NIEVES R. CONFESOR 1

REGIONAL TRENDS ANDSOCIAL DISINTEGRATION/

INTEGRATION: ASIA

Expert Group MeetingDialogue in the Social Integration Process:

Building Social Relations –by, for and with peopleNew York, 21-23 November 2005

NIEVES R. CONFESOR 2

Asia :A Region much too diverse, made up of

highly pluralistic societies

A “MIRACLE “of the Eighties and theNineties with , up to today, national GDPsrising much more quickly than the rest of theworld and the national poverty rates.

Today, it is also a region which has more peoplewith inadequate nutrition, more living in slumareas, more people without access to water andsanitation than any other developing region inthe world.

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“STAGES”in Asia’s Development

Search for new paradigms to reconstruct socialintegration, cohesion2000 +

Asian crisis! Social conflict-more complex, acrossborders, and impact of globalization,democratisation, technological change,international division of labor, migration.

Late1990s

Asian “miracle”- rapid economic growth andrelative social cohesion. Government, top-down,transitions to prosperity. Vision 20/20; Pancasila;This Nation Can be great Again, etc.

1960s tothe 1990s

Turbulent period of nation-building; Socialconflict prevalent

1940s tothe 1950s

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Home to 7 out 10 of humanity’s poor, with 700million people on less than $ 1.00 a day or less;

About 1.9 billion people live at or below $2.00.;substantially greater than in Africa.

Member states with different political systems (Chinavs. India); gaps in economic development (South Koreaand Indonesia); gaps in effective governance; recurringpolitical (Kashmir, Taiwan Straits, Korea, Japan andChina); waning separatist movements that got “new life”from the deepening poverty and exclusion of “new”andold groups in the society and across nations; socialtensions over water and resources across tribes andnations (ex. for those along the Mekong) over thegigantic dams, together with, or on its own, the existingreligious, ethnic, and class conflicts.

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Development gains that were narrowlyeconomic and unevenly distributed left largesegments of the of the population without asense of just and fair treatment. Thus,

Overarching national and social visions ofsocietal development, seeking the allegiance ofall citizens, regardless of age, gender, race,ethnicity or class, failed to resonate due to thedeep cleavages and the top-down approach ofthe Governments (then) that attempted to bypassthe civil society. Such cleavages have growndeeper and have produced “fire.”

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Globalization (or its mishandling) and migrationacross countries have created new sources ofpolitical and social tensions across nations andsectors requiring new multilateral/multi-levelactivities.

Democratisation has also “opened”fissures inthe management of conflict in societies that hadearlier kept the “issues under the rug”, with thepoor now able to “demand”concrete action fromtheir government . For example,

The ouster of the BJ Party–led Government last yeareven if India had experienced its highest growth ratessince independence under this ruling party; or

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The recent elections in Sri Lanka

The election of President Estrada in the Philippines–a statement of alienation between the classes.

the street demonstrations of mostly young persons inIndonesia as fuel subsidies“go”

the“social”rebellions in China , many of whichwere mounted by the farmers being expelled fromtheir lands with little compensation and no legal orinstitutional reforms to protect rural populations .(Note: 3.5 million is reported to have joined 74,000protests in 2004, up from 58,000 in 2003. China’srural to urban ratio has risen from 1.8 :1 in 1987 to3.2:1 today.

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The Asian Crisis of 1997 and after:

The “economic miracle” covered up deep socialcleavages and deeply rooted conflict with governmentsand elite in agreement to nurture the “economic”miracle. “Flashpoints” are within nations and itscitizens, the majority and the disadvantaged!

•As growth moderates or constricts, the politics of aliterate, near poor, lower middle class increasinglydominates the “political”arena

•“Old”issues and social cleavages are bundled with newissues of exclusion, injustice from the effects ofglobalization and migration, inadequate governance

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•As a result of the “great leap forward”in thesocial mobility of the post-War generation of theASEAN countries, there is a strong probability ofpolarization and violent conflict along the same“faultlines”in the system

For nations such as Sri Lanka, Indonesia, thePhilippines, Malaysia, Nepal,… Social crises havenot been outgrown. Recurrent conflict makes itnecessary to move beyond coexistence and toleranceinto reconstruction and reconciliation, managementof diversity policy debate.

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Causes of conflict:

Striking correlation between internal cleavages andpatterns of economic growth: high employment levelsin areas with less intense or non-threatening cleavages.

Low government involvement in social protection andre-distribution coupled with “destruction”oftraditional modes of community social protection (as aresult of the new growth strategies)

Lack of public will and policies to provide socialadvantages to reduce discrimination in education,labor markets and other areas. (Malaysia, Singaporeprovide examples of this. Indonesia, despite betterassimilation of their Chinese will not be able withstandthe first “challenge”by their bumi majority.)

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The real need for dialogue and integration andthe pursuit of reconciliation in addition to theelimination of economic inequality --- Differentoutcomes for the Chinese in Malaysia and those inIndonesia

Since Malaysia’s independence in 1957,it hadonly one major ethnic conflagration, while thebetter assimilated Chinese in Indonesia haveexperienced persistent violence. Why?

the Greater wealth of the Chinese and thedifference in religion only partly explain theconflict.

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Divergent capacities for managing conflict :

The higher degree of Chinese culturalassimilation in Indonesia did NOT lead togreater group safety.

Chinese, in Malaysia had their ownorganizations and political parties for a long timeunder the Malaysian program for “affirmativeaction for the bumi”, allowing them to engageand enter into political pacts with the majoritygroups and form cross-cutting ties. While theprogram made for better access to opportunitiesby the Malay bumi, the Chinese did not findthemselves disadvantaged.

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The CHALLENGE for Asia/ASEANand the member-nations:

Manage social solidarity in the face of increasinglycomplex pluralisms.

1. The ability to come together as a collective: China-ASEAN trade is up by 20%; trade among ASEANmember states have re-shaped individual member-states’trading partnerships.

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2. The emergence/growth of the civilsociety in varying degrees acrosscountries –cross-cutting relations focusedon issues and “causes”as key mediatingagents between communal groups,governments, and markets is key to anation’s capacity to manage social andeconomic transformation peacefully andavert/end violent conflict.

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3. The institutional capacity formediation in society, esp.The way the State responds to andincorporate groups, affects the natureand outcome of conflict. A responsivestate that creates an environment in whichindividuals enjoy mobility, get employed, andmeet their basic needs have an important role inmitigating political attacks on the minority bymembers of the majority.

Whenever state responsiveness has been weak,segments of the majority group in both Malaysiaand Indonesia, have perceived the State as a toolof the Chinese, and attack the minority .

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3. Better governance –a little too slowbut existing nonetheless.

•In Indonesia, democratization may providethe Chinese a greater political voice andsecure them a legitimate seat in Indonesia society.

•In the Philippines, recent laws and regulations haveattempted to address the inequities visited on thetraditional communities - dispossession of theirland, exploitation of natural resources in their land,lack of education to education and basic services,with special legislation pushed forward by broadalliances of civil society, government, etc. already“in conversation”for many years.

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4. A recognition that post conflictreconstruction and reconciliationrequire more than coexistence butintegration, reconciliation andsocial cohesion. Dialogue, multi-stakeholder processes that havebeen successful must move throughdifferent stages of the conflict, and the networkof associates and organizations have “nurture”the discussion.

5. The initiatives toward decentralization anddevolution (vs. centralization) would serve as“bridges”in re-establishing relationships awayfrom violent conflict.

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6. The example of Tabang Mindanaoprovides us with a good example ofthe expanding multi-stakeholderprocesses as it moved from assistingthe Indigenous People in Mindanao(as part of the Mindanao solution)but also to empowering the IPs and enhancingthe internal capacity of the IP tribes/organizations working with them at differentparts of the conflict, the whole community’smediating capacity in pursuit of a better life forthe IPs.

•An integrated human development program within theframework of the peace process by Tabang with variousstakeholders

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• Implemented in collaboration with thelocal government units, the Church,the Ustadtz and Imamz, NGOs, GOs,the military and the MILF. Plusinternational NGOs.

• Program components: community organizing,peace advocacy, basic services (core shelter, watersystems, health and sanitation, sustainableagriculture.) Plus, capability building aimed towardsthe strengthening of the trust among the tri-peoplein rebuilding their lives and establishing effectiveand socio-cultural sensitive community structures.Building trust and reducing fear are critical but areinsufficient conditions for the cessation of violence.

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•Related to the work of the Sanctuaries ofPeace, and as “stand alone.”

•Also part of the Christian-Muslim-Lumad (IP) dialogue in Mindanao andthe IP dialogues in the whole country

•More than state security, it promotes ahuman security framework in Mindanao.

•Brings in the rest of the private sectoroutside Mindanao

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•As Fr. R. Layson of Mindanao says: “Tabang and other initiatives are importantas many have lost confidence in the peaceprocess. People would rather support aprotracted war than a protracted peace…We have realized that peace talks can’tguarantee instant peace as long as there’san unseen war going on in the hearts of ourpeople.”