1 Postmaterialism and political participation in Spain 1 Marta Cantijoch and Josep San Martin Department of Political Science, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain This is the author’s version of a work that was accepted for publication in South European Society & Politics. Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to this work since it was submitted for publication. A definitive version was subsequently published in: South European Society & Politics, Volume 14, issue 2, pages 167-190, 2009 .
Transcript
1
Postmaterialism and political participation in Spain1
Marta Cantijoch and Josep San Martin
Department of Political Science,
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain
This is the author’s version of a work that was accepted for publication in South
European Society & Politics. Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as
peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control
mechanisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to
this work since it was submitted for publication. A definitive version was subsequently
published in:
South European Society & Politics, Volume 14, issue 2, pages 167-190, 2009.
According to the theory of postmaterialism, there has been an emergence of new
values and attitudes in advanced industrialised societies. Since the late seventies,
Ronald Inglehart (1977 and 1990) detected a growing number of individuals who were
internalizing values such as individual improvement, personal freedom and the defense
of a clean and healthy environment. One of the conclusions of Inglehart’s work is that
postmaterialist values lead to higher rates of political action. In particular,
postmaterialists are opposed to the established social order and support citizen input in
government decisions in a horizontal way. This set of attitudes would be associated with
unconventional political participation or political protest. The goal of this article is to
examine to what extent this holds true in the Spanish case.
Spanish democracy is a relatively young one. In the late seventies, after the end
of a forty years long dictatorship, the transition to democracy opened a period for
developing a new political culture. For many Spaniards it was their first attempt to put
into practice their role of citizens in a democratic framework. There was, indeed a
‘honey-moon’ phase of high citizen mobilization. However, thirty years on political
participation rates in Spain are among the lowest in western Europe, as occurs in other
countries of southern Europe (Morales 1999). Parallelly, Spanish society underwent a
period of economic development and a rise of postmaterialist values. Even so, Spain
remains today one of the European countries with the lowest levels of postmaterialism
(Díez Nicolás 2000 and 2007) in line with other south European countries.
The purpose of this article is to focus on both phenomena – the rise of
postmaterialist values and the levels of political participation – and to examine the
relationship between them. After reviewing the literature, we present the main aggregate
trends of postmaterialist values in Spain since the eighties, and compare them to other
European countries, focusing in particular on southern ones. In the following sections,
we analyze the relationship between postmaterialist values and political participation in
Spain at the individual level in 2000, the most recent data available from the World
Values Surveys series. Then, we examine the effects of postmaterialism on electoral and
non-electoral political participation, (differentiating between unconventional political
participation and participation in associations). Finally, we compare the results obtained
in the 2000 data with a similar analysis conducted using the 1990 World Values Survey
sample. Although further analyses will need to focus on the longitudinal trends in
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greater depth, the aim is to provide an exploratory observation of the evolution of these
phenomena over time.
The article explores the period between 1980 and 2000. This is the period in
which Spanish samples of the different waves of the World and/or European Values
Surveys are available. As mentioned before, this period coincides with the consolidation
of Spanish democracy. Three different political parties governed during these two
decades. In the first democratic elections after the end of dictatorship, a coalition of
reformist former members of the Franco regime was elected to lead the country. After
the Socialists’ victory in the parliamentary election of 1982, the formation of the first
left-wing government put an end to the phase of transition from dictatorship. More than
one decade later, in 1996, the alternation in power was accomplished with the victory of
the Popular Party, signalling the normalization of the presence of the Spanish right in
the political arena. In the same period, significant social, cultural and economic changes
occurred, especially since Spain joined the European Community (1986). The
Europeanization process which ensued, coupled with high rates of economic growth,
lead to growing individual prosperity and a progressive conversion to a lifestyle that
was quite similar to that of other European neighbours.
These are the conditions under which postmaterialist values grew. Our
hypothesis is that the rise of such attitudes may have lead to a change in political
participation in Spain. Indeed, our analyses constitute the first attempt to link
postmaterialism and political participation in the Spanish context. Díez Nicolás already
pointed out that postmaterialism is positively correlated with political participation in
Spain (2000). However, there is still need for further research in this field. Moreover, by
its closeness and similarities with the southern European neighbours, the study of the
Spanish case can also provide clues for future research concerning other countries in the
region.
Cultural Change: Theoretical and Methodological Antecedents
The last few decades have seen a change in western societies’ values that may
significantly affect political behaviour. In the 1970s, Ronald Inglehart (1977) detected
an increase in the number of individuals who adopted values concerned with personal
autonomy, ecological issues, etc. These expressive attitudes and postures run counter to
traditional concerns with issues such as material wellbeing and physical security.
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Inglehart bases his hypothesis on the motivational theories developed by
Abraham K. Maslow in the 1950s (Maslow 1954). Maslow established a hierarchy of
individual needs which was set out in a pyramid structure. Once the most basic needs
are covered (physiological needs like food, water or air), the individual moves up a level
in search of goals which are successively less material and more symbolic or expressive
(like external recognition or self-realisation).
Thus, the values and attitudes of the individual are conditioned by the perceived
needs that must be fulfilled. It is likely that individuals who have not experienced
physical insecurity or hardship will not have any perception that purely material goals
have to be pursued, as these are taken for granted. This will have an influence on the
political values of such individuals, leading them to prioritise issues of liberty,
solidarity, participation, etc. These new values are what Inglehart called
postmaterialism.
From an aggregate perspective, there is evidence of a correlation between
postmaterialism and social and economic development. In countries with higher
development indices, there are higher percentages of individuals with postmaterialist
values (Inglehart 1990). And when individuals are compared, it has been shown that
postmaterialism is directly correlated with socio-economic status and other non-
structural variables, such as access to information. Furthermore, this cultural change
will particularly affect the younger sections of society as these are generations who have
not suffered war or hardship, and whose values have developed against a background of
security and economic growth.
It could be argued that it is impossible to refer to a large scale and long term
change in culture and values without also considering circumstantial attitude changes
caused by periodic economic events or life-cycle effects. However, Inglehart’s analysis
demonstrated that the emergence of postmaterialism is not an isolated phenomenon,
although slight variations can be detected as a result of periodic factors (notably during
the crises of the 1970s). In fact, cultural change must not be confused with a simple
adaptation to immediate environmental conditions, as the socialisation of the individual
in one value system or another takes place over time periods which may not coincide
with these environmental circumstances. Furthermore, Inglehart’s hypothesis does not
claim that this cultural change only affects younger generations. Security and wellbeing
are subjective perceptions and do not always have to coincide with unfavourable
economic conditions.
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Postmaterialism and Political Participation
The emergence of new postmaterialist values affects the extent and type of
political participation which citizens engage in (Inglehart 1990, Opp 1990). Political
values are a key variable in explaining political behaviour. They are the main mental
tool that citizens use to process, analyse and evaluate political information, and provide
the basic references for decision-making (Dalton 2002). The values traditionally used as
predictors of political behaviour are left-right ideology, party identification and
nationalism. To this list may be added postmaterialism, especially in what concerns its
potential impact on the levels and forms of political participation.
Postmaterialism can particularly be linked to activism in new social movements,
typically related to defending environmental or pacifist issues among others (Inglehart
1990). Furthermore, postmaterialism stimulates participation in citizens’ initiatives, but
its impact on electoral participation is less clear (Dalton 2002). As a result of the
established correlation with social position, the postmaterialist individual is better
informed and more interested in politics, and has, therefore, the skills needed to take on
much of the cost associated with political participation.
But the relationship between postmaterialism and political involvement is not
spurious, given that the new values favour the development of attitudes which in turn
favour people’s involvement in decisions affecting them. Opp (1990) argued that
postmaterialism is not just a motivator of participation, but also that the values it
represents become goals to be strived for in themselves. In this way the political agenda
is being transformed and there is a change in terms of legitimacy, as the capacity of
governments to act through the bureaucratic and hierarchical systems is questioned
(Norris 2002, Opp 1990). In no way, however, does this phenomenon undermine
democratic principles. In fact, postmaterialists demonstrate strong levels of support for
democratic processes and show high levels of trust in others (Dalton 2002).
As a result, levels of political participation not only increase, but do so in
specific ways. In Inglehart’s words (1990), there would be a movement from elite-
directed to elite-challenging politics. This observation is in accordance with the decline
in electoral participation that is affecting most liberal democracies and with the rise in
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participation in protest movements that has been detected since the 1970s. For this
reason, in this paper different forms of participation will be studied: electoral
participation, unconventional participation and participation in associations.
The aim is to demonstrate the existence of a link between the levels of
participation in these different types of political activity and the emergence of
postmaterialism in Spain. Moreover, using the most recent data available we analyse the
relationship at the individual level between those who have postmaterialist values and
the likelihood of taking part in politics in different ways.
Operationalization of Postmaterialism
The main studies on postmaterialism have been conducted by analysing
quantitative data collected since the 1970s to the present day. The various waves of the
World and European Values Survey provide data that allow for comparisons between
countries and over time. In our analysis we will use the samples of 1981, 1990, 1995
and 1999-2000 for Spain3.
To test the new distinction between materialist and postmaterialist values,
Inglehart devised an index based on a questionnaire. This questionnaire sets out a series
of goals for the next ten years which the respondent is asked to prioritise (Inglehart
1990). Depending on the resulting combination of items selected, postmaterialists can
be distinguished from materialists and those that don’t fall clearly in either camp are
referred to as ‘mixed’. An index can also be constructed in which the most materialist
individual has a score of zero and the most postmaterialist five.
This practice has been subject to various methodological criticisms suggesting
that the index used does not guarantee reliable measurement (Rojas and Fernández
2000). More conceptual criticisms refer to the reduction of the index to a one-
dimensional measurement (Rossteutscher 2004, MacIntosh 1998). But, as Díez Nicolas
has noted (2000), the index does not assume that all social values can be encapsulated in
this dimension, as it measures only one of them.
The hierarchical concept of an individual’s values implied by the respondent’s
prioritising has also been questioned. It can be argued that an individual’s attitudes are
not necessarily exclusive, but that different complementary or even contradictory values
can be adopted (Rossteutscher 2004). For example, the respondent may consider all of
the goals in the index to be desirable, materialist as well as postmaterialist. If this were
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so, it could be more appropriate to offer a system of grading or qualifying the goals. In
any case, a cultural change would still be observable given that even if all the goals
were considered to be important, some individuals would regard some of them as
having been achieved and would therefore prioritise the postmaterialist goals (Díez
Nicolás 2000). Nevertheless, limited time and financial resources have prevented further
research into satisfactory alternatives to the original index.
Postmaterialism in Spain
Studies have been carried out concerning Spanish trends in postmaterialist
values since data on the subject was made available. These studies have largely
demonstrated the validity of the concept (Diez Nicolás 1998). Figure 1 below is based
on the data provided by ASEP in a monthly poll of ‘The Public Opinion of Spaniards’ 4.
These surveys include a postmaterialism indicator in every poll, thus allowing for
analyses of the evolution of this phenomenon over time. Using data for each year from
1988, we can see postmaterialist values’ trends in Spain up to 2007.
(Figure one about here)
The Spanish population has mostly mixed values (around 60 per cent of the
total), while almost 30 per cent express materialist values and only ten per cent of the
population appears to have a more postmaterialist vision of life and society. However,
the statistics show different trends within these three value groups. The percentage of
people belonging to the mixed values group has grown fairly constantly over the last 18
years, with a total growth of almost 18 percentage points. The group of respondents
with materialist values has correspondingly decreased, while the percentage of the
population with postmaterialist values has remained virtually constant with slight
oscillations which self correct to return to a value of around ten per cent of the
population during the period.
Figure one also shows the trend over time in the average respondent’s position
on the postmaterialist index. Interesting changes can be observed: although the average
of the index indicates that Spaniards have predominantly materialist values, in the last
two decades there has been a fairly constant shift towards more postmaterialist values.
This shift can be divided into two phases: a first phase from 1988 to 1999 with a
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constant move towards less materialist values, while from 2000 until 2007 these values
seem to have stabilised, indicating a slowing down of the process of value change in
Spanish society. Recent analyses even suggest an increase in materialist values in the
near future (Díez Nicolás 2007).
In figure two, the Spanish case is compared to other European countries. The
graph shows the results of calculating the percentage of postmaterialists less the
percentage of materialists in every country (using the data from the 1999-2000 wave of
the World/European Values Survey). The countries from southern Europe are included
and compared as well as other European countries. A positive result indicates that there
is a higher proportion of postmaterialists in that country, whereas a negative one shows
higher rates of materialists.
Figure 2 shows that southern European countries, including Spain, share a
similar trend: the percentage of individuals with materialist values is higher than the one
of postmaterialists for the period concerned. With the exception of Italy, these countries
formed a homogeneous group in comparison with the non-southern cases. However,
some differences among southern countries can be observed in the data. The proportions
vary from the -2.2 per cent of the Greek case to the score of -27.7 per cent obtained by
Malta. The Spanish case is closer to the countries with the lowest negative rates, with a
proportion of -8.8 per cent.
(Figure two about here)
Having placed the Spanish levels of postmaterialism in the south European
context, we now turn to various studies which have established the variables involved in
defining the postmaterialist profile. This profile correlates with social position (Díez
Nicolás 1996 and 2000): the higher levels of education and access to political
information the individual enjoys, the greater the tendency towards postmaterialist
values. In the Spanish case a link has also been established between postmaterialism
and left wing ideological views. As Torcal (1989) argued, the Spanish Left adapted
most rapidly to the new demands arising from the emergence of postmaterialism,
thereby attracting the younger sections of society.
Age has indeed emerged as a key variable in all the studies. There is a negative
correlation between postmaterialism and age, as cultural change is driven by younger
generations. Hypotheses concerning gradual generational change are also confirmed
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(Díez Nicolás 2000, Torcal 1989). Furthermore, age is a more important factor than
other variables such as social position when predicting postmaterialist tendencies (Díez
Nicolás 1996).
Most of the studies that have addressed the issue of postmaterialism in Spain
have focused on analysing its evolution and correlation to individual profiles. Although
Inglehart himself established the link between this change in values and political
behaviour (1990), this phenomenon has been little studied in Spain. In the following
sections we explore the relationship between postmaterialism and different forms of
political participation.
Postmaterialism and Electoral Participation
Part of postmaterialist theory establishes a link between these values and certain
forms of political participation. Postmaterialists tend to defend horizontality, solidarity
and freedom of expression, positions which may be best supported by unconventional
and protest actions (Dalton 2002). Of course, how one casts one’s vote in elections is
influenced by some of these criteria, but voting is still the most conventional or
institutionalised form of participation today. Its representative character fits in with a
hierarchical view of citizens’ involvement in politics and its restrictions in procedural
terms limit the individual’s scope for self-expression. Consequently we would expect to
see a negative relationship between postmaterialist postures and voting in elections,
assuming that these individuals opted for other forms of participation more in
accordance with their values and thus rejected electoral participation.
In Spain, as in the other southern European countries, voting is the most
common form of participation. Still, important variations in abstention levels are
frequently detected among elections depending on the electoral cycle (Morales 2003).
For example, while in the 1996 general election the percentage of participation rose to
78,1, it declined to 68,9 per cent in the following election (2000). However, the high
abstention level in 2000 was not very different to that of other elections (such as 1979).
The dependent variable used in this section is that of voting intention if general
elections were to be held5. Firstly, we will look at the different behaviours that exist as a
function of the respondents’ position on the materialist/postmaterialist scale. Then we
will carry out a multivariate analysis to determine the links between these and other
control variables.
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Figure 3 shows the trend in the percentage of declared participants in elections in
relation to their placement on the postmaterialist index.
(Figure three about here)
Figure 3 that overall for all types of voters the data show a longitudinal decline
in voting intentions. The most spectacular drop occurs among materialist individuals. In
one decade, their declared intention to vote fell by around 10 points. In the case of
individuals with a mixed or postmaterialist position, these started off in 1990 with lower
levels of intention to vote than the materialists. In this year, it appeared that the more
postmaterialist the individual, the lower was her intention to vote, confirming our initial
hypothesis. However, these groups experienced a similar, or even more pronounced,
downward trend in 1995. The proportion of mixed or postmaterialist respondents who
declared an intention to vote recovered in 1999-2000. In that year the three groups have
similar values (around 85 per cent intending to vote).
However, the interesting point to note – which is contradictory to Inglehart’s
expectations – is that there has been a change in rank-order position, with the proportion
of postmaterialists intending to participate being slightly higher than that of the other
two groups considered. When more recent data is available, it will be possible to
determine if this is a stable trend, or if indeed the postmaterialist and mixed respondents
will move even further from the materialists to higher levels of voting intentions, thus
refuting our hypothesis. Next, we perform a regression analysis using 2000 data in order
to understand if the same conclusions hold.
Table 1 shows the results obtained from a logistic regression analysis of the
2000 sample of the World Values Survey. The dependent variable is a dichotomous
variable6 measuring if an individual intends to vote or abstain, derived from the
question on voting intention. The independent variables include factors pertinent to
predict voting behaviour (Dalton 2002): socioeconomic indicators such as age7, gender
and level of education, classic values such as ideology, and attitudes, such as interest in
politics and frequency of media exposure to political information. Finally, the
postmaterialist index (measured from zero to five) is included, and is the variable on
which we will focus8.
(Table one about here)
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Regarding the control variables, the results show significant correlations
between electoral participation and age: younger people were less likely to vote
compared with those over 35 years old. Of the other independent variables, only that of
interest in politics had a positive effect on voting. It seems logical that this variable
overrides the importance of variables such as education or political information, given
the correlation that exists between them. On the other hand, neither gender nor
ideology9 seem to help in predicting the likelihood of voting in elections.
With reference to the index of postmaterialism, the analysis shows that there is a
negative (as expected) but non significant relation between it and electoral participation,
after controlling its effect with the other variables included in the model. This refutes
our initial hypothesis that postmaterialism would lead to a lower levels of voting
intention. The regression analysis doesn’t allow us to state that postmaterialism had an
influence over voting behaviour.
Voting is a simple act which requires little initiative or cooperation with others.
This feature makes it the most common form of participation in Spain and other
democratic countries (Anduiza and Bosch 2004). This might explain why materialists as
well as postmaterialists chose to exercise this form of participation to a similar degree.
On the other hand, in Spain some political parties did not remain on the margins of
cultural change, as happened in other countries (Dalton 2002). As has been previously
mentioned, the Spanish Left adapted relatively better to the new needs created by
postmaterialism, thus attracting certain segments of the population (Torcal 1989). Even
if this trend was detected 20 years ago, the endurance of its impact could still be
affecting the electoral behaviour of Spaniards.
Consequently, it seems that, contrary to our initial hypothesis postmaterialists
did not intend to vote less than other groups in 2000. We now turn to the relationship
between postmaterialism and other less conventional forms of participation which,
perhaps, complement voting rather than replacing it. Postmaterialism and Unconventional Participation
As has been mentioned, political participation rates in Spain are among the
lowest in Europe, similarly to other southern countries. Nevertheless, protest levels have
increased in the last 20 years, especially in actions such as demonstrations, strikes and
signing petitions (Morales 2003). Even if the proportion of postmaterialism in Spain is
13
among the lowest of Europe – similarly to other southern countries – the rise of these
values could be one of the factors explaining the evolution towards higher levels of
protest.
The dependent variable in this section is an index of participation containing five
items. Each respondent was asked if they had participated in any of the following
activities: signing a petition, deliberately boycotting a product, participating in a
demonstration, taking part in an unofficial strike and occupying a building. The number
of affirmative answers puts the individual on an index from zero to five. All of these
actions can be considered as protest or unconventional forms of participation, more or
less extreme, and more or less acceptable socially and legally10. The objective of
grouping them on an index is to establish a scale where the differences associated with
the costs of the action and with other subjective elements (social acceptability,
legitimacy) are relative to each individual.
Our intention in this section is to test the hypothetical relationship between these
transformations and cultural change. At the individual level, we expect that those
citizens with higher levels of postmaterialist values would be more likely to engage in
unconventional participation. The following graph shows the percentage of participants
in one or more unconventional activities relative to their position on the postmaterialist
index, for each year considered.
(Figure four about here)
Figure four clearly shows that the percentage of participants in unconventional
activities was higher for postmaterialists in every year. In fact this is the section of the
population in which the number of participants was always higher than the average. On
the other hand, in both the mixed group and the materialist respondents, for every year
there was a majority of people who had not participated in any activity on the index.
The trend over time shows that these positions were relatively stable. However we
observe a drop of more than 13 points between 1981 and 1990 in the proportion of
postmaterialists who participated. This proportion began to grow again in subsequent
years but does not reach 1981 levels. In spite of this, the gap in levels of participation
between postmaterialists and mixed respondents was 20 points or more, depending on
the year. And the gap between postmaterialists and materialists reached more than 40
points in 1981, dropping to 27 in 1999-2000. Despite the reducing gap, it appears that
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the hypothesis that in Spain postmaterialists were more participative in unconventional
activities than materialists is confirmed.
We have opted again to use regression analysis of the 2000 data to test this
supposition. The independent variables remain the same as those included in the model
of the previous section to provide the same controls. On this occasion, the dependent
variable is the five-point index of unconventional participation previously described11.
Table two shows the results obtained:
(Table two about here)
The results of the analysis show that, with the exception of age, all the other
control variables are significant (although to differing degrees) in explaining
unconventional participation. Being female had a negative impact on this type of
participation. On the other hand, the higher the respondent’s level of education, the
greater the likelihood of participating in unconventional actions. The same occurs with
interest in politics and information about politics. Regarding ideology, the probability of
participating in these activities increased, the further to the left the individual was
positioned.
Concerning the postmaterialist index, the relation was significant (p=0.053) and
positive. It can therefore be concluded that, all other variables being constant, higher
levels of postmaterialist values translated into a greater probability of taking part in
several unconventional participative activities. Our second hypothesis is thus confirmed
namely that postmaterialist values favour unconvential political participation. As
discussed above, attitudes associated with postmaterialism lead to a tendency for
expressive and less hierarchical actions.
Postmaterialism and Participation in Associations
Spain is one of the countries in Europe with the lowest levels of membership of
associations, similar to other southern European countries and very unlike the situation
in Northern Europe (Morales and Mota 2006). However, Alexis de Tocqueville’s classic
study (1835) indicating the enormous importance of civic society and voluntary
associations in the development of democratic systems and Robert Putnam’s
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contribution to this in his studies of social capital (1993 and 2000) justify our interest in
this form of citizen participation.
The variable we will use in this section results from counting the number of
associations to which the respondents’ state that they belong. The list includes a total of
15 associations of all types (trade unions, environmental, cultural, professional groups,
etc.). Although there are many differences among these associations, this form of
participation shares many features with unconventional action, since they tend to
involve horizontal and expressive activities. We would, therefore, expect to find a
similar relationship with postmaterialism to that observed with unconventional
participation in the previous section. In other words, we expect that individuals with
postmaterialist values were the most participative in associations. The following graph
shows the data for association membership in terms of the respondent’s position on the
postmaterialist index:
(Figure five about here)
Figure five shows that individuals who belong to an organisation tended to have
higher postmaterialist values (around 40 per cent). On the other hand, no significant
difference is seen in the percentages detected for the other two groups (a little over 25
per cent of the individuals with materialist or mixed values stated that they belonged to
an association).
Nevertheless, the data from the regression analysis show that postmaterialist
values did not have, in 2000, a direct influence association membership once we control
for other socioeconomic variables. A negative binomial regression analysis was carried
out using the methodology described in the previous section. Our dependent variable is
once again a count variable (number of associations to which an individual belongs) and
the same independent variables have been used as in previous models.
According to our analysis, it is not possible to confirm that a citizen with a
higher level of postmaterialism participated in a greater number of organisations12. The
relationship is not significant. We attribute this result, which contradicts our
expectations, to the fact that the list of associations used in the dependent variable
includes all types of associations. We have suggested that association membership
constitutes an expressive and non-hierarchical form of participation. However this
generalisation cannot be made for all of the organisations included in our variable. More
16
traditional political organisations such as political parties, trade unions or non-political
entities (such as sports clubs, for example) do not fit this description and could be
affecting the analysis.
In fact, we consider that, as different kinds of associations have multiple and
varied incidence over their members, the whole citizenship and democracy (Warren
2001), this structural heterogeneity requires that we distinguish between them in our
analysis. More specifically, we should consider associations with clearly expressive
functions and which aim to reach collective goods in a horizontal organisational way.
The main difference between these associations and the traditional ones is that they do
not address any specific social sector and their reference issues have a universalist scope
(Morales 2006).
A factor analysis of principal components has therefore been carried out with the
aim of confirming different groupings of associations depending on their typology13.
The first component extracted includes four types of organisations: local political
action, human rights, conservation, the environment, ecology, animal rights, and the
peace movement. These results confirm our initial expectation as these organisations
can be considered part of a new type of association.
This is clearly a minority type of association membership, as only six per cent of
the Spanish population indicated that they were members of at least one such
organisation in the 1999-2000 sample. In spite of this, we feel it is useful to carry out an
exclusive analysis of this type of association membership as it most closely resembles
the values represented by postmaterialism. Therefore, we expect postmaterialism to
have a positive relationship with participation in this kind of associations.
A count dependent variable has once more been established in terms of the
number of associations to which the individual belongs (from zero to four associations)
and the negative binomial regression analysis has been repeated (the results of the
likelihood ratio test are once more satisfactory at the level 0.01). The following table
shows the results obtained:
(Table three about here)
The regression analysis confirms the expected relationship between
postmaterialism and new associationalism in 2000. Therefore, postmaterialism should
be added to the classic predictors of associationalism, namely education and interest in
17
politics due to the fact that it has a significant and positive effect on new
associationalism.
Evolution of the Relationship between Postmaterialist Values and Political
Participation (1990-2000)
In the previous sections we have analysed the relationship between the position
in the materialist-postmaterialist scale and four forms of political participation at the
individual level in 2000. However, we believe a longitudinal analysis would allow us to
observe the evolution of these relationships over time. As mentioned before, the data
available from the World and European Values Survey for studying the Spanish case
consists of four samples (1981, 1990, 1995 and 2000). Unfortunately, some of the
variables included in the analyses of the 2000 sample are not available or do not have
the same coding as in the previous questionnaires. For this reason, we have opted for
replicating the regression models only with the 1990 sample of the World Values
Survey, which is the most similar one. These analyses should allow us to observe the
evolution of the phenomenon in the period from 1990 to 2000, but only as an
exploratory exercise and being cautious when comparing the results.
The detailed results of the four regression models are supplied in Appendix two.
To summarise, the following figures show the predicted probabilities of taking part in
the four dimensions of political participation at different levels of the materialist-
postmaterialist scale in 1990 and 2000.
(Figures six to nine about here)
All the predicted probabilities reveal a fall in the impact of the materialist-
postmaterialist values scale in the four kinds of political participation between 1990 and
2000 (Figures 6-9). Nonetheless, different patterns can be identified among them. In
fact, we observe that the probabilities of taking part in voting are practically identical in
all the points of the materialist-postmaterialist scale in 2000, while there was a negative
relation between the probabilities of voting and postmaterialist values in 1990. Quite
similar patterns can be appreciated in the probabilities of associational participation. In
any case, postmaterialism did not have a significant impact on these two kinds of
political participation in the 2000 models.
18
On the other hand, unconventional participation and participation in new
associations were explained by postmaterialist values both in 1990 and 2000. A clear
and positive relationship can be appreciated among these variables so that the
probabilities of becoming active increase the higher the position in the materialist-
postmaterialist scale is.
However, a general tendency showing a decrease of our independent variable’s
impact on those probabilities is evident when the 1990 and 2000 data are compared.
How can this change be explained? We think one possible explanation can be found in
the change in degree to which Spaniards engage in different types of political
participation, especially non-electoral participation. As shown in the previous sections,
these forms of participation have become more popular and more people were active in
2000 than a decade before. The increased popularity of these activities could have
affected the typology of their participants, diminishing the explanatory capacity of the
materialist-postmaterialist scale.
At the same time, as shown in figure one, the period between 1990 and 2000
tallies with the phase of major increase of postmaterialism in Spain. The increasing
acceptance of these values could have been accompanied by a reshaping of the profile
of these individuals. The intense economic growth during this period allows for
materialist needs to be largely satisfied, thus legitimating and fostering the
normalization of the postmaterialist discourse. As a consequence, paradoxically, there
could have been a progressive decrease of the more radical positions defending the
pursuit of postmaterialist goals, as these demands are being fulfilled. Again, this
evolution could be a factor in the decreasing explanatory capacity of the materialist-
postmaterialist variable when analysing political participation.
Moreover, the stabilisation of the trend towards postmaterialist values in Spain
since 2000 as observed in Figure one, and a hypothetical increase of materialism in the
subsequent years (Díez Nicolás 2007), justifies the need for future analyses on the
evolution of the explanatory capacity of postmaterialist values regarding political
participation. An increase of unconventional forms of participation and participation in
new associations in parallel with a decline of postmaterialism is a new phenomenon to
be studied as soon as the new waves of the World/European Values Surveys are
available.
19
Conclusions
Since Ronald Inglehart published his first works on the emergence of
postmaterialism in the 1970s, this cultural change has been demonstrated and validated
in many countries, including Spain. Nevertheless, until now very few studies have
explored the link between this phenomenon and political participation in Spain. The
data presented here represent a first attempt to analyse what we consider to be an issue
of great interest in the field of political behaviour.
After reviewing the main trends in the emergence of postmaterialism in Spain,
we have tried to explore the scope of its impact on electoral and non-electoral
participation, distinguishing in this second type of participation between individual
unconventional action and associational membership.
Our first multivariate analysis does not allow us to conclude there was a
rejection of voting in 2000 as a result of the rise of postmaterialism in Spain. Therefore,
in spite of differences in terms of skills and political centrality between materialists and
postmaterialists, no difference in behaviour has been detected between the two profiles
when going to the ballot box, beyond that which is determined by other variables.
Nevertheless, in terms of unconventional participation, it has been demonstrated
that, in Spain, postmaterialists were more likely to have recourse to this type of action.
As previous studies have demonstrated that age is highly correlated to postmaterialism,
this phenomenon is also valid for the youngest segments of society. Consequently, if
Inglehart’s hypothesis about the permanent character of this cultural change is correct,
the younger generations could interiorise these methods and carry them into adulthood.
We would therefore expect unconventional behaviours to become more widespread.
However, it is not possible to confirm from our analysis whether this growth
occurred due to unconventional activities becoming a substitute for voting. It is more
likely that it is developing as a complementary mechanism to institutionalised politics
(or directed by elites, in Inglehart’s words). This is explained by noting that
postmaterialists continue to have democratic ideals and by the fact that defending one’s
ability to be involved in public affairs is one of the features of postmaterialism. For all
these reasons, political dissatisfaction would not result in lack of interest or cynicism
towards politics, but rather in the search for complementary mechanisms for
participation. If there has been a drop in electoral participation in Spain, the explanation
must be sought in factors other than the cultural change predicted by Inglehart.
20
We also show that there was no link between postmaterialism and association
membership in general in Spain. When all the different types of associations available
in the data of the World Values Survey are included in the model, the relation obtained
is not significant. However, we decided to limit the analysis to membership of those
associations whose characteristics most resemble the values represented by
postmaterialism (horizontality and scope for self-expression). In this case, a relationship
was indeed established. Having postmaterialist values increased the likelihood of
belonging to associations linked with ecology, pacifism, human rights or local political
action.
Regarding the comparison with the analyses carried out using the 1990 sample
of the World Values Survey, we have verified that the impact of postmaterialism on
political participation not only already existed a decade before, but also that it was even
more intense. For example, in 1990 the probabilities of voting were significantly lower
among postmaterialists.
Finally, descriptive analyses of the spread of postmaterialism in Spain have
suggested that this trend is flattening off, and that it is a minority value in all the years
analysed in any case. The studies carried out up to now show clearly that this is a slow
change being brought about through generational renewal. We are therefore dealing
with a constantly evolving phenomenon which must be monitored over the coming
years, or even decades.
In fact, more research needs to be done so as to understand the evolution of
postmaterialist values in the last decade. Agreeing with Inglehart that a link between
economic development and the creation and strengthening of postmaterialism exists, we
consider that new elements could be changing or, at least, mitigating the strength of this
relationship in Spanish society. First, the huge expansion of the real estate market has
caused accelerated economic growth and intensified Spanish families’ accumulated
debts since 2000. The onset of the international financial crisis together with higher
housing prices has been causing a significant negative impact on the economic
resources available to Spanish citizens since the end of 2007. Thus, these economic
restrictions could be affecting the ability to access basic needs and, therefore, this new
economic context can have an effect on the values distribution: the youngest generations
who are being socialised in this period of restraint of individual prosperity could be at
the origins of a stagnation of the spread of postmaterialism, or even an increase of
materialism (already detected by Diez Nicolás 2007).
21
Second, we believe further research needs to be conducted regarding a
hypothetical transformation of the classical postmaterialist profile. In recent years, the
consumer society has affected the way individuals achieve goals that are found at the
top of the pyramid of needs. The achievement of external recognition and self-
realisation is now increasingly done through consumption. We could be talking about a
new form of ‘consumer postmaterialism’ generated by a paradoxical conjunction of
factors, given that postmaterialist priorities are fulfilled by engaging in materialist
behaviour, even if the goods consumed are not of primary necessity.
On the whole, two trends need to be monitored in Spain from the first decade of
the 21st century onwards: an emerging decline of postmaterialism on one hand and a
change in the postmaterialist profile on the other. All these trends could have
consequences on other related phenomena like political participation.
References Anduiza, E. & Bosch, A. (2004) Comportamiento político y electoral, Ariel, Barcelona. Barreiro, B. (2002) ‘La progresiva desmovilización de la izquierda en españa: un análisis de la abstención en las elecciones generales de 1996 a 2000’, Revista Española de Ciencia Política, no. 6, pp. 183-205. Dalton, R. (2002) Citizen Politics. Public opinion and political parties in advanced industrial democracies, Chatham House Publishes, New York (3rd edition). Díez Nicolás, J. (1996) ‘Social position, information and postmaterialism’, Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, pp. 153-165, English edition. Díez Nicolás, J. (1998) ‘Prólogo a la edición española’, in Modernización y Posmodernización, Inglehart, R., Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, pp. ix-xv. Díez Nicolás, J. (2000) ‘La escala de postmaterialismo como medida del cambio de valores en las sociedades contemporáneas’, in España 2000, entre el localismo y la globalidad, eds Orizo, A. & Elzo, J., Editorial SM, Madrid, pp. 283-310. Díez Nicolás, J. (2007) ‘¿Regreso a los valores materialistas? El dilema entre seguridad y libertad en los países desarrollados’, paper presented at the IX Congreso Español de Sociologia, Barcelona, 13-15 september. Inglehart, R. (1977) The silent revolution. Changing values and political styles among Western publics, Princeton University Press, Princeton.
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Inglehart, R. (1990) Culture shift in advanced industrial society, Princeton University Press, Princeton. Long, S. & Freese, J. (2006) Regression models for categorical dependent variables using Stata, Stata Press, USA, 2nd edition. Macintosh, R. (1998) ‘Global attitude measurement: an assessment of the World Values Survey postmaterialism scale’, American Sociological Review, vol. 63, no. 3, pp. 452-464. Maslow, A. (1954) Motivation and personality, Harper and Row, New York. Morales, L. (1999) ‘Political participation: exploring the gender gap in Spain’, South European Society and Politics, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 223-247. Morales, L. (2003) Ever less engaged citizens? Political participation and associational membership in Spain, Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, Working Papers, no. 220, Barcelona. Morales, L. (2006) Instituciones, movilización y participación política: el asociacionismo político en las democracias occidentales, Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, Madrid. Morales, L. & Mota, F. (2006) ‘El asociacionismo en España’, in Ciudadanos, asociaciones y participación en España, eds J.R. Montero, J. Font. & M. Torcal, Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, Madrid, pp. 77-105. Norris, P. (2002) Democratic Phoenix. Reinventing political activism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Opp, K.D. (1990) ‘Postmaterialism, collective action and political protest’, American Journal of Political Science, vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 212-235. Putnam, R.D. (1993) Making democracy work. Civic traditions in modern Italy, Princeton University Press, Princeton Putnam, R.D. (2000) Bowling alone. The collapse and revival of American community, Simon and Schuster, New York. Rojas, A. & Fernández, J. (2000) ‘Efectos del procedimiento de administración en la estabilidad de la escala de postmaterialismo’, Psicotherma, vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 482-486. Rossteutscher, S. (2004) ‘Explaining politics: an empirical test of competing value measures’, European Journal of Political Research, vol. 43, no. 5, pp. 769-795. De Tocqueville, A. (1986) De la démocratie en Amérique, Gallimard, Paris [1835]. Torcal, M. (1989) ‘La dimensión Materialista/Postmaterialista en España: las variables del cambio cultural’, Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas, no. 47, pp. 227-254.
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Torcal, M., Montero J.R. & Teorell, J. (2006) ‘La participación política en España: modos y niveles en perspectiva comparada’, in Ciudadanos, asociaciones y participación en España, eds J.R. Montero, J. Font. & M. Torcal, Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, Madrid, pp. 25-45. Warren, M. (2001) Democracy and association, Princeton, Princeton University Press. Appendix 1 (Appendix 1 table about here) Appendix 2 (Appendix 2 table about here)
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FIGURES AND TABLES FIGURES: Figure 1.- Trends in postmaterialism in Spain, percentages and mean, 1988-2007.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
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Perc
enta
ge
1,5
1,6
1,7
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1,9
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2,1
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2,3
Mea
n
Materialist Mixed Postmaterialist Mean
Figure 2.- Comparison between percent of postmaterialists less percent of materialists in south European countries and others (1999-2000).
-40
-30
-20
-10
0
10
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Austria Sweden Italy Netherlands Greece Turkey Spain Portugal M alta
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Figure 3.- Percent electoral participation by different levels of the postmaterialist scale, 1990-2000.
788082848688909294
1990 1995 1999-2000
Materialist Mixed Postmaterialist
Figure 4.- Percent with at least 1 unconventional activity by postmaterialist scale, 1981-2000.
010203040506070
1981 1990 1995 1999-2000
Materialist Mixed Postmaterialist
Figure 5.- Percent with at least 1 associational membership by postmaterialist scales, 1981-2000.
15
20
2530
35
40
45
1981 1990 1999-2000
Materialist Mixed Postmaterialist
26
Figures 6-9.- Predicted probabilities of taking part in different forms of participation at different levels of the postmaterialist scale, 1990-2000.
Fig. 6: electoral participation
70
75
80
85
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100
0 1 2 3 4 5Materialist-Postmaterialist scale
Prob
abili
ty in
%
Mean individual 1990 Mean individual 2000
Fig.7: unconventional participation
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0 1 2 3 4 5Materialist-Postmaterialist scale
Prob
abili
ty in
%
Mean individual 1990 Mean individual 2000
Fig.8: participation in associacions
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
0 1 2 3 4 5Materialist-Postmaterialist scale
Prob
abili
ty in
%
Mean individual 1990 Mean individual 2000
Fig.9: participation in new associations
0123456789
10
0 1 2 3 4 5Materialist-Postmaterialist scale
Prob
abili
ty in
%
Mean individual 1990 Mean individual 2000
27
TABLES: Table 1.- Electoral participation is analysed using logistic regression.
Coef. Std. Err. z test Postmaterialism -0.006 0.096 -0.07 Age (18-24) -0.902 0.31 -2.91 ** Age (25-34) -0.801 0.301 -2.65 ** Ideology -0.03 0.065 -0.46 Education -0.176 0.167 -1.06 Gender 0.184 0.24 0.76 Political information -0.174 0.093 -1.88 Political interest 0.439 0.149 2.94 ** Constant 2.14 0.698 3.06 ** N=779 **p<0.01 Nagelkerke R2: 0.094
Table 2.- Unconventional political participation is analysed using negative binomial regression.
Coef. Std. Err. z test Postmaterialism 0.075 0.039 1.92 * Age (15-24) 0.101 0.132 0.76 Age (25-34) 0.004 0.125 0.03 Ideology -0.145 0.028 -5.23 *** Education 0.318 0.064 4.97 *** Gender -0.296 0.098 -3.01 *** Political information -0.092 0.047 -1.96 ** Political interest 0.289 0.054 5.32 *** Constant -0.583 0.287 -2.03 ** N=927 *p<0.1 **p<0.05 ***p<0.01 LR test: Chi-sq= 37.56 p<0.01 Nagelkerke R2: 0.179
Table 3.- Participation in ‘new’ associations is analysed using negative binomial regression.
Coef. Std. Err. z test Postmaterialism 0.217 0.11 1.96 * Age (15-24) 0.157 0.354 0.44 Age (25-34) -0.282 0.365 -0.77 Ideology 0.039 0.071 0.56 Education 0.56 0.177 3.16 ** Gender 0.137 0.268 0.51 Political information 0.054 0.123 0.44 Political interest 0.308 0.144 2.14 * Constant -5.333 0.867 -6.15 ** N=927 * p<0.05 **p<0.01 LR test: Chi-sq= 12.49 p<0.01 Nagelkerke R2: 0.071
Used for associational membership. Belong to: 0 = No mention
1 = Belong
29
* Variable not available in 1990 sample. a In the analyses of electoral participation: 18-24. b In 1990 sample analyses: from 0 to 14. c In 1990 sample analyses: from 0 to 3.
-Religious organization (a065) -Education, arts, music or cultural activities (a066) -Labour unions (a067) -Political parties (a068) -Local political actions (a069) -Human rights (a070) -Conservation, the environment, ecology, animal rights (a071) -Professional associations (a072) -Youth work (a073) -Sports or recreation (a074) -Women’s group (a075) -Peace movement (a076) -Organization concerned with health (a077) -Consumer groups (a078)* -Other groups (a079)
* p<0,1 ** p<0,05 *** p<0,01 a Logistic regression b Negative binomial regression Note: the variable ‘education’ as included in the 2000 sample analyses is not available in the 1990 sample. Instead, we include an indicator of socio economic status (see appendix one for more details on variable construction). The variable ‘belong to consumer groups’ was not available in the 1990 sample. It is not used in the construction of any of the two dependent variables regarding participation in associations. The variable ‘political information’ was not available in the 1990 sample. It is not included in the analyses. Given these differences, the models obtained in the 2000 analyses are not directly comparable to those presented here.
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1 We would like to thank the comments made by the reviewers and the editors, especially by Marina Costa Lobo. Also, many thanks to Eva Anduiza and Agustí Bosch for their always valuable suggestions. 2 We would like to thank the comments made by the reviewers and the editors, especially by Marina Costa Lobo. Also, many thanks to Eva Anduiza and Agustí Bosch for their always valuable suggestions. 3 The surveys used for the analyses are the Spanish samples of the four waves of the World and/or European Values Surveys available: Wave 1-year 1981 (1 sample, N= 2303), Wave 2-year 1990 (2 samples, N=4147), Wave 3-year 1995 (1 sample, N=1211) and Wave 4-years 1999-2000 (2 samples, N=2409). The main multivariate analyses are conducted with the 2000 sample of the fourth wave (N=1209), as it is the most recent data where postmaterialism is measured with 12 items. 4ASEP is a private firm chaired by prof. Juan Díez Nicolás, author of the main studies on postmaterialism in Spain. Under the name ‘The Public Opinion of Spaniards’ ASEP has conducted since 1986 a monthly survey with a representative sample of the Spanish population of 18 and more years old of both sexes. The interview method is a personal face to face interview. The sample size is 1200 individuals for every monthly survey (stratified random sample with proportional fixing). The questionnaire includes a section that is repeated every month, allowing comparisons in time. ASEP, in collaboration with JDSystems, is a member of the World Values Survey project, being in charge of the official data archives for past and future surveys by WVS and EVS organizations respectively in Spain. More details and some data are available at: http://www.jdsurvey.net/jds/jdsurveyAnalisis.jsp. For our analysis we have taken annual averages. 5 A variable of voting intention usually overestimates the level of electoral participation. 6 As our dependent variable is a dichotomous one, we opted for logistic regression (Long and Freese, 2006). 7 To avoid the curvilinear effect detected between age and electoral participation, we have opted to distinguish between groups for this variable (18 to 24 years, 25 to 34 years and over 35 years). Dichotomous variables have been created for each group and the variable relative to the over 35s has been excluded as a reference category. 8 See more details about variables included in the models in appendix 1. 9 Our analysis doesn’t reveal a significant relationship between ideological self placement and voting intention, although recent analyses have demonstrated a progressive demobilization of left-oriented citizens (Barreiro 2002). However, as Barreiro argues (2002), the ideological variable has lost part of its impact on voting decision among left-oriented individuals. Instead, other contextual factors such as government support, the assessment of the political situation or issue positioning would be better predictors of the abstention of these electors (or their vote to the righty party governing in Spain between 1996 and 2004, the Popular Party). 10 Following Dalton (2002) and for simplifying purposes we will refer to them as unconventional participation. But we assume the position of Torcal, Montero and Teorell (2006) when they argue that the classical distinction between conventional and unconventional forms of participation is nowadays too limited and outdated. Rather, any typology of political participation should include a category for activities related to consumerism and other extra-representative forms of action (typically qualified as protest) in opposition to institutionalised participation such as voting or party activities. All of our variables could be included in such a category of extra-representative activities. 11 As this is a count variable, it cannot have negative values. Nor does it have a normal distribution and, as has been seen, the highest frequencies accumulate around the lower values, especially 0. Linear methods were not therefore considered advisable. Rather, a negative binomial regression was considered more suitable. This method is based on the Poisson distribution but it introduces a corrective parameter (alpha) in order not to underestimate the probability of occurrence of the lower values on the index (Long and Freese, 2006). To test the suitability of this method compared with the original Poisson models, we carried out a Likelihood-ratio test which gave significant results (Chi-sq: 37.56, p<0.01).
33
12 The negative binomial regression shows the following data for the postmaterialism variable: coefficient of 0.07, standard error of 0.053 and p>0.05. Likelihood-ratio chi-sq = 118.01, p<0.01, Nagelkerke R2 = 0.059 with N = 927. 13 Factor analysis of principal components with a varimax rotation. Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sample adequacy = 0.782. Bartlett’s Test of Sphericity: Chi-sq = 2193.23, df=91, p<0.01.
