Post Edsa Revolution.cherry Andgretel

8/2/2019 Post Edsa Revolution.cherry Andgretel

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POST EDSA REVOLUTION

I. CORAZON C. AQUINO ADMINISTRATION

In 1991 the government was led by President Corazon C. Aquino, who was head

of state, chief executive, and commander in chief of the armed forces. The vice

president, who under the Philippine Constitution need not belong to the same party as

the president, was Salvador H. Laurel. Aquino did not seek to create a political party to

perpetuate her rule, preferring instead to rely on her personal popularity, which initially

was strong but diminished throughout her term.

Constitutional Framework

After Aquino came to power, on March 25, 1986, she issued Presidential Proclamation

No. 3, which promulgated an interim "Freedom Constitution" that gave Aquino sweeping

powers theoretically even greater than those Marcos had enjoyed, although she

promised to use her emergency powers only to restore democracy, not to perpetuate

herself in power. She claimed that she needed a free hand to restore democracy, revive

the economy, gain control of the military, and repatriate some of the national wealth that

Marcos and his partners had purloined. Minister of Justice Neptali Gonzales described

the Freedom Constitution as "civilian in character, revolutionary in origin, democratic inessence, and transitory in character." The Freedom Constitution was to remain in effect

until a new legislature was convened and a constitutional convention could write a new,

democratic constitution to be ratified by national plebiscite. The process took sixteen

months.

Although many Filipinos thought delegates to the Constitutional Commission should be

elected, Aquino appointed them, saying that the Philippines could not afford the time or

expense of an election. On May 25, 1986, she selected forty-four names from hundreds

suggested by her cabinet and the public. She appointed respected, prominent citizens

and, to be on the safe side, prohibited them from running for office for one year after the

constitution's ratification. Delegates had the same profile as those who had drawn up

the constitutions of 1898 and 1935: they were wealthy and well educated. They

represented a range of political stances: some were leftists and some were ardent

nationalists, but moderate conservatives held a majority. There were thirty lawyers,

including two former Supreme Court justices. A nun, a priest, and a bishop represented

the interests of the Catholic Church. Eight commissioners had also served in theaborted constitutional convention of 1972. Five seats on the fifty-member commission

were reserved for Marcos supporters, defined as members of Marcos's New Society

Movement, and were filled by former Minister of Labor Blas Ople and four associates.

One seat was reserved for the Iglesia ni Kristo (Church of Christ), which, however,


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declined to participate. One of Aquino's appointees, leftist movie producer Lino Brocka,

resigned, so the final number of commissioners was forty-eight.

The commission divided itself into fourteen committees and began work amidst great

public interest, which, however, soon waned. Long, legalistic hearings were sometimes

poorly attended. Aquino is known to have intervened to influence only one decision of

the commission. She voiced her support of a loophole in the constitution's antinuclear

weapons provision that allowed the president to declare that nuclear weapons, if

present on United States bases, were "in the national interest."

The commissioners quickly abandoned the parliamentary government that Marcos had

fancied, and arguments for a unicameral legislature also were given short shrift. Most

delegates favored a return to something very much like the 1935 constitution, with

numerous symbolic clauses to appease "cause- oriented" groups. The most

controversial proposals were those pertaining to the Philippine claim to Sabah,

presidential emergency powers, land reform, the rights of labor, the role of foreign

investment, and United States military base rights. Special attention focused on

proposals to declare Philippine territory a nuclear-free zone.

Aquino had asked the Constitutional Commission to complete its work within ninety

days, by September 2, 1986. Lengthy public hearings (some in the provinces) and

contentious floor debates, however, caused this deadline to be missed. The final

version of the Constitution, similar to a "draft proposal" drawn up in June by the

University of the Philippines Law School, was presented to Aquino on October 15. The

commission had approved it by a vote of forty-four to two.

The constitution, one of the longest in the world, establishes three separate branches of

government called departments: executive, legislative, and judicial. A number of

independent commissions are mandated: the Commission on Elections and the

Commission on Audit are continued from the old constitution, and two others, the

Commission on Human Rights and the Commission on Good Government, were formed

in reaction to Marcos's abuses. The Commission on Good Government is charged with

the task of repossessing ill-gotten wealth acquired during the Marcos regime.

Some ambitious Filipino politicians hoped that the new Constitution would invalidate the

1986 presidential election and require that a new election be held. Their hopes were

dashed by the "transitory provisions" in Article 17 of the new constitution that confirmed

Aquino in office until June 30, 1992. Other officials first elected under the new

constitution also were to serve until 1992.Article 3, the bill of rights, contains the same rights found in the United States

Constitution (often in identical wording), as well as some additional rights. The

exclusionary rule, for example, prohibits illegally gathered evidence from being used at


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a trial. Other rights include a freedom-of-information clause, the right to form unions,

and the requirement that suspects be informed of their right to remain silent.

The church and state are separated, but Catholic influence can be seen in parts of the

Constitution. An article on the family downplays birth control; another clause directs the

state to protect the life of the unborn beginning with conception; and still another clause

abolishes the death penalty. Church-owned land also is tax-exempt.

The explosive issue of agrarian reform is treated gingerly. The state is explicitly directed

to undertake the redistribution of land to those who till it, but "just compensation" must

be paid to present owners, and Congress (expected to be dominated by landowners) is

given the power to prescribe limits on the amount of land that can be retained. To

resolve the controversial issue of United States military bases, the Constitution requires

that any future agreement must be in the form of a treaty that is ratified by two-thirds of

the Senate and, if the Congress requires, ratified by a majority of the votes cast in a

national referendum.

Many provisions lend a progressive spirit to the Constitution, but these provisions are

symbolic declarations of the framers' hopes and are unenforceable. For example, the

state is to make decent housing available to underprivileged citizens. Priority is to be

given to the sick, elderly, disabled, women, and children. Wealth and political power are

to be diffused for the common good. The state shall maintain honesty and integrity in

the public service. To be implemented, all of these declarations of intent required

legislation.

Aquino scheduled a plebiscite on the new constitution for February 2, 1987. Ratification

of the constitution was supported by a loose coalition of centrist parties and by the

Catholic Church. The constitution was opposed by both the Communist Party of the

Philippines--Marxist Leninist (referred to as the CPP) and the leftist May First Movement

(Kilusang Mayo Uno) for three reasons: It was tepid on land reform, it did not absolutely

ban nuclear weapons from Philippine territory, and it offered incentives to foreign

investors. But the communists were in disarray after their colossal mistake of boycotting

the election that overthrew Marcos, and their objections carried little weight. The

constitution faced more serious opposition from the right, led by President Aquino's

discontented, now ex-defense minister, Juan Ponce Enrile, who reassembled elements

of the old Nacionalista Party to campaign for a no vote to protest what he called the

"Aquino dictatorship."

Aquino toured the country campaigning for a yes vote, trading heavily on her enormouspersonal prestige. The referendum was judged by most observers to turn more on

Aquino's popularity than on the actual merits of the Constitution, which few people had

read. Her slogan was "Yes to Cory, Yes to Country, Yes to Democracy, and Yes to the

Constitution." Aquino also showed that she was familiar with traditional Filipino pork-


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barrel politics, promising voters in Bicol 1,061 new classrooms "as a sign of my

gratitude" if they voted yes.

The plebiscite was fairly conducted and orderly. An overwhelming three-to-one vote

approved of the Constitution, confirmed Aquino in office until 1992, and dealt a stunning

defeat to her critics. Above all else the victory indicated a vote for stability in the midst of

turmoil. There was only one ominous note--a majority of the military voted against the

referendum. Aquino proclaimed the new Constitution in effect on February 11, 1987,

and made all members of the military swear loyalty to it.

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS

As president Corazon C. Aquino entered the final year of her six-year term in

1991, she presided over a demoralized nation reeling from the effects of natural

calamities and economic malaise. The country had slid into dictatorship and gross

economic mismanagement during Ferdinand E. Marcos's twenty-year presidency. When

Aquino was elevated to the presidency in an inspiring People's Power Revolution in

1986, Filipinos' hopes rose. Inevitably, the stark realities of the nation's economic and

political predicaments tarnished Aquino's image.

Aquino's achievements, however, were significant. She helped topple a dictator

who had unlimited reserves of wealth, force, and cunning. She replaced a disjointed

constitution that was little more than a fig leaf for Marcos's personalistic rule with a

democratic, progressive document that won overwhelming popular approval in a

nationwide plebiscite. She renounced the dictatorial powers she inherited from Marcos

and returned the Philippines to the rule of law; she lived with the checks on her own

power inherent in three-branch government; and she scheduled national elections to

create a two-chamber legislature and local elections to complete the country's

redemocratization.

The 1987 constitution returned the Philippines to a presidential system. The

national government is in theory highly centralized, with few powers devolving to

provincial and municipal governments. In fact, local potentates often reserve powers to

themselves that the national government is not even aware of. The national government

consists of three branches: the executive, headed by the president; two houses of

Congress, the Senate and the House of Representatives; and the Supreme Court,

which heads an independent judiciary. A bill of rights guarantees political freedoms, andthe constitution provides for regular elections.

The performance of these institutions was, of course, conditioned by Philippine

history and culture, and by poverty. For example, the twenty-four members of the

Senate, elected by nationwide ballot, in the 1980s were drawn almost entirely from old,


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prominent families. Senators staked out liberal, nationalist positions on symbolic issues,

such as military base rights for the United States, but were exceedingly cautious about

any structural changes, such as land reform, that could jeopardize their families'

economic positions.

Political parties grew in profusion after the Marcos martial law regime (1972-81)

was ended. There were 105 political parties registered in 1988. As in the pre-Marcos

era, most legal political parties were coalitions, built around prominent individuals, which

focused entirely on winning elections, not on what to do with the power achieved. There

was little to distinguish one party from another ideologically, which was why many

Filipinos regarded the political system as irrelevant.

President Aquino's early years in office were punctuated by a series of coup

attempts. Her greatest frustration, and a most serious impediment to economic

development, was a fractious, politicized army. Some officers wanted to regain the

privileges they enjoyed under Marcos; others dreamed of saving the nation. Although all

coup attempts failed, they frightened away foreign investors, forced Aquino to fire

cabinet members of whom the army did not approve, pushed her policies rightward, and

lent an air of impermanence to her achievements.

Criticism of the Aquino administration came from all parts of the political

spectrum. Filipino communists refused to participate in a government they saw as a thin

cover for oligarchy. The democratic left criticized Aquino for abandoning sweeping

reform and for her probusiness and pro-American policies. Her own vice president,

Salvador H. Laurel, castigated her mercilessly from the beginning and even encouraged

the army to overthrow her. The far right (sugar barons, military malcontents, and ex-

Marcos cronies) characterized her as naive and ineffective and ridiculed her for being

what she always said she was, a "simple housewife." In reality she was far more than

that. Amidst this cacophony, Aquino seemed to have calmly accepted that she would

not be able to resolve the Philippines' deeply rooted structural problems and that it

would be enough to have restored political democracy. She prepared the ground for her

successor.

The Roman Catholic Church also was a major political factor. It had reverted to

a less visible (but no less influential) role than in the declining years of Marcos's rule,

when its relative invulnerability to harassment spurred priests and nuns to become

political activists. Most church leaders criticized human rights abuses by military units or

vigilantes, but they supported constitutional government. Cardinal Jaime Sin, whoplayed such a pivotal role in Aquino's triumph over Marcos, recognized her personal

virtue but denounced the corruption that stained her administration. Some parish

priests, disgusted by the country's extreme polarization of wealth and power,

cooperated with the New People's Army.


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The communist insurgency had not been eradicated, although guerrillas posed

less of a threat than they did before 1986. They conducted murderous internal purges.

Still, if a guerrilla army wins by not losing, the New People's Army was a real alternative

to the elected government. It fought for more than twenty years, and the class inequities

it condemned continued to grow in the early 1990s. The fight against Filipino Muslim

separatists in Mindanao likewise continued, also at a diminished level.

Philippine foreign relations in the late 1980s and early 1990s were colored by

the contradiction between subjective nationalism and objective dependency. After

nearly fifty years of independence, Filipinos still viewed their national identity as

undefined and saw international respect as elusive. They chafed at perceived

constraints on their sovereign prerogatives and resented the power of foreign business

owners and military advisers. Yet, as a poor nation deeply in debt to private banks,

multilateral lending institutions, and foreign governments, the Philippines had to meet

conditions imposed by its creditors. This situation was galling to nationalists, especially

because the previous regime had squandered its borrowed money. Filipinos also sought

to achieve a more balanced foreign policy to replace the uncomfortably close economic,

cultural, military, and personal ties that bound them to the United States, but this was

unlikely to happen soon.


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II. FIDEL V. RAMOS ADMINISTRATION


In the 1992 elections, Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos (Lakas-NUCD),

authorized by Aquino, won the presidency with just 23.6% of the vote in a field of seven

candidates.

Aquino declined to run for reelection and was succeeded by her former army

chief of staff Fidel Ramos. He immediately launched an economic revitalization plan

premised on three policies: government deregulation, increased private investment, and

political solutions to the continuing insurgencies within the country. His political program

was somewhat successful, opening dialogues with the Marxist and Muslim guerillas.

However, Muslim discontent with partial rule persisted, and unrest and violence

continued throughout the 1990s. In 1999, Marxist rebels and Muslim separatists formed

an alliance to fight the government.

Early in his administration, Ramos declared "national reconciliation" his highest

priority. He legalized the Communist Party and created the National Unification

Commission (NUC) to lay the groundwork for talks with communist insurgents, Muslim

separatists, and military rebels. In June 1994, Ramos signed into law a general

conditional amnesty covering all rebel groups, and Philippine military and police

personnel charged of crimes committed while fighting the insurgents. In October 1995,

the government signed an agreement bringing the military insurgency to an end.

A peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front, a major separatist

group fighting for an independent homeland in Mindanao, was signed in 1996, ending

the 24-year old struggle. However, an MNLF fragment group, the Moro Islamic

Liberation Front continued the armed struggle for an Islamic state.

The Ramos presidency and human rights

Since his ascension to the presidency in 1992, Gen. Fidel Ramos has projected

the Philippines as on track towards peace and progress. He has done this through

inaugurating the Medium Term Philippine Development Plan or Philippines 2000, and

through brokering peace negotiations with the former military splittists, the Moro rebels

and the National Democratic Front (NDF).

As president, Ramos has taken to the posturing that his government has

undertaken basic reforms which would answer the problems of landlessness, working

class misery and general poverty. Yet the continuing human rights violations in the


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country betray that the Ramos government's economic and peace agenda are not

responding to the popular demands for social change and justice.

For the other side of the government's boisterous claim of a 6.8% GNP growth

this first half of 1997 is the massive dislocation of the peasantry, including the national

minorities; labor contractualization and the suppression of wages; rising abuses on

Filipino OCWs; commercialization of education; the commodification and white slavery

of women; and increasing abuses on children.

Inspite of the Filipino people's increasing poverty, the government continues to

sell the country's natural resources to foreign monopoly capital for a pittance and

provides various incentives to facilitate the entry of surplus goods and capital from

imperialist countries through the three evils of deregulation, liberalization, and

privatization. On the other hand, the Filipino people, who are made to suffer the brunt of

the crisis of the world economic system, are being suppressed for struggling for their

democratic rights, interests, and welfare.

Human rights violations are not mere dark stains on the white canvas. They

expose that the common grievances of the people are being answered by brutal

attacks, suppression, and the gradual constriction of civil liberties.

Over the past five years, there has been the distinctive pattern of continuing

human rights violations. Civil and political rights violations remain unabated as the AFP

intensifies its counter-insurgency operations as well as the suppression of people's

organizations. Contrary to the claims of the Commission on Human Rights, the AFP is

still the worst violator of human rights.

During the last five years, the AFP was involved in 753 cases of human rights

violations. And its lapdog, the CAFGU, was involved in 99 cases. The PNP committed

533 cases of human rights violations. And the various intelligence agencies of both the

AFP and PNP were involved in 48 cases.

Human rights violations are likewise being committed as the regime forcibly

displaces the workers and peasants to give way to foreign investments, mining and

IFMA (read: logging) concessions, eco-tourism projects, and industrial and commercial

centers. Aside from utilizing the PNP and AFP in these operations, security guards and

armed goons are mobilized to break picketlines and student protest actions. Security

guards were involved in 20 cases and armed goons in seven cases of human rights

violations. The direct involvement of government officials was documented in 68 cases.


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There are increasing moves by the Ramos government to maintain itself in power,

curtail institutionalized civil liberties, and strengthen its coercive powers.

Arrests and detention/Disappearances

Throughout the five years of the present regime, there were 808 incidents of

arrests, affecting 1,754 individuals. Continuing political arrests and detention belie the

faade of democracy in the Philippines.

The present 166 political prisoners nationwide are living symbols of political repression.

The majority of these political prisoners were arrested without warrant and were

charged or convicted of common crimes instead of political offenses.

Government's foot-dragging on the issue of the release of all political prisoners has

been a sticky point in its ongoing peace negotiations with the NDF. That it is a matter of

justice to have all political prisoners released eludes the government, which wants to

drag them through a screening and judicial process that is filled with loopholes and

marked by an insincere attempt to show it is addressing the issue.

There is a total of 15 disappearances for the past five years. The most recent

disappearance is that of peasant organizer Romeo Cortez, who disappeared in

Pampanga province on April 1, 1997. He is the 1,595th to disappear in the Philippines

since the Marcos dictatorship.

economic dislocation, and aerial attack directed against the people.

Since January 1997, the MILF areas in Mindanao have been under heavy militarization.

The AFP's bombing that month in Buldon, Maguindanao resulted in the death of nine

students and one teacher. This past June-July, as many as 65,000 civilians have been

displaced in the said areas because of continuous military operations against the MILF.

Arrests and detention/Disappearances

Throughout the five years of the present regime, there were 808 incidents of

arrests, affecting 1,754 individuals. Continuing political arrests and detention belie the

faade of democracy in the Philippines. The present 166 political prisoners nationwide

are living symbols of political repression. The majority of these political prisoners were

arrested without warrant and were charged or convicted of common crimes instead of

political offenses.


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Government's foot-dragging on the issue of the release of all political prisoners

has been a sticky point in its ongoing peace negotiations with the NDF. That it is a

matter of justice to have all political prisoners released eludes the government, which

wants to drag them through a screening and judicial process that is filled with loopholes

and marked by an insincere attempt to show it is addressing the issue.

There is a total of 15 disappearances for the past five years. The most recent

disappearance is that of peasant organizer Romeo Cortez, who disappeared in

Pampanga province on April 1, 1997. He is the 1,595th to disappear in the Philippines

since the Marcos dictatorship.

Thus, despite its current peace negotiations with the NDF the Ramos

government is still hell-bent on militarily overrunning the NDF-led revolutionary

movement. It is also intent on defeating the MILF. Meanwhile, the government has

successfully coopted the RAM-SFP-YOU, as well as induced the capitulation of the

Misuari-led Moro National Liberation Front.

Meanwhile, the Ramos government also continues to try revising the

Constitution. It also persists in political maneuvers to remove the obstacles against

Ramos perpetuation in power, accumulate more power as well as attempts to legislaterepressive decrees like the bills on anti-terrorism, anti-racketeering, crime control,

national security and a national identification system. It has in fact succeeded with

implementing the national ID system by issuing it as an executive decree instead of

having it pass through the legislature.

And the same old set of draconian edicts remain in place. These includePD 1866

(making illegal possession of firearms in furtherance of rebellion a capital offense),

Government Orders 66 and 67 legalizing checkpoints and warrantless searches,

Memorandum Circular 139 authorizing military food blockades during counter-

insurgency operations, Umil vs. Ramos Supreme Court ruling legalizing warrantless

arrests, and so on and so forth.

The presence of a military cabal in government is also alarming. There are more

than 60 former AFP officers in government. The fact that they hold top cabinet posts

and other sensitive positions show that an old boysF network of former military officers

is actually running the country.

In sum, the government's moves towards authoritarianism show an ailing political

system that must clamp down on militant resistance to remain in power. Yet the

strengthening people's struggle show that the government must beware in reimposing


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martial rule, for it may be digging its own grave. The unabated cases of attacks on

people's organizations, communities, and the suppression of protest actions, as well as

the gradual constriction of civil liberties are mere symptoms. Militarization, intensifying

counter-insurgency operations, and the maneuvers of the Ramos regime to maintain

itself and accumulate more power are acts of desperation.

Peace and democracy, economic development and prosperity for the Filipino

people under Philippines 2000 are mere illusions. On the contrary, the MTPDP which

conforms to the Structural Adjustment Program of the IMF-WB and the GATT-WTO

agreements will only lead to the increasing misery and poverty of the Filipino people.

Displacements, landlessness, economic dislocation, unemployment and wage

slavery will continuously be the reality. These social abuses stem from the Ramos

regime's continued subservience to the dictates of foreign monopoly capital which is

suffering from a crisis of overproduction. Paradoxically, the rapid rate of technological

development which further expedites the accumulation of capital and the overproduction

of goods in industrialized countries also brings about the destruction of the national

economies of semi-colonies, as in the Philippines, to pave the way for the entry of

surplus goods and capital from the former.

Gen. Ramos is the chief hatchetman of elite interests and the foreign monopoly

capitalists led by the United States. He has received praises from industrialized

countries such as the US, Canada, Japan, and the IMF-WB for kowtowing to all their

demands. Likewise, the local ruling elite composed of the local bureaucrats who

accumulate money from bribes and corruption; the big Filipino businessmen, who

benefits from joint partnerships with MNCs and export-import transactions; and the local

landlords, who thrive on the production of raw materials and their monopoly of prime

lands being converted to golf courses, resorts, and "industrial centers" push for his

retention to power.

And increasingly, these social cancers will be accompanied by intensifying

oppression, suppression and brutal attacks on the people as they struggle against the

pro-imperialist and anti-people policies and programs of the regime.

In the final analysis, the more than 100 years of nationalist and democratic

struggle bears out the truth that the people's enjoyment of their human rights in all its

dimensions - civil, political, economic, social, and cultural - can only be possible under

conditions of national liberation and social emancipation.


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III. JOSEPH E. ESTRADA ADMINISTRATION


President Joseph Estrada assumed the presidency on July 1, 1998 with a

promise to improve the lives of the poor Filipinos. Two and a half years later, he left

Malacanang and the people who elected him a lot poorer than before.

Enjoying an entertainment-based popularity and a chauvinistic charisma, Estrada

easily won the 1998 presidential elections over traditional politicians and became the

13th president. While his English did not come in handy, the former movie actor always

had candid Filipino rebuttals to every criticism by his political rivals.

"Huwag ninyo akong subukan!" and "Walang kai-kaibigan!" were just among his

quotable phrases, which received the cheers of the Filipino masses. When he organized

his government and began business with the old Marcos cronies, it became apparent

that he meant the opposite.

The brief Estrada administration saw the meteoric rise to power of Lucio Tan and

Danding Cojuangco, arguably the richest men in the country today. Tan won his P25-

billion tax evasion case against the government, wrested control of the Philippine

Airlines, and acquired the Philippine National Bank (PNB). Cojuangco, on the other

hand, obtained the majority share in San Miguel Corporation, the country's richest

company.

Estrada was born Joseph Ejercito in San Juan on April 19, 1937. Contrary to the

popular notion that he tasted poverty, Estrada, a son of a government contractor, lived

relatively well-off. After being expelled from the Ateneo de Manila in his younger years,

he enrolled in an Engineering course at the Mapua Institute of Technology, eventually

dropping out to pursue an acting carreer.

He starred in about 100 films, the most popular of which was "Asiong Salonga", a movie

about a modern day Robin Hood born in Tondo. From then, Estrada embraced the

image of a tough hero who was ready to fight the rich and powerful for the sake of the

poor. But he had a contender in this role, Fernando Poe Jr. who became his friend and


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gave him the nickname "Erap", the inverted pronunciation of the word "Pare" (loosely:

"Friend").

As a movie celebrity, Estrada had himself surrounded by many beautiful women,

aside from her wife Loi Ejercito. Among these women were Nora Aunor, Guia Gomez,Joy Melendrez and Laarni Enriquez. There were more who claimed they had a

relationship with him.

In 1968, Estrada entered politics as mayor of San Juan, a position he held until

1986. In 1987, he became a senator and, five years later, vice-president. In 1998, he

was mainly responsible for carrying a unified opposition party (LAMP) to victory with the

support of movie celebrities like Fernando Poe Jr. and Nora Aunor and the trust and

loyalty of then Supt. Panfilo Lacson, whom he later appointed as the police chief.

As president, Estrada blamed the Ramos administration for the weak economy

he inherited. So, he tapped the expertise and managerial skills of experienced

economists to pump up the economy, but to no avail. Businessmen and foreign

investors began to lose their trust in the new administration, with the entry of the

president's friends, mostly big Chinese tycoons.

The problems of the Estrada administration reached a crescendo in 2000. Bugged by

the intensifying insurgency in Mindanao and a series of natural and man-made

calamities nationwide, the new administration poorly restored hope of a bright future.

Then came the BW Resources anomaly, which Securities and Exchange Commission

(SEC) Chairman Perfecto Yasay blamed on the president.

Impeachment Cases

In October, Ilocos Sur Governor Luis "Chavit" Singson, a former friend and close

ally of the president, exposed that the president received about P500 million from

jueteng kickbacks and excise tax from the Ilocos region. Corruption charges against the

president ensued which spawned the dramatic passage of the Articles of Impeachment

by the House of Representatives led by Speaker Manuel Villar on November 13.

The Senate then convened itself as an Impeachment tribunal and began the process on

December 7. The House prosecutors presented more than 30 witnesses, mostly

women, who testified that the president was involved in several irregular transactions.One witness, Clarissa Ocampo, a senior vice-president of Equitable-PCI Bank, claimed

he saw the president affix a different signature, Jose Velarde, on a multi-million Peso

bank transaction.


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The defense panel, composed of the brightest lawyers in the country, and the

majority party senator-judges, questioned the materiality and relevance of Ocampo's

testimony. Supreme Court Chief Justice Hilario Davide ruled that Ocampo's testimony

would only be considered if the prosecution panel could prove that the multi-million bank

account came from irregular transactions.

On January 16, the House prosecutors were about to establish the missing link

by opening an envelope, which they claimed would prove that the president had

amassed P3.3 billion in ill-gotten wealth, when 11 senator-judges voted not to open the

envelope. This prodded Senate President Aquilino Pimentel to resign, the House

prosecutors and complainants to walk out, and the viewing public to storm to the historic

intersection of EDSA and Ortigas in Mandaluyong City - the start of the 5-day People

Power 2 at EDSA, that would force President Joseph Estrada to leave office.

Former Presidents Fidel Ramos and Corazon Aquino, Manila Archbishop Jaime

Cardinal Sin, students, office workers, activists, lay people, laborers, politicians and

celebrities joined the furious crowd in asking for the resignation of the president. On

January 18, Nora Aunor stunned everyone when she joined the rally, publicly admitting

her previous relationship with the president, and called him a woman-beater. The

following day, Defense Secretary Orlando Mercado, Interior and Local Government

Secretary Alfredo Lim, the military generals, and the police officers withdrew their

support from the president, as foretold by former President Ramos.

In the morning of January 19, the president was guided out of Malacanang by

Armed Forces Chief of Staff General Angelo Reyes to give way to a new president, awoman. Vice-President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took his oath as the 14th president

before Chief Justice Davide at noontime. She formally began her term in office on

January 22, the same day the new US President George Bush was inaugurated at the

White House.


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IV. GLORIA MACAPAGAL-ARROYO ADMINISTRATION

A professor of economics, Arroyo entered government in 1987, serving as assistant

secretary and undersecretary of the Department of Trade and Industry upon the

invitation of President Corazon Aquino. After serving as a senator from 1992 to 1998,

she was elected to the vice presidency under President Joseph Estrada, despite having

run on an opposing ticket. After Estrada was accused of corruption, she resigned her

cabinet position as Secretary of Social Welfare and Development and joined the

growing opposition to the president, who faced impeachment. Estrada was soon forced

from office by peaceful street demonstrations, and Arroyo was subsequently sworn into

the presidency on January 20, 2001. She was elected to a full six-year presidential term

in her own right in and was sworn in June 30, 2004 which ends at noon of June 30,

2010. In 2005, Arroyo was selected as the fourth most powerful woman in the world by

Forbes magazine. She is ranked 51st on Forbes magazine's 2007 list of the world's

most powerful women. Gloria Arroyo is one of the most powerful politicians in the

Philippines today. Many of her policies have resulted in opposition from other groups in

Filipino government and society.

EDSA II REVOLUTION

On January 20, 2001, after days of political turmoil and popular revolt, the Supreme

Court declared the presidency vacant. The military and the national police had earlier

withdrawn their allegiance to Estrada and shifted to Arroyo's side. Arroyo was sworn in

the same day as the 14th president of the Philippines by then Supreme Court Chief

Justice Hilario Davide Jr. Coincidentally, Arroyo assumed office the same day as US

President George W. Bush. The ousting of Estrada would later be known as EDSA II.

Estrada later questioned the legitimacy of the High Court's declaration when he sought

to reclaim the presidency, but the Supreme Court upheld the legitimacy of Arroyo's

succession. Arroyo was able to wield and enjoy the powers and privileges of the

presidency. The international community, through their respective embassies and

consulates in the country, together with all the government offices and most of the

armed forces, recognized Arroyo as President of the Philippines.

Protesters numbering in the thousands marched to the presidential palace on May 1,

2001 and demanded Estrada, who had previously been apparently arrested on chargesof 'plunder', be released and reinstated. Violence erupted when the protesters

attempted to storm the presidential palace. In response, protesters and prominent

political leaders were arrested, and the protest was eventually quelled. This would be

infamously (albeit informally) pronounced as EDSA III. Support for the opposition and


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Estrada subsequently dwindled after the victory of administration allied candidates in

the midterm elections that was held later that same month. Arroyo outlined her vision for

the country as "building a strong republic" throughout her tenure. Her agenda consists

of building up a strong bureaucracy, lowering crime rates, increasing tax collection,

improving economic growth, and intensifying counter-terrorism efforts.


On July 26, 2003, Arroyo faced a rebellion when renegade junior officers and their

followers mutinied and seized a hotel and shopping mall in the business district of

Makati City in Metro Manila. Arroyo delivered a televised warning to the renegades and

threatened hostile action if they did not surrender. Senator Rodolfo Biazon, a former

general, was requested to talk to the mostly young, rebel soldiers. They surrendered

soon after it became apparent that they would be attacked by government forces. The

mutiny was rumored to have been connected to Estrada and his supporters. A former

aide of Estrada has been arrested in connection with the uprising. The President

created the Feliciano Commission to investigate the mutiny. The commission later found

that the rebellions, dubbed the Oakwood Mutiny (named after the hotel the rebels

seized), was planned and not spontaneous. It was obviously an attempt to bring down

the Arroyo Government. The connection to Estrada, however, was never proven.

Jose Pidal controversy

In August 18, 2003, Senator Panfilo Lacson accused Jose Miguel Arroyo, the

president's husband, of siphoning campaign funds into a bank account under the

fictitious name "Jose Pidal". The accusations were never legally substantiated.

The 2004 election and subsquent rigging allegations

Although the Philippine Constitution bars a president from reelection, it allows for the

election of a person who has succeeded as president and has served for not more than

four years. In December 2002, Arroyo made the surprise announcement that she would

not seek a new term in the May 2004 elections. Ten months later, however, she

reversed her position and declared her intention to seek a direct mandate from the

people, saying "there is a higher cause to change society in a way that nourishes our

future". Arroyo faced a tough election campaign in early 2004 against Estrada friend

and popular actor Fernando Poe, Jr., senator and former police general Panfilo Lacson,former senator Raul Roco, and Christian evangelist Eddie Villanueva. Her campaign

platform centered on a shift to a parliamentary and federal form of government, job

creation, universal health insurance, anti-illegal drugs, and anti-terrorism. Arroyo lagged

behind Poe in the polls prior to the campaign season, but her popularity steadily climbed


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to surpass Poe's. As predicted by pre-election surveys and exit polls, she won the

election by a margin of over a million votes against her closest rival, Fernando Poe, Jr.

She took her oath of office on June 30, 2004. In a break with tradition, She chose to first

deliver her inaugural address at the Quirino Grandstand in Manila before departing to

Cebu City for her oath taking, the first time a Philippine president took the oath of office

outside of Luzon. In the middle of 2005, Samuel Ong who is a former deputy director of

the country's National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) claimed to have audio tapes of

wiretapped conversations between President Arroyo and an official of the Commission

on Elections. According to Ong, the contents of the tape prove that the 2004 national

election was rigged by Arroyo in order to win by around one million votes. On June 27,

Arroyo admitted to inappropriately speaking to a Comelec official, claiming it was a

"lapse in judgement", but denied influencing the outcome of the election. Attempts to

impeach Arroyo failed later that year. Two witnesses, Antonio Rasalan and Clinton

Colcol, stepped forward in August 2006, claiming involvement in an alleged plot to alter

the results for the May 2004 elections. Rasalan claimed that he was fully convinced that

the election returns presented at the House of Representatives were manufactured and

had replaced the original documents. Colcol, a tabulator for the Commission on

Elections (Comelec), said that Arroyo only received 1,445 votes, while Poe received

2,141 in South Upi, Maguindanao during the May 2004 elections.

On Friday, February 24, 2006, an alleged coup d'tat plot was uncovered in the

Philippines, headed by Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim. The declaration of Proclamation No. 1017

gave Gloria Macapagal Arroyo the power to issue warrantless (and until then

unconstitutional) arrests and to take over private institutions that run public utilities. The

President, through the Department of Education, suspended classes in elementary and

high school levels. In response, colleges and universities suspended classes. By virtue

of PP 1017, she declared a State of Emergency for the whole country in an attempt to

quell rebellion as her grip on power began to slip, stop lawless violence and promote

peace and stability. The government's first move after the declaration was to disperse

demonstrators, particularly the groups picketing along EDSA. Former Philippine

president Corazon Aquino was among those that protested, along with leftist and

extreme right activists. A number of public figures were reported to have been arrested.

After the foiling of the plot and the dispersal of the rallies, PP 1017 continued for a week

on threats of military plots (such as the military stand-off of February 26 at Fort

Bonifacio headed by Col. Ariel Querubin), violence, illegal rallies and public disturbance.Six leftist representatives - Satur Ocampo, Teodoro Casio, and Joel Virador of Bayan

Muna, Liza Maza of GABRIELA, and Crispin Beltran and Rafael Mariano of Anakpawis -

were charged with rebellion. Crispin Beltran of Anakpawis was arrested on February 25

on charges of inciting to sedition and rebellion. To avoid further arrest, the other five


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found shelter at the Batasan Complex. On Saturday, February 25, the office of the Daily

Tribune, a newspaper known as a hard-hitting critic of the Arroyo administration, was

raided. After the raid, an issuance of Journalism Guideline followed, authored by the

government in order to cope with the "present abnormal situation", according to then

Chief of Staff Michael Defensor. The move to suppress freedom of the press against the

Daily Tribune was criticized by Reporters Without Borders. The decree was lifted on

March 3 2006. However the opposition, lawyers, and concerned citizens filed a

complaint in the Supreme Court contesting the constitutionality of PP 1017. The court,

on May 4, declared the proclamation constitutional, but said it was illegal to issue

warrantless arrests and seize private institutions.

The Manila Peninsula Rebellion

The Peninsula Manila Rebellion was a rebellion in the Philippines on November 29,

2007. Detained Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, General Lim and other Magdalo officials

walked out of their trial and marched through the streets of Makati City, called for the

ouster of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, and seized the second floor of The

Peninsula Manila Hotel along Ayala Avenue. Former Vice-President Teofisto Guingona

also joined the march to the hotel. Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV and Brigadier Gen. Danilo

Lim surrendered to authorities after an armored personnel carrier rammed into the lobby

of the hotel. Director Geary Barias declared that the standoff at the Manila Peninsula

Hotel is over as Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV, Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim along with other junior

officers agreed to leave the hotel and surrender to Barias after the 6 hour siege. There

was difficulty getting out for a while due to the tear gas that was covering the area

where they were hiding. Days after the mutiny, the Makati City Regional Trial Court

dismissed the rebellion charges against all the 14 civilians involved in the siege, and

ordered their release.

Economy

Arroyo, a practicing economist, has made the economy the focus of her presidency.

Early in her presidency, Arroyo implemented a controversial policy of holiday

economics, adjusting holidays to form longer weekends with the purpose of boosting

domestic tourism and allowing Filipinos more time with their families. Economic growth

in terms of gross domestic product has averaged 4.6% during the Arroyo presidency

from 2001 up to the end of 2005. This is higher than previous recent presidents when

compared to the 3.8% average of Aquino, the 3.7% average of Ramos, and the 2.8%average of Joseph Estrada. Inflation during the Arroyo presidency has been the lowest

since 1986, averaging 2.5%. Recently in 2nd quarter of 2007, the economy expanded at

7.5%, the fastest in 20 years. Arroyo's handling of the economy has earned praise from

observers including former US President Bill Clinton, who praised Arroyo for making


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"tough decisions" that put the Philippine economy back in shape. It was once reported

that a series of 100-peso bills misspelling her name as "Arrovo" were released during

the early part of her presidency. Most of these bills were withdrawn from circulation. A

controversial expanded value added tax (e-VAT) law, considered the centerpiece of the

Arroyo administration's economic reform agenda, was implemented in November 2005,

aiming to complement revenue-raising efforts that could plug the country's large budget

deficit. The tax measure boosted confidence in the government's fiscal capacity and

helped to strengthen the Philippine peso, making it East Asia's best performing currency

in 2005-06. The peso strengthened by nearly 20% in 2007, making it by far Asia's best

performing currency for the year, a fact attributed to a combination of increased

remittances from overseas Filipino workers and a strong domestic economy.

International relations

The Arroyo administration has forged a strong relationship with the United States.

Arroyo was one of the first world leaders who expressed support for the US-led coalition

against global terrorism in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, and

remains one of its closest allies in the war on terror. Following the US-led invasion of

Iraq, in July 2003 the Philippines sent a small humanitarian contingent which included

medics and engineers. These troops were recalled in July 2004 in response to the

kidnapping of Filipino truck driver Angelo de la Cruz. With the hostage takers demands

met, the hostage was released. The force was previously due to leave Iraq the following

month. The early pullout drew international condemnation, with the United States

protesting against the action, saying giving in to terrorist demands should not be an

option. Arroyo's foreign policy is anchored on building strong ties with the United States,

East Asian and Southeast Asian nations, and countries where overseas Filipino workers

work and live.In 2007, the Philippines was host to the 12th ASEAN Summit in Cebu

City. On August 21 2007, Gloria's administration asked the Senate of the Philippines to

ratify a $4bn (2bn) trade deal with Japan (signed on 2006 with the former Japanese

prime minister Junichiro Koizumi), which would create more than 300,000 jobs (by

specifically increasing local exports such as shrimp to Japan). Japan also promised to

hire at least 1,000 Philippine nurses. The opposition-dominated senate objected on the

ground that toxic wastes would be sent to the Philippines; the government denied this

due to the diplomatic notes which stated that it would not be accepting Japanese waste

in exchange for economic concessions.


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Domestic policies

Charter change

In 2005, Arroyo initiated a movement for an overhaul of the constitution to transform the

present presidential-bicameral republic into a federal parliamentary-unicameral form of

government.At her 2005 State of the Nation Address, she claimed "The system clearly

needs fundamental change, and the sooner the better. It's time to start the great debate

on Charter Change". In late 2006, the House of Representatives shelved a plan to

revise the constitution through constituent assembly.

Executive Order No. 464 and calibrated preemptive response

In late September 2005, Arroyo issued an executive order stating that demonstrations

without permits would be pre-emptively stopped. Then members of the military testified

in Congressional hearings that they were defying a direct order not to testify about their

knowledge of the election scandal. There is the issuance of Executive Order No. 464

forbidding government officials under the executive department from appearing in

congressional inquiries without President Arroyo's prior consent. These measures were

challenged before the Supreme Court, which apparently declared some sections as

unconstitutional.

A May 2006 Amnesty International report expressed concern over the sharp rise in

vigilante killings of militant activists and community workers in the Philippines. Task

Force Usig, a special police unit tasked to probe reported extra-judicial killings, by state

run death squads counts 115 murders and says most of these are the result of an

internal purge by communist rebels. Human rights groups put the number as high as

830. These violations were alleged to have been committed against left-leaning

organizations and party-list groups including BAYAN, Bayan Muna and Anakpawis.

These organizations accuse the Philippine National Police and Armed Forces of the

Philippines for the deaths of these political opponents. Arroyo has condemned political

killings "in the harshest possible terms" and urged witnesses to come forward. "The

report, which Melo submitted to Arroyo last month, reportedly linked state security

forces to the murder of militants and recommended that military officials, notably retired

major general Jovito Palparan, be held liable under the principle of command

responsibility for killings in their areas of assignment." General Palparan who retired

September 11, 2006 has been appointed by President Arroyo to be part of the Security

Council. This has alarmed left-leaning political parties about the potential for humanrights violations. An independent commission was assembled in August 2006 to

investigate the killings. Headed by former Supreme Court Justice Jose Melo, the group

known as the Melo Commission concluded that most of the killings were instigated by

the Armed Forces of the Philippines, but found no proof linking the murder of activists to


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a "national policy" as claimed by the left-wing groups. On the other hand the report

"linked state security forces to the murder of militants and recommended that military

officials, notably retired major general Jovito Palparan, be held liable under the principle

of command responsibility for killings in their areas of assignment." Stricter anti-terror

laws have also caused some concern in recent years. Under Arroyo's government, the

Philippines has become second only to Iraq as the world's riskiest place to report the

news, with 23 journalists killed since 2003. In her July 23, 2007 State of the Nation

Address, President Arroyo has set out her agenda for her last three years in office, and

called for legislation to deal with a spate of political killings that have brought

international criticism to her presidency. Amid thousands of protesters in Manila, she

promised to bring peace to the troubled south, and also defended a controversial new

anti-terrorism legislation. Ms Arroyo told the joint session of Congress that "I would

rather be right than popular." Lawmakers and lawyers, however, were dismayed by the

SONA's failure to highlight and address this major hindrance to human rights.

Specifically, the Alternative Law Groups (ALG) echoed the lawmakers position that

Mrs Arroyo failed to take responsibility for the problem.

Amnesty proclamation

On September 5 2007, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo signed Amnesty

Proclamation 1377 for members of the Communist Party of the Philippines and its

armed wing, the New People's Army; other communist rebel groups; and their umbrella

organization, the National Democratic Front. The amnesty will cover the crime of

rebellion and all other crimes "in pursuit of political beliefs," but not including crimes

against chastity, rape, torture, kidnapping for ransom, use and trafficking of illegal drugs

and other crimes for personal ends and violations of international law or convention and

protocols "even if alleged to have been committed in pursuit of political beliefs." The

National Committee on Social Integration (NCSI) will issue a Certificate of Amnesty to

qualified applicants. Implementing rules and regulations are being drafted and the

decree will be submitted to the Senate of the Philippines and the House of

Representatives for their concurrence. The proclamation becomes effective only after

Congress has concurred.

Estrada pardon

On October 25, 2007, Arroyo granted pardon to Joseph Estrada based on the

recommendation by the Department of Justice. Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye quoted

the signed Order: "In view hereof in pursuant of the authority conferred upon me by theConstitution, I hereby grant Executive clemency to Joseph Ejercito Estrada, convicted

by the Sandiganbayan of plunder and imposed a penalty of reclusion perpetua. He is

hereby restored to his civil and political rights." Bunye noted that Estrada committed in


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his application not to seek public office, and he would be free from his Tanay resthouse

on October 26, noon.

The Sumilao Farmers' March

On December 3, 2007, 55 farmers of the Higaonon tribe from Sumilao, Bukidnon arrived

in Metro Manila, 2 months after their march through 13 provinces from Mindanao to ask

the government to stop the conversion of the land they are claiming into a hog farm.

They farmers petitioned the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) to issue a cease-

and-desist order (CDO) on the contested 144-hectare property in Barangay (village)

San Vicente, Sumilao which San Miguel Foods Inc. (SMFI) converted into a hog farm.

The Supreme Court of the Philippines had earlier dismissed the farmers' rights lack of

legal standing. Farmer Tuminhay stated that: Our titles were cancelled because

Norberto Quisumbing was allowed to convert his land on condition that he would

implement a five-year development plan. Since he did not implement the plan, it is only

proper that DAR renew the CARP process and give us back our titles. Quisumbing's

development plan for the property included the establishment of a development

academy, a cultural center, an institute for livelihood science, a museum, library, golf

course, a sports development complex, an agro-industrial park, forest development and

support facilities, and construction of a 360-room hotel, restaurant, housing projects,

inter alia. On December 17, 2007, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo revoked the conversion

order on the disputed 144-hectare lot in Sumilao, Bukidnon, resulting to the return of the

land ownership to the 55 members of the Higaonon tribe farmers who marched 1,700

kilometers for 2 months from Mindanao to Metro Manila. The order, signed by Executive

Secretary Eduardo Ermita, reads: Wherefore premises considered and as

recommended by DAR, the petition for cancellation and/or revocation of the conversion

order covering 144 hectares of landis hereby granted. San Miguel Foods as

landowner must be paid the current value of the property before the land can be

distributed to the farmers.


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V. BENIGNO A. AQUINO III ADMINISTRATION

The Presidency of Benigno S. Aquino III began at noon on June 30, 2010,

when he became the fifteenth President of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria

Macapagal-Arroyo. Aquino is the third-youngest person to be elected president, and the

fourth-youngest president after Emilio Aguinaldo, Ramon Magsaysay and Ferdinand

Marcos. Aquino is the first president to be a bachelor, being unmarried and having no

children. Aquino is the second president not to drink alcoholic beverages; the first

president not to drink alcohol was Emilio Aguinaldo. Aquino is the eighth president to be

a smoker. Aquino is the first graduate of Ateneo de Manila University to become

president. Aquino is the third president who will only hold office in Malacaang Palace,

but not be a resident, following Corazon Aquino and Fidel V. Ramos. Aquino is the first

president to make Bahay Pangaraphis official residence. Aquino is the third president

to use his second given name, Simeon, as his middle initial, as Manuel L. Quezon and

Jos P. Laurel did. Aquino is the second president to be a child of a former president,

his mother was former President Corazon Aquino; the first president to be a child of a

former president was President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who is the daughter of former

President Diosdado Macapagal.

STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENTThe presidential transition began on June 9, 2010, when the Congress of the

Philippines proclaimed Aquino the winner of the 2010 Philippine presidential elections

held on May 10, 2010, proclaiming Aquino as the President-elect of the Philippines. The

transition was in charge of the new presidential residence, cabinet appointments and

cordial meetings between them and the outgoing administration.

On June 29, 2010, Aquino officially named the members of his Cabinet, with Aquino

himself as Secretary of the Interior and Local Government, a position that Vice

President-elect Jejomar Binay initially wanted, however, Aquino stated that the post is

not being considered for him, but has offered Binay various positions, such as, to head

a commission that will investigate the outgoing Arroyo administration, the posts of

Secretary of Agrarian Reform, chairman of the Housing and Urban Development

Coordinating Council (HUDCC), and the chairman of Metropolitan Manila Development

Authority (MMDA), but Binay refused. Aquino also announced the formation of a truth

commission that will investigate various issues including corruption allegations against

outgoing President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Aquino named former Chief JusticeHilario Davide, . to head the truth commission.

Traditionally, it is the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines who

administers the oath of office to the incoming President and Vice President, however,

Aquino refused to allow Chief Justice Renato Corona to swear him into office, due to


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Aquino's opposition to the midnight appointment of Corona by outgoing President Gloria

Macapagal-Arroyo on May 12, 2010, two days after the 2010 elections and a month

before Arroyo's term expired. Instead, Aquino formally requested Associate Justice of

the Supreme Court of the Philippines Conchita Carpio-Morales, who opposed the

midnight appointment of Corona, to swear him into office.

Aquino took the oath of office on June 30, 2010, at the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal

Park, The oath of office was administered by Associate Justice Conchita Carpio-

Morales, who officially accepted Aquino's request to swear him into office, reminiscent

of the decision of his mother.

During the inaugural address, Aquino created the no wang-wangpolicy, strengthening

the implementation of Presidential Decree No. 96. The term wang-wang is street lingo

for blaring sirens. Presidential Decree No. 96 was issued on January 13, 1973 by

former President Ferdinand Marcos, regulating the use of sirens, bells, whistles, horns

and other similar devices only to motor vehicles designated for the use of the .However,

despite having the privilege of using wang-wang, Aquino maintained he would set the

example for his no wang-wangpolicy, not to use wang-wang, even if it means being

stuck in traffic and being late every now and then.

From June 30July 9, 2010, Aquino was Secretary of the Interior and Local

Government, until Aquino named Jesse Robredo, a former Naga mayor, as Interior

Secretary.

On July 14, 2010, the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC) called an

emergency meeting in Camp Aguinaldo to assess the damage caused by Typhoon

Basyang. Aquino attended the meeting to obtain information on the damage caused by

Typhoon Basyang and to personally monitor the repair and recovery work in the

aftermath of the typhoon. In the meeting, Aquino criticized the Philippine Atmospheric,

Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) for failing to predict

and to warn the residents of Metro Manila that Typhoon Basyang would ravage

Metropolitan Manila.

On July 15, 2010, Aquino offered Vice President Jejomar Binay the position of chairman

of the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC). Binay has

accepted the offer of Aquino to take charge of the housing sector as chairman of

HUDCC.

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTSDuring Aquino's first State of the Nation Address (SONA), Aquino announced his

intention to reform the education system in the Philippines by shifting to K12

education, a 12-year basic education cycle. K12 education is used in the United

States, Canada, and Australia.


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On July 30, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 1, creating the Truth

Commission. The commission is tasked to investigate various anomalies and issues

including graft and corruption allegations against the past administration, government

officials and their accomplices in the private sector during the last nine years. The

commission has until December 31, 2012 to complete its mission. Hilario Davide, Jr. will

head the commission.

On August 4, 2010, Aquino implemented Executive Order No. 2, signed on July 30,

2010, ordering the immediate removal of all midnight appointments made by the

previous administration for violating the 60-day constitutional ban on presidential

appointments before a national election.


2010, an executive order revoking Executive Order No. 883, signed by former President

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on May 28, 2010, that automatically promoted lawyers in

government executive service to the rank of Career Executive Service Officer III (CESO

III). Aquino also announced the removal of Prisco Nilo as administrator of the Philippine

Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA).

PAGASA was directly under Department of Science and Technology (DOST)

Undersecretary for Research and Development (R&D) Graciano Yumul. A special order

from DOST Secretary Mario Montejo, dated August 5, 2010, designated Yumul as

PAGASA administrator, replacing Nilo On August 7, 2010, Malacaang announced that

Yumul will be heading PAGASA temporarily, for only three months, as PAGASA will

undergo a "reorientation" to improve its services. Aquino has yet to name the new

administrator who will permanently head PAGASA.


2010, reorganizing and renaming the Office of the Press Secretary as the Presidential

Communications Operations Office (PCOO), and creating the Presidential

Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office (PCDSPO). Aquino

appointed former ABS-CBN News Channel (ANC) anchor Ricky Carandang and

Herminio Coloma as secretaries of the new media communications group.

On August 13, 2010, Aquino appointed Maria Lourdes Aranal Sereno as Associate

Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines, his first appointment to the Supreme

Court of the Philippines.

On August 14, 2010, Aquino directed the Department of Transportation and

Communications (DOTC) and the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) tofully implement Executive Order No. 255, issued on July 25, 1987 by former President

Corazon Aquino, requiring all radio stations to broadcast a minimum of four original

Filipino musical compositions every hour.


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On August 16, 2010, Aquino launched his official presidential website. The presidential

website's aim is to create communication between Aquino and the people, getting

feedback from the people, telling Aquino their woes and grievances.

On August 23, 2010, in front of the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, the site of

Aquino's presidential inauguration, the Manila hostage crisis occurred. Aquino

expressed concern over the matter and gave his condolences to the victims. Aquino

defended the actions of the police at the scene, stating that the gunman had not shown

any signs of wanting to kill the hostages. Aquino ordered a "thorough investigation" into

the incident, and would wait until it is completed before deciding whether anyone should

lose his or her job. Aquino declared that the media may have worsened the situation by

giving the gunman "a bird's-eye view of the entire situation". Aquino also made

reference to the Moscow theater hostage crisis, which, according to Aquino, resulted in

"more severe" casualties despite Russia's "resources and sophistication".On August 24,

2010, Aquino signed Proclamation No. 23, declaring August 25, 2010, as a national day

of mourning, instructing all public institutions nationwide and all Philippine embassies

and consulates overseas to lower the Philippine flag at half-mast, in honor of the eight

Hong Kong residents who died in the Manila hostage crisis. On August 25, 2010, at a

press conference in Malacaang, Aquino apologized to those offended when he was

caught on television apparently smiling while being interviewed at the crime scene

hours after the Manila hostage crisis. Aquino said;

On September 1, 2010, Aquino implemented Executive Order No. 5, signed on August

25, 2010, an executive order amending Executive Order No. 594, signed by former

President Glori Macapagal-Arroyo on December 20, 2006, stating the rules governing

the appointment or designation and conduct of special envoys. Executive Order No. 5

prevents special envoys from using the title "ambassador". Aquino also ordered the

Department of Health (DOH) to support and assist all regional hospitals and health

centers and intensify their efforts to attend to the needs of dengueinflicted patients.

On September 2, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 6, extending the duration of

the operations of the Presidential Middle East Preparedness Committee (PMEPC) to

December 30, 2010.

On September 3, 2010, Aquino took responsibility for everything that happened during

the Manila hostage crisis. Aquino actually has direct supervision of the Philippine

National Police, since Aquino had asked Secretary of the Interior and Local Government

Jesse Robredo to address other concerns, such as coming up with a comprehensiveplan on delivering social services to and relocating informal settlers in coordination with

the local governments.

On September 8, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 7, ordering the suspension

of all allowances, bonuses and incentives of board members of government-owned and-


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controlled corporations (GOCCs) and government financial institutions (GFIs) until

December 31, 2010.

On September 9, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 8, reorganizing and

renaming the Build-Operate and Transfer Center (BOT) to the Public-Private

Partnership Center (PPP) and transferring its attachment from the Department of Trade

and Industry (DTI) to the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA).

On September 13, 2010, Aquino appointed Philippine National Police (PNP) Deputy

Director General Raul Bacalzo as the new PNP Director, replacing General Jesus

Verzosa, who retired on September 14, 2010.

On September 20, 2010, Aquino delivered his departure statement at the Ninoy Aquino

International Airport (NAIA), before leaving for his first official trip to the United States.

Secretary of Foreign Affairs Alberto Romulo, Secretary of Finance Cesar Purisima,

Secretary of Trade & Industry Gregory Doming, and Secretary of Energy Jose Rene

Almendras, including 34 businessmen and 12 officials and support staff of the

Presidential Communications Operations Office joined Aquino in the trip. On September

22, 2010, Aquino delivered his speech during the Citibank Economic Conference in

New York City. On September 23, 2010, Aquino delivered his extemporaneous remarks

during a meeting with the Filipino community at Baruch College in New York City.

Aquino also delivered his remarks at the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC)

compact agreement signing ceremony at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City.

The US$434-million MCC compact agreement will fund the Aquino administration's

various programs on poverty reduction, revenue generation, and infrastructure

development. On September 24, 2010, Aquino delivered his statement before the 65th

United Nations General Assembly in New York City. Aquino also had a seven-minute

one-on-one talk with President of the United States Barack Obama during the 2nd

Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN)-US Leaders Meeting at the Waldorf-

Astoria Hotel in New York City. During the meeting, Aquino recognized the United

States commitment to reinvigorating its relationship with the region and its individual

nations at a time of ever-increasing complexity in global affairs. Obama expressed his

determination to elevate RP-US relations to a higher level, and welcomed the Aquino

administrations anti-corruption efforts. Aquino and Obama also discussed military

matters, about the possible removal of thousands of tons of war materials that Allied

forces had left behind on Corregidor Island during World War II. On September 26,

2010, during a visit to the Seasons Market Place in Milpitas, California, Aquino wasgreeted by cheering members of the Filipino community of San Jose, California. Aquino

also delivered his speech in front of the Filipino community at the Mission San

Francisco de Ass in San Francisco, California. On September 28, 2010, Aquino arrived


28/30

at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA), after his week-long working visit to the

United States. Aquino delivered his arrival statement at NAIA.

On September 30, 2010, Bishop Nereo Odchimar of Tandag, head of the Catholic

Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), said that Aquino might face

excommunication from the Catholic Church for supporting the Reproductive Health Bill,

the plan to distribute and give Filipino couples the choice to use contraceptives for

artificial birth control. However, despite the possibility of excommunication, Aquino said

that he is not changing his position on contraceptive use.

On October 1, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 9, amending Section 1 of

Executive Order No. 67, signed by former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on

January 22, 2002, and reorganizing the Presidential Commission on the Visiting Forces

Agreement created under Executive Order No. 199, signed by former President Joseph

Estrada on January 17, 2000.

On October 2, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 10, declaring October 2, 2010

as the Nationwide Philhealth Registration Day (NPRD) and directing the Department of

Health (DOH) to lead concerned government agencies to facilitate the nationwide

Philhealth registration.

On October 26, 2010, Aquino delivered his departure statement at the Ninoy Aquino

International Airport (NAIA), before leaving for his first official trip to Vietnam. Aquino

met with President of Vietnam Nguyn Minh Trit at the Presidential Palace in Hanoi,

Vietnam. Aquino and Trit signed four memorandum of agreement on four areas of

cooperation, namely, higher education, defense, oil spill preparedness and response,

and search and rescue at sea.Aquino also met with Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyn

Tn Dng. Aquino delivered a toast at the State Banquet hosted by Trit at the

Government Guest House. On October 27, 2010, Aquino delivered his extemporaneous

rema during a meeting with the Filipino community in Vietnam. On October 28, 2010,

Aquino delivered his statement during the ASEAN Leaders Retreat in Hanoi, Vietnam.

On October 29, 2010, Aquino delivered his statements during the 13th ASEAN-Japan

Summit, 13th ASEAN-Republic of Korea Summit, 13th ASEAN-China Summit, 13th

ASEAN Plus Three Summit, and 3rd ASEAN-UN Summit in Hanoi, Vietnam. On

October 30, 2010, Aquino delivered his statements during the 8th ASEAN-India Summit,

5th East Asia Summit, 2nd ASEAN-Russia Summit, ASEAN-Australia Summit, and

ASEAN-New Zealand Commemorative Summit in Hanoi, Vietnam. On October 31,

2010, Aquino arrived at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA), after his firstofficial trip to Vietnam. Aquino delivered his arrival statement at NAIA.

On November 8, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 11, transferring the National

Commission on Indigenous Peoples from the Department of Environment and Natural

Resourcs (DENR) to the Office of the President.


29/30

On November 9, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 12, delegating to the

Executive Secretary the power to approve compromises or releases of any interest,

penalty or civil liability to the Social Security System (SSS) pursuant to Section 4(6) of

Republic Act No. 8282, otherwise known as the Social Security Act of 1997.

On November 10, 2010, former President of the United States Bill Clinton arrived in

Manila Aquino met with Clinton in a courtesy call at Malacaang Palace. Clinton gave a

talk on globalization and delivered a lecture titled "Embracing Our Common Humanity"

at the Manila Hotel, attended by politicians, business executives and members of the

media. The next day, Clinton quietly left for Singapore.

On November 11, 2010, Aquino delivered his departure statement at the Ninoy Aquino

International Airport (NAIA), before leaving for his first official trip to Japan for the Asia-

Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit in Yokohama, Japan. On November 12,

2010, Aquino delivered his speech during the APEC CEO Summit in Yokohama, Japan.

On November 14, 2010, Aquino delivered his statement during the APEC Economic

Leaders Meeting Retreat in Yokohama, Japan.

On November 15, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 13, abolishing the

Presidential Anti-Graft Commission (PAGC) and transferring its investigative,

adjudicatory and recommendatory functions to the Office of the Deputy Executive

Secretary for Legal Affairs and the Office of the President.

On November 19, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 14, transferring the control

and supervision of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO) from the

Department of Health (DOH) to the Office of the President.

On November 22, 2010, Aquino signed Proclamation No. 73, declaring November 23,

2010, as a national day of remembrance for the victims in the Maguindanao massacre.

On December 9, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 18, abolishing agencies

under the Office of the President such as the Presidential Anti-Smuggling Group

(PASG) and the Office of the Presidential Adviser on Global Warming and Climate

Change.

On December 20, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 15, granting combat

allowance to uniformed members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) who are

directly involved in combat operations against members of National Security Threat

Groups.

On December 21, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 16, extending the term of

the SOCCSKSARGEN Area Development Office (ADPO) from January 2010 toDecember 2016.

On December 22, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 17, forming the EDSA

People Power Commission, designated to organize the nationwide celebrations


30/30

commemorating the 25th anniversary of the 1986 People Power Revolution in February

2011.

On December 30, 2010, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 19, extending the

suspension of the grant of allowances and other incentives to members of the Board of

Directors/Trustees of Government-Owned and Controlled Corporations (GOCCs) and

Government Financial Institutions (GFIs).

On January 6, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 20, extending the duration of

operation of the Presidential Middle East Preparedness Committee (PMECC), led by

Special Envoy Roy Cimatu, to June 30, 2011.

On January 14, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Orders No. 21 and 22 , reducing the

rate of import duty on milling wheat, cement and cement clinker to zero under Section

104 of the Presidential Decree No. 1464, otherwise as the Tariff and Customs Code of

1978.

On February 1, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 23, declaring a moratorium on

the cutting and harvesting of timber in the natural and residual forests and creating the

Anti-Illegal Logging Task Force.

On February 10, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 24, which prescribed rules to

govern the compensation of members of the Board of Directors/Trustees in

Government-Owned Controlled Corporations (GOCCs) and Government Financial

Institutions (GFIs).

On February 24, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 26, declaring the

implementation of a National Greening Program (NGP). The NGP will plant some 1.5

billion trees covering about 1.5 million hectares for a period of six years, from 2011 to

2016.

On February 28, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 27, implementing the

reduction of real property taxes and interest/penalties assessed on the power

generation facilities of independent power producers under build-operate transfer

contracts with Government-Owned and Controlled Corporations in Quezon.

On March 14, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 28, reorganizing the Single

Negotiating Panel into the Philippine Air Negotiating Panel and the Philippine Air

Consultation Panel, mandated by the Philippine government's Domestic and

International Civil Aviation Liberalization Policy.

On March 14, 2011, Aquino signed Executive Order No. 29, authorizing the Civil

Aeronautics Board and the Philippine Air Panels to "pursue more aggressively" theInternational Civil Aviation Liberalization Policy.

On March 14, 2011, Aquino also signed Executive Order No. 30, transferring the Land

Registration Authority (LRA) from the Department of Environment and Natural

Resources (DENR) to the Department of Justice (DOJ).

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