insurgentsthatembracedsweepingnationalprogramsandhelpedgiveriseto

ProgressiveandNewDealideology.TrumpandhislargelyRepublicanbaseonthe

otherhand,arecommonlyunderstoodas“right-wing”and“reactionary”.

Theirsharedrhetoricalstylesaside,theTrumpsurgedifferedinotherkey

respectsfromthePopulistrevoltofthelate19thcentury.TheGildedAgereformers

seizedonuniqueagrarianworries—itwasarevoltbyandforthefarmer.Trumpon

otherhand,areal-estatemagnatethatprobablywouldhavebeenreviledbymany

Populists,drewupondistinctanxietiesofthe21stcentury.Today,thereislittle,if

anyroomforactiveagrarianpoliticallife,letalonemuchspacefora“yeoman

democracy”.

AclosecomparisonofTrump’ssurgeandthePopulistrevolthowever,reveal

starksimilaritiesbetweenthetwomovements.Fromahistoricalstandpoint,both

77

havestrongJeffersonianunderpinningsandtheirparanoidattitudesultimately

stemmedfromeconomic,political,andculturalanxieties.Demographically,aglance

at1896and2016electoralmapsrevealthatTrump,likethePopulists,found

overwhelminglystrongsupportintheSouthandMid-West.

WhileanunderstandingofPopulismwellhelpbetterunderstandTrump’ssurge,it

isindeedimportanttounderstandtheidiosyncrasiesofeachmovement.Justasitis

importanttoavoidprojectingone’sunderstandingofcontemporarycircumstances

toananalysisofPopulism,oneshouldassurethatone’sunderstandingofthelate

19thcenturynotwhollycolorananalysisofTrump.

JeffersonianRoots?

Today,talksofJeffersonandhislegacyarelessapparentandfrequentthanthey

hadbeenduringthePopulistEra,whichbeganonlyacenturyaftertheAmerican

Revolution.Nevertheless,onecanlocatecleartracesoftheJeffersonianlegacy

throughoutTrump’srhetoricandposture.Inmanyways,Trump’ssurgecouldfind

meaningfulprecedentthroughoutthehistoryAmericanpopulism.

Ultimately,theNewYorkbusinessman,whohadlittlepoliticalexperiencewhen

runningforoffice,depictedhimselfasaWashingtonoutsider,along-standing

practiceinAmericanpopularpolitics.Heclaimedhewasareformerthatcouldcurb

corruptionand“draintheswamp”,proposalsthatsurelywouldhavebeenendorsed

byourthirdpresident.Trump’sclaimatthismantleofpopulismwasawkwardand

disingenuoustomany,givenhiswealthybackgroundandmassivenetworth.Inthis

respecthowever,TrumpwasnodifferentthanThomasJeffersonorAndrew

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Jackson,bothofwhomcamefromprivilegedbackgroundsbeforeenteringoffices.

Throughouthiscampaign,hepersistentlyarguedthathecouldbestreformthe

systembecauseheknewitsimperfectionsandcorruptionssowell.

IfJeffersonhadadvocatedfortheyeomanfarmer,thenTrumphadsupportedthe

Americanworker,whosejobswerebeingexportedandprospectshurtbygreedy

oligarchs.ReminiscentofJackson’schargesofa“corruptbargain”intheelectionof

1824,TrumphaslongarguedthattheAmericanpoliticalsystemwas“rigged”.

Trumpwasalsocertainlynotthefirstpresidenttobelabeleda“demagogue”.

Jeffersonwasconsidereda“violentdemocrat,and“vulgardemagogue”bymany.212

IntheVirginiastatelegislature,fellowlawmakerschargedthatJeffersonwas“an

incendiary,astirrerupofstrike”,andresponsiblefor“arrayingthepooragainstthe

rich,forbasepoliticalpurposes.”213

SeveralofTrumpeccentricbehaviorsechothoseofearlierpopulistpresidents

andmovements.Hisattacksofandposturestowardthemedia,forexample,evoke

memoriesofthePopulistdisdaintowardsestablishedmediainterests.Whilein

office,Jeffersonhimselfabhorredthemediaandattemptedtocensorthem.“Nothing

cannowbebelievedwhichisseeninanewspaper”,heonceremarked—itwasall

fakenews.214AlmosttwocenturiesbeforeTrumphadselectedformerBreitbart

editorSteveBannonasanadvisor,PresidentJacksonappointedinfluential

newspapereditorFrancisPrestonBlair,tohiskitchencabinet.Trump’sselection,

212Smith,MargaretBayard."ExtractaboutThomasJefferson."Letter.Dec.1800.TheFirstFortyYearsofWashingtonSociety,PortrayedbytheFamilyLettersofMrs.SamuelHarrisonSmith.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Monticello.ThomasJeffersonFoundation.Web.213People'sPartyPaper[Atlanta]1893:n.pag.Print.214Jefferson,Thomas."ExtractsfromThomasJeffersontoJohnNorvell."LettertoJohnNorvell.11June1807.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.N.pag.Monticello.Web.15Mar.2017.

79

similartoJackson’s,wasintendedtohelpthepresidentbetterunderstandand

navigateestablishedmediainterests.

LiketheGildedAgePopulists,hispoliticalrhetoricharboredcomplexparadoxes

andintricacies.WhilehiswarningsofcorruptionandattacksonWashington

appearedJeffersonian,Trumpwas,andstillisnosmallgovernmentconservative.He

haslongadvocatedforambitiousfederalprojectsliketheconstructionofawall

alongtheMexicanborderandincreasedspendingforinfrastructure,programsthat

arefashionedinHamiltonian-style.Areflectionofhispragmatism,Trumphaslong

shirkedatprincipleddevotionstoalimitedsetofgovernmentalmethods,muchlike

thePopulists.Infact,oneofhisprimaryappealstovotersduringtheelection

seasonswasthathewasasuccessfulbusinessmanwho“couldgetthingsdone”.

Finally,bothTrumpandthePopulistswereforward-lookingandbackward-looking.

Theyhadspokenofreformingabrokensystem,whilelookingbackwardfor

inspiration.

AReformer:“DrainingtheSwamp”

Throughouthis2016campaign,Trumpattackedanoutdatedestablishmentthat

cateredtospecialinterestsandbigmoney—“Thesystemisrigged”,hewouldoften

declare.Thoughhispolicyproposalswereoftenincomprehensible,theNewYork

businessmanbroughtseriouseconomicconcerns,liketheeffectsoftradedeals,

frontandcentertothepublicarena.Hetalkedoftax,trade,andhealthcarereform

anddemandedamoreaccountableWashington.Helambastedtheinfluenceof

moneyinpoliticsandspokeofapoliticalclass“captured”byspecialinterests.His

80

campaigngarneredlittlesupportfromlargedonors,andmostofhisfunds

originatedfromcontributionsofunder$200.

Ultimately,Trumpdoesdeserveseriouscreditforeffectivelysheddinglightonthe

inequitiesanddilemmasofourownGildedAge.Heexposedawholeswathofan

Americanpopulationthathadfeltdisaffectedandvoicelessforseveraldecades.

Nevertheless,hedeservesevenmoreblameforexacerbatingexistingdividesand

anxieties,ratherthanmitigatingthem.

AReactionary:Trump’sManufacturingMythology

“WellmydaddycomeontheOhioworks,whenhecomehomefromWorldWarTwo,nowtheyard’sjustscrapandrubble,hesaid‘thembigboysdidwhatHitlercouldn’tdo’”—Youngstown(1995),BruceSpringsteenTrump,areactionary,persistentlypromisedthathisreformswouldmake

America“GreatAgain”.Itwasuncleartomanyhowever,whattimeperiodhewas

referringtoorwhatexactlyitwasthatmadeAmerica“Great”.IfthePopulistshad

believedinan“agrarianmyth”,whererurallifewasoncevibrantandrichinthe

early19thcentury,thenTrumpadheredtoa“manufacturingmyth”,wherepost-War

Americanindustrialismwasonceinternationallydominantandcouldoffermiddle

classAmericanssteadyjobsofintegrityanddecentpay.Hiscampaignfrequently

paidvisitstoonceboomingbuthollowed-outindustrialtownslikeYoungstown,

OhioandScranton,Pennsylvania,drawingmassivecrowdsofanxiousRust-Belt

Americans.

Othershowever,lookedevenmorecynicallyuponhis“GreatAgain”declarations.

Manybelievedthattheslogancalledforareturntoanerawherewhite-Americawas

81

oncedominant.Throughouttheelectioncycle,chargesweremadethatTrumphad

cateredtoracialparanoidtendencies.Suchconcernswerecertainlynotwithout

merit.HequestionedthemotivesofanIndiana-bornjudgesimplybecausehehad

Mexicanancestryandinitiallyrefusedtocriticizewhitesupremacists,likeDavid

Duke,thatendorsedhim.Indeed,Trump’srecentpoliticalcareerwaslonggrounded

inracialparanoia,havingdrawnnationalattentionin2011forhis“birther”

comments,challengingBarackObama’snative-bornclaims.

LikeWilliamJenningsBryan’s“CrossofGold”declaration,itisdifficulttotell

whetherTrumps’“GreatAgain”assertions(andalargenumberofhisother

assertionsforthatmatter)weredeliberateattemptstoappealtoracistandsexist

attitudes.Similarly,itishardtodeterminewhetherTrumpharborssignificant

personalracialbias.Withoutdoubthowever,Trump,eitherpurposefullyor

inadvertently,cateredtoracialparanoidtendencies.Manymembersofhis

audiencesandpoliticalbase,likeRichardSpencerandmembersofthe“Alt-Right”,

associatedhisclaims“greatness”withracialhomogeneityandintolerance.

TheRootsofTrumpParanoiaSeveraltheorieshavecompetedtoexplainTrump’srise.Somehavearguedthat

Trumprepresentedabacklashagainstglobalizingforcesthathaveleftsomany

anxiousAmericansbehind.Othershowever,discountingeconomicconcerns,

suggestedthathismessagewasnothinglessthanethnicdemagogueryandrace-

baiting.Itwouldbewrongthough,topointtoanysinglefactor--“race”,“culture”,or

“economics”--tobestexplainTrump’ssurge,justasitwaswrongtodosowiththe

82

Populists.Itsrootswerecomplexandmultifaceted,andTrump’sparanoidstyle

cateredtoadiversearrayofanxietiesandworries.

Fromaneconomicstandpoint,ananalysisofdemographicdatarevealsthatmost

wereTrumpvoterswerenotnecessarilyfinanciallydistressedbutanxious,likethe

agrariansofthe1890s.Trumpvoterswerenotonaverageanylesswealthythan

Clintonvoters,norweretheyanypoorerthanthesupportersofTrump’s

counterpartsduringtheRepublicanprimaries.215Severalempiricalstudieshowever,

demonstratethattheyweremuchmorepessimisticandanxiousaboutthis

country’sfuturethanwastheaveragecitizen.AGallupstudy,havingconducted

surveysofvoters,foundthatthemoreeconomicallyanxiousahousehold,themore

likelyitwastoharborfavorableopinionsofTrump.216Duringtheprimaryseason,

Trumpsupporters,thoughwealthierthantheaverageRepublican,weremorethan

twiceaslikelytoagreethat“thefutureofthenextgenerationofAmericanswillbe

worse”aswereClintonvoters.IncreasedTrumpsupportforexample,was

correlatedwithlowercreditscoresandincreasedsubprimemortgagesacross

counties.217

Fromapoliticalstandpoint,TrumpappealedtodisaffectedAmericansthathad

feltdispossessedandvoiceless.Havingoftenspokenofa“silentmajority”,he

claimedtobespeakinfavorofthoseAmericanswoundedbyeconomic

215Rothwell,Jonathon.ExplainingNationalistPoliticalViews:TheCaseofDonaldTrump.Rep.N.p.:n.p.,n.d.ExplainingNationalistPoliticalViews:TheCaseofDonaldTrump.Gallup.Web.15Aug.2016.216Gallup,Inc."FinancialInsecurityHigherforThoseWhoFavorTrump."Gallup.com.N.p.,10Oct.2016.Web.17Mar.2017.217Casselman,Ben."StopSayingTrump'sWinHadNothingToDoWithEconomics."FiveThirtyEight.FiveThirtyEight,09Jan.2017.Web.21Mar.2017.Web.

83

globalization,aWashingtonelite,andcronycapitalists.Hisbluntandsimple

speakingstyleappealedtomanyAmericans,because“hespokelikethem”.

Culturally,manyruralAmericans,mostofwhomsupportedTrumpinthe

election,hadbecomeincreasinglyfrustratedwithurbanelites,whatpolitical

scientistKatherineCramercalled“thepoliticsofresentment".Inher2016bookThe

PoliticsofResentment:RuralConsciousnessinWisconsinandtheRiseofScottWalker,

Cramer,usingethnographictechniquesandinterviews,arguesthatscholarshave

longunderestimatedtheforceandbreadthofruralculturaldiscontent.Centralto

Cramer’sargumentistheresentmentfeltbyrural“have-nots”whofeelthat

increasedcentralizationhasonlyyieldedbenefitsfortheurban“haves”.218Though

her2016workwasfocusedonWisconsinvoters,Cramerhasmorerecentlyargued

thatthesameforcesofresentmenthelpedpropelTrump’snationwidevictory.

Besidegeographicisolation,“Racialisolation”,orlivingincommunitieswith

comparativelylittleracialdiversity,wasstronglypredictiveofsupportforTrump.219

JonathonRothwellfoundthatzipcodeswithadisproportionatelyhighshareof

whiteresidentsweremorelikelytoviewTrumpfavorably.220Hewrites:

“Limitedinteractionswithracialandethnicminorities,immigrants,and

collegegraduatesmaycontributetoprejudicialstereotypes,politicaland

218Cramer,KatherineJ..Thepoliticsofresentment:ruralconsciousnessinWisconsinandtheriseofScottWalker.Chicago:UofChicagoPress,2016.Print.219"Subtractanddivide."TheEconomist.TheEconomistNewspaper,22Oct.2016.Web.24Mar.2017.220Rothwell

84

culturalmisunderstandings,andageneralfearofrejectionandnot-

belonging”.221

Trump’sParanoidStyle

Duringhispresidentialcampaignandadministration,Trump’sparanoid

tendenciesspannedacrossanarrayofpublicpolicyissuesandreflectedabreadthof

anxieties.Hiscampaigncommercialsattackingthefinancialindustryforexample,

exclusivelyfeaturedJewishbankers,whichmayhavereflectedbotheconomicand

culturalanxieties.Heevenquestionedthevalidityandintegrityofanelectionthat

hewon.BarackObama,Trumprecentlyclaimedwithoutanyevidence,had

wiretappedhiscampaignphones.

Hisparanoiawasalsodirectedoutward.UnlikethePopulists,Trumpdidnot

energeticallytouttherevolutionaryAmericanspiritandtodayofcourse,Great

Britainisnolongertheworldpoweritoncewas.ItposesnothreattoAmerican

independence.Whereaslate19thcenturyAmericawasanindustrializingcountry

insecureofitseconomicandpoliticalsovereignty,theAmericaoftodayisthe

world’sforemostsuperpower.

Thus,incontrasttothePopulists,Trump’sinternationalparanoiainsteadfocused

notonAmericanindependence,butAmericanhegemony.Hisparanoiafrequently

tookaimatChina,whichhassuccessfullychallengedtheU.S.abilitytodominate

globaleconomicandpoliticalaffairs.TheAsiansuperpower,hedeclared,was

221Ibid.

85

rippingusoffontrade,hackingourcomputers,andconjuringtheoriesofglobal

warmingtoundermineAmericanmanufacturing.

ReminiscentofPopulistchargesthatEuropehadbeen“dumping”“paupers”on

Americashores,TrumpproclaimedinhiscandidacyannouncementthatMexicohad

deliberatelysenttheir“worst”totheUnitedStates.Boththenandnow,theseclaims

groundedthemselvesinculturalandeconomicparanoia,butwithoutregardto

reality.

TheEndoftheModernGildedAge?

ThePopulistimpulsecoincidedwiththeculminationoftheGildedAge,as

reformerseffectivelyshedlightontheera’sexcessesandinequities.Itwasthe

ultimateexpressionoftheera’sanxietiesandwidespreaddiscontent.Aproductof

modernGildedAgeanxieties,theTrumpsurgehastransformedAmericanciviclife

andpoliticsforyearstocome.WhetherTrump’svictorysignalstheendofthe

modernGildedAgehowever,isaquestionthatcannotyetbeanswered.

86

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