Reprint from Translating at the Court - ISBN 978 90 5867 ...old Sapientia of... · souligne les...

Reprint from Translating at the Court - ISBN 978 90 5867 986 4 - © Leuven University Press, 2014

TRANSLATING AT THE COURT

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M E D I A E VA L I A L O VA N I E N S I ASERIES I / STUDIA XLV

Editorial BoardGeert Claassens (Leuven)

Pieter De Leemans (Leuven)Jeroen Deploige (Gent)

Baudouin Van den Abeele (Louvain-la-Neuve)

Scientific CommitteeRita Beyers (Antwerpen) Luca Bianchi (Vercelli)

Francesco Bruni (Milano) Charles Burnett (London)

Keith Busby (Wisconsin – Madison) Joëlle Ducos (Paris)

Régine Le Jan (Paris) Brian Patrick McGuire (Roskilde)

Alastair Minnis (Yale)Adriano Oliva (Paris) Loris Sturlese (Lecce)

Werner Verbeke (Leuven, honorary member)

KU LEUVENINSTITUTE FOR MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE STUDIES

LEUVEN (BELGIUM)

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TRANSLATING AT THE COURTBARTHOLOMEW OF MESSINA

AND CULTURAL LIFE AT THE COURT OF MANFRED, KING OF SICILY

Edited by

Pieter DE LEEMANS

LEUVEN UNIVERSITY PRESS

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© 2014 Leuven University Press / Presses Universitaires de Louvain / Universitaire Pers Leuven, Minderbroedersstraat 4, B-3000 Leuven/Louvain (Belgium)

All rights reserved. Except in those cases expressly determined by law, no part of this publication may be multiplied, saved in an automated data file or made public in any way whatsoever without the express prior written consent of the publishers.

ISBN 978 90 5867 986 4D / 2014 / 1869 / 29NUR: 684-694

Layout and cover: Friedemann BVBACover illustration: Vaticano, BAV, Pal. lat. 1071, fol. 5v: Manfred of Sicily. Reproduced by permission of the library.

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CONTENTS

Notes about the contributors VII

Pieter De Leemans

Bartholomew of Messina, Translator at the Court of Manfred, King of Sicily XI

Steven J. WiLLiams

Like Father, Like Son? The Life and Reign of Manfred, King of Sicily 1

Fulvio DeLLe Donne

The Sapientia of Manfred and the Studium of Naples 31

Michael W. Dunne

Dubitauit Rex Manfridus ... King Manfred and the Determinatio Magistralis of Peter of Ireland 49

Paraskevi Kotzia

De Hebrea lingua transtulimus in Latinam: Manfred of Sicily and the pseudo-Aristotelian Liber de pomo 65

Alessandra PerriccioLi saggese

Fra la corte e l’università: manoscritti miniati di età manfrediana 91

Mauro Zonta

Jewish Philosophy and Translations of Philosophical Texts into Hebrew in 13th-Century Southern Italy, Including Sicily: Some Observations 113

Charles Burnett

Stephen of Messina and the Translation of Astrological Texts from Greek in the Time of Manfred 123

Giacinta Spinosa

Barthélemy de Messine, traducteur du Ps.-Aristote, De mundo: la diffusion de néologismes métaphysiques, astrologiques et cosmologiques (influentia, inalterabilis) du XIIe au XIVe siècle 133

Pieter BeuLLens True Colours: the Medieval Latin Translations of De Coloribus 165

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CONTENTSVI

Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem

Revision der Translatio Bartholomaei oder Neuübersetzung? Zu dem Fragment von De coloribus des Wilhelm von Moerbeke 203

Élisabeth Dévière

Le vocabulaire médical de Barthélemy de Messine et sa réception par Pietro d’Abano 249

Charles Burnett

The Latin Versions of Pseudo-Aristotle’s De signis 285

Pieter BeuLLens Facilius sit Nili Caput Invenire: Towards an Attribution and Reconstruction of the Aristotelian Treatise De inundatione Nili 303

Dimitri Gutas

The Translation of De Principiis (Theophrastus) by Bartholomew of Messina 331

Valérie CorDonier

La version latine des Magna moralia par Barthélemy de Messine et son modèle grec: le ms. Wien, ÖNB, phil. gr. 315 (V) 337

Index codicum manu scriptorum 383

Index nominum 387

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FULVIO DELLE DONNE

THE SAPIENTIA OF MANFRED AND THE STUDIUM OF NAPLES

La chronique attribuée à Nicolaus de Jamsilla entend célébrer les vertus person-nelles de Manfred ainsi que justifier sa prise de possession du Royaume de Sicile. Dans cette chronique, la sapientia du roi souabe est considérée comme un élé-ment fonctionnel du gouvernement royal, contrairement à la philosophia ‘héré-tique’ de son père, Frédéric II, car cette philosophia était une fin en soi et avait fait de ce dernier un ‘mauvais chrétien’. La même représentation se retrouve dans certaines lettres relatives au Studium de Naples, qui permettent de mieux cerner la culture latine développée à la cour. Dans ces documents, Manfred souligne les avantages personnels que procure l’étude de la philosophie et les progrès que peuvent faire ceux qui l’étudient. Pour son père Frédéric, en re-vanche, ces résultats pouvaient être obtenus grâce à l’étude du droit. Toutefois, d’après Manfred, l’application intellectuelle doit contribuer au gouvernement du royaume et à l’exaltation du rôle du souverain, comme nous pouvons le lire dans une lettre adressée par Manfred aux maîtres du Studium de Paris, et qui accompagnait l’envoi de certaines traductions de l’arabe et du grec.

One of the most important sources – perhaps the absolutely most im-portant source available to us – for reconstructing events in the life and reign of Manfred, the Swabian king of Sicily (1232-1266) is provided in the Historia de rebus gestis Frederici II imperatoris eiusque filiorum Conradi et Manfredi Apuliae et Siciliae regum, attributed to the so-called Nicolaus de Jamsilla.1

The first part of this work gives a particularly detailed account of the succession of events within the Kingdom of Sicily between 1254 and

1. We can read the Historia in the edition of Ludovico Antonio muratori, Rerum Ita-licarum scriptores, VIII, Mediolani: Typographia Societatis Palatinae, 1726, col. 493-616. This edition was later reprinted by Giuseppe Del re, Cronisti e scrittori sincroni napole-tani, II, Napoli: Stamperia dell’Iride, 1868 (anast. repr., Bologna: Forni, 1976; and Aalen: Scientia, 1975), p. 105-200. About the previous editions cf. o. Cartellieri, ‘Reise nach Italien im Jahre 1899’, Neues Archiv 26 (1901), p. 694f.; e. PisPisa, Nicolò di Jamsilla. Un intellettuale alla corte di Manfredi, Soveria Mannelli: Rubettino, 1984, p. 5. About its dis-cussed attribution to Nicolaus de Brundisio, Goffredus de Cusentia or Nicolaus de Rocca, cf. f. Delle Donne, Politica e letteratura nel Mezzogiorno Medievale, Salerno: Carlone, 2001, p. 75-109. About its different parts cf. f. Delle Donne, ‘Gli usi e i riusi della storia. Funzioni, struttura, parti, fasi compositive e datazione dell’Historia del cosiddetto Iamsil-la’, Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il medioevo 113 (2011), p. 31-122.

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FULVIO DELLE DONNE32

1256 and takes the form of a kind of report. Its principal aim was to jus-tify Manfred’s actions towards the papacy and portray him as willing to come to an agreement with the pontiff, accepting his authority; unlike his father, Emperor Frederick II, who was excommunicated and deposed by the pope several times.2

Manfred needed to work on two fronts in order for his authority over the Kingdom of Sicily to be upheld by his subjects and accepted by the papacy. On the one hand, as the illegitimate son of Frederick II,3 he had to put himself forward to his subjects as worthy of succeeding his father, despite lacking certain prerequisites. On the other hand, however, he had to dissociate himself from the political line that his father Frederick had taken and which was vehemently opposed by the papacy. In order to do this, Manfred used propaganda spread by Pseudo-Jamsilla’s Historia to present himself as a sovereign worthy of legitimacy thanks to person-al virtues which he had inherited from his father more than his brother, Conrad IV. Pseudo-Jamsilla specifically chose the sapientia and the phi-losophia as elements to focus on. This was a way of both finding com-mon ground between Frederick and his son, Manfred, while at the same time creating some distance between the two. Pseudo-Jamsilla could not avoid celebrating Frederick’s virtues but in summarising them, he seems to place a subtle shadow over them:

Vir quidem fuit magni cordis, sed magnanimitatem suam multa, quae in eo fuit, sapientia temperavit, ut nequaquam impetus eum ad aliquid faciendum impelleret, sed ad omnia cum rationis ma-turitate procederet; multoque sane fecisset maiora quam fecit, si cordis sui motibus posse absque freno philosophici moderaminis obtemperasset, utpote qui philosophiae studiosus erat, et quam et ipse in se coluit et in Regno suo propagari ordinavit.4

2. Cf. Delle Donne, La cultura di Federico II, p. 92ff.; PisPisa, Nicolò di Jamsilla, p. 30-35. 3. Manfred was probably legitimized by the dying Frederick II: cf. r. morGhen, L’età degli Svevi in Italia, Palermo: Palumbo, 19742, p. 132; e. PisPisa, Il regno di Manfredi: proposte di interpretazione, Messina: Sicania, 1991, p. 13-14. 4. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 495-496 (ed. Del re, p. 106). This text, in the two quoted editions, is very problematic, and presents an almost incom-prehensible sentence: ‘multoque sane fecisse maiora, quoniam fecit se cordis sui motibus posse absque freno philosophico moderamini obtemperasse’. The text, therefore, has been corrected on the basis of the most ancient and authoritative manuscript containing the work of Pseudo-Jamsilla (Napoli, Bibl. Nazionale, IX C 24, f. 1v). The codex is rather incorrect, but from it surely derive, directly or indirectly, all the other manuscripts: cf. Delle Donne, ‘Gli usi e i riusi della storia’, p. 104. Also Cartellieri, ‘Reise nach Italien’, p. 706, and a. nitsChKe, ‘Die Handschriften des sog. Nikolaus von Jamsilla’, Deutsches Archiv 11

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THE SAPIENTIA OF MANFRED AND THE STUDIUM OF NAPLES 33

He was certainly a man with a great heart, but his wisdom, which he had much of, tempered his magnanimity, so that he was never tempted to do anything on impulse, but rather proceeded to do everything with matured reasoning; and he would certainly have done much greater things than he did, if his faculty had obeyed his heart without the brake imposed by philosophical guidance, since he was a student of philosophy, which he himself cultivated and ordered to be propagated throughout his Reign.

Despite its complexity and its ecdotic and syntactic problems, this pas-sage portrays Frederick II in a way that leaves the reader with some doubts. Most striking is the particular connotation attributed to his pas-sion for philosophia, given that his magnanimitas appears to have been incomplete, tempered by his sapientia and thus preventing him from lib-erating its impulses.

Up to this point, one could still read this as a merit, a further reason for the emperor to boast that he did nothing purely on passionate im-pulse but, rather, faced everything by pondering it with matured reason-ing. Nevertheless, it is later revealed that sapientia is an impediment, a compulsion that held Frederick back from doing more important things, ‘multoque sane maiora’. Therefore, the author of the Historia considers Frederick’s sapientia, that is, his philosophia, almost to have been a vice.

The belittlement of Emperor Frederick’s sapientia cannot go unno-ticed and is all the more surprising because subsequently, and on several occasions, Manfred – who is the real protagonist of the narration – is praised precisely for his learning and for having summarised his father’s virtues in himself, to the point that he is his true heir: ‘iste tamen prin-ceps Manfredus paternarum gratiarum atque virtutum heres fuit univer-salisque successor’;5 that is, ‘prince Manfred was the universal heir and successor of his father’s graces and virtues’.

(1954/55), p. 233-238, agree on using this manuscript as a basis for a critical edition, as well as on emendating it. For an analysis of the manuscript cf. a. altamura, ‘I frammenti di Eustazio di Matera’, Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 15 (1946), p. 133-135; Die Chronik des Saba Malaspina, ed. W. Koller – a. nitsChKe (MGH, SS, XXXV), Hannoverae: Hahn, 1999, p. 62-63; e. D’anGelo, ‘Una silloge umanistica suessana (scheda per Napoli B.N. IX. C. 24)’, Vichiana ser. IV, 2 (2000), p. 225-239. For a more accurate and argumentative discussion about the constitutio textus of this passage, see Delle Donne, Politica e letteratura, p. 80-84; Delle Donne, ‘Gli usi e i riusi della storia’, p. 40-42. 5. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 498 (ed. Del re, p. 108).

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Manfred is also nearly identified with Frederick, from whose name fol-lows a vortex of rhetorical affectedness and plays on words, typical of the culture of the dictatores of the period:6

et non sine causa Manfredus vocatus fuerit, quasi manens Fredericus, in quo quidem vivit pater iam mortuus, dum pater-na virtus in ipso manere conspicitur. Vel Manfredus, idest manus Frederici, utpote sceptrum tenere dignus est, quod manus pater-na tenuerat. Vel Menfredus, idest mens Frederici, sive memoria Frederici, quasi in eo mens, vel per eum memoria Frederici per-duret. Vel Minfredus, idest minor Fredericus, maiori ablato sub-crescens. Vel Monfredus, idest mons Frederici, sive <Munfredus, idest> munitio Frederici, in quo videlicet Frederici nomen et glo-ria usque in monte, sive munitione excelsa quasi ad sepulcrum posterorum servata consistunt, ut per quamcumque vocalem etymologia ipsius nominis varietur, paterna ibi res et nomen in-veniatur... Sic persona principis rem nomenque paternum in se per omnium vocalium varietatem concludens, ea esse videatur, secundum quam universale regimen perfecte subsistere nequeat, et quae ad idem regimen adminiculo alieno non indigens, sola perfecte sufficiat.7

and not without reason Manfred was called almost a maintenance of Frederick, since his dead father lives within him and in him the paternal virtue remains. Or Manfredus, that is Frederick’s hand, since he is worthy of holding the sceptre that his father’s hand held before him. Or Menfredus, that is Frederick’s mind, or Frederick’s memory, almost as if Frederick’s mind or memory goes on in him. Or Minfredus, that is Frederick’s minor, who grows through a greater grant. Or Monfredus, that is to say Frederick’s mountain, or Munfredus, that is Frederick’s munition, in which Frederick’s name and glory reside upon higher than on the top of a mountain, or rather are preserved with towering fortification in memory of descendents; so with whichever vowel one varies the etymology of his name, the substance and name of his father can always be found... In this way, the prince, enclosing within himself his father’s substance and name with the variation of all the vowels,

6. For a list of similar plays on words in Swabian age cf. f. Delle Donne, Il potere e la sua legittimazione. Letteratura encomiastica in onore di Federico II di Svevia, Arce: Nuovi Segnali, 2005, p. 40. 7. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 497-498 (ed. Del re, p. 108). This text is very problematic too, and has been corrected on the basis of the quoted Neapolitan manuscript (f. 2r): for an accurate philological discussion about the constitutio textus, see Delle Donne, ‘Gli usi e i riusi della storia’, p. 48-49 and n. 45.

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appears to be so that in relation to him the universal kingdom cannot exist perfectly, and that he is perfectly sufficient, because he does not need any other support.

Manfred is, therefore, presented as having possessed the same virtues as his father. It is Frederick’s wisdom, precisely, that is mentioned as the principal virtue passed on intact to his son. And, in fact, reading on fur-ther, this assertion can be found in the following:

Et sicut nichil est, quod sine vocabulo aliquo exprimi possit aut scribi, ita nihil eorum sit, quae in patre augusto ad universale regi-men convenerunt, quod filio tam ex paterni nominis specie, quam ex suae sapientiae mutuatione non congruat.8

And as there is nothing which cannot be expressed in words or in writing, similarly there is nothing of what could be found in his august father for the universal kingdom, that cannot be said of his son, both in terms of the form of the paternal name, and in the transferral to him of his wisdom.

Manfred is even subsequently referred to as ‘princeps philosophiae filius et alumnus’.9 What is more, when the virtues of Manfred – whom nature had rendered ‘gratiarum omnium receptabilem’10 – are described in great-er detail, we are reminded that:

a pueritia enim paternae philosophiae inhaerens, obstendebat per certa ingenitae discretionis indicia, quantum in maiori aetate pru-dentiae esset habiturus, et qualiter ipse erat, per quem domus au-gusta gubernari poterit et in statu gloriae conservari;11

conforming to paternal philosophy from a very young age, he showed, with certain signs of innate intelligence, how much cau-tious he would be as he grew older, and how it was by him that the august royal palace would be ruled and maintained in glory.

If, in Frederick, the search for sapientia and philosophia ended up di-minishing and undermining his magnanimitas, on the contrary, this was moderated by humility in Manfred:

8. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 498 (ed. Del re, p. 108). The text has been corrected on the basis of the quoted Neapolitan manuscript (f. 2r). 9. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 499 (ed. Del re, p. 109). 10. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 497 (ed. Del re, p. 107). 11. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 497 (ed. Del re, p. 108).

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Non quidem imitans superbum et ignarum filium Salomonis, qui dum seniorum consilia sprevit et iuvenilium vel coaetaneorum suorum suasionibus adhaesit, paterni Regni divisionem in diebus suis vidit, et servum patris sui passus est in Regno consortem.12

Certainly not imitating the haughty and ignorant son of Solomon, who by disregarding the advice of his elders and abandoning himself to the flattery of the younger and those of his own age, during his life witnessed the division of the paternal kingdom and endured that his father’s servant was attached to him to rule the kingdom.

Humility is therefore not only the essential tool of government but also what prevents kingdoms from being lost or divided. In fact, it is precisely this that seems to interest the Historia’s author particularly. At all times, he appears to be intent not only on justifying Manfred’s ascension to the throne but also on demonstrating that the prince’s sole aim is to maintain the unity of the Kingdom and to protect it. In fact, with an implicit refer-ence to the preface of the Constitutions of Melfi, issued by Frederick II in 1231,13 and to the arengae of certain documents issued by the imperial and papal chanceries,14 he realizes what the secret to good government is:

Sed ea est potentia, ea virtus in mundi rectoribus, ut habeant cum quibus, et per quos animi sui virtutes exerceant; et in hoc maxime rectorum industria virtusque probatur, quod rudes animos aliorum et vires, quae sine exercitio in aliquibus habentur inutiles, consilio et moderamine suo ad laudabilia utilium operum experimenta rectificant atque disponunt: sicque in rectore potentia crescit et gloria, dum subiectorum sibi subsidia et vires assistunt: decrescit autem et deperit, si ea suo praesidio subtrahuntur.15

But the strength and virtue of the rulers of the world lies in this: that they may have someone with whom and through whom to exercise the virtues of their own soul; and the labour and virtue of rulers are admired above all about that: with their counsel and

12. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 499 (ed. Del re, p. 109). 13. W. stürner (ed.), Die Konstitutionen Friedrichs II. für das Königreich Sizilien, (MGH Const., II suppl.), Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1996, p. 147. For the culture on which the elaboration of the Constitutions was based, see in particular W. stürner, ‘Re-rum necessitas und divina provisio. Zur Interpretation des Prooemiums der Konstitutionen von Melfi’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 39 (1983), p. 467-554. 14. Cf. E. heller, ‘Zur Frage des Kurialen Stileinflusses in der sizilischen Kanzlei Friedrichs II.’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 19 (1963), p. 450. 15. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 501 (ed. Del re, p. 112).

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guidance, the rough souls and energies of others – which lay idle if they are not given something to do – are led and put to work on the commendable task of the useful works: and thus the strength and glory of the ruler increase, when the aid and strength of his subjects assist him, while they decrease and are lost if these are taken away from his protection.

Pseudo-Jamsilla certainly does not go as far as to say that Frederick II ruled without being aware of this fundamental rule or that he caused the dissolution of the Kingdom. The mention of his sapientia, however, essentially seems to be linked to an exquisitely scientific and doctrinal function since it is said that his perspicacitas was directed ‘praecipue circa scientiam naturalem’, or ‘specifically to natural science’.16 Instead, Manfred’s sapientia is always described as being functional to govern-ment. So, after speaking about Rehoboam, son of Solomon, who by re-fusing to follow the advice of his elders had caused the fragmentation of the kingdom of Israel, Pseudo-Jamsilla praises Manfred in this way:

Ille quidem imprudens imprudentium utens consiliis, factus est imprudentior: iste vero princeps, philosophiae filius et alumnus, ex ingenita sibi habuit sapientia, ut sapientum consilia, quamquam necessaria sibi non essent, venerarentur, ne vel in hoc argueretur minus habere sapientiae, si forte aliorum consilio uti dedignans suae tantum prudentiae inniti videretur; et ideo dum sibi et gloriae suae quodammodo in hoc ipse diminuit, quod plenitudinem grati-ae, quae in se erat, adiectione quoque alienae sapientiae indigere ex virtute reputavit, divina sibi gratia, quae humilibus praesto est, semper affuit, ut super humanum modum et omnem credulitatem in cunctis suis processibus prosperaretur.17

By following the advice of fools, that fool became even more fool-ish: this prince, instead, son and student of philosophy, thanks to his innate wisdom, held the advice of the wise in high regard, though he did not need their advice. It certainly could not be said that he was any less wise for this, if by any chance it appeared that he relied only on his own prudence, disdaining to listen to the advice of others; and therefore, while he himself in some way diminished his own glory judging, because of his own virtue, that the perfection of grace, owned by him, needed the help given by the wisdom of others, the divine grace, that helps the humble, was

16. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 496 (ed. Del re, p. 106). 17. Nicolaus de Jamsilla, Historia, ed. muratori, col. 499 (ed. Del re, p. 109).

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always conceded to him, so that he was more successful in all his enterprises than is permitted to men and than can be believed.

Manfred, ‘son and student of philosophy’, is prepared to listen and actu-ally asks for advice from others even though he may not need it. He is prepared to diminish his own glory in order to acquire plenitudo grati-ae. Therefore, it is this which distinguishes Manfred from his father and allows him to be praised for his interest in philosophia, while Frederick could be criticised for his. And it is this aspect that Pseudo-Jamsilla uses to underline the distance between Manfred and his father. In the hostile pontifical field, Frederick’s philosophical background is actually consid-ered to herald heresy. Indeed, if one reads the Vita Gregorii IX, written not long before the Historia was composed, one finds the rather signifi-cant statement that:

Hoc quidem ipse [sc. Fredericus] de Grecorum et Arabum con-versatione suscepit, qui cuncta eius applicanda dominio ex con-stellationibus mentientes, in illum inmersere gentilitatis errorem.18

Frederick certainly learned this from the Greeks and Arabs, who by falsely claiming that all things relating to government derive from the stars, instilled the pagan error in him.

It was the study of Greek and Arab philosophers that led Frederick to speak blasphemy against the leaders of the three great world religions, Christ, Moses and Mohammed (whom he labelled as ‘cheats’). The au-thor of the Vita Gregorii IX’s position is not a unique one either. On the contrary, it could be said that this author was simply a spokesman for opinions expressed, with chrisms of higher officiality, in papal manifests, particularly those written in Gregory IX’s name by cardinal Raniero of Viterbo (a fanatical representative of the Joachimite circle).19 This makes

18. Le liber censuum de l’église romaine, ed. P. faBre, ii, Paris: Fontemoing, 1905, p. 32-33; the Vita was previously published by L. A. muratori, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, iii, Mediolani: Typographia Societatis Palatinae, 1723, p. 575-587. 19. Cf. in particular the Manifesto of May-June 1239: Epistulae saeculi XIII e reges-tis pontificum Romanorum selectae, ed. C. roDenBerG (MGH Epistolae saeculi XIII), i, Berolini: Weidmann 1883, p. 653: cf. also J. F. Böhmer – J. fiCKer – E. WinKelmann, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter Philipp, Otto IV., Friedrich II., Heinrich (VII.), Conrad IV., Heinrich Raspe, Wilhelm und Richard 1198-1272 (Regesta Imperii, v, 1-3), Innsbruck: Wagner, 1881-1901, no. 7241, 7245, 14850. On its dating and attribution to Raniero cf. H. M. sChaller, ‘Endzeit-Erwartung und Antichrist-Vorstellungen in der Politik des 13. Jahrhundert’, in: G. Wolf (ed.), Stupor Mundi (Wege der Forschung 101), Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 19822, p. 433 (the article was published for the first

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his statement all the more significant.20 It was at this point that Frederick’s heretical image – later immortalised in the Canto X of Dante’s Inferno – began to develop. Frederick, himself, may have even helped to spread this image, which at times, he must have been quite pleased with.21

Coming back specifically to Manfred, we can see that his particular characterisation of a lover of wisdom and attentive student of philos-ophy, found in the work of Pseudo-Jamsilla, can also be found in his official documents, particularly those related to the restoration or, rath-er, the reopening of the Studium in Naples. This institution had been founded by Frederick II in 1224 but suffered a number of misfortunes. Indeed, it was closed on several occasions and was even relocated to Salerno by Conrad, Manfred’s brother, in 1253.22 So after his coronation – which took place in Palermo on the 10th August 1258 –, Manfred im-mediately began restoration work on the Studium which was obviously brought back to Naples.23 Only three of Manfred’s documents relating to the Studium have been preserved and all of these were handed down

time in: Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972, p. 924-947; it was reprinted in: H. M. sChaller, Stauferzeit. Ausgewählte Aufsätze [MGH Schriften 38], Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1993, p. 25-52). 20. Cf. also Matthaeus Parisiensis, Chronica Majora, ed. r. Pauli (MGH SS, xxviii), Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1925, p. 147, l. 9-22. It will probably be necessary to reconsider Mat-thew Paris’s position as a sympathizer of Frederick II, reinterpreting the famous expression ‘stupor mundi et immutator mirabilis’ (used by Matthew also for Innocent III), generally read as a praise of the Swabian emperor: in the text of the chronicler, mutabilitas is consid-ered as a work of the devil, and stupor means not ‘marvel’, but ‘surprise’ generated by dis-order. Moreover, in a papal manifesto written by Ranieri of Viterbo, certainly not favourable to Frederick, we can read that he was ‘immutator seculi, dissipator orbis et terre malleus universe’ (cf. E. WinKelmann, Acta imperii inedita, i, Innsbruck: Wagner, 1880, doc. 1037, p. 709; Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 7550). A more detailed analysis of the sources is in Delle Donne, Politica e letteratura, p. 95ff.; F. Delle Donne, Federico II: la condanna della memoria. Metamorfosi di un mito, Roma: Viella, 2012, p. 53-60. 21. Cf. Delle Donne, Il potere, p. 210f. 22. On the history of the Studium of Naples in Swabian age, see f. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum et seminarium doctrinarum: edizione e studio dei documenti relativi allo Studium di Napoli in età sveva’, Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il medioevo 111 (2009), p. 101-225 (about Conrad, cf. doc. 13-14, p. 186-190; this paper was newly printed in the volume: Per scientiarum haustum et seminarium doctrinarum. Storia dello Studium di Napoli in età sveva, Bari: Mario Adda, 2010); G. arnalDi, ‘Fondazione e ri-fondazioni dello studio di Napoli in età sveva’, in: Università e società nei secoli XII-XVI, Pistoia: Centro italiano di studi di storia e d’arte 1982, p. 81-105 (the article was reprinted in: r. GreCi, Il pragmatismo degli intellettuali. Origini e primi sviluppi delle istituzioni uni-versitarie, Torino: Scriptorium, 1996, p. 105-123); iD., ‘Studio di Napoli’, in: Federico II. Enciclopedia fridericiana, ii, Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 2005, p. 803-808; F. violante, ‘Federico II e la fondazione dello Studium napoletano’, Quaderni medievali 54 (dec. 2002), p. 16-85. 23. Cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 18-19, p. 197-201.

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from manuscripts containing Petrus de Vinea’s so-called letters organised in an unsystematic fashion.24 In the first document, Manfred orders an executioner to reopen the Studium in Naples and the interdiction of local schools, with the exception of the medical school in Salerno; in the second one, Manfred invites scholars to attend the Studium, so that they can gain wisdom, honours, and public office positions. He also repeats the interdiction of local schools with the exception of the medical school in Salerno and those assigned to the teaching of elementary grammar. In the third, Manfred invites an unknown doctor decretorum to the Studium, assuring that the same treatment and conditions as given by Frederick II will be given to teachers and students.25

Of the three documents – all probably dating back to 1259 –, the most interesting for our present purpose is the one in which Manfred invites students to Naples. Here, from the very first words, the sovereign makes references to philosophy:

Reverenda genetrix et magistra virtutum philosophia, diu ne-glecte vetustatis caliginibus obfuscata, ... ad nos ipso silentio suo clamat et invocat tacite nomen nostrum, quod ad relevandum ipsi-us tacentis lapsum nostre sibi potentie dexteram porrigamus, eius exilium nostri auxilii consilio revocantes.26

Philosophy, venerable mother and mistress of virtue, long over-shadowed by the fog of the neglected past, ... with her own silence she turns to us and tacitly calls out our name, in order that we re-voke her exile with the deliberation of our help, and turn the right hand of our power towards her to raise her up from her silent fall.

Manfred immediately presents himself as the one to whom philosophy turns for help, to be brought back from the silent exile to which she was condemned for the wars that plagued the Kingdom for so long and which, ‘pereunte concordia’, led to ‘pacis naufragium’. Manfred cannot remain indifferent to such pleas:

24. About the various redactions of this collection of letters, cf. especially h. m. sChal-ler, ‘Zur Entstehung der sogenannten Briefsammlung des Petrus de Vinea’, Deutsches Ar-chiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 12 (1956), p. 114-159 (reprinted in sChaller, Stau-ferzeit, p. 225-270); iD., ‘L’epistolario di Pier della Vigna’, in: S. Gensini (ed.), Politica e cultura nell’Italia di Federico II, Pisa: Centro di studi sulla civiltà del tardo medioevo San Miniato, 1986, p. 95-111 (reprinted in german in: sChaller, Stauferzeit, p. 463-478). 25. Cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 18-20, p. 197-202. 26. Cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 19, p. 199-200.

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Nos igitur venerandam matrem ipsam, que sue cautele pruden-tia regit reges et fulcit perpetuo robore principatus, ardentes in statum pristinum suscitare ipsamque lune similitudine renovatam in redivivam lucem erigere sitientes, ut regnum ipsum iam scien-tiarum defectibus obscuratum peritis per eam viris nostris tem-poribus illustretur et fiat in hiis ceterorum regnorum speculum et lucerna, Virgilianam Neapolim urbem ... restauratione studii providimus decorandam.

We, therefore, burning with a desire to return that venerable mother back to her original state, she who holds up kings with the prudence of her caution and protects principalities with her never-ending strength, and being willing to lift her up to a re-stored light, like a new moon that reappears, so that the Kingdom, already overshadowed by the lack of science, be illuminated in our time by the men made experts by her, becoming in them a mirror and lamp of other kingdoms, we have decided to award the Virgilian city of Naples ... with the reconstitution of the Studium.

Therefore, philosophy is elevated, again, by recognizing its importance. Here, however, it is above all its political utility for governing kingdoms and principalities that is emphasized. Perhaps, we can find herein the in-fluence of Aristotle’s ethical works27 but, of course, we cannot affirm this with certainty. In any case, a leader’s grasp of philosophy is considered functional to government, as we have already seen in the description giv-en by Pseudo-Jamsilla. Therefore, the Kingdom needs to find an essential management tool for educating men, made periti by their knowledge of philosophy. Philosophy is inseparably linked to sapientia and from their close cohesion, extraordinary advantages can be achieved:

Philosophia quidem et sapientia sunt coniuncte, que velut due so-rores se invicem amplexantes nullam recipiunt sectionem. O vos ergo, qui cupitis utriusque poculum aureum exhaurire, ad earum fontem irriguum properetis, ex cuius profluentia potus ebrietas sobria sequitur, non confusa, quia nec sensus deficiunt nec mentes dementes fiunt nec irrationabiles rationes, sed potius hec homi-num illuminat animas, eorum aperit oculos et reddit de rudibus eruditos, ita quod facit eos cum angelis disputare. Hec est autem illa scientia, que diligentibus eam thesauros aperit et ad divitias

27. On the possible influence on Manfred of the Ethica Nicomachea and the Magna Moralia, this last one translated by Bartholomew of Messina, cf. PisPisa, Nicolò di Jamsil-la, p. 50ff.

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pontem facit. Hec est illa scientia, que scalas erigit ad honores et gradaria construit ad fastigia dignitatum. Hec est illa scientia, que suscitans a terra inopem et erigens de stercore pauperem cum principibus eum locat.

Philosophy and wisdom are joined, and as they embrace each other like two sisters, they do not allow any division. Those of you, therefore, who wish to drink from the golden goblet of both, hurry to their nourishing source, to whose abundant sip follows a sober intoxication, not confused, since senses do not falter, minds do not become demented and reason does not become unreason-able, but it further illuminates the souls of men, opens their eyes and makes learned men out of ignorant ones, to the extent that they compete with the angels. This, therefore, is the science that unlocks treasures to those who love her and builds bridges to-wards the riches. This is the science that erects ladders to honours and builds steps towards supreme dignity. It is the science that by raising up the wretched from the ground and lifting the poor man out of the dung, puts him alongside princes.

The rhetorical figures that are used to construct this part of the document are obvious but the topoi that he resorts to are not so predictable. The final series of the anaphora, ‘hec est illa scientia’, starts with a general reference to the obtainment of treasures and riches which could also be intended as spiritual gains. Despite the concluding biblical citation (Ps., 112, 6), however, its continuation makes us aware that he has something much more pragmatic and palpable in mind. In short, philosophy and wisdom are important in lighting up minds and souls but are, above all, also useful in obtaining dignity, honour and wealth. When he founded the Studium in 1224, Frederick II hinted at the comfort offered to scholars of the Kingdom who are able to study in a place close to their homes – in Naples and not abroad – so that they could have been favoured by hope, expecting bona plurima: ‘cum sterilis esse non possit accessio, quam no-bilitas sequitur, cui tribunalia preparantur, sequuntur lucra divitiarum, fa-vor et gratia comparantur’;28 that is, ‘cannot be sterile the accessibility to studies, which lead to nobility, for which the courts are instituted, which is followed by the gains of wealth, and for which favour and grace are prepared’.

28. Cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 1, p. 165.

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Such an affirmation contrasts with what was stated in the constitution Habita which was granted to the students by Frederick II’s grandfather, Frederick Barbarossa, in 1155.29 If Barbarossa celebrated the abnegation of those who had been exiled and impoverished amore scientie, expos-ing their own lives to omnia pericula, Frederick II tickled the students’ ambitions. In Manfred’s text, though, the motivations to study are much more precise, pragmatic and pressing, with the explicit promise not only of wealth30 but also of equalization with princes, or achievement of no-bility, which can therefore be obtained through intellectual application. Intellectual application must, nevertheless, be aimed at sharing govern-ance of the kingdom:31 to the point where the image of philosophy and wisdom embracing each other like sisters immediately reminds us of the one used in the preface of the Constitutions of Melfi (1231). Here, those who ‘velut duo sorores se invicem amplexantur’ are pax and iustitia, which the sovereign must preserve in order to comply with the task of holding up the world, the task conferred upon him by God.32

After having mentioned the three documents specifically relating to the Studium in Naples, we should conclude by also referring to another text,

29. The constitution Habita is published in Friderici I. imperatoris constitutiones, ed. G. h. Pertz (MGH Leges, II), Hannoverae: Hahn, 1937, p. 114; cf. W. stelzer, ‘Zum Scholarenprivileg Friedrich Barbarossas (Authentica Habita)’, Deutsches Archiv für Erfor-schung des Mittelalters 34 (1978), p. 123-165 (165). 30. Similar ideas are expressed in some documents (concerning the Studium) of Con-rad IV, where we can read: ‘Constat enim quibuslibet litteralem scientiam esse singulare gradarium ad virtutes, que de fastibus oneris ad fasces honoris, de fastidiis ad fastigia suos promovet possessores, de pauperibus divites, de rudibus eruditos et claros efficiens de ob-scuris’ (Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 14, p. 190); here the need ‘ut fideles nostri regnicole, scientiarum fructus, quos indesinenter esuriunt, per aliena querere pomeria non coacti, paratam in regno sibi mensam propositionis inveniant’ is reaffirmed (Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 13, p. 187). 31. On the concept of nobility at Frederick’s court cf. F. Delle Donne, ‘Una disputa sulla nobiltà alla corte di Federico II di Svevia’, Medioevo Romanzo 23 (1999), p. 3-20. Perhaps it was precisely the conscience of the new opportunities generated by Frederick’s politics to provide, in Swabian circles, the impetus to animate the discussions concerning the definition and the features of the true nobility that is characterized by individual virtues and not by the privileges of lineage. However, the concept expressed in the letter concern-ing the foundation of the Studium (1224) seems to echo the prologue of Azzo’s Summa institutionum (Venetiis, ap. Franciscum ab Hostio, 1610, p. 1043): ‘Haec siquidem velut almifica dominatrix nobilitat addiscentes, exhibet magistratus et honores conduplicat et profectus et, ut vera per omnia fatear, iuris professores per orbem terrarum fecit solenniter principari et cedere in imperiali aula, tribus, nationes, actores et reos ordine dominabili iudicantes. Per ipsam namque universi reges regnant, iustitia conservatur in terris’. This seems to confirm the possibility that Frederick II’s words were eminently addressed to lawyers. 32. Cf. stürner, Die Konstitutionen, p. 147.

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which is perhaps even more interesting in the context of this volume. This text is an accompanying letter sent to the masters of the Studium in Paris with some logical and mathematical treatises by Aristotle and other authors translated from Greek and Arabic into Latin. This letter was also handed down among Petrus de Vinea’s so-called letters and has sometimes been attributed to Frederick II. In reality, though, – as is clear from an examination of the manuscripts that contain it – it was definitely written for Manfred around 1263.33 The text summarises the passion that Manfred had for study and knowledge from an early age:

In extollendis regie prefecture fastigiis, quibus congruenter offi-cia, leges et arma communicant, necessaria fore credimus scientie condimenta, ne, per huius suavis et mulcebris ignorantiam com-mixture, vires ultra liciti terminos effrenate lasciviant, et iustitia citra debiti regulas diminuta languescat. Hanc nos profecto, qui divina largitione populis presidemus, generali qua omnes homines natura scire desiderant, et speciali qua gaudent aliqui voluntate proficere, ante suscepta regiminis nostri onera semper a iuven-tute nostra quesivimus, formam eius indesinenter amavimus et in odore unguentorum suorum semper aspiravimus indefesse. Post regni vero curas assumptas, quanquam operosa frequenter nego-tiorum turba nos distrahat, et civilis sibi ratio vendicet sollicitudi-nis nostre partes, quidquid tamen temporis de rerum familiarium occupatione decerpimus, transire non patimur otiosum, sed totum in lectionis exercitatione gratuita libenter expendimus.34

To raise the high ranks of the royal government, with which of-fices, laws and arms are properly connected, we believe that the condiments of science are necessary, so that, by reason of ig-norance generated by this mixture of pleasure and delight, the forces do not weaken uncontrollably beyond the limits of what is allowed, and so that justice, debased, does not languish unable to fulfil the rules of duty. We who rule the people by divine con-cession, according to the general nature for which all men desire

33. Cf. Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 4750; P. zinsmaier, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter Philipp, Otto IV., Friedrich II., Heinrich (VII.), Conrad IV., Heinrich Raspe, Wilhelm und Richard 1198-1272. Nachträge und Ergänzungen (Regesta Imperii, v, 4), Köln – Wien: Böhlau, 1983, no. 4750. Cf. also F. Delle Donne, ‘Autori, redazioni, trasmissioni, ricezione. I problemi editoriali delle raccolte di dictamina di epoca sveva e dell’epistolario di Pier della Vigna’, in: Archivio normanno-svevo. Testi e studi sul mondo euromediterraneo dei secoli XI-XIII, ii, Ariano: Centro Europeo di studi normanni, 2009, p. 7-28. 34. Cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 21, p. 203.

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knowledge, and according to a special will which drives some of them to enjoy improvement, we have always searched for science, since our youth, before we took up the burden of rule, and we have loved its beauty constantly, unwearyingly breathing the scent of its unguents. And even after we have taken command of the king-dom, although the continual alternation of public duties distracts us, and the administration of the state claims our interest, we do not allow the little time that we manage to tear away from family duties to be wasted, but instead we willingly dedicate it to enjoy-able reading.

Thus, even in this letter – just as he had done in the letter in which he invited students to attend the Studium in Naples –, Manfred makes ref-erence to the scientia as an essential tool of government. If Manfred was looking back on the period in which the absence of peace had forced philosophy into exile from the Kingdom in the previous letter, in this one, he states the importance of science in ensuring that justice is guaran-teed. Therefore, in Manfred, whom Pseudo-Jamsilla had already defined ‘philosophiae filius et alumnus’, the close link between philosophia and sapientia finds clear expression thus allowing pax and iustitia to live in harmony. As stated in the Preface to Frederick II’s Constitutions of Melfi, this is at the basis of the princes’ government. The role that Manfred constantly apportioned to philosophy is particularly evident if seen in relation to the prominence that his father, Frederick, gave to law since the Studium was founded – both as an object of study as part of the artes35 and as a guide for his subjects and tool of government. In Frederick’s opinion, right law allows the sovereign to serve God since he has been put in charge of the regnum and its subjects by God’s will. Likewise, it is they who serve God through their obedience to that man who, lex animata in terris, is his promanation.36 For Manfred, however, this func-

35. Cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 1, p. 165. 36. The expression ‘lex animata in terris’ was used by Frederick in April 1237: J. f. Böhmer, Acta Imperii Selecta, Innsbruck: Wagner, 1870 (anast. repr. Aalen: Scientia, 1967), doc. 299, p. 264. However, in the Codex Iustinianus it is written: ‘iurisprudentia est divinarum atque humanarum rerum notitia’, Dig., i, 1, 1, 2 and Inst., i, 1, 1. About the role attributed to justice in the imperial idea of Frederick II, and about the related sacral repre- sentation of the power see especially A. De stefano, L’idea imperiale di Federico II, Bologna: Zanichelli 1952 (reprint Parma: All’insegna del veltro 1978); E. H. KantoroWiCz, I due corpi del re, Torino: Einaudi 1989 (or. ed. The King’s Two Bodies, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), p. 82ff.; H. M. sChaller, ‘Die Kaiseridee Friedrichs II’, in: Wolf, Stupor Mundi, p. 494-526 (this article was published for the first time in: J. fleCKenstein, Probleme um Friedrich II, Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1974, p. 109-134, and was reprinted in: sChaller, Stauferzeit, p. 53-83); Delle Donne, Il potere, p. 81ff.

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tion is reserved for sapientia that originates in philosophia: he makes specific reference to philosophy in the continuation of the letter sent to the Parisian masters.

In fact, Manfred goes on to claim that he has works by Aristotle and other authors in Greek and Arabic in his library, covering logical and mathematical disciplines. He also states that he has decided to have them translated into Latin by expert, competent men: the work has not yet been completed, but the careful work of the translators has enabled the com-pletion of some books, which the sovereign has decided to send to the masters in Paris.

Hence, according to René-Antoine Gauthier who researched the matter in great detail,37 the translations sent by Manfred could not have been those of the corpus by Averroes but might be those prepared by other translators who worked at his court: Bartholomew of Messina, or more likely, Stephen of Messana or John de Dumpno, for the more astronomi-cal content. It is not important that they were not translations of Aristotle or logic since among the works that he possessed in his library, Manfred had only sent the works which had already been translated.38 Gauthier’s hypotheses are well researched and well argued. However, it seems un-likely that Manfred initially announced to the masters in Paris that he had given orders for logical and mathematical works written by Aristotle and other philosophers to be translated into Latin and then gave them completely different types of texts. Therefore, one cannot exclude the possibility that among the books sent, there may also have been the trans-lations of Guillelmus de Luna.39 However, it is impossible to say exactly which translations Manfred sent to Paris.

Manfred justifies sending these works by claiming that he wished to include the Parisian masters, ‘philosophie preclari alumni’, in the bene-fits to be gained from scientiarum possessio. One cannot help but be im-pressed by the generosity of someone who offers the fruits of his own labour to others. As we have seen, Manfred constantly wishes to appear as a learned man and, as he himself reminds us in a problematic passage of the manifesto to the Romans of 24th May 1265, he had, albeit for a

37. Cf. r. a. Gauthier, ‘Notes sur les débuts (1225-1240) du premier Averroïsme’, Revue des Sciences philosophiques et théologiques 66 (1982), p. 321-374. 38. Cf. Gauthier, ‘Notes’, p. 327-330. 39. Cf. f. Delle Donne, ‘Un’inedita epistola sulla morte di Guglielmo de Luna, mae-stro presso lo Studium di Napoli, e le traduzioni prodotte alla corte di Manfredi di Svevia’, Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 74 (2007), p. 225-245.

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brief period, run his own studies in Paris and Bologna.40 However, even generositas, particularly if connected to sapientia (as is the case here), is reinterpreted as a virtue to be employed in the running of a kingdom. For this reason, Manfred expects gratitude from the recipients: ‘libros ipsos tamquam exennium amici regis gratanter accipite’; ‘gratefully accept these books as a gift from your friend, the king’, he says, under-lining his role as a friend but, above all, as the king. But that is not the end of it. In the final sentence of the letter, he urges them to publicise the books sent ‘ad communem utilitatem studentium et evidens fame nostre preconium’, or ‘for the common use of students and for obvious praise of our reputation’.

Manfred ends his letter by urging the recipients to praise his actions since, as Pseudo-Jamsilla claimed in a passage quoted earlier, he knew that ‘a ruler’s power and glory increase when he receives the help of his subjects, while they are diminished and falter if these are taken from him’. Just as the Parisian masters had nurtured the fama of ancient philosophers, who reviviscunt thanks to the voice of those who study them so they too can advertise the fama of their friend and sovereign, thus legit-imising his role and satisfying his desire to see the memory of his name perpetuated.41 Such a wish was, perhaps, only partially granted since the

40. Cf. Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, ii, ed. L. WeilanD, Han-noverae: Hahn, 1896, doc. 424, p. 561, l. 1 (Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Rege-sten, no. 4760; zinsmaier, Die Regesten, no. 4760); a. fruGoni, Il manifesto di Manfredi ai Romani, Palermo: Palumbo, 1951, p. 28 (reprinted in: a. fruGoni, Scritti su Manfredi, Roma: Istituto storico italiano per il medioevo, 2006, p. 45-82: 68): ‘tantum provise lasci-vie vanis rumoribus, Parisius seu Bononie scolis parvo tempore studendo didicimus’. This text, transmitted only by one manuscript held in Palermo, Biblioteca della Società siciliana di storia patria, I B 25 (Codex Fitalia), is very problematic: in fact, it is necessary to con-sider the quoted sentence as a parenthetical proposition, that has very faint links with the remaining parts. On the other hand, it is difficult to determine when Manfred studied in the two mentioned universities, and we must remind that Frederick II’s subjects were repeat-edly forbidden to study abroad, particularly in Bologna: cf. Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 1, p. 168, doc. 2, p. 170. K. hamPe, ‘Zum Manifest Manfreds an die Römer vom 24. Mai 1265’, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere Geschichtskunde 36 (1910), p. 232, supposed that Manfredi studied in Bologna in 1245, when he was prisoner of Azzo d’Este; but at that time Manfred was only 13 years old. Therefore, in my opinion, the sen-tence we are talking about can be the gloss of a copyist, subsequently incorporated in the text of the manifesto. 41. This wish is often expressed by the Swabian sovereigns of Italy. Frederick II, e.g., in 1240 ordered to rebuild an aqueduct ‘ad laudem et gloriam nostri nominis’: J. L. A. huillarD-Bréholles, Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi, v, Paris: Plon, 1859, p. 907 (Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 3000). The aspiration to the achieve-ment of the earthly glory is present in the preconium of Frederick II, attributed to Petrus de Vinea (Epistolae, III 44), and in the texts of other authors of the court, who also character-ize the enterprises of the emperor as tools to get fame: cf. Petrus de Vinea, Epistolae, II 1

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merit for those translations was, for a long time, not given to Manfred but to his father, the Emperor Frederick.

Università della Basilicata

(Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 2294); WinKelmann, Acta, i, no. 811, p. 630, l. 21 (Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 2304), no. 919, p. 693, l. 38 (Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 3650); huillarD-Bréholles, His-toria diplomatica, v, p. 1048 (Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 3148), vi, p. 571 (Petrus de Vinea, Epistolae, II 37; Böhmer – fiCKer – WinKelmann, Die Regesten, no. 3646); for a more specific university ambit see also the letter of re-foundation (1239): Delle Donne, ‘Per scientiarum haustum’, doc. 6, p. 177-178 (also printed in C. CarBonet-ti venDittelli, Il registro della cancelleria di Federico II del 1239-40, I, Roma: Istituto storico italiano per il medioevo, 2002, no. 156, p. 146). Cf. e. KantoroWiCz, Federico II imperatore, Milano: Garzanti, 1976, p. 511 (or. ed. Kaiser Friedrich II., Berlin: Bondi, 1927-1930); ID., I due corpi, p. 238, n. 10; Delle Donne, Il potere, p. 77ff.

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