8/22/13 Serradifalco by Giuseppe Testa www.conigliofamily.com/SerradifalcoGiuseppeTesta.htm 1/53 SERRADIFALCO [Sicilian: SERRADIFARCU ] was written by Giuseppe Testa in 1990, the 350th anniversary of the founding of the town. Below is a partial translation. Some parts of the original Italian are shown, in blue, with translation. Where Latin footnotes were used, they are shown in red without translation. Blank pages are omitted, therefore page numbers are not always continuous. More will be added soon. [Editorial comments by me are shown in this way.] For sending this treasure of a book, thanks to Giuseppe Micciché , great- great-grandson of Gaetano Coniglio and Maria Carmela Calabrese, who were my grandparents. ~ Angelo F. Coniglio
SERRADIFALCO [Sicilian: SERRADIFARCU] was written by Giuseppe Testain 1990, the 350th anniversary of the founding of the town. Below is a partialtranslation. Some parts of the original Italian are shown, in blue, withtranslation. Where Latin footnotes were used, they are shown in red withouttranslation. Blank pages are omitted, therefore page numbers are not alwayscontinuous. More will be added soon. [Editorial comments by me are shown in this way.]
For sending this treasure of a book, thanks to Giuseppe Micciché, great-great-grandson of Gaetano Coniglio and Maria Carmela Calabrese, who weremy grandparents. ~ Angelo F. Coniglio
La ricostruzione storica degli avvenimenti umani è sempre un problema aperto e difficile.Scegliere fra i fatti accaduti, quelli che si stimano più importanti, porta ad un inevitabile elementodi soggettività dovuto al punto di vista dello storico, che deve essere comunque compreso egiudicato. I Serradifalchesi hanno sempre avvertito il “bisogno” di conoscere la propria storia e leproprie origini. Le poche notizie storiche spesso confuse, tramandate da generazione ingenerazione, non hanno mai soddisfatto la nostra voglia di “conoscerci”.
La nostra Serradifalco è legata con mille fili al passato, ed è al passato che dobbiamorivolgere la nostra mente e il nostro cuore, cercando di riprendere quei fili che il tempo ha spezzato,per comprendere la nostra originaria fisionomia collettiva e l'evoluzione della nostra comunità,consapevoli che per quanto grande possa essere il contributo che una generazione da alla propriacomunità, tale contributo è sempre più piccolo di quello che la stessa generazione eredita dagliuomini vissuti nel passato, e che ha permesso il “suo vivere” nel presente.
Il 350o anniversario della fondazione del nostro Comune è stato l'occasione perl'Amministrazione comunale per invitare la nostra collettività a ripercorrere insieme, grazie allavoro del Prof. G. Testa, la nostra storia; per sottolineare avvenimenti più o meno importanti, perparlare di uomini illustri, di contadini, minatori, di gente umile, che insieme hanno costruito ilnostro presente.
La storia di questa “Serra del Falco” è la storia in cui noi tutti viviamo e non potremmo farloconsapevolmente senza conoscerla, ma è soprattutto la “nostra” storia che consegnamogelosamente ai Serradifalchesi e a quanti amano il nostro Paese.
Prof. Egidio SpezialeAssessore alla Cultura
The historical reconstruction of human events is always an open and difficult problem. Tochoose between the factual events, those that are believed more important, brings an unavoidableelement of subjectivity with the point of view of the historian, which must however be included andconsidered. The Serradifalcan has always perceived the "need" to know his own history and his ownorigins. The sparse, often confused historical information, handed on from generation to generation,has never satisfied our desire "to know ourselves". Our Serradifalco is tied with thousands of threads to the past, and it is to the past that we mustturn our mind and our heart, trying to restore those threads that time has broken, in order tocomprehend our original collective facade and the evolution of our community, aware that howevergreat a generation’s contribution to its own community, such contribution is always less than whatwe inherit from those who lived in the past, who have allowed us "to be living" in the present. The 350th anniversary of the foundation of our Comune has been the occasion for the TownAdministration to invite our community to retrace our history together, thanks to the work of Prof.G. Testa; to emphasize events more or less important, and to speak of illustrious men, of peasants,miners, and of humble folk, who together have constructed our present. The history of this "Mountain of the Hawk" is the history in which we all live, and we couldnot be aware without knowing it, but is above all "our" history, which we deliver proudly toSerradifalcans and to those who love our Town.
Prof. Egidio Speziale City Councillor for Culture
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After innumerable difficulties of every kind, finally, today I can say that the historical picture ofSerradifalco, from its origin to our day, is completed in all its essential parts. The work has been long, but the satisfaction remains of having contributed by placing onesmall pebble into the structure of the knowledge of this Town. From it, other searches will be able to spring, other relations, in order to uncover, as years pass, amore and more complete picture. The difficulties began at the start: to put order to many, varied and isolated items, and topropose a serious, scientific, sure vision, based only and exclusively on documentation: from thereal property and feudal fiefs (the Moncada, Graffeo, Lo Faso) to several social, economic, religious,and political events, happening over the course of three and a half centuries, imbedded in theSicilian panorama, and on that vaster national and European stage. My greater satisfaction comes from having received as never before a sensitive, careful,spontaneous and cordial collaboration from so many Serrafalcan citizens, agencies, institutions, andassociations, that it is very difficult to list them all. But I cannot do less than to list in this long directory Mayor prof. Michele Territo with all theCouncilmen, who have put their confidence in me, to see an ancient aspiration realized; theCommunal Secretary geom. Vincenzo Mazzara and all the Employees of the Municipal Offices; thearchpriest Galante; the directors of the Institute of San Giuseppe and the College of Maria; theGentlemen Salvatore Petix, Agostino Aquilina , Camilla Licalsi, Filippo Genco ... Moreover, Dr. Claudio Torrisi with the Civil employees and Employees of the Archives of Stateof Caltanissetta; The Employees of the Archives of State of Palermo, of the Communal Libraries ofCaltanissetta and Palermo; of the Library of the Sicilian Region, Palermo; of the DiocesanAdministration of Agrigento; prof. Rosa Scaglione Guccione, General Secretary, and prof. MassimoGanci, President of the Sicilian Society for the History of Birthplace Palermo; Dr. the Grazi FallicoBurgarella, Supervisor of the Archives of State of Sicily; the Gentlemen Franco Sedia and OrazioRotondo of the Papal chancery of the Civil Court of Caltanissetta ... And finally, I must complete this list with my Wife, and my sons Claudio and Ivano. Withouttheir collaboration I would have never carried this history to fulfillment.
SIGLE ED ABBREVIAZIONE PIU` COMUNI USATE NEL CORSO DEL LAVORO
(MORE COMMON ANAGRAMS AND ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE COURSE OF THIS WORK)
ASCL - Archivio di Stato di Caltanissetta Archives of State of Caltanissetta ASPA - Archivio di Stato di Palermo Archives of State of Palermo ASPP - Archivio di Storio Patria Palermo, Lo Faso Archives of the History of Birthplace Palermo,Lo Faso ACAG - Archivio della Curia Vescovile di Agrigento Archives of the Diocesan Administration ofAgrigento S.V.P. - Sacre Visite Pastorale Decrees from Holy Visits ACSe - Archivio del Comune di Serradifalco Archives of the Community of Serradifalco AMSe - Archivio della Chiesa Madre di Serradifalco Archives of the Mother Church of SerradifalcoATCL - Archivio del Tribunale Civile di Serradifalco Archives of the Civil Court of Serradifalco ASS - Archivio Storico Siciliano, Palermo Sicilian Historical Archive, Palermo ASSO - Archivio Storico Della Sicilia Orientale,Catania Historical Archives of Eastern Sicily, Catania ASM - Archivio Storico di Messina Historical Archives of Messina NQM - Nuovi Quaterni del Meridione, Palermo New Views of Southern Italy, Palermo AGTC - Archivio di Giuseppe Testa, Campofranco Archives of Giuseppe Testa, Campofranco
RICERCHE ICONOGRAFICHE
Le fotografie moderne sono di Angelo Gallo, Salvatore Middione, Giuseppe DiFrancesco, Giuseppe Testa, Pubblifoto, Archivio di Stato di Caltanissetta e diPalermo; varie fotocopie. Di quelle antiche sopnosciamo l’autore e lo studio fotographico.
The modern photographs are by Angelo Gallo, Salvatore Middione, Giuseppe DiFrancesco, Giuseppe Testa, Pubblifoto, Archive of the Records of Caltanissetta andof Palermo; various photocopies. For the older ones, the creators or the photographic studios are unknown.
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CHAPTER I
ARCHAEOLOLOGY OF THE TERRITORY
CAPITOLO I
ARCHEOLOGIA DEL TERRITORIO
Archeologia del Territorio
<<Ogni sette anni, a mezzanotte in punto, nella piazzetta vicino alla sorgente “la testa di
l'acqua“, si svolge una magica fiera. Chi vuole assistervi deve salire su un gran masso che sorgesull'acqua, prima dei ventiquattro rintocchi, e vedrà come per incanto illuminarsi tutta la piazzettacome se fosse pieno giorno. Vedrà quindi una gran quantità di buoi, di pecore, capre, e vicinoprender posto i rivenditori di arnesi di lavoro, per i campi, per le officine, per gli usi comuni. E vedrà anche rivenditori di frutta come mele, melarance, melagrane. Tutti si affollano manessuno compra, nessuno vende. Se si riesce per prima a comprare anche un solo frutto spigna lafiera e diviene ricco, perche il frutto e un masso tutto d'oro zecchino. Questa fiera avviene ogni sette anni>>1. Similmante alla <<fiera di mezzanotte>>, vi sono tante altr leggende e tradizioni diSerradifalco, che narrano di ant chi abitatori, grandi re siculi sicani greci o romani, immensericchezze do melagrani d’oro, rubini e ptetre preziose sotterrate e sparse tra le contrade diSerradifalco. Potremmo continuare, ma il nostro cammino volge in tutt’altro campo lontano da fantasie,dove fillerfillerfillerfiller
. 1S.D. Di Raimondi, in SICANIA, anno 1, No. 6, 1 dicembre 1913, pag. 211 <<La fiera di mezzanotte>> (Serradifalco).
CHAPTER I
ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TERRITORY
Archaeology of the Territory
"Every seven years, at midnight on the dot, in the little plaza close to thefountain, 'the head of water', a magical fair unfolds. Those who are careful to observemust go up on a large rock that rises above the water, before the clock strikes twenty-four times, and they will see, as though by enchantment, a light illuminating all theplaza as if it were broad daylight. They will see there a large number of cattle, ofsheep, and goats, and near the corral, vendors of work implements, for the fields,workshops, and common uses. And they will also see vendors of fruit like apples, oranges, and pomegranates.Everyone crowds around, but nobody buys, no one sells. If someone succeeds inbuying even a single fruit, the festival lights go out, the fair ends, and he becomesrich, because the fruit is a heap of gold coins. This festival appears every seven years "1. Like the “midnight fair”, there are many other legends and traditions ofSerradifalco, which tell of ancient inhabitants, great kings of the Siculi, Sicani,Greeks or Romans, immense riches of golden pomegranates, rubies and preciousstones, buried and spread throughout the streets of Serradifalco. We could continue, but our walk turns to another field entirely, far fromfantasies, where fillerfillerillerfiller
1S.D. Di Raimondi, in SICANIA, vol. 1, no. 6, 1 December 1913, p. 211 "The midnight fair" (Serradifalco).
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archaelogy is not confused with the supernatural, and where ancient and remotereality is confirmed by visible and infallible documentation. Our voyage takes us to the research of royalty, and of the historical record ofthe town, and not to the ‘head of water’ but elsewhere, in the footsteps of a greatresearcher, Antonio Salinas, who in 1883 wrote thusly in his ArchaeologicalExcursions in Sicily, regarding our village:
“On this road from Serradifalco leading to the sulfur mine of Grotta d’acqua(the Grotto of water), before joining with the ‘Zagaredda casina’, are seen crypts andruined sepulchral chambers, also containing crypts.”2
And that is the lone testimony, unfortunately, of a remote epoch, immeasurable,suffused in mystery and wrapped in a haze. Biagio Pace wrote no more, in his work Art and Civilization of Ancient Sicily;he repeated the information, without any addition: “…the indicated crypts nearSerradifalco not far from the sulfur mine of Grotta d’acqua (from feudal times) arefrom the Christian epoch”3. [English editor’s note: Pace appears to be wrong; some of thetombs are from prehistoric Siculan or Sicanian times.] Domenico Lo Faso himself, Duke of Serradifalco, the great archaeologist, writerand author of various scientific works, from whom we expected some specific andinteresting words, reports not a single recollection of the land and the feudal fief ofhis ancestors. Only in 1917, Siculus (who was most certainly Salvatore Raccuglia) made athorough investigation and a detailed description, which was published in SICANIA,with many notes revised in March of that year, and begins in this way4;
“Siculan sites in Sicily.Grotta d’Acqua When leaving Caltanissetta by rail towards Canicatti, between San Cataldo andSerradifalco, and exactly midway between the first and second tunnel, a little beyondsignal box 143, on the vista to the left you see a group of houses, on the flank of asmall stream, and standing above them a small mountain falling almost vertically, andwhose face is all spread with holes, some rectangular, like glass windows, otherssemicircular, more or less widened, like the mouths of ovens, excavated in the rock. The place is called the Cave of Water after a natural grotto from which issues aspring that is
2 ANTONINO SALINAS, Escursione Archeologiche in Sicilia, A.S.S., VII, 1883, fasc. I-IV, pag. 107. 3 BIAGIO PACE, Arte e Civiltà della Sicilia Antica, Milano, 1935, vol. IV, pag. 174. Il Duca Domenico Lo FasoPietrasanta, archeologo scrisse Le antichita di Sicila esposte ed illustrate, 5 volumi. 4 SICANIA, anno V, 1 marzo 1917, n. 3, pag. 103.
2 ANTONINO SALINAS, Archaeologcal Excursions in Sicily, A.S.S., VII, 1883, par. I-IV, p. 107. 3 BIAGIO PACE, Art and Civilization of Ancient Sicily, Milano, 1935, vol. IV, p. 174. Duke Domenico Lo Faso Pietrasanta,archaeologist, wrote The antiquities of Sicily explained and illustrated, 5 volumes. 4 SICANIA, vol. V, March 1, 1917, no. 3, p. 103.
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channeled into a fountain built beside a country lane, possibly the remnant of anancient trail; and the mountain is called Grotta d’acqua, and what’s more this namebelongs to all of an ancient feudal district, that extends for many kilometers to thesouth and east, and it is given to the lands, and to the assets and buildings that springup there”.
The holes that open in the mountain are entrances to small caverns of a Siculannecropolis, excavated by men, whose village could be found on the plateau that
overlooks the mountain. The caves have the shape of ovens, with a flat floor and walls that rise curving,until they actually form a hemispherical vault. They resemble tombs of the secondage of the Siculans, prominent in 800 BC, at the time of the first population of Sicily,by Siculans or Sicanians. At the lower slopes of the mountain are two larger caves, one called the Cave ofthe Fates, the other with traces of crypts, by now ruined, that bring to mind a smallcatacomb. There is nothing to say what was the history of the village, which built thenecropolis, and every trace is lost, even its name of old. Archaeologists, writers, historians, geographers, all ignore the ancient epoch ofthese caves. Neither is there anyone who speaks of the other feudal fiefs or of theterritory of Serradifalco. Rodano, who was well informed on the antique works of Gela, Butera,Mazzarino, Sutera, Riesi and Pietraperzia, modern cities born in the ancient epochwith the names of Terranova, of Omphace, Mactorion, Sotjr, Altariba and Caulonia,doesn’t even wink at Serradifalco in his work5. Nor are records or information brought out by Amico or Villabianca, even upto today’s Ernesto De Miro, in his singular “Archaeology of the Nissene”, orVincezo La Rosa… We have gone to the Government Department responsible for archaeologicalexcavations in Agrigento, but among the numerous reports, which considerexcavations of Butera, Mussomeli, Santa Caterina, Milena, Monte Desusino, andCosta di Mandorle, there does not exist one report with the name of our village. It is rumored, as often happens in Sicilian villages rich in history, of fortuitousarchaeological finds in the surrounding territory. But if they haven’t been discoveredofficially and excavated by the Government Department, a face will not be able to begiven to the shadows, nor will they be changed to firm declarations.
5 LEONARDO RODANO, Sulle città che furano nella Provincia di Caltanissetta, Caltanissetta, 1859.
5 LEONARDO RODANO, On the Cities that existed in the Province of Caltanissetta, Caltanissetta, 1859.
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Equally vague and uncertain is the placing in Serradifalco of the Castle ofMinsiario and the hamlet of Minzel, given by King Frederic II to bishop Ursone, inconsideration for services received from the church of Agrigento. “To Minsciar, eighteen miles through the plain and between the mountains ofGirgenti”. Minsiario was determined by Amari to be in Sant’Angelo Muxaro, orMontedoro. Salvatore Raccuglia, in SICANIA, proposed and insisted that it was inSerradifalco6. “This castle”, writes Raccuglia, “is at the peak of a steep mountain; theinhabited area around it is cultivated, has much land for planting, and is rich inagricultural products. From Serradifalco to Al Quatta [Canicatti] is about half a day,ten miles”.
6 La Sicilia nel 1154 di ‘Ibn ‘Idris, di SALVATORE RACCUGLIA, in SICANIA, n. 49, anno V, 1917, n. 8,pag. 43. MICHELE AMARI, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, Catania 1933, I vol., pag. 480, n. 2. PAOLO COLLURA, Le più antiche carte dell’Archivio Capitolare di Agrigento (1092-1282), Palermo1960, pagg. 97-98, nota 1.
6 The Sicily of ‘Ibn ‘Idris in 1154, by SALVATORE RACCUGLIA, in SICANIA, no. 49, vol. V, 1917, no. 8, p. 43. MICHELE AMARI, History of the Moslems of Sicily, Catania 1933, vol. I, p. 480, no. 2. PAOLO COLLURA, The oldest papers of the Capitular Archives of Agrigento (1092-1282), Palermo 1960, pp. 97-98, note 1.
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CHAPTER II
THE LAND OF THE HAWK - THE FEUDAL LORDS(… - 1086 - 1617)
After the ancient and archaeological age, the name of Serradifalco7 still hadnot been used for the lands of this feudal fief.
7 Di RAIMONDI, in SICANIA, (S.D.) anno 11, gen. 1914; n. 1, pag. 13 riporta una leggendatoponomastica siciliana:
La Serra del falcone Sullo stradale che porta dalla stazione ferroviaria verso il paese, vicino il secondo ponte, a destra, si nota un avvallamento di terreno, accanto al quale si erge una collina, sulla quale vi è unarupe chiamata da tempo remoto: la Serra dal falcone. Nei pressi della rupe viveva un contadino che allevava pulcini. Ogni tanto un falcone,eludendo la sua sorveglianza, gliene rapiva qualcuno. Il contadino, quando sentiva il pigolio deipulcini, vedeva già il rapace in alto nel cielo con tra le grinfie gli animaletti, che si dirigeva sicuroverso il rifugio della serra, la Serra o la rocca del falco. Tutto si concluse a lieto fine, perché il contadino un giorno, finalmente, uccise l'uccellorapace. Ed alla rupe, anche con gli anni a venire, rimase il suggestivo nome di Serra del Falco. La spiegazione del nome non presenta difficoltà.CORRADO AVOLIO, nella sua opera Introduzione allo studio del dialetto siciliano, Palermo, 1975,pag. 128, nella nota n. 4 scrive su serra: «schiena di monte, sommità prerutta: bl. serra.In un diploma siciliano del 1094, accennato dal Vigo a pag. 23 della Raccolta amplissima appariscequesto sostantivo. Lo spagnolo ha sierra».Lo stesso AVOLIO in un'altra sua opera Di alcuni sostantivi locali del siciliano, in A.S.S. 1889, NS,anno XIII, a pag. 374, tra i toponomastici cita:«numerosi composti con Serra (b. lat. serra, monte) Serrapizzuta, Serradifarcu, ecc.». GIUSEPPE GIOENI, in Saggio di Etimologie siciliane, a cura della Soc. Sic. per la Storia Patria, Palermo, 1889, pag. 256, scrive«Serra (di munti); catena di monti: italiano antica serra (Poeti del primo secolo); spagnuolosierra; portoghese e provenzano serra, catena di monti, già nei più antichi diplomi spagnuoli;propriamente sega, latino serra, dalla sua forma dentata. DIEZ 1, 380.
7 Di RAIMONDI, in SICANIA, (S.D.) vol. 11, January 1914; no. 1, p. 13 reports a toponymousSicilian legend:
The Mountain of the falcon On the road that takes you from the railway station towards the town, near the second bridge,to the right, you notice a subsidence of the land, beside which rises a hill, on which is a cliff called,from ancient times, the Mountain of the falcon. In the vicinity of the cliff lived a peasant who raised chicks. Every a once in a while a falcon,eluding his surveillance, would steal one. The peasant, when he heard the cry of the chicks, used tosee the raptor up in the sky with the little animal between its talons; then, secure, it headed towardsthe shelter of the mountain, the Mountain or the Rock of the hawk. It all had a happy ending, because one day the peasant finally killed the raptor bird. And the cliff, even in the years to come, retained the evocative name of Mountain of theHawk. The explanation of the name is not difficult. CORRADO AVOLIO, in his work Introduction to the study of the Sicilian dialect, Palermo, 1975, p.128, in note no. 4 writes on serra: "hump of mountain, jagged summit: Low Latin serra. In a Sicilian certificate of 1094, he pointed out that from Vigo on p. 23 of the Raccolta amplissima
this noun appears. The Spanish word is sierra". The same AVOLIO in another work On some local nouns of Sicilian, in A.S.S. 1889, NS, Volume XIII,on p. 374, regarding toponyms, states: "many use combinations with Serra (Low Latin serra, mountain) Serrapizzuta, Serradifarcu, etc.". GIUSEPPE GIOENI, in Proof of Sicilian Etymologies, edited by the Sicilian Society for the History ofthe Patria, Palermo, 1889, p. 256, writes "Serra (of mountains); mountain chain: ancient Italianserra (Poets of the first century); Spanish sierra; Portuguese and Provencal serra, chain ofmountains, formerly used in ancient Spanish certificates; properly sega [saw], Latin serra, from itstoothed form. DIEZ 1, 380.
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You must imagine land: land covering many domains, land of limitless borders, orwithout any borders, spread over all the farms, hills, mountains and mountain ranges,watercourses, rivers and springs; land of shepherds with their flocks, land of haggardlost wayfarers, where the horizon stretched from beginning to end, with boundariesuncharted. Land that did not know plow or planting, battered by the wind, the rain, andthe tempests, or scorched by the sun of July and August, acres and acres of terrainover many fiefs without name or lordships, possessed by unknown owners, until theNormans. It was, in fact, the Normans who began to delimit lands and fiefs, and Rogerspecifically, to donate them to kinsmen or soldiers of fortune, who had been coveredin glory beneath their battle pennants. And so for many years, for many centuries, from the Greek or Roman age, thatland, which in time would be called by men (who was the first? in what age?) theMountain of the Hawk, was under jurisdiction of the place that would becomeknown as Caltanissetta. In 406 BC, when the city was founded by the Carthaginianadmiral Nicia, in Sicily to besiege Siracusa, he named it Castra Nicia. Arabs andSaracens changed the name to Calatanissetta [Qalat al Nissa], which means "rock orcastle of women". And the future Serra del Falco was still under the purview ofCaltanissetta in 1086, when Roger the Grand Count conquered the castle ofPietrarossa and founded the Royal Abbey of the Holy Spirit. He embellishedCaltanissetta with buildings, and he endowed others with feudal fiefs, parcels of landand rich gifts. And after him came his wife Adelasia, the Grand Countess, and hisgranddaughter Duchess Adelasia, and his great-grandson Count Goffredo, with otherPrinces of the Norman House. And after their deaths, for other innumerable generations, their descendantsgoverned. The name of Serra del Falco, ignored in the Tax-rolls of Muscia in 1298 and1408, is seen for the first time in the Capibrevi of Giovan Luca Barberi, when hetried to put some order to the recording of fiefs with respect to their owners8. He writes of the three fiefs of Serradifalco, Tarbuna, and Salina, in the valleyof Mazzara, under
In Sicilian serra also signifies a single mountain, but steep and ronchioso, and so appears in manycomposites: Munsirratu, Serra di lu rimitu, etc.". The same report is also given by DU CANGE, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, VI. Band,1954, p. 439. 8 BARTOLOMEO MUSCIA, Sicilia Nobilis, Palermo, 1692 GIOVAN LUCA BARBERI, Capibrevi, Palermo, 1879, f. 379, 380, 381.
the jurisdiction of the Earldom of Caltanissetta, but he did not know when. Like therest, Arnico9 wrote: -- “I don’t know in which year it passed to the Earldom ofCaltanissetta”. Serradifalco, Salacio, Grotta dell’acqua, Tarbuna, and Salina, as well as Naro,Sutera, Mussomeli, Delia, Fontanafredda and other lands in the valley of Mazzara,along with the seigniories of Caccamo and Gagliano, comprised the jurisdiction ofthe Earldom of Caltanisetta, rich with acres and square miles of land, and dominionswith flocks and pastures in a jumble of confused and contradictory records. Then, little by little, slowly, names and designations come out; of districts, ofterritories, of parcels of land, and farms and estates, on which civil and criminaljurisdictions begin, and where Baronial Law is imposed. On March 20 1296 his Serene Highness King Frederic II of Aragon, on theday of his coronation, among many Countships created on that happy occasion,granted the title of Count of Caltanissetta to Pietro Lanza, grandson of the ChiefJustice of the Kingdom. In 1396, Eleanor of Aragon, descendant of Lanza, wasinvested as Countess. In 1405, Caltanissetta and its vast territory were owned by the Regio Demanio[Royal Domain]. Soon thereafter, King Martin granted those territories to Sanchio Roiz ofLihori, Grand Admiral of the Kingdom, who, on June 25 1407, in exchange for thecity and lands of Augusta, gave them to Matteo Alagona-MoncadaA II, with theirjurisdiction to him and his heirs in perpetuity. Guglielmo Alagona-Moncada was the first Count of the territories, along withthe seigniories of Pietrarossa, Salinas, the Land of Cammarata, and the fiefs of Pietrad’Amico and Motta Sant’Agata, Castronovo . . . . There followed a series of Moncadas: Matteo, Guglielmo, Antonio, andGiovanni Tommaso; and the Land often passed from the hands of one to anotherwith quarrels, inheritances, transactions, etc. And these conflicts are not surprising,because the Moncadas were one of the most powerful Families of the Kingdom ofSicily.
9 VITO AMICO, Dizionario topografico della Sicilia, tradotto dal latino ed annotato daGioacchino Di Marzo, chierico distinto della Real Cappella Palatina, Palermo, 1856, due volumi,pag. 496. 10 FRANCESCO MARIA EMANUELE e GAETANI, MARCHESE Di VILLABIANCA (d'ora in poi soloVILLABIANCA), Della Sicilia Nobile, Palermo, 1759, pag. 81; GIOVANNI MULE BERTOLO, Caltanissetta nei tempi che furono e nei tempi che sono, Caltanissetta,1906, pag. 183.
9 VITO AMICO, Topographic dictionary of Sicily, translated from the Latin and annotated byGioacchino Di Marzo, distinguished clerk of the Royal Palatine Chapel, Palermo, 1856, twovolumes, p. 496. 10 FRANCESCO MARIA GAETANI-EMANUELE, MARQUIS of VILLABIANCA (now and then simplyVILLABIANCA), Of Noble Sicily, Palermo, 1759, p. 81; GIOVANNI MULE BERTOLO, Caltanissetta in the times that were and in the times that are,Caltanissetta, 1906, p. 183.
A [The Italian naming convention, especially for nobles, is to give the father's surname first,followed by "and (mother's surname)", thus Matteo, whose mother's surname was Alagona andwhose father's was Moncada, would be Matteo Moncada ed Alagona. In translating, I have used
the English convention of giving the mother's surname first in a hyphenated surname for the child.]
27
“Just think of it,” writes Alfredo Li Vecchi, “that half the island [of Sicily] wasunder that dominion.” In western Sicily, one Seigniory was made up of Palermo,Biancavilla, Adernò, and other minor centers; in eastern Sicily, one domain beganwith the Earldom of Collesano and extended with a band of unending land and fiefsall the way to Caltanissetta. Family of ancient nobility, honored by supreme assignments, rich with greatstates, with seigniories inferior to no one. It recalled the time of Charlemagne11. Courageous, valorous in war, on their family crest they had a black lion withred pickets around it in a field of gold. It was changed when, in the war against theMoors, during a scarcity of provisions a Guglielmo Raimondo [the First, of the MoncadaHouse] brought seven loaves of bread to King Giacomo of Aragon. The Sovereigngave six to his Barons, and divided one with Moncada. Since then the new coat ofarms comprised seven golden loaves, six whole and sound, and one divided in two,on a field of red12. In 1470 it is said that the Earldom of Caltanissetta was invested in GiovanniTommaso Moncada, who was the son of Count Guglielmo Raimondo and GiovannaSanseverino. He was a masterful man, a lover of fine literature, who tookRaimondetta Ventimiglia for his wife. He was President of the Kingdom in 1475,Chief Justice of Sicily and Grand Chamberlain of the Kingdom of Naples13. He diedon June 1, 1501. And with Giovanni Tommaso Moncada, Gentleman of the Parliament of KingGiovanni, Governor General of arms in the city of Agosta, Viceroy, GrandChamberlain of the Kingdom, Grand Chief Justice, Lord of his noble House andCount of Caltanissetta, begins the official story of the Land of the Mountain of theHawk, in the dominion and jurisdiction of the Earldom of Caltanissetta. “Serra di Falco was a fief of Tommaso of Moncada, from whom it wastransferred”, writes Villabianca14. Barbieri15, putting some order to the feudal fiefs and their proprietors, writes about fillerfillerfillerfillerfillerfillerfillerfiller
11 ALFREDO LI VECCHI, Caltanisetta feudale, Caltanissetta-Roma, 1975, pag. 7; FILADELFO MUGNOS, Teatro genologico delle Famiglie nobili titolate feudatarie ed antiche nobilidel fidelissimo Regno di Sicilia, viventi ed estinte, Bologna, 1978, vol. II, pag. 173. 12 Idem, pag. 182. 13 MUGNOS, Teatro, cit., pag. 179; BARBERI, Capibrevi, cit., III, ff. 379, 380, 381; VILLABIANCA, Della Sicilia, cit., II, Libro V, f. 93 e vol. IV f. 42. 14 VILLABIANCA, Della Sicilia, cit. II, Libro II, pag. 134. 15 BARBIERI, Capibrevi, cit. III, p. 379, 380.
11 ALFREDO LI VECCHI, Feudal Caltanissetta, Caltanissetta-Rome, 1975, p. 7; FILADELFO MUGNOS, Genealogic exposition of the titled feudal noble Families, living and extinct,and ancient nobles of the Kingdom of Sicily, Bologna, 1978, vol. II, p. 173. 12 Idem, p. 182. 13 MUGNOS, Exposition, cit., p. 179; BARBERI, Capibrevi, cit., III, ff. 379, 380, 381; VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily, cit., II, Libro V, f. 93 e vol. IV f. 42.
14 VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily, cit. II, Libro II, pag. 134. 15 BARBIERI, Capibrevi, cit. III, p. 379, 380.
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delle annotazioni originarie16. Non abbiamo avuto il tempo di fare il punto della situazione che il feudo diSerra di Falco è venduto dal Conte Giovanni Tommaso Moncada, con il patto direcompria (jus luendi) a Nicolò Barresio, per gli atti di Notar Giovanni Perdicaro, il 7gennaio XII ind. 1493, per il prezzo di 2500 fiorini. Mentre gli altri due feudi Tarbuna e Salina sono venduti con lo stesso jusluendi a Michele La Farina per 500 onze17.
our fief in his annotations of origin16. We have not yet had the time to make a point of the situation in which the fiefof Serra di Falco was sold by Count Giovanni Tommaso Moncada, with anagreement of repurchase (jus luendi [right of redemption]) to Nicolò Barresio, accordingto the notice by Giovanni Perdicaro, Notary, 7 January 1493, index XII, for the priceof 2,500 florins. Meanwhile, the other two fiefs, Tarbuna and Salina, were sold with sameright of redemption to Michele La Farina for 500 ounces17 [of gold].
16 TARBUNA, SALINA, SERRADIFALCO FEUDA Feuda Tarbuna et la Salina, ac Serradifalco noncupata, in Valle Mazarie posite, pro ut asseritur de membris sunt et pertinencijsComitatus Calatanixecte, ex quibus dictum feudum la Serradifalco per quondama Ioannem Thomasium de Montecatheno, olim ipsiusComitatus Comitem et Adernionis, quondam Nicholao de Baresio pro certo precio, puplico mediante contractu manu Notarij Ioannisde Perdicaro, VIIo Ianuarij XIIa Indicionis 1493 celebrato, prima facievenditum fuit. Qui Nicholaus de Baresio de eodem feudo laSerradifalco ad ipsomet Ioanne Thomasio de Montecatheno Comite, tune in Regno Preside, XXIIIo Decembris XIIIa Indicionis 1494investituram, in Regie Cancellerie dicti anni libro in cartis 695 notatam obtinuit. 17 BARBIERI, Capibrevi, cit. III, pag. 380 e 381.
TARBUNA ET SALINA Feudum vero Tarbuna cum dicta Salina per eundem Comitem Ioannem Thomasium quondam. Michaeli La Farina pro certoprecio, carta gracie reddimendi mediante, venditum etiam fuit. Que quidem precia summam unciarum quingentarum ceperunt,convertendarunt nihilominus insatisfacionern precij juris luendi terre Paternionis; quod jus luendi ab ipso Comite loanne Thomasioemptum extitit, siculi in actis dieti Notarij Ioannis de Perdicaro continetur. Postmodum autem idem comes Ioannes Thomasius, jus luendi ipsorum feudorum Tarbune, Saline et Serradifalco quondam,Anthonino Rizono Regio Secretario suisque imperpetuurrì heredibus, carta gracie reddimendi mediante, pro precio unciarum XX, ViceRegia licencia preeunte, puplico mediante contractu manu Notarij Dominici de Leo VIIo Augusti XVa Indicionis 1497 celebrato,vendidit. Quem vendicionis contractum, cum illius inserto tenore, Ioannes de La Nuca, tunc Regni pro Rex, eidem Anthonio Rizonojuxta formam investiture dicti Cornitatus Calatanixecte natura, et forma feudi in aliquo non mutata, servicio militari ed juribus Curieac alterius semper salvis; ejus cum Vice Regia provisione data Panhormi XXVIIIIo Decembris prime Indicionis 1497, et in RegieCancellerie dicti anni libro in cartis 202 notata, acceptavit et confirmavit. Cuius vendicionis virtute, idem Anthonius de Rizono de feudis eisdem possessionem adeptus extitit; nálominus de illisinvestiiuram, pro ut moris et, capere non curavit, immo ipsa sola confirmacione Vice Regia se letari tantum voluit. Mortuo tandem dicto Anthonio Rizono, sibi in dictis feudis Tarbuna, la Salina et Serradifalco successit Ioannes Georgius deRizono ejus filius legitimus et naturalis ac primogenitus, qui de feudis eisdem investituram, in Regie Cancellerie libro anni in cartis247 notatam, reportavit. Deficiente postremo dicto Comite Ioanne Thomasio de Montecatheno, sibi in codem comitatu Adernionis, Calatanixecte ed alijssuccessit Gulielmus Raymundus de Montacatheno ejus filius unicus legitimus et naturalis; qui feuda antedicta redemit, et illapostmodum Ioanni Aloysio de Septimo legum doctori, carta gracia reddimendi mediante, pro precio unciarum... previo contractupuplico
Chi fosse questo Nicolò non sappiamo, ma abbiamo moltissime notizie sui DeBarresio o Barresi18. Per quanto riguarda i due feudi Tarbuna e Salina, occasionalmente legati alnostro Serradifalco in questa pagina di storia, diciamo che furono venduti ai LaFarina, Famiglia portoghese, e abbiamo occasione di parlarne poiché Michele erafiglio di Nicolò La Farina e Domenica Salomone, sorella di Francesco Salomone, daSutera, uno dei tredici della Disfida di Barletta. Il Barresi e La Farina, dopo quattro anni, sono costretti a lasciare i feudipoiché Antonino Rizono, Regio Segretario, acquista dal Conte Giovanni TommasoMoncada il jus luendi, e il 7 agosto 1497 comprai tre feudi facendosi riconoscere dalVicerè per se e i suoi eredi in perpetuo19.
Who this Nicolò was, we don’t know, but we have very many references toDe Barresio or Barresi18. As far as the two fiefs Tarbuna and Salina, occasionally attached to ourSerradifalco during this page of history, we report that they were sold to [Michele] LaFarina, of a Portuguese family, and we have had occasion to hear of this, sinceMichele was a son of Nicolò La Farina and Domenica Salomone, sister of FrancescoSalomone, from Sutera, one of the thirteen knights of the Challenge of Barletta. Barresi and La Farina, after four years, were forced to give up the fiefs, sinceRoyal Secretary Antonino Rizono aquired the “jus luendi” from Count GiovanniTommaso Moncada, and on August 7, 1497 purchased the three identified fiefs fromthe Viceroy [Moncada] for himself and his heirs in perpetuity19.
manu dicti Notarij Dominici de Leo Panhormite, XXVIIIIo Iulij 1501 celebrato, iterum vendidit. Cujus vírtute idem Ioannes Aloysius de feudis predictis a quondam Ioannes de La Nuga, tunc Regni pro Rege, ultimo Augusti111a Indicionis 1501 investiturani, in Regie Cancellerie libro anni 1501 in cartis 591 notatam, nactus fuit. In presentiarum autern, anno 1513 decurrente, feuda ipsa Tarbuna et Salina ac Serradifalco per prefaturn loannern Aloysium deSeptimo possidentur, que anno quolibet reddunt...
FRANCESCO SAN MARTINO DE SPUCCHES (d'ora in poi solo DE SPUCCHES), La storia dei feudi e dei titoli nobiliari diSicilia, dalla loro origine ai nostri giorni, Palermo, 1924; quadro 1024, pag. 367. ASPA, R. CANCELLERIA, anno 1494,f. 695.FRANCESCO PECCHIENEDA, Ragioni apro della reintegrazione della Città di Caltanissetta al Sacro Regio Demanio del Regnodi Sicilia, umiliate alla Maestà del Re N.S., Napoli, 1756, pag. CLVII: 1493 Il feudo di Trabuna, con la Salina ed il feudo di Serra di Falco furono venduti dal Conte Gian Tommaso di Moneada con il patto di ricompra per lo prezzo di fiorini 2500, e non essendo tali feudí, che (a ventesima parte almeno di Caltanissetta, dovea allora valere tutto lo stato almeno fiorini 50 000, anzi dovea assai più valere, conciosiacosacché i sopradetti feudi erano allora quasi inutili, siccome quelli, che i più remoti erano della Città sudetta. 18 MUGNOS, Teatro cit., 1 vol., f. 117;VILLABIANCA, Della Sicilia, cit. II, vol. 3, pag. 295. 19 DE SPUCCHES, Storia dei feudi, cit. e BARBIERI, Capibrevi, cit., R. Cancelleria, ASPA, libro 1499, f. 247.
FRANCESCO SAN MARTINO DE SPUCCHES (now and then simply DE SPUCCHES), The History of the fiefs and nobletitles of Sicily, from their beginnings to our day, Palermo, 1924; chart 1024, p. 367. ASPA, ROYAL CHANCELLERY vol. 1494,f. 695.FRANCESCO PECCHIENEDA, Explaining reasons for the reintegration of the City of Caltanissetta with the Holy Royal Domainof the Kingdom of Sicily, humble before the Majesty of the King, Our Lord., Naples, 1756, p. 157: In 1493 the fief of Trabuna, with that of Salina
and the fief of Serra di Falco were sold by the Count Gian Tommaso of Moncada with a repurchase agreement for the price of 2,500 florins, and those fiefs were less than onetwentieth part of Caltanissetta, while the whole group was valued at least at 50,000 florins, but a much higher value could not be given, recognizing that the aforesaid fiefs were nearly useless, since they were so remote from the City named above. 18 MUGNOS, Expositions, cit., 1 vol., f. 117;VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily cit. II, vol. 3, pag. 295. 19 DE SPUCCHES, History of the Fedal Lands cit. and BARBIERI, Capibrevi, cit., Royal Chancellery, ASPA, book1499, p 247.
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On the death of Antonino Rizono, he was succeeded by Giovanni Giorgio, hisfirst-born son, who was invested with the fiefs in 1499. And the Rizono family, of whom we have no records, like meteors, vanishedfrom the history of our Land without leaving a single trace. The fiefs returned instead to the Moncadas, with Guglielmo Raimondo, who,succeeding his father, took the investiture of Adernò and Caltanissetta in 150120, andre-purchased the three fiefs from Rizono. His need for funds, continual and impelling,forced him to sell them to Giovanni Luigi di Settimo21, doctor of law, always withthe same right of re-purchase. But only the fief of Serra del Falco, detached from the original group of three,was sold to Antonino La Rocca, a member of the Aragon and Catalan House ofNobles, descended in Sicily since 130022. At first, our feudal lords were without holdings, but they acquired one fief afteranother, in order to have a noble title. Meanwhile Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada, who had sold our fief, wassucceeded by Antonio Moncada-Moncada, Francesco Moncada de Luna (whoredeemed the fief of Serra del Falco), Cesare, and then Francesco and Antonio. Thislast Antonio Moncada-Aragona, born in 1591, was a Grandee of Spain and husbandof Giovanna Lacerda, daughter of the Duke of Medinaceli. On October 25, 1600[eight years old???!!!], after having redeemed the fief of our Land, he invested himselfof all the others, on the death of Filippo I and the succession to the throne of FilippoII23. Prince Antonio was the last feudal lord of the House of Moncada to own ourdistricts, even though we might ask how the the fief of Serra del Falco (with itsuniquely singular name) could be represented by Moncada, who was twice aGrandee of Spain, Prince of Paternò, Duke of Montalto and of Bivona, Count ofAdernò, Count of Caltabellotta, of Sclafani and of Motta Santa Anastasia, Baron ofCentorbi, of Pietrasoprana, Caltavuturo, Malpasso, and of Biancavilla and manyother lands, and of innumerable baronies and fiefs which were lost, sold, andreacquired in a cycle of sale and re-purchase without end.
20 ASPA, Royal Chancellery, vol. 1501, V, f. 144. 21 "At present", writes Giovann Luca Barberi, in Capibrevi cit., "in 1513 we find the three fiefs under De Septimo"."The Noble House of Pisa", writes AGOSTINO INVEGES, (Nobiliario, Palermo, 1651, f. 125), in f. 125, "in their stay in Sicilyowned fiefs and seigniories. The son of Nicolò, Baron of Guarratana, for his grand doctrine was made Master Logician of the RoyalProperty and Regent in the Royal Chancellery of Aragon. He died December 29, 1522".There are other records of the Noble House in IGNAZIO GATTUSO, Fitalia, i Settimo e Campofelice, Palermo, 1975. 22 The names are in ASPA, Royal Conservatory, vol. 1542, f. 503 and 1557, f. 79.
23 ASPA, Royal Conservatory, book Investiture, 1600-1620, f. 39 r.
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Pechenada, in 1700, accused these Lords of paupering the Earldom ofCaltanasetta with their profiteering sales of the fiefs. For the period he considers, infact, Don Antonio Moncada, son of Guglielmo [the Sixth], between 1525 and 1533had sold the fief of Gallidauri, and others, to Antonello di Caruso, Baron ofSpaccaforno24. Don Cesare Pignatelli-Moncada, in 1570, had ceded other fiefs25 and the samewas done by Don Francesco Moncado Luna, who in 1571 had sold the fiefs ofGrotta Rossa and Deliella to Don Luigi Lo Puzzo, but had re-purchased those ofTurretta, Bifara, Chiusa Vecchia, and Marcato D’Arrrigo. Don Antonio Moncada-Aragona, Duke of Montalto, in 1614 sold five fiefs, andin 1617 (after Gallidauro, Deliella, Grasta, Gebbia Rossa and Graziano) on anotheroccasion turned over a triad of our fiefs, Serra del Falco, Salaco and Gruttadell’acqua, to Don Francesco Graffeo for 19,737 ounces [of gold], and another threecombined lands with a large number of comuni (communal areas) to the Principalityof Fiume Salato, for 90 aratateB. In short, concludes Pechenada, defender of Caltanissetta, the denari and florins[cash flows] were always to the advantage of the Moncadas. It had been just abeautiful deal, to have changed the city of Caltanissetta into the House of Moncada -"the widespread, diverse Earldom of Caltanissetta for the lonely Earldom ofAgosta!"26. And Cancila27 concludes that this great prodigality, characteristic of theMoncadas, of building enormous palaces at Palermo and elsewhere, by spending onluxuries, fillerfiller
24 Aveva venduto Marcato della Serra, Antinello, Musto Mu xaro, Mustesini, Marcato d'Arrigo, la Turretta, Xitilichabili, laChiusa Vecchia, Murtijantinu, la Bifara, intorno al 1560 la Grutta dell'acqua, a Giovanni Vito Grimaldi, e a D. Pietro Marchifava ildiritto di ricompra: nel 1520 il feudo di Gruttarussa a Francesco Farfaglia. 25 Nel 1570 i feudi di Grasta e Gebbia Rossa a Ippolito Lucchesi.
26 Nota de' Feudi, ed altre Terre del Territorio di Caltanisetta.
24 He had sold the fiefs of Marcato della Serra, Antinello, Musto Muxaro, Mustesini, Marcato d'Arrigo, the Turretta,Xitilichabili, the Chiusa Vecchia, Murtijantinu, and the Bifara, and around 1560 the Grutta dell'acqua, to Giovanni Vito Grimaldi,and to Don Pietro Marchifava the right of re-purchase: in 1520 the fief of Gruttarussa to Francesco Farfaglia.. 25 In 1570 the fiefs of Grasta and Gebbia Rossa to Ippolito Lucchesi.
26 A notable Fief, and other Lands of the Territory of Caltanisetta..
Ogni Aratata di Terre costa di Salme nove Ogni Salma di Moggi sedici, Ogni Moggio di canne 648. Ogni canna di otto Piedi Romani, o sia palmi
Every Aratata of Land costs nine Salme Every Salma sixteen Moggi, Every Moggio 648 rods. Every rod eight Roman Feet of two palms.
.Feudi appartenenti all'Ill. Casa Moncada.
Fiefs belonging to the Illustrious House of Moncada. Aratati Salme Aratati Salme
Landri 12. Milicia 15.
Sabucina 16. Muntiganini 14.
Trabunella 10. Mustumusciaru l1.Garistuppa 15. 5. Deri 36. 4.
B [An aratata (plural aratate or aratati) was a measure of land area equal to approximately 144 modern acres. In dealingsbetween landowners, it was used as a medium of credit or exchange. A canna (rod, plural canne, was a unit of length equal toabout two meters.]
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works of charity, and regal gifts, were the cause of great ruin, and were followed bythe transfer, with re-purchase or not, of quite a few feudal lands. Our own Duke of Montalto, Don Antonio Aragona-Moncada, last feudal lord ofour Mountain during that age, had six sons and one daughter. After a grave illness,on May 20, 1626, he renounced his titles in favor of his son Luigi, and obtaining aPapal brief he made himself a priest, though married, and entered the Company ofJesus, while his wife dressed in a nun's habit under the name of Sister Teresa, in theMonastery of the Assumption, which her husband had founded especially for her inPalermo.
Did he never comprehend that, among his vast properties, there was a fief with acurious name that evoked game, wild animals, and prey? Was he never with hisretinue on this, our land, with the hawk on his gloved right hand and his vassalfalconers ready to seize the catch? It begs the question, but we can give no answer.
Fiefs of the House of Moncada which were sold Aratati Salme Aratati Salme
Grotta dell'acqua 21. Gebiarussa 13.
Serra di falco 28. Gallidauro 25.
Salaco 14. Fiorilla l0.
Garziano 15. Corriggi, ed altre Terreaggregate al
Grasta l1. . Marchesato di S. Cataldo circa 10. Vi sono inoltre nel Territorio di Caltanissetta molte tenute di Terre, che Comuni si appellano, della quali possedeane l'Universitàla quinta parte, cioè salme 196.14, ma per debiti contratti con la Regia Corte fu necessitata venderli nel 1638 a Casa Moncada, per ilprezzo di once 3842., come per gl'atti di Not. Giacinto Cinquernani di Palermo a' 18. Gennario 1638. 6. Ind. Tali comuni furonodalla Casa Moncada quasi tutti alienati a diverse persone quali al presente li posseggono.
27 ORAZIO CANCILA, Baroni e popolo nella Sicilia del grano, Palermo, 1983, pag. 136.
There are many Land holdings elsewhere in Caltanisetta, which are called Comuni, of which the Community owned one-fifthpart, that is 196.14 salme, but because of contracts of debt with the Royal Court, it was necessary in 1638 to sell them to the House
of Moncada for the price of 3,842 ounces [of gold], according to the records of Notary Giacinto Cinquemani of Palermo, January 18,1638, Index 6. Those comunes were of the House of Moncada, nearly all of them turned over to various persons who own them atpresent.
27 ORAZIO CANCILA, Barons and commoners in the Sicily of grainfields, Palermo, 1983, p. 136.
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CHAPTER III
THE PASSAGE OF THE GRIFFIN(1617-1640)
The Graffeos acquire the fiefs of Serradifalco - The House of Graffeo Francesco Graffeo, 1st Baron of Serradifalco
Nel capitolo precedente abbiamo visto che, nonostante la potenza o le cariche ele onorificenze, le condizioni della Casa Moncada e della Contea di Caltanissettaerano preoccupanti. Sui loro stati gravava annualmente un numero enorme dicreditori per migliaia di onze a causa di arretri, di soggiogazioni, assegni, vitalizi, ecc. Alla data del 1639, 97 creditori vantavano 20310 onze, per l'importo annuale dionze 9473 sugli Stati di Paternò, Adernò, Caltanissetta ed altri. E tra questi, laFamiglia dei Graffeo attendeva dagli inizi del secolo il soddisfacimento del suocredito28. Il 18 settembre 1607 il Barone Francesco Graffeo fu Girolamo aveva prestato16000 onze al Principe D. Cesare Moncada ed alla moglie D. Maria d'Aragona. LaRegia Gran Corte dopo due anni aveva inviato una «interlocutoria circa la soluzionedi denaro»29 contro gli eredi Paternò (il Principe, la
a
GRIFEO, GIUSEPPE, nella corrispondenza personale con CONIGLIO, ANGELO il 10 giugno 2006. L'ortografiacorretta è GRIFEO, come confermato dal grifone sul stemma della famiglia. "Graffeo" è un errore di ortografia che è statoperpetuato dai periodi medioevali.
28 GIUSEPPE TRICOLI, La Deputazione degli Stati e la crisi del Baronaggio Siciliano, Palermo, 1966, pag. 69, 71; ANTONINO MARRONE, Bivona città feudale, Caltanissetta, 1987, pag. 286. Vedi inoltre la relazione «Fatto sopra la compra difeghi di Serra di Falco, lo Salacio et Grutta di l'acqua» in ASPP, Volume A, ff. 255, 259.
29 ASPA, Archivio Serradifalco, vol. 3, f. 32.
The House of Graffeoa acquires the fiefs of Serradifalco
1617-1640
In the preceding chapter we have seen that in spite of their power, strength, andpositions of honor, the conditions of the House of Moncada and the Earldom ofCaltanissetta were worrisome. Every year, upon those states, lay the exceedinglyheavy burden of an enormity of creditors, for thousands of ounces [of gold], due toarrears, accounts payable, unpaid drafts, liens, annuities, etc. In the year 1639, 97 creditors were due 20,310 ounces for the annual amount of9,473 ounces on the states of Paternò, Adernò, Caltanissetta and others. And amongthese, the House of Graffeo had waited since the start of the century for thesatisfaction of credit extended then28. On September 18, 1607, Baron Francesco Graffeo, son of the late Girolamo, hadloaned 16,000 ounces to the Prince Don Cesare Moncada and to his wife DonnaMaria d'Aragona. The Royal Supreme Court after two years had sent an"interlocutory about the solution of the debt"29 against
a GRIFEO, GIUSEPPE, in personal correspondence with ANGELO CONIGLIO on 10 June 2006. The correct spelling isGRIFEO, as confirmed by the griffin on the family coat of arms. "Graffeo" is a spelling error that has been perpetuated fromMedieval times.
28 GIUSEPPE TRICOLI, The Deputation of the States and the crisis of Sicilian Baronies, Palermo, 1966, p. 69, 71; ANTONINO MARRONE, Bivona, feudal city, Caltanissetta, 1987, p. 286. See also the treatise "Facts on the purchase of the fiefs ofSerra di Falco, Salacio and Grutta di l'acqua" in ASPP, Volume A, pp. 255, 259.
Principessa, D. Cesare e D. Giovanni), senza ottenere alcunché. Dieci anni dopo fu fatto un altro tentativo, il 6 maggio 161730 D. FrancescoGraffeo causò esecutoria contro i Moncada in tutti i loro beni, singoli, allodiali. Ancora, il 17 maggio 1617 altro atto di notificazione per D. Antonio Moncada ePaternò per la somma, che intanto era aumentata a causa di interessi maturati e nonpagati sino a onze 17337.4.531. Ma D. Antonio questa volta decide di pagare, con il solito espediente di venderealcuni feudi, con il diritto di rícompra, il 6 giugno 1617. Questa volta si tratta dei trefeudi di Serra del Falco, lo Salacio e Grutta dell'acqua32, per onze 19337.4.4 E con questo atto di vendita, finalmente, possiamo leggere le caratteristiche edattributi con notizie e confini, che riguardano i tre feudi:
the heirs of Paternò (the Prince, the Princess, Don Cesare and Don Giovanni),without obtaining a cent. Ten years later another attempt was made, when on May 6, 161730 DonFrancesco Graffeo brought action against the Moncadas and all their assets, singlyand jointly. Further, on May 17, 1617 another action dunned Don Antonio Paternò-Moncadafor an amount which was increased because of accrued and unpaid interest, up to17,337.4.531 ounces. But Don Antonio this time decided to pay, with the usual expediency of sellingsome fiefs, with the right of re-purchase, on June 6, 1617. This time he traded thethree fiefs of Serra del Falco, Salacio and Grutta dell’acqua32, for 19,337.4.4 ounces. And from this bill of sale, finally, we can see the details and extent of thecharacteristics and attributes regarding the three fiefs:
30 Idem, ff. 138, 139. 31 Idem, ff. 138, 139, 17 maggio 1617. 32 «Et non habente dicto Duce et Principe Don Antonio modum et formam solvendi dicto Francisco pecunias per ipsumDucern et Principem dicto Francisco pro causis ... » pensò di « ... dare vendere et alienare ut supra infrascriptas baronias et pheudavidelicet:baroniam et feudum di Serra di Falco per prezzo di onze 8.903.20baroniam et feudum de lo Salacio per prezzo di onze 4.500baroniam et feudum de la Grutta di l'acqua per prezzo di onze 6.333.10de membris et pertinentiis ... »per il totale di onze 19 737Il Contratto di vendita dei feudi ... «da D. Antonio d'Aragona e Moncada a favore di D. Francesco Graffeo, Marchese di Regiovanni ... » si trova in ASPA, Archivio Serradifalco, vol. 3o, ff. 150-205; copia di esso in ASCL, Atto rogato dal Notaro GABRIELE IMPERIALE di Caltanissetta, vol 961 (1615-1617) ff. 285-289. Testimoni dell'atto furono il 6 giugno 1617, Don Frabrizio Monserrato, D. Geronimo Jarubruno, Geronimo Salazar, Aurelío LoSciglio, Michele Mazzone.
Nel prezzo erano incluse onze 17 337.4.4. ed onze 877.6 per la metà della ragione della decima e tarii spettante al Duca di Montalto,che Graffeo si obbligò di pagare, ed onze 1522.24 per le quali il Graffeo soggiogò onze 91.11.1 di rendita sopra i suoi beni. onze 17 337. 4.4
Fatta la vendita Colantonio La Porta, Collettore della Decima e Tarì fece relazione al Tribunale del Regio Patrimonio il 18 Luglio1617 che la decima e tarì importavano onze 2 631.18 e dedotta la 13a parte restava da pagare onze 1 754.12, cioè onze 877.6 per laparte del Moncada ed altrettante per la parte toccante a Graffeo.
The sale was conducted by Colantonio La Porta, Collector of Tithes and Tariffs, made with recognition by the Royal Property Courton July 18, 1617 that the tithes and tariffs comprised 2,631.18 ounces, deducting a 1/3 part, leaving 1,754.12 ounces, 877.6 for theportion to Moncada and as many for the adjacent portion to Graffeo.
Contratto di vendita di feudi di Serradifalco tra D. Antonio D’Aragonia e Moncada e D. Francesco Graffeo, 6 Giugno 1617. Prima pagina dell’atto, Notaro Gabriele Imperiale di Caltanissetta. Contract of sale of the fiefs of Serradifalco between Don Antonio Moncada-D'Aragonia andDon Francesco Graffeo, on June 6, 1617. First page of the act, Notary Gabriele Imperiale of Caltanissetta.
39
Serra di Falco, terra che confina con il feudo dello Dragaito e Mandra di Giumento del territoriodella Baronia di Fiume Salato e commune di Anurmarici, della parte verso Caltanissetta, con locomune dello Cusatino, e strata pubblica; dall'altra parte con lo feudo di Rabiuni territorio delloStato di Mussomeli alla via insino allo vallone dello fego di la Balatazza dello Stato della Favara;dall'altra parte confina con lo fego di Gallidauro, lo fego dello Salacio e comune di Falbaccaro;dall'altra parte con lo fego di Grutta russa e comune di Piticaro.
Serra di Falco, land which borders the fief of Dragaito and Mandra di Giumento of
the territory in the Barony of River Salato and the commune of Anurmarici, the parttowards Caltanissetta, with the community of Cusatino, and the public road; from theother section bordering the fief of Rabiuni, territory of the State of Mussomeli, all theway to the valley in the fief of Balatazza in the State of Favara; from the other sectionbordering with the fief of Gallidauro, the fief of the comune Salacio and ofFalbaccaro; and from the other section bordering the fief of Grutta russa and thecomune of Piticaro.
Item feudo et baronia chiamata Grutta dell'acqua, di la parte verso Caltanissetta confinante con ilcomune chiamato di lo Salacio e comune di Favarella; dall'altra parte del mezzogiorno confina conlo fego della Bifaria, e lo comune di Castellazzo; dalla parte di ponente confina con lo comunedella Lapezzila per un pezzo e con lo fego di Grutta russa; dalla parte di tramontana confina con lofego dello Giurfo, con lo comune di Trigona, la strata pubblica chiamata Hadira e lo comune dellaXhadira e lo comune di Caltanissetta la petra.
A fief and barony called Grutta dell'acqua, the part towards Caltanissetta adjacentwith the comune called Salacio and the comune of Favarella; from the other section ahalf-day away it borders the fief of Bifaria, and the comune of Castellazzo; on thewest it borders the comune of Lapezzila for a ways, and with the fief of Grutta russa;on the northern part it borders with the fief of Giurfo, with the comune of Trigona,the public road called Hadira and the comunes of Xhadira and Caltanissetta la petra.
Item dictum feudum di Lo Salacio confinante con il feudo di Grutta russa con la strata in mezzo delcomune di Falbaccaro e una punta confinante con lo fego di Graziano dalla parte versoCaltanissetta; di l'altra parte confina con lo fego di Gallidauro al Vallone, da un'altra parte confinacon lo fego di Serra di Falco33.
The said fief Salacio adjacent to the fief of Grutta russa, with the road in the middleof the comune of Falbaccaro, and a point neighboring the fief of Graziano from theside towards Caltanissetta; the other section borders the fief of Gallidauro in thevalley, and another section borders Serra di Falco33.
33 ASPA, Archivio Serradifalco, vol. 3, ff. 206-209 «Osservatoria del contratto di vendita di detti tre feghi nominati La Serradel Falco, lo Salacio e Grutta dell'acqua contratto tra esso Duca di Moltalto con Francesco Graffeo. Don Antonino d'Aragona e Moncada, Duca di Montalto e Principe di Paternò e Francesco Graffeo del fu Geronimo dicino aVostra Eccellenza che retrovandosi detto di Graffeo creditore tanto d'esso Duca come del quondam Don Cesare Moncada suo fratelloin molta somma di denaro, per minor danno di detto Duca e suo Stato, concertao e convenne vendere et alienare col patto deretrovendendo al detto di Graffeo, tre Baronie e feghi dello stato di Caltanissetta, nominati la Serra del Falco, lo Salacio e la Gruttadell'acqua, per prezzo in tutto d'once 19 737 con tutte le loro ragioni, giurisdizioni e pertinenze, universi d'haversi per detto Graffeo lareale et attuale potestà dal I' di Settembre prossimo da venire come più diffusamente si declara, per il contratto da celebrarsene nell'attidi Notaro pubblico, supplichiamo perciò V.E. voglia restar servita di confirmare, approbare et rathificare ac viceregio muriminecorroborare, et validare il detto contratto di venditione e compra da celebrarsi come sopra e sia anco V. E. servita farli gratia direlasciare com'è solito la terza parte della decima e tarì, toccante alla detta Regia Corte, per conto di detta venditione ... » 5 Dicembre - 1 Ind. - 1617 - ASPP, Vol. «A», f. 307.
33 ASPA, the Serradifalco Archives, vol. 3, pp. 206-209 "Review of the contract of sale of three fiefs named the Mountain ofthe Hawk, the Salacio and the Cave of Water, contracted between the Duke of Montalto and Francesco Graffeo. Don Antonino of Aragon and Moncada, Duke of Montalto and Prince of Paternò, and Francesco Graffeo, son of the lateGeronimo, declare to Your Excellency that because the said Graffeo is a creditor of this Duke as well as of the late Don CesareMoncada, his brother, for a large sum of money, for minor considerations by the said Duke and his State, plan and come together tosell and to turn over, with a pact of repurchase, to the said Graffeo, three Baronies and fiefs of the state of Caltanissetta, named theMountain of the Hawk, the Salacio and the Cave of Water, for the price in all of 19,737 ounces [of gold] with all their laws,jurisdictions and pertinences, all for said Graffeo to hold from the 1st of next September until further notice, by the contract to beconfirmed by the acts of the public Notary, therefore we beg Your Excellency if you please, to confirm, approve and to ratify acviceregio murimine corroborare, and to validate the said contract of sale and purchase to be confirmed as above, and also YourExcellency is petitioned to make them free of renunciation since it is ordinarily the third part of one tenth and tari, belonging to thesaid Royal Court, on behalf of said sale... "5 December, Index 1, 1617 - ASPP, Vol. "A", p. 307.
La Famiglia GraffeoFrancesco Graffeo, IoBarone di Serradifalco
I creditori dei Moncada erano così numerosi nello Stato e nella Contea diCaltanissetta ed in Sicilia che non abbiamo dato alcuna importanza al Graffeo. Inizialmente, pensavamo, fosse uno dei tanti. Ma, acquistando la Baronia ed ilfeudo di Serra del Falco, dà inizio e principio ad un capitolo particolare della nostrastoria, e perciò, prima di continuare, ci sembra opportuno conoscere la Casa e laFamiglia dei Graffeo, ed avere notizie dettagliate sul suo rappresentante più notabile:Francesco, il primo Barone della Serra del Falco. La Famiglia Graffeo-Grifeo prende origine dagli Imperatori greci. Leone eNiceforo sconfissero i Bulgari intorno alla metà del 900, e l'Imperatore donò lorocastelli, l'isola di Candia e permise che nello scudo su un campo d'oro fosse messo unGrifo nero passante sopra una lista, e di sotto tre bande azzurre con una bianca erta aguisa di combattere, e perciò fu cognominata dal grifo: GRIFEO. I due fratelliscesero quindi in Sicilia, dove si imparentarono con i Normanni.
The Family of Graffeo Francesco Graffeo, 1st Baron of Serradifalco
The creditors of the Moncadas were so numerous in the State and in the Earldomof Caltanissetta, and in Sicily, that we have not yet given any importance to theHouse of Graffeo. Initially we believed that it was only one among many. But, they acquired theBarony and the fiefdom of Serra del Falco, and are the principals of a particularchapter of our history, and therefore, before continuing, it seems opportune tounderstand the House and the Family of Graffeo and to have detailed reports abouttheir most notaable representatives. The Graffeo-Grifeo Family had origins from the time of the Greek Emperors. Leone and Niceforo vanquished the Bulgars in around the middle of the 900s, andthe Emperors gave them castles and the island of Candia, and allowed a black Griffinin a field of gold on their coat of arms, and under it three blue bands with whiteborders, with the griffin in a posture of combat. Therefore the family was given thesurname of the griffin: GRIFEO. The two brothers thereafter had descendants inSicily, where they intermarried with the Normans.
33 (continued) In the bill of sale the three fiefs were yielded with every law and pertinence, jurisdiction and privilege, and theduty for Graffeo to provide an armed cavalry unit for military service.Don Antonio Moncada the Prince of Paternò, Count of Adrano, Count of Calatissetta, titled Baron of Santa Anastasia and more, wastaxed for 67 armed cavalry units.That is, in particular cases the feudatory had to participate in the military service of the island with a number of armed horses requiredfrom him. Some cavalry levies could be dispensed by paying 10.5 ounces of gold for every armed cavalry unit, a fixed sum byancient custom, called adoamento in the time of the Aragonese and composizione today. The cavalry unit involved the service of aknight and two shield-bearers, or of one shield-bearer and two footsoldiers and three horses.(There is diversity of payment in IGNAZIO SCATURRO, History of the City of Sciacca, Naples, 1926, in that it speaks about 10.5ounces; ANTONINO MANGO, On the titles of Barons and Lords in Sicily, Palermo, 1904, p. 250, note 1, says 20 ounces becausein Sicily a fief returned 20 ounces of income annually; DIEGO ORLANDO, Feudalism in Sicily, Palermo, 1847, p. 130, says 20ounces, etc). On the island existed the
New Militia of the Realm, instituted in 1573 by Don Carlo of Aragon, President of the Realm (first instituted in 1548,restructured by Don Carlo) that divided Sicily into 10 Sergenterie or Districts, divided again into 27cavalry companies, and 31 dismounted companies. Serradifalco belonged to the Sergenteria ofSciacca; the militiamen had to be of age from 18 to 50 years, and received daily pay of 4 tari forevery mounted soldier and 2 tt. for those on foot.
Militia maintained by the King, assigned like ordinary garrisons of the Island in the fortresses and the main cities, composed for themost part of Spanish soldiers.
Militia of the feudatories, obligates you to serve in war for three months per year at your own expense, and thereafter at the
expense of the King in the case of enemy invasion or rebellion in the realm.
41
Count Roger granted the Land of Partanna, baronial land in the Val [District] ofMazzara, which succeeded to excellent personages like Orlando, Goffredo, Maio,Benedetto and others. Mugnos writes further that "we assume those possessors of fine arts, of antiquity, are the illustrious Graffeo Family, or truly theGrifeo, most ancient true nobility of the Realm of Sicily..."34, A. For the coat of arms, as we have already said, we do not have doubts; the Familyis armed with a divided shield: in the top portion is a black griffin on a gold field;under it three slanting bands of blue on gold. It has for its motto "Nolo me tangere",["Touch me not"]. Francesco Graffeo, son of the late Girolamo, originally of Sciacca, went to Prizziin 1563, where it seems the father was sheltered in order to escape the ferociousinternecine battles between the houses of Luna and Perollo that bloodied the city in1529, after famous events like "the second incident at Sciacca". The Graffeo Familywere adherents of the Perollos. Francesco was justice of the State of the two Petralie, in 1607. In ’17 he marriedPelligrina Abagio and in the same year, as we have seen, acquired the Barony ofSerradifalco and the other two fiefs, beginning therefore to collect a series of titlesand fiefs, for which he had asked of Filippo IV, and obtained, the title of Marquis.The title, which was quickly dispatched from Madrid35 on 20 May 1625, was:Marquis of Serradifalco.
34 MUGNOS, Expositions, cit., vol. II , p. I. Other news can be read in VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily, cit., Part II, book 1, pp.78 and 79 (Partanna), p. 93 (Gangi); book II, p. 56-57 (Ciminna); FRANCISCO SAVASTA, The famous Cases of Sciacca,Palermo, 1843, p. 47; AGOSTINO INVEGES, Nobiliario, Palermo 165 1, p. 193, 79; DE SPUCCHES, History of the fiefs, cit.,p. 369.
35 Privilegium Tituli Marchionatus Serre di Falco in personam ill.is Francisci Graffeo.
His Sacred Catholic and Royal Majestythe King, our Lord Filippo, by his sacred Royal privilege, in order to honor the house of the belovedFrancisco Graffeo baron of Serradifalco orders that the barony be elevated to the dignity of marquis and Francisco Graffeo and his heirs and and successors to Marquises of Serradifalco, and with such title to enter him in the Parliament or Congregations of nobility of this Realm with every dignity and privilege, with the right to transfer
42
But he preferred to change it, to Marquis of Regiovanni, a fief of the VentimigliaFamily that was usurped by the Geremia Family toward the end of the 1300s. He was the first one of the Dynasty to possess Gangi, a baronial Land, withsimple and complete ownership, in the Val [District] of the Demon, by concessions
sent by King Filippo IV on 16 July 1629. The Family also possessed the State of Ciminna, annexed from Ventimiglia in1500 to Graffeo, who reduced it to a Dukedom36. Don Francesco Graffeo, after the death of his wife Pellegrina, joined in a secondunion, marrying Donna Antonia Giuffrè Lo Campo Afflitto. But he did not have sons[with her], because of which he left the Principality of Gangi to his nephew FrancescoGraffeo, son of his brother Giuseppe, on the occasion of his marriage to DonnaCaterina Grimaldi, believed to be of the Barony of Bozzetta, on 19 July37.
in altra terra o baronia il titolo di marchese.E ciò si rende noto alla R. Curia, al Tribunale del R. Patrimonio,Maestri Razionali, Tesoriere e R. Consiglieri.Dato in Madrid il 20 Maggio 1625, anno V del nostro RegnoNei Privilegi del Regno di Sicilia, a Palermo esecutoriatoV Luglio VIII ind. 1625, il Cardinale Giovanni Doria ASPA, Protonotaro del Regno, vol. 535, ff. 374 377. Nel f. 374 v ai lati è annotato:«X Maggio X ind. 1627.poiché l'111. Francesco Graffeo, avendo ricevuto nell'ultimo di Maggio 1625, esecutoriato a Palermo l'8 Agosto VIII ind. 1625, iltitolo di Marchese per se e per i suoi eredi nella Baronia di Serradifalco, con la possibilità di poterne mutare Terra e Stato, reputòcambiare il titolo sopra la Baronia di Regio vanni, con atto nel Notaro Comino Terminelli di Palermo del 26 Giugno IX ind. 1625».Voglio ricordare che in quel tempo i Sovrani, dovendo sostenere grandi spese per la guerra, non tro vando altre fonti (giacché tutteerano disseccate, scrive Giovanni Evangelista Di Blasi) cominciarono a vendere titoli. Non si videro mai nel Regno tanti Marchesi,tanti Duchi e tanti Principi, né tanti Cavalieri Grandi di Spagna, quanti se ne videro in questi anni.
Ricostruzione: DE SPUCCHES, Storia dei feudi, cit., f. 369; SAVASTA, Il famoso Caso, f. 47; CANCILA, Baroni, cit., pag.
161; VILLABIANCA, Della Sicilia, cit. II, III, f. 416; Rocco PIRRI, Sicilia Sacra, Palermo, 1641, 1o vol., f. 752.ASPA, Ufficio del Protonotaro, libro 1625, f. 193. 35 (continued) to other lands or baronies the title of marquis. And he shall be known to the Royal Administration, to the Court of the Royal Patrimony, the Masters of Logic, the Treasurer and Royal Councilmen. Given in Madrid May 20, 1625, year five of our Reign On Behalf of the Kingdom of Sicily, executed in Palermo July 5, Index VIII,1625, by Cardinal Giovanni Doria
ASPA, Office of the First Notary of the Realm, vol. 535, pp. 374-377. On p. 374-v - the margins are annotated: "May 10, Index X, 1627. since the Illustrious Francesco Graffeo, having received in the last day of May 1625, executed at Palermo on August 8, Index VIII,1625, the title of Marquis for him and his heirs in the Barony of Serradifalco, with the possibility of being able to change Land andState, power to change the title to the Barony of Regiovanni, by act of Notary Comino Terminelli of Palermo on June 26, Index IX,1625". I want to note that in that time, the Monarchs, having to support great expenses for war, not finding other sources (the giacché allwere dried up, writes Giovanni Evangelista Di Blasi) began to sell titles. Never in the Realm were there seen so many Marquises,Duchies and Principalities, nor so many Grand Knights of Spain, as were seen in these years.
Reconstruction: DE SPUCCHES, History of the fiefs, cit., p. 369; SAVASTA, The famous Case, p. 47; CANCILA, Barons, cit.,p. 161; VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily, cit. II, III, p. 416; Rocco PIRRI, Sacred Sicily, Palermo, 1641, 1st vol., p. 752. ASPA, Officeof the First Notary, book 1625, p. 193.
36 Nello Stato di Ciminna si succedettero Mario Graffeo e di Bologna (Io Possessore di Partan na) e Io Duca di Ciminna 1634quindi Domenico, Benedetto, Girolamo, Benedetto.VILLABIANCA, Della Sicilia, cit., parte 11, libro 11, f. 55, Ciminna.
36 In the State of Ciminna followed by Mario di Bologna Graffeo (1st Owner of Partanna) and 1st Duke of Ciminna, 1634,thereafter Domenico, Benedetto, Girolamo, Benedetto. VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily, cit., part II, book II, p. 55, Ciminna.
37 Francesco Graffeo prese l'investitura di Gangi il I' marzo 1636 ASPA, R.C. Investiture vol. 1140. 1o marzo IV ind. 1636, f.126 D. Francesco investito di Marchese di Regiovanni con castro e casale. Idem, f. 128, investitura di Gangi.Francesco procreò Giuseppe Graffeo, ma Gangi andò ai posteri della sorella Antonia che se ne assicu rò l'investitura nel 1652. A noinon interessa, ma Villabianca dà il seguente quadro: Da Francesco, Giuseppe, la sorella Antonia, Giuseppe, Francesco, Saverio,Marianna Valguarnera e Branciforti.
37 Francesco Graffeo took investiture of Gangi on March 1, 1636 - ASPA, R.C. Investiture vol. 1140. March 1, index IV,1636, p. 126 - Don Francesco was invested as Marquis of Regiovanni with fort and country house. Ditto, p. 128, investiture ofGangi.
Francesco begat Giuseppe Graffeo, but Gangi went to the descendants of his sister Antonia who secured the investiture in 1652. To usit is of no interest, but Villabianca gives the following picture: From Francesco, Giuseppe, the sister Antonia, Giuseppe, Francesco,Saverio, Marianna Branciforti Valguarnera.
43
In the Barony of Serra di Falco and in all his other assets, Don Francesco left asuniversal heir his other nephew Don Giovanni Graffeo, son of his brother Fabrizioand of the late Antonina Graffeo, on the occasion of his marriage with DonnaAntonina di Ventimiglia on August 30, 163438. Don Giovanni was invested withthe Barony of Serra di Falco as the 2nd Baron on January 5, 1636, only a year afterthe death of his uncle. Our "acquistatore" and first Baron of Serradifalco [DonFrancesco] died without a religion on January 5, 1635, at the age of 72 years. In hiswill39 Francesco Graffeo, Baron of Serradifalco and Marquis of Regiovanni, orderedhis body to be buried in the church of Saint Ignazio all’ Olivella in Palermo40, towhich he bequeathed hundreds of ounces [of gold] for celebration of masses, andother offerings for Palermitan churches, to be selected by friar Onofrio Pennello. In our Baron Don Francesco we are obliged to notice various activities; hispersonality leaps out in examination of many documents in the Archives of State ofCaltanissetta, ignored by our historians. Even before the purchase of Serradifalco, hewas already landlord for the State and the County of Caltanissetta from 1615-16, withauthority for collecting excise taxes; and for the sale and purchase of lands, animals,houses, and grain; with Prince Antonio Aragona Moncada. He worked with hisbrothers, Fabrizio (whose son Giovanni, in 1636, would take investiture ofSerradifalco), fillerfillerfiller
38 ASPA, Notaro MARIANO ZAPPARATA di Palermo, II stanza, vol. 415, f. 858 a f. 882, lo settembre III ind. 1634.
39 Idem, Testamento, vol. 415, f. 7 aperto il 9 gennaio III ind. 1635. Nota in Conservatoria di Registro, ASPA, vol. 1140, f.121.
40 La chiesa dell'Olivella dei PP. dell'Oratorio di S. Filippo Neri. Nella cappella di Santa Maria degli Angeli, in cornuEpistolae, vi era la tomba di Francesco Graffeo. Ma fu distrutta durante un'in cursione aerea nel 1943.Sulla tomba vi era la seguente iscrizione:
D. 0. M.FRANCISCUS GRAFFEO PRINCIPATUM ENGII, MARCHIONATUM REJOANNIS BARONIAM SERRAE FALCI,SUMMASQUE OPES FELICI LABORE QUAESIVIT, D. FRANCISCO, ET D. JOANNI NEPOTIBUS EX FRATE RELIQUIT:SIC SUIS SIBI MERITIS, PIETATE PROFUSIS; PERPETUISQUE ELEMOSINIS, ATQUE OMNI VIRTUTUM GENEREFELICIUS CONSULVIT. MOX SUO, SUORUMQUE COMMODO QUIEVIT HIC CUM CONIUGE D. PEREGRINA ABAGIOANNOS PREREGIT 72. FAMA, ET VIRTUTE VIVET. NONAS JANUARIIANNO 1635 VILLABIANCA, Della Sicilia, cit., parte II, f. 135, al f. 93 Gangi; GASPARE PALERMO, Guida istruttiva per Palermo e i suoidintorni, riprodotta su quella del cav. D. Gaspare Palermo dal Beneficiale Giro lamo Di Marzo Ferro, Palermo 1858, pag. 130.--- L'investitura di Giovanni Graffeo (ASPA, R. Cancelleria, vol. 1140, d. 121) dice che morì il 6 gennaio.
38 ASPA, Notary MARIANO ZAPPARATA of Palermo, Section II, vol. 415, p. 858 to p. 882, lst of September, Index III,1634.
39 As above, Testament, vol. 415, p. 7 opened the 9th of January, Index III, 1635. Note in Conservatory of Registration,ASPA, vol. 1140, p. 121.
40 The church of Olivell of the Patrons of the Oratorio of Saint Filippo Neri. In the Chapel of Saint Mary of the Angels, inthe corner of the Epistles, was the tomb of Francesco Graffeo. But it was destroyed during an aerial raid in 1943.Above the tomb there was the following inscription:
D. 0. M.FRANCESCO GRAFFEO PRINCIPATUM ENGII, MARQUIS OF REGIOVANNI, BARON OF SERRADIFALCO,SUMMASQUE OPES FELICI LABORE QUAESIVIT, DON FRANCESCO, AND DON GIOVANNI, HIS NEPHEW BY HIS
BROTHER, WHO SUCCEEDED HIM: SIC SUIS SIBI MERITIS, PIETATE PROFUSIS; PERPETUISQUE ELEMOSINIS,ATQUE OMNI VIRTUTUM GENERE FELICIUS CONSULVIT. MOX SUO, SUORUMQUE COMMODO QUIEVIT HIC CUMMARRIED DONNA PEREGRINA ABAGIO, LIVED 72 YEARS. HIS FAME AND VIRTUE LIVE. JANUARY NINTHYEAR 1635 VILLABIANCA, Of Sicily, cit., part II, p. 135, to p. 93 Gangi; GASPARE PALERMO, Instructive Guide for Palermo and itssurroundings, copied from the work of Cavalier Don Gaspare Palermo, by Girolamo Beneficiale of Marzo Ferro, Palermo, 1858, p.130.--- The Investiture of Giovanni Graffeo (ASPA, Royal Chancellery, vol. 1140, p. 121) says that he [Francesco] died on the 6th ofJanuary.
44
Giuseppe, whose son Francesco would take investiture of Gangi), and Giovanni,abbot of the abbey of Saint Mary of the Nativity, at Castelbuono41.But what is of interest to us particularly is his relationship with our Land and its fiefs.After the purchase he gave lands for lease42, while in other years he managed themwith his brothers. As we reported, already in the main fief, that of Serradifalco, there hadaccumulated over the years a manor farm, an aggregate of premises; with stables,warehouses, ditches, a group of houses with ovens, an olive oil-mill, and a flour mill,already associated with the governance of the County of Caltanissetta. And therefore we have found that our Baron and Lord Don Francesco hadnamed, as his Procurator and Governor, Don Mario Frangiamore of Mussomeli; andin turn his brother Don Giovanni, the abbot, had named Don Alfonso Pardi asProcurator ad lites [concerning litigation], that is, defender of causes, to make arrestsand imprisonments in the Barony of Serradifalco. And Frangiamore requested theBaron to conscript muleteers to transport wheat and barley from the fief to the Officerat Girgenti "with diligence and effort". And together with the Procurator came the Master of the arranteria, assigned tocapture animals or slaves, and to deliver them to their respective masters and brandthem (the arranteria was the destined enclosure for the safekeeping of animals). Thus began the germ of a new town, in which the authority of the Baron and theLandlords was already manifest and active.
Giovanni Graffeo, 20 Barone di Serradifalco
Dei due cugini, Francesco e Giovanni Graffeo, seguiamo il destino del se condo, nonessendo interessati agli eredi del Principato di Gangi.Giovanni, per gli atti propter nuptias del 30 agosto 1634, era stato nominato eredeuniversale nei beni e nella Baronia di Serradifalco, dallo zio43.
Giovanni Graffeo, 2nd Baron of Serradifalco
Of the two cousins, Francesco and Giovanni Graffeo, we follow the destiny of thesecond, not being interested in the heirs of the Principality of Gangi. Giovanni,according to the acts of propter nuptias [valid only on condition of his marriage] of August30, 1634, had been named universal heir of the assets and the Barony of Serradifalco,by his uncle43.
41 La dicitura negli atti èD. Francesco Graffeo del fu Geronimo Barone di Serra di Falco,cittadino palermitano, arrendatario dello Stato e Contea di Caltanissetta.Diamo alcune indicazioni di notai per chi volesse approfondire la sua ricerca specificatamente sul Ba rone Graffeo:ASCL, Notar IMPERIALE, vol. 967, f. 136; vol. 968, f. 31; vol. 957; vol. 964, ff. 29, 101, 31, 142; vol. 965, ff. 119, 42, 68,124, 44, 161, 200, 22; vol. 966, f. 173; vol. 967, ff. 251, 99, 136, 249; vol. 968, f. I. 42 ASCL, Notaro IMPERIALE, vol. 967, ff. 112 e 225, 21 ottobre V 1621 e 6 dicembre V 1621. 43 ASPA, Notaro ZAPARATA, vol. 415, f. 858, al 10 settembre III ind. 1634; idem, f. 882 il 9 gennaio III ind. 1635, mortolo zio viene aperto il testamento.
41 The speaker in the records isDon Francesco Graffeo, son of the late Geronimo, Baron of Serra di Falco, Citizen of Palermo, arrendatario of the State and County of Caltanissetta. We give some indications of notaries for those who wish specifically to expand their research on Baron Graffeo :ASCL, Notary IMPERIALE, vol. 967, p. 136; vol. 968, p. 31; vol. 957; vol. 964, pp. 29, 101, 31, 142; vol. 965, pp. 119, 42, 68,124, 44, 161, 200, 22; vol. 966, p. 173; vol. 967, pp. 251, 99, 136, 249; vol. 968, p. I. 42 ASCL, Notary IMPERIALE, vol. 967, pp. 112 and 225, 21 October, Index V, 1621 and 6 December, Index V, 1621. 43 ASPA, Notary ZAPARATA, vol. 415, p. 858, on the 1st of September, Index III, 1634; idem, p. 882 the 9th of January,
Index III, 1635, on the death of his uncle the will was opened.
45
On 5 January 1636, exactly one year from his uncle‘s death, he took officialinvestiture of the Barony and the Fief of Serra [del Falco], the Barony and the Fief ofSalacio, the Barony and the Fief of Grotta dell'acqua, pertinency of the County ofCaltanissetta, for himself and his heirs44. The years pass without vicissitudes or events in the simple history of our Land.But time slides by, and there seems to approach a new dawn, which lifts the gloomand the shadows of anonymity, and lets us feel the pulsation of the organized life ofmen and their deeds, happy or sad. Baron Francesco Graffeo and Prince Antonio Moncada had already died. In ourBarony the bondholders and ancient creditors of Moncada intend to be paid for olddebts. They mean to make a deal with his successor, his son Luigi, who, not unlikehis father, swims in a sea of debt, even if he is cloaked with the prestigious title ofPresident of the Realm45. Giovanni Graffeo, who contrary to his uncle, remains only the Baron ofSerradifalco, and does not possess other noble titles, intends to close a definitivepurchase with Moncada, for the lands of Serradifalco, in order to avoid one dayfinding himself without title and without land. He lets it be known that he is disposedto acquire "the right of repurchase" (the jus luendi), for redeeming the Barony46. Some time later comes the stipulated bill of sale of the right of repurchase, on 10September 163747.
44 ASPA, Conservatory of Registers, vol. 1140: Investitures pp. 121 and 122.
45 It was generated by Lieutenant Ferdinand Afan de Ribera, Duke of Alcalà, who succeeded to President of the Realm from1637 to 1647, nine years in which he rendered the roads of the island secure, and enriched Palermo with civic works. Under hisgovernment the head tax was instituted. The Sicilians were grouped in two classes: those who had unearned income and those thatearned wages. The former had to pay the amount their assets yielded in a day; the latter a day’s earnings. In 1647 he was named theViceroy of Sardinia, then he embraced the ecclesiastical life. Information from GIOVANNI EVANGELISTA DI BLASI,Chronological History of the Viceroys, Lieutenants and Presidents of the Realm of Sicily, vol. 30, Palermo, 1974, p. 104.At this time, around 1635, Don Luigi Moncada promotes the construction in Caltanissetta, in the quarter of Saint Venera, of theMoncada Palace, interrupted in 1638, on the hill of the noble square (architect Brother Peter from Genoa). Today, after a period ofdegradation, this palace is about to be restored, being the most important architectural monument of the city. Arch. DANIELA VULLO, Palace Moncada Bauffremont, yesterday, today, tomorrow, Caltanissetta 1986. 46 ASPA, Archive of Serradifalco, vol. 3, pp. 206 209.«Provided the price of the right of repurchase (jus luendi) of the Barony of Serradifalco could be resolved», 5 November 1637. 47 In it mention was made that the Most Excellent Don Luigi Moncada «had need of certain sums for the purpose ofdischarging various affected bondholders and creditors around the State of Caltanissetta. In order to avoid the distractions which thecreditors had begun, action was taken to sell to Don Giovanni Graffeo... the right to repurchase the Barony, which he had reserved inthe contract of sale of 6 June 1617». ASPA, Notary GIACINTO CINQUEMANI of Palermo, Contract of sale in ASPP, vol. 32, to p. I. «Purchase of the Barony ofSerradifalco and its fiefs of Lo Salacio and Grotta d’acqua, the commune of Falbaccaro, and the Casalotto [compound] andsurroundings of its capital».
46
Between the two feudatories comes an agreement. The Land will be sold at 18ounces per aratata. Nearly a month later comes the authorization of the Viceroy, on14 October, near the manor farm of the comune of Xaddira, in the house of ScipioneLicari, lord of that land, Don Giuseppe Di Forti, Secretary48 of the Most Illustriousand Most Excellent Don Luigi Moncada Aragon-La Cerba, Prince of Paternò, Dukeof Montalto, Count of Caltanissetta, "the present President and General Captain in theRealm of Sicily for S. C. M." and Don Giovanni Graffeo, Baron of Serradifalco, inthe presence of the Notary Arcangelo la Mammana of Caltanissetta, choose threeexperienced experts to measure the land49. On behalf of Moncada are selected Giuseppe Guarnisi of Monreale and thereverend Father Gabriel di Raimondo, of the Regular Teatini Clerics of SaintGiuseppe of Palermo; on behalf of Don Francesco Graffeo, Simone Savio of Nicosia.By 19 October 1637, the experts declare «to have measured, seen and reviewed thethree fiefs, evaluated them and found the following measurements:»(according to the measure of Caltanissetta)the fief of Serradifalco 31 aratate 1 salma - tumulithe fief Lo Salacio 17 " 2 " 4 "the fief Grotta dell'acqua 23 " which in total equal 71 aratate 3 salme 4 tumuli50
48 ASPA, Archives of Serradifalco, vol. 3, pp. 210 r through v.«Sale of the right of the Barony of Serradifalco and its fiefs from Don Alojsio Aragona-Moncada to Giovanni Graffeo».Duke Don Domenico Antonio Pietrasanta-Lo Faso asked for a transcript of this act on 26 December 1817.ASPA, Archives of Serradifalco, 3rd vol. p. 266. 49 ASPA, Archives of Serradifalco, vol. 3, pp. 225 228.Act of approval and selection of experts for the assessment of the three fiefs of Serradifalco, done for the Most Excellent Prince ofPaternò and Don Giovanni Graffeo.8 January VI 1637.The record of the experts has been reconstructed as well in ASCL, Notary Arcangelo MAMMANA. 50 Every aratata corresponded to 9 salme. 71 x 9 = 639 salme + 3 = 642 gross salme. The corda of Caltanissetta consisted of 22 canne per tumulo.ASCL, Notaro DI FRANCO, vol. 676, p. 41, in 1652.
The experts had also measured public tracts (6 salme and 8 tumuli of land)which, calculated at 18 ounces to every aratata, and by reason of 4.17 ounces perhundred, results in the entire price of the entire Barony of 28,127.29 ounces. Ofwhich, deducting the 19,737 ounces credited to Graffeo in compensation of thecontract of sale of 1617, there remained 8,390.29 ounces, to which was added the400 ounces extra promised by Graffeo, which therefore left a debt of 8,790 ouncesand 29 tari for the entire fulfillment of the price of the Barony. The three fiefs were sold with jus luendi, with the title of Baron, civil andcriminal jurisdiction, and all the other rights and pertinencies, as had been done withthe act of the Imperial Notary public of 6 June 1617. On 8 January 1638 the assessment of the experts was ratified, and GiovanniGraffeo deposited the sum of 8,000 ounces to the Duke of Montalto, and for him, toseveral of his affected creditors, as can be noted from various entries by the NotaryCinquemani, and from which creditors the new Baron obtained cessions of rights andbonds. The Land was finally free from creditors of every kind. Unfortunately, in spite of the sale of the land of Serradifalco, the state of debtof Moncada was not resolved. The King came to an agreement with him that hisStates would be placed in privileged deputation, separate from the Deputation ofStates51. The prodigal and garish nobility thoughtlessly consumed the rich patrimonywith various festivities, costumes, and annuities. In 1639 the Graffeo family, due to other small debts, still had credit on itsassets and States, by the Prince of Paternò52. "Ma mentre Cartagine piange, Roma non ride." But while Carthage cries, Rome does not laugh. This situation of uneasiness, which was becoming difficult for many Barons,does not spare our Graffeo family, which does not succeed in extracting its creditfrom other feudatories. The activity in the Land of Serradifalco demanded the involvement of theBaron to arrange a series of initiatives in order to organize the growing casalotto[compound?]. And in order "per fare rispettare le leggi ingabella a Filippo d'Amico,un malandrino palermitano originario di Mussomeli, la baglia della Baronia" toimpose respect for laws and [duties?] on Filippo d'Amico, a rogue from Palermo,originally from Mussomeli, the [winery?] of the Barony.
51 La Deputazione degli Stati era stata costituita nel 1600 con lo scopo di amministrare i patri moni indebitati, liberarli dapesi, obbligando i proprietari a forti risparmi.Al Moncada vennero annualmente concesse 4000 onze per alimenti, e 2000 per spese processuali; nel 1644 la somma complessivavenne elevata a 8000 onze. Ma era stato venduto un altro feudo, di Castellammare, il cui ricavato di onze 5000 era servito per pagareparte di altri debiti. TRICOLI, La Deputazione, cit., pag. 86, 278; MARRONE, Bivona, cit., pag. 287.
52 TRICOLI, La Deputazione, cit., pag. 278 284.
51 The Deputation of States was established in 1600 with the charge of administering indebted patrimonies, freeing themfrom debt and obligating the owners, by force, to save them.To the Moncadas went annual grants of 4,000 ounces for supplies, and 2,000 for legal expenses; in 1644 the total sum was elevatedto 8,000 ounces. But another fief, of Castellammare, had been sold, and the profit of 5,000 ounces was taken in order to pay part oftheir other debts.
TRICOLI, The Deputation, cit., pp. 86, 278; MARRONE, Bivona, cit., p. 287.
52 TRICOLI, The Deputation, cit., p. 278 284.
48
Already incidents have erupted over civil and criminal jurisdiction, with theOfficials of the Land of Caltanissetta, who have had disagreements with theCustomsmaster of Serradifalco, the miller of the mill at Grotta dell‘acqua, andtownspeople and debtors, over their boundary walls. And Graffeo writes to Moncadaof Paternò, reminding him that the land had been sold with mero e misto imperio[jurisdiction over life and death] and that their [Paternò’s] magistrates could not imposethemselves on its affairs53. Now, insists the Baron, once and for all, order must be imposed. Therefore, hepleads that the Prince of Paternò will send letters to all the civil functionaries ofCaltanissetta and his other States "not to impose themselves in matters of thejurisdiction of said Barony [Serradifalco] and its fiefs, nor to upset, nor to disturb, ourquiet and peaceful property". (We point out that by 1638 the Customshouse ofSerradifalco was already operating, and the mill of Grotta dell’acqua wasfunctioning). This memorandum is answered by Donna Maria, Princess of Paternò,pacifying Graffeo, and sending letters to the Superior Court of Montalto on 5 October163854.
53 ASPP, vol. 38, f. 1 e volume A f. 401; f. 371.«Mernoriale avanzato da D. Giovanni Graffeo possessore dello Stato di Serradifalco per cui volea mantenuto il mero e misto imperiovenduto assieme a detto stato».
54 ASPP, vol. 38, f. 5, Lettere della Corte Superiore ad istanza di D. Giovanni Graffeo, del 5 ottobre VII 1638.Avvennero altri contrasti ancora, ma due anni dopo Giuseppe La Voglia, gabelloto dello Stato di Ser radifalco, biasimava gli«impratichi ministri di Caltanissetta», ignari della formazione di una nuova baronia detta di Serradifalco, vicina alla Contea diCaltanissetta, indipendente, che possiede la sua giurisdizione, che ha le sue leggi sotto i Graffeo.1 Una volta la Terra era gravata al tempo dei Moncada di innumerevoli soggiogazioni, e continua La Voglia, «con queste notizie chesi conoscono in tutto il Regno, è difficile trovare borgesi inquilini ed altre persone necessarie per il seminerio, con grande danno per
Serradifalco e per Sua Cattolica Maestà e per il beneficio pubblico specie in questi tempi sterili e calamitosi».Chiese perciò ancora Lettere di salvaguardia in ampia forma per avere necessarie cautele. La Regia Gran Corte concesse le Lettererichieste, ordinando:«Non habbiate né dobbiate molestaredurante lo tempo della gabellané permettere siano pacto aliquo molestati inquietati né perturbati in beni né in persone esso esponente, soi inquilini herbaggeri,terraggeri, gabelloti, subgabelloti, conductori, detentori, pos sessori, et altri di dette baronie presenti et futuri».Non lo potevano disturbare Regia Gran Corte, né Città ed Università del Regno, né il Mastro Secreto o il Maestro Portulano, i Montidi Pietà, vedove, vergini, pupilli, orfani, persone miserabili, lochi pii, ed altri qualsivoglia persona... Insomma, era in una botte diferro!Le Lettere erano anche dirette al Presidente dei Tribunale della SS. Inquisizione di Girgenti ed alla Curia Spirituale di Serradifalco.ASPP, Volume A, f. 387, «Lettere di salvaguardia per lo Stato di Serradifalco, a favore di Giuseppe La Voglia», del 26 novembre1640. Altre nello stesso volume al f. 379, del 3 dicembre 1640.
53 ASPP, vol. 38, p. 1 and volume A p. 401; p. 371.«Memorandum advanced by Don Giovanni Graffeo, owner of the State of Serradifalco, for which he wishes maintained the mero emisto imperio, sold together with the said state.».
54 ASPP, vol. 38, p. 5, Letter of the Superior Court in the instance of Don Giovanni Graffeo, of 5 October VII 1638.Other conflicts still happened, but two years later Giuseppe La Voglia, overseer and tax receiver of the State of Serradifalco. blamedthe "inexperienced ministers of Caltanissetta", who were unaware of of the formation of a new barony, the said Serradifalco, neighborof the County of Caltanissetta, independent, which possesses its own jurisdiction, and which has its own law under the Graffeofamily.1 Once the Land was burdened at the time of the Moncadas by innumerable bonds, and La Voglia continues, "with these facts that are
known in all the Realm, it is difficult to find renters for the village and other persons necessary for sowing crops, with great damage
to Serradifalco and to His Catholic Majesty and the public good, especially in these sterile and calamitous times".He therefore asked for still more Letters of safeguard in broad terms to express the necessary cautions. The Royal Supreme Courtgranted the Letters demanded, ordering:"You must not harass during the time of the excise tax, nor allow, pacto aliquo, to be harassed , worried nor disturbed in theirholdings neither in person or through their representatives, whether they are renters of fields or land, overseers, sub-overseers,transporters, jailers, owners, or others of said present and future baronies".Neither the Royal Supreme Court, nor the City and University of the Realm, nor the Customsmaster or Harbormaster, nor the devoutBastions of the Church could disturb Serradifalco’s widows, virgins, pupils, orphans, wretches, local holy men, or any other person... In short, it was as secure as an iron cask! The Letters also were directed to the President of the Court of the Most Holy Inquisitionof Girgenti and to the Spiritual Curia of Serradifalco.ASPP, Volume A, p. 387, "Letters of safeguard for the State of Serradifalco, in favor of Giuseppe La Voglia", of 26 November 1640.Others in the same volume at p. 379, of 3 December 1640.
49
Without warning, or nearly so, Don Giovanni Graffeo, made an act of donationon 11 November 1640 of the Barony of Serradifalco to his son the minor Francesco,approximately five years old, born from his union with Antonina Sarzana-Ventimiglia, and to his heirs and successors55: "the Barony called Serradifalco, theBarony called Lo Salacio and the Barony named Grotta dell’acqua, with lands ofFalbaccaro, with their borders, laws and pertinencies, civil and criminal jurisdiction,power of the sword, indebted for a unit of armed cavalry for royal military service,and also with the right of jus luendi, the right of repurchase, and already operatingin the acquired land". Reserved was the right and the ability to revocate the entire donation beforedying, "if he should want to or like to". Therefore he creates an administator and governess of Francesco, his son andheir, with broad and free powers; not his wife Donna Antonina, but the mother of hiswife, his mother-in-law and grandmother of little Francesco, Donna Maria Sarzana-Ventimiglia, widow of Federico Ventìmiglia, with wide freedom to act in thegovernment and the administration of the Barony, excise taxes, rights, returns,proceeds and emoluments, declaring her free to name one or more proxies untilFrancesco reaches the age of 18 years "and not otherwise". He declares all this under oath, in front of the four figures of the Evangelists andby the hand of the Notary public. He declares to have already advanced to the RoyalCourt, long ago, the demand for the ability to found and to inhabit a new Land in theabove-named fiefs, and that such ability transfers and transmits to his son, for him andhis heirs to infinity; meaning therefore to support a new request that will put forwardthe name of his firstborn son Francesco Ventimiglia-Graffeo and have the appealfrom his grandmother, his procurator and administrator, turned over to the Court ofthe Royal Patrimony.
55 Donatio pro D. Francisco Graffeo cum D. Joanne Graffeo.«...consideraus et attendens ad maxirnum. amorem, maximarn benevolentiam quem et quam semper gessit erga Don FranciscumGraffeum et Ventimiglia infantemde proximo natum eius filium legitimurn et naturalem natum suscptum et procreatum ex eo et D. Antonina Graffeo et Ventimigliaeius uxor, volens illum et illam in partemdemonstrare sponte ac motu propriu ex eius certa scientia maturo et deliberato animo...dedit et donavitac dat et donat, et hujusmodi donationis et dationis titulo et causa habere licere concessit et concedit dicto Don Francisco Graffeo etVentimiglia pheuda et baroniam ... ». ASPP, vol. A, f. 381, all'11 novembre IX 1640.
In this way, Baron Giovanni wants to separate the destiny of his son from hisown, already seriously caught between debts and credits, and between the coils of asituation vitiated by the economy and his finances. The hope lives that that the young man can save the Noble House and theFamily, with the rise of a new town, and with the prospect of a better destiny, not faroff. The next day, 12 November, Donna Maria Sarzana-Ventimiglia, the newgovernor and administrator of his grandson Francesco, ingabella [indentures?] andsurrenders the State of Serradifalco to Giuseppe La Voglia, represented by GiulioCesino his proxy, with manor farms, crops, animals and everything else, includingexcise taxes, jurisdiction, creation of officials and factories ... from the 1st ofDecember 1640, for three years assured and three years on option, for 1,000 ouncesannually, 500 ounces to be paid in September and 500 ounces in January of everyyear56.
56 Lo stesso volume senza numero, che abbiamo indicato con «A», della ASPP, ai fogli 415 e 417 riporta partite di Tavolache dimostrano regolari pagamenti di onze 500 ciascuno fatti da Giulio Cesino per norme e parte di Giuseppe la Voglia per la gabelladi Terra e Baronia di Serradifalco.
56 The same unnumbered volume, which we have indicated with «A», from ASPP, at pages 415 and 417 shows portions ofa Table that demonstrates regular payments of 500 ounces each, made by Giulio Cesino by order and in behalf of Giuseppe la Vogliafor the excise tax on the Land and Barony of Serradifalco.
La licenza di popolare la Terra del FalcoIl nome della nuova Università
Attività - Usi Civici di Serradifalco
CHAPTER IV
THE PRIVILEGE OF FOUNDING A TOWN AND POPULATING IT6 DECEMBER 1640.
The permit to populate the Land of the FalconThe name of the new CommunityActivities - Uses of Serradifalco
La Licenza di popolare la Terra del Falco- 1640 -
The Permit to populate the Land of the Falcon- 1640 -
«Bisognava con ogni mezzo ridare il senso gioioso della vita dei campi, dissodare nuove terree spingere I feudatari a coltivare I loro feudi, se volevasi evitare lo spauracchio della fame cheincome sui centri piú cospicui di populazione, dai quali, specie dalle coste, emigravano a torme Icontadini verso l’interno».
Cosi inizia Garufi in un suo saggio su una terra feudale siciliana57.Siamo ai primi anni del 1600 e per la Corte Spagnuola e Filippo IV correvanoristrettezze economiche gravissime. Il vasto impero poteva considerare perduti il Portugallo, la Catalogna, le Azzore;
la guerra in Fiandra contro la Francia si prolungava ed aumentava il bisogno di armatie di denaro. Nel 1629 il Re ordinò al Vicerè di Sicilia di vendere tutto, «qualunque generode hazienda del Real Patrimonio», città ed feudi, pur di raccogliere denaro, insieme agebelle, terre, titoli di nobiltà, giurisdizione civile e criminale. Solo cosi si poteva soppierire ai bisogni «e saziare l’ingorda lupa della Corte diSpagna».
“While appreciating the joyful sense of life in the fields, new lands required plowing and thefeudatories must be encouraged to cultivate their fiefs, if they were to avoid the scarecrow ofhunger that threatened the larger population centers, from which, especially from the coasts, thepeasants emigrated in hordes towards the interior.”
Garufi begins in that way, in his treatise on a particular Sicilian feudal land57. We are in the early 1600s, and for the Spanish Court and Filippo IV, seriouseconomic constraints exist. The vast empire could consider Portugal, Catalonia, and the Azores lost; the warin Flanders against France prolonged itself and increased the need for arms andmoney. In 1629 the King orders the Viceroy of Sicily to sell everything, “whatever sortof holding of the Royal Patrimony”, cities and fiefs, and to collect money togetherwith excise taxes, lands, titles of nobility, and jurisdictions, civil and criminal. Only in this way could he support his needs “and sate the greedy wolf that wasthe Court of Spain”
57 CARLO ALBERTO GARUFI, Roccapalumba, dal feudo all’abolizione della feudalità, Palermo, 1922, pag. 29.
57 CARLO ALBERTO GARUFI, Roccapalumba, from feudal fief through the abolition of feudalism, Palermo, 1922, p. 29.
55
At that time “pirates infested the coasts of the mezzogiorno [southern Italy andSicily]”, Garufi writes further, “and famines followed one another with fearsomefrequency. Filippo IV, after having transferred the private goods of the crown, andbartered fiefs and titles, in 1638 requested another two million from his donors and inthe next year introduced two new taxes: those on printed paper and on contracts ofexchange, etc. Poverty became ever more threatening, but especially, as you can imagine, atime of the most abject political decadence, financial and economic, and of a majordepression”. Sicily, the conquered land, was prostrated by epidemics and overloadedwith taxes. In October 1636 the Viceroy, the Duke of Montalto and Prince of Paternò,
wishing to revive agriculture, “restricted by laws which tended to centralize theestates in the hands of the Barons, issued instructions about planting crops aimed atgiving aid to the villagers”. In 1639 the new Viceroy, the Count of Assumar, renewed the circular andpressed the feudatories to cultivate grain in their vast domains, and to give aid to “thetownspeople” dedicated to planting crops. An agrarian policy made out of words. The Barons, owners of diverse fiefs, thought to increase their income by making theirlands productive, but this could arise only with the presence and the participation ofmany colonists. To do this it was necessary to assemble as many people as possible, offer themcertain things, terms, gratuities, giving them the opportunity to lease with low rentlands and vineyards or or rural fields, offering plots to build homes or even putting attheir disposal houses already built. For our Land of Serradifalco, it was enough to develop the street plan, towhich no thought had ever been previously given, to ask the Treasury permission toestablish, or to give official recognition, to the Land that was abandoned until then. And also for the Viceroys, who asked for gifts to the realm, and imposed themat every moment, it was easy to tax the Permits for incorporation. With time, the taxreceivers found the opportunity to open this new font of resources for their stressedfinances, always increasing the compensation required for granting Permits.
56
We know that 100 ounces were paid for the Permit for Altamira, 120 forBorgetto and Montedoro, and that 400 of gold were paid for Alimena and Palma diMontechiaro. At that time, a new era began for Sicily, with possibly the most intensivedemographic movement encountered in the modern history of the island. In the first years of the age, it even can be said that no time passed that did notsee the birth of a new Università (that is, town, borough, or village). More than 80were established during the seventeenth century, and to every new Land that rosecame new colonists, impoverishing old centers and cities of the domain or ancientBaronial Lands, which had been thought to last forever. The List of Permits to Populate agreed to by the Feudatories of Sicily duringthe Seventeenth Century, compiled by Giuseppe Cosentino58, comprise 67 Permits ofwhich that of the 1st of April 1602 was given to Vincenzo Spucches for the Land ofClarastella, later called Molinazzo, and on 18 December 1699 to Gaspare La Gruttafor the establishment of Roccella, later Campofelice. His notes and observations seem to me to be the most complete of the lot. Ourgreatest interest is in the group of Towns near Serradifalco, in the province ofCaltanissetta itself:
Feudatario data della Nome del Nome della Licenza feudo nuova TerraGiulio Grimaldi 28 gennaio 1604 Risiaia e Monaco S. CaterinaNicolò Galletti 18 luglio 1607 Caliruni S. CataldoPietro Marino 3 settembre 1633 Vallelunga VallelungaDiego Aragona 29 marzo 1635 Balatazza MontedoroFrancesco Spatafora 30 gennaio 1635 Cacciuni e Michenesi Acquaviva
Maria Ventimigliamadre di FrancescoGraffeo (Errato!nonna)
6 dicembre 1640 Serra del Falco Serradifalco
Pietro Altariva 13 agosto 1647 Riesi e Cipolla Riesi, poi Altariva,poi Riesi
Giacinto Papè 29 aprile 1671 Vallelunga titolo diDuca con l'obbligodi popolare Pratameno
Feudatory date of the Name of the Name of the Permit fief new LandGiulio Grimaldi 28 January 1604 Risiaia and Monaco Santa CaterinaNicolò Galletti 18 July 1607 Caliruni San CataldoPietro Marino 3 September 1633 Vallelunga VallelungaDiego Aragona 29 March 1635 Balatazza MontedoroFrancesco Spatafora 30 January 1635 Cacciuni and Michenesi AcquavivaMaria Ventimigliamother of FrancescoGraffeo (Error!grandmother) 6 December 1640 Serra del Falco SerradifalcoPietro Altariva 13 August 1647 Riesi and Cipolla Riesi, later Altariva,
then RiesiGiacinto Papè 29 April 1671 Title of Duke of Vallelunga
with the obligation to populate Pratameno
58 GIUSEPPE COSENTINO, La Cartha memoria di Riesi o una falsificazione del secolo XIX, Palermo, 1907, pag. 67.
58 GIUSEPPE COSENTINO, The Historical Record of Riesi, or a counterfeit of the Eighteenth Century, Palermo, 1907,
p. 67.
57
The Permit to populate
To obtain the right to populate, it was customary to address the King or theViceroy for the privilege (which later was called the Permit), jus populandi [the rightto populate], to populate owned lands which were abandoned and uncultivated, and toerect a castle and a tower together at the new Università. The Graffeos had a few possibilities among which to choose. 1st to ask for the Permit directly from the Sovereign, who gave the applicantthe Permit, to present to the Viceroy for execution. 2nd to ask for the Permit from the Viceroy, who would grant a ViceregalLetter, pending royal approval. It was required to address the Sovereign, who woulddecide after requesting information from the authorities of the island59. Then the Permit was presented to the Viceroy or to the President of the Realmto be executed. A long and complicated procedure. It was a time in which the habitwas to make the request of the Viceroy, who directly issued the Permit. Many feudatories in the land had chosen this custom. Baroness Maria Sarzana-Ventimiglia60, the procurator and tutor of Francesco
Ventimiglia-Graffeo, wrote to the Viceroy. She made it known that Don Francescowas her grandchild, Baron of Serradifalco, Salacio and Grotta d'acqua and otherterritories, those bequests from his father, Don Giovanni Graffeo, in virtue of the actsof Notary Musanti of 11 November 1640; that she had already made a request for theoriginal Permit to populate to the Royal Court, which was being delayed; that theprincely fief of Serradifalco was distant from habitation, and because of this solitudewas infested with brigands; that the land was rich with waters, fecund with grain, andunfortunately remained uncultivated because of the absence of serfs.
59 Erano le famose Lettere locis convicinis a Secrezie e Giurati dei luoghi vicini che, temendo la migrazione dei loro vassalliper le nuove terre, e quindi la diminuzione delle proprie risorse, avan zavano quasi sempre difficoltà e frapponevano ostacoli. Anchese queste difficoltà si superavano... col denaro. 60 Il personaggio di Donna Maria Ventimiglia e Sarzana, vedova del fu D. Federico di Ventimi glia, è difficile collocarlonella storia complessa dei Ventimiglia. La Famiglia era nobilissima ed anti chissima, traeva origine da Clodoveo, re di Francia,nell'anno 480, si era diramata in tutta Europa. Il ramo siciliano prendeva origine da un Normanno discendente da Ruggero Guiscardo,ricco di do mini e terre e signorie nelle Madonie.Vedi ANTONIO MOGAVERO FINA, I Ventimiglia, Conti di Geraci e Conti di Collesano, Baroni di Grat teri e Principi diBelmonte, Palermo 1980; Idem, Profflo storico dei Ventimiglia, Signori delle Mado nie, Principi di Belmonte, Palermo, 1973;MUGNOS, Teatro, cit., vol. III, f. 513; SAVASTA, Il famoso Caso, cit.
59 There were the famous Lettere locis convicinis to Treasurers and Judges of the neighboring localities, who, fearing themigration of their serfs to new lands, and therefore the lessening of their own resources, nearly always advanced difficulty andscattered obstacles. But even these difficulties were overcome ... with money.
60 The person of Donna Maria Sarzana-Ventimiglia, widow of the late Don Federico di Ventimiglia, is difficult to place inthe complex history of the Ventimiglia. The family was most noble and most ancient, its origins were from Clodoveo [Clovis,Louis], king of France, in the year 480, and it had branches throughout Europe. The Sicilian branch originated from a Normandescendent of Ruggero Guiscardo, rich of dominions, lands and lordships in Madonie.See ANTONIO MOGAVERO FINA, The Ventimiglia, Counts of Geraci and Counts of Collesano, Barons of Gratteri and Princesof Belmonte, Palermo 1980; Idem, Historical Profile of the Ventimiglia, Lords of Madonie, Princes of Belmonte, Palermo, 1973;MUGNOS, The Theatre, cit., vol. III, p. 513; SAVASTA, The Famous Case, cit.
58
A new population would have to be subservient to the Royal Court for drafts(extraction of cereals) and to the convenience of the public. That year the Viceroywas Don Francesco de Mello di Braganza, Count of Assumar, who had left in Sicilyin August 1640 Monsignor Pietro Corsetto, Bishop of Cefalù, as Governor of theRealm61. With due insistence on the Royal Court and the Tribunal of the RoyalPatrimony, in less than a month, the Office of the Chief Notary of the Realm decreedto grant a Licence to populate "jus populandi", granting it to Don Francesco Graffeo,Baron of Serradifalco, represented by his administrator and governess, hisgrandmother Donna Maria Sarzana-Ventimiglia, on 6 December of 1640.
For the “good of the realm” the Governor conceded the power to theBaroness, and to the heirs and successors of young Francesco, to construct, erect, andgather residents for a new population center in one of the fiefs of her choice of theBarony, considering the altitude of the site and the quality of the wind, theconvenience of forests, water and other necessities for building a new habitation.
He gave her the power to erect a tower, fort - fortified castle - and equippingit with walls, turrets and other necessities of fortification.
In the new Land, the Baron acquired every right to impose levies, duties,bail, rent, zàgato and any other fees, as the other Barons of the Realm did with theirvassals. The Permit thus issued, as can be seen, was all-encompassing, with nodefect, and lacked nothing.
He empowered her also to name the Castlekeeper, the Jailer, the Captain ofthe Guard, the Judge and the other officials necessary, liked by and available to theBaron, with every honor and duty, “usual and customary”, held by the other Jurors,Judges, and Officials of the other Lands of the Realm. And finally, the right to elect,create, and ordain, and also to remove or re-appoint them as many times as seemednecessary by the Baron.
61 Corsetto, born in 1577, was famous in Sicily in the legal Sciences, and by his merit he had been Pretorian Judge, Masterof Logic, and President of the Consistory. In 1636 his wife had died and he had embraced ecclesiastics. In 1638 King Filippo hadnamed him Bishop of Cefalù. He exercised the office of Governor in 1640, for one year, with zeal and prudence. Monsignor Corsettodied in 1643.Di BLASI, Viceroys, cit., vol. III, p. 119; GIUSEPPE M. MIRA, Sicilian Bibliography, Palermo, 1875, p. 263; Diary of Thingsoccuring in the City of Palermo and in the Kingdom of Sicily from 19 August to 16 December 1652, compiled by doctor DonVINCENZO AURIA of Palermo, Historical Bibliography and Letters of Sicily, Bologna, '73, vol. III.
59
The Baroness had more license; to contract laws of the land, ordinances,statutes or other, with the new vassals. A copy of the Permit was sent to the Chief Justice, to the President of theRoyal Court, to the Judges of the Royal Supreme Court, to the Masters of Logic, tothe Treasurer and the Conservator of the Royal Patrimony, to the Fiscal Procuratorand the other Officials of the Realm in order to have them adopt it, to execute and toobserve under penalty of 1000 ducats to be paid to the Royal Treasury. Don Pietro Giovanni Guercio, Treasurer of the Royal Supreme Court,declared that in the name of and for Donna Maria Ventimiglia he had received thesum of 400 (four hundred) ounces in coin of the Realm “for the permit received fromthe Tribunal of the Royal Patrimony permitting habitation of one of the fiefs of theBarony of Serradifalco situated and located in this Kingdom and in the Valley ofMazzara and in execution of the provision made on the 23rd of this last November inresponse to the memorandum of Donna Maria for the above solvendis uncias
quatricenti habeat licentiam”62. An ordinary Permit, without particular favors or privileges, rights, orresponsibility to populate the fief at a given time or in a given place. The Littere locis convicinis are missing. Not even a slight mention was made of mero e misto imperio [power over life
and death], since the fiefs were de membris of the State and appurtenances of the
County of Caltanissetta, and on 6 June 1617 they had been sold by AntonioMoncada to Francesco Graffeo “with jurisdiction civil and criminal, high and low,mero e misto imperio, with every power of the sword, privilege and otherwise, to thesaid fiefs appertaining to ... ”.
Il nome della nuova Università
Il nome comunemente veniva scelto dallo stesso feudatario ed indica to nellaLicenza di popolare. Nel nostro caso non si fece alcun cenno spe cifico. Del resto c'era libertà. Molti Baroni sceglievano nomi di Santi (S. Ca terina,S. Ninfa, S. Cataldo); altri adottavano il cognome della rispettiva Famiglia (Lercara,da Francesco Lercaro, Lucca da Francesco Lucchese, Ventimiglia da BeatriceVentimiglia, Altariva da Pietro Altariva).
The name of the new Community
The name commonly was chosen by the feudatory himself and indicated in thePermit to populate. In our case, no specific hint was given. For the rest, there had been leeway. Many Barons chose the names of Saints(Santa Caterina, Santa Ninfa, San Cataldo); others adopted the surnames of therespective Family: (Lercara, by Francesco Lercaro, Lucca by Francesco Lucchese,Ventimiglia by Beatrice Ventimiglia, Altariva by Pietro Altariva).
62 ASPP, volume “A”, p. 393, 5 December 1640.
60
More than a few Lands kept the same names as the fiefs in which they werefounded: Comitini, Baucina, and Calamonici. Our Land therefore could have calleditself Salacia or Grotta dell'Acqua, or Graffea. It called itself Serradifalco after the fiefof the same name, in which it rose.
Iniziava per il feudatario un periodo di grande ed intensa attività. Se volevache la nuova Università fosse popolata e avesse fortuna c'e ra proprio da rimboccarsile maniche e lavorare. Nessuno pensi che da quel giorno 6 dicembre, sotto Natale,due giorni prima della festa dell'Im macolata arrivassero mastri e muratori, camions eruspe a sbancare col linette, aprire fondamenta ed innalzare edifici. In genere,l'abbiamo già detto, esisteva una masseria con il Palazzo del Barone, con i suoimagazzi ni, le fosse, alcune case per i soprastanti, altri catoi e dammusi per i contadini, che venivano a lavorarvi e vi trascorrevano settimane, mesi o anni, lontanidalle famiglie e della vie di comunicazione.
Activities
There began for the feudatory a period of great and intense activity. If theywished that the new Community would be populated and would have luck, they hadto just roll up their sleeves and work. No one thought that on that day 6 December,before Christmas, two days before the feast of the Immaculate Virgin there wouldarrive master builders and masons, trucks and excavators to shape the hills, openfoundations and raise edifices. As we have already said, there was a manor farm withthe Palace of the Baron, with his warehouses, the moats, some houses for thesuperintendents, and other shacks and stone houses for the peasant farmers, whocame to work and passed weeks, months or years far from their families and from anymeans of communication.
It was necessary to estimate the situation well and spontaneously, for theamenity of the place, the abundance of water, the fertility of the land and many otherreasons, to create it years and decades before meeting its potential. Those attempting to establish a new Land, or the reasonable cultivation of afief, did not always succeed. Often the lack of communications, the low fertility ofsoils, the insufficient facilities granted by the feudatories and the lack of water werereasons to decide to abandon the lands soon after inception. And the talk - rumors fly- circulated between colonists and vassals, in the markets and at the fairs. Soon after the act of approval, which Giovanni Graffeo had given to his tominor son Francesco, Donna Maria passed the action on, indenturing and obligingthe Barony of Serradifalco to Giuseppe La Voglia, who had singular influence andprestige in the region, to impose law and discourage the usual rogues and raiders ofthe countryside, or bandits and gang members of the comune63.
63 Anche tra le carte spesso è facile notare lo stato d'animo dei nostri personaggi. All'8 novem bre 1640 era già statostipulato un atto in cui D. Giovanni Graffeo, barone, stipulava con D. Ignazio la gabella dello stato con Giulio Cesino. Questo atto fucancellato. Il Barone Giovanni pensò che proprio da quell'atto di arrendamento potevano inziare le nuove attività a nome del figlio edella suocera, il nuovo gruppo dirigente. Fu cancellato, e ripetuto in seguito da Donna Maria Ventimiglia e Sarzana, a nome delnuovo Proprietario e Barone il giovane D. Francesco Graffeo.ASPA, Atti Notaro MUSANTI, vol. 14528, f. 57.
63 Also, from the papers, it is easy to see the state of mind of our personages. On 8 November 1640 there had alreadybeen stipulated an act in which Don Giovanni Graffeo, baron, arranged with Don Ignazio the indenture of the state to Giulio Cesino.This act was cancelled. Baron Giovanni thought that directly fom that act of rendering they could start the new activities in the nameof the son and mother-in-law, the new management group. It was cancelled, and repeated in turn by Donna Maria Sarzana-Ventimiglia, in the name of the new Proprietor and Barone, the youth Don Francesco Graffeo.ASPA, Notary Acts MUSANTI, vol. 14528, p 57.
La Baronessa ed il Procuratore vennero quindi nel feudo a prendervi dimora, eseguire da vicino la costituzione della nuova Università. Già borgesi e contadinivenivano in cerca di lavoro per periodi più o meno lunghi, bisognava ora crearecondizioni ideali affinché molti vi fissassero stabile dimora, sino a suscitare unacolonia fiorente di attività. La voce si sparse nei paesi vicini e jurnatari, misalori eannalori, provenienti da comuni di versi, cominciarono a prendere chiuse di terre, cheavevano beverature, e ricche sorgenti di acqua. I Graffeo non concessero particolariagevola zioni. Nessun documento, per esempio, parla di terre comuni (fondi apertinei quali la popolazione poteva cacciare, far legna, ecc.). Gli abitanti, è evidente, nongodettero mai di usi civici cioè di diritti di condurre a pa scolare, legnare, estrarregesso, calce, pietra, raccogliere olive, erbe, fra sche, lumache, funghi e così via,gratuitamente, senza obbligo di versare canoni né ai Graffeo né ai Lo Faso.
The Baroness-Procurator then came to the fief to take residence, and soonthereafter to develop the new Community nearby. Already, townspeople and peasantfarmers had come in search of work for periods more or less lengthy, and now it wasnecessary to create ideal conditions so that many would build permanent dwellings,until they had developed a community flourishing with activities. The word wasspread in nearby towns, and in journals, missals, and annals of various towns, andpeople began to enclose land that had drinking water and was rich with flowingstreams. The Graffeos did not grant some specific activities. No document, forexample, speaks of terre comuni (open areas in which the population could hunt, cutwood, etc.). The inhabitants, it is evident, never enjoyed the right to graze animals,cut wood, extract chalk, lime, or stone; to pick olives, herbs, berries, mushrooms andsuch things free of charge, neither from Graffeo nor from Lo Faso, without beingobliged by various rules.
Non ebbero obbligo di corrispondere angarie (prestazioni e servizi gra tuiti dilavoro ed opere), dovute in ragione di alcune giornate per anno, in cambio diprotezione accordata dal Barone ai suoi vassalli, senza diritto a mercedi; népèrangarie (gli stessi servizi forzati con mercede). Né di pagare ogni anno decime diprodotti o bestiame, come a Mezzojuso e Lercara, o prestare una giornata di lavoro almese per i bisogni del Barone; o corrispondere ogni anno frumento e vari tarì, galline,o carichi di paglia e di legna, come a Campofranco e Casteltermini; o costruire stanzee letti per il feudatario come a Lercara, e portare acqua al servizio del Padrone esaldare la tassa della fascia per la nascita dei suoi figli64. «Ad oneri maggioririspondono, scrive Garufi, diritti maggiori, ad oneri minori rispondono diritti minori».
But neither were the people obliged to give angarie (free labor), reasonablydue for some number of days per year, in exchange for protection accorded by theBaron to his vassals, without entitling him to goods; nor pèrangarie (the sameservices, but including goods). Nor to pay every year one tenth of produce orlivestock, as in Mezzojuso and Lercara, or spending a day of work per month for theneeds of the Baron; or to pay every year with wheat and various taxes, poultry, orloads of straw and wood, as in Campofranco and Casteltermini; or building roomsand beds for the feudatory as in Lercara, and carrying water in the service of thePadrone and paying taxes for swaddling clothes at the birth of his children64.“Greater privileges correspond to great duties” writes Garufi, “to lesser duties, lesserrights.”
64 Nel 1501 a Mezzojuso i vassalli pagavano un tarì per casa, la decima sui prodotti e gli anima li, un canone sulla terra,l'opera gratuita per riparare i mulini, una giornata di lavoro per ogni masi nata, il dono di una gallina o porcellino o agnello per ogni
famiglia per festa di San Giovanni...A Campofranco e Casteltermini (1573 e 1625) 3 tarì per casa, per corredino o fascia del figlio del Barone, un carico di legna e uno dipaglia, ogni anno fornire 2 galline, 2 capponi, 2 pollastre, 2 gallet ti e 2 piccioni...Nei Capitoli di San Michele di Ganzaria decima per i cereali, 1 tarì e una gallina all'anno, preferenza nella vendita della roba delBarone...Altri balzelli in Aidone, Cefalù...Vedi per tutti: GIUSEPPE TESTA, Il Principato di Campofranco nel feudo Fontana di li Rosi, Agri gento, 1973.
64 In 1501 in Mezzojuso the vassals paid one tarì coin per house, one tenth of their produce and livestock, a rent on theland, free labor for repairing the mill, a day of work for every month, and a gift of one hen or lamb for every family for the feast ofSaint John…In Campofranco and Casteltermini (1573 and 1625) 3 tarì per house, for supplies or swaddling clothes for the son of the Baron, aload of wood and one of straw, every year providing 2 hens, 2 capons, 2 chicks, 2 grouse and 2 pigeons...In the Capital of San Michele di Ganzaria one tenth of the grains, 1 tarì and one hen per year, and preference to the Baron in the priceof goods...Other unjust taxes in Aidone and Cefalù...For a full account see: GIUSEPPE TESTA, The Principality of Campofranco in the fief Fountain of the Roses, Agrigento, 1973.
62
«Queste le massime fondamentali economiche che regolavano i rapporti fra feudatarie comunisti (abitanti del comune), secondo l'antica e sempre nuova legge economicadell'offerta e della ri chiesta»65.
“These were the fundamental economic principles that regulated the relationshipbetween the feudatories and the comunisti (inhabitants of the town); secondly theancient but always new economic law of supply and demand”65.
Serradifalco, come Roccapalumba (per fare un esempio con l'opera del Garufi)fu meno oppresso di «gravezze feudali». I suoi vassalli non possedettero particolaridiritti e privilegi (usi civici, terre promiscue, ecc.) di cui altrove borgesi e contadinigodevano... in cambio di oneri maggiori. Così come furono disponibili a pagare untarì per ogni famiglia per ogni suolo di casa66.
Serradifalco, like Roccapalumba (to make an example from the work ofGarufi) was less oppressed by the “burdens of the feudal system”. Its vassals did nothave certain rights and privileges (civic uses, common tracts, etc.) which some othervillagers and peasant farmers enjoyed... but in exchange for greater burdens. Therefore they were able to pay one tarì for every family, for every house lot66.
Siamo in piena epoca feudale, ma Donna Maria Ventimiglia e Graffeo noncostrinse con la forza a popolare i suoi feudi. Non abbiamo noti zie dì sorprusi o forzabaronale. Pensò invece di tenere in economia i feudi e gabellarli, per migliorare lacoltura; provvedere i lavoratori con una mag giore prestazione di servizi, dai soccorsiin natura per la terra agli animali da lavoro; concedere fondi rustici in enfiteusi aprezzi non onerosi; co struire case per i nuovi vassalli e darle loro in affitto; costruirela chiesa (dedicata a San Francesco di Paola) e chiamarvi fl cappellano, il curato chebattezzassero i loro bambini nati nella nuova Terra, o benedicessero i matrimoni tra iprimi venuti o seppellissero i loro morti...
We are fully in the feudal epoch, but Donna Maria Ventimiglia and Graffeodid not populate their fief by force. We have no record of beatings or baronial force.They believed instead in holding their fiefs through economics and by enrichingthem, by improving cultivation; providing the workers with greater services, by
helping to provide forage-land for the beasts of burden; granting verdant rural fieldsat prices that were not burdensome; constructing houses for the new vassals andletting them for rent; building the church (dedicated to San Francesco of Paola) andsummoning a chaplain, a caretaker who baptized their children born in the new Land,or blessed the marriages between the newly arrived, or buried their dead...
A molti piacquero questi modi semplici e cordiali, accettarono la mo destia deicensi, e certamente trovarono quelle agevolazioni e comodità che non avevanotrovato altrove. Accettarono, certamente, anche le privative del Barone e i suoi diritti feudali,che erano una regola e non l'eccezione, di molire nei suoi mulini, di comprare nellesue botteghe, di cuocere il pane nei suoi forni, od acqui stare la carne nelle sueboccerie e macelli. Ed acconsentirono alla sua giurisdizione civile e criminale, che per gli onestiera una garanzia di vita semplice e non turbata da malandrini e av venturieri. «E così, scrive la Fallico67, si avviò il paziente lavoro collettivo cuiprendevano parte gli umili e potenti, le persone colte e gli illiterati i quali tuttitendenti alla stessa mèta, realizzavano insieme ilprogrammapre disposto».
To many these simple and cordial ways were pleasing, and they accepted themodest restrictions, and certainly realized some facilities and comforts they had notfound elsewhere. They also accepted, certainly, the prerogatives of the Baron and his feudalrights, which were the rule and not the exception, to grind flour in their mills, topurchase from their shops, to cook bread in their ovens, and to obtain meat at theirbutchers and slaughterhouses. And they consented to his civil and criminal jurisdiction, which for thehonest was a guarantee of a simple life undisturbed by rogues and adventurers. “And in this way,” writes la Fallico67, “went the patient collective laboraccepted on the part of the humble and the powerful, persons of culture andilliterates, who all marched to the same beat, together realizing the pre-ordainedplan”.
65 GARUFI, Roccapalumba, cit., pag. 75. 66 M. R.: Memoria per Signor Duca di Serradifalco contro il Sindaco della Comune di Serradi falco ed il Procuratore delRepresso il Tribunale Civile di Caltanissetta come parte principale, Paler mo, 1854. 67 GRAZIA FALLICO BURGARELLA, Introduzione in Le Aquile Rosse dei Campo di Giuseppe TE STA, Caltanissetta,1990.
65 GARUFI, Roccapalumba, cit., p. 75. 66 Royal Memoranda: Memorandum for the Lord Duke of Serradifalco versus the Mayor of the Comune of Serradifalcoand the Procurator of the King, before the Civil Tribunal of Caltanissetta, principal session, Paler mo, 1854. 67 GRAZIA FALLICO BURGARELLA, Introduction to The Red Eagles of the House of Campo by Giuseppe TESTA,Caltanissetta, 1990.
63
Era un'impresa entusiasmante, per quanto finanziariamente rischio sa, chetendeva a creare le premesse per la crescita della nuova Terra, lo sviluppo delleattività agricole e commerciali, il progresso economico di tutto il territorio. Pagina
bellissima che dovrebbe anche rivalutare la tan to vilipesa feudalità, solitamenteconsiderata un elemento negativo della storia siciliana «ma che in realtà, traMedioevo ed Età Moderna, colonizzò l'isola». It was an enthusiastic enterprise, however risky financially, which leant itself tocreate the premise for the growth of a new Land, the development of agricultural andcommercial activities, and the economic progress of the whole territory. A beautifulpage of history which calls for the re-evaluation of vile feudalism, usually considereda negative element of Sicilian history “but which in truth, between Medieval timesand the modern age, colonized the island”.
E Donna Maria con il nipote D. Francesco Graffeo, come Vincenzo MariaTermini (Casteltermini), Lionello Lercaro (Lercara Friddi), Ottavio Lanza (Trabia),Carlo Carafa (Grammichele), Placido Fardella (Paceco), Pietro Altariva (Riesi),Diego Aragona (Montedoro), Giovanni Campo (Campofranco), Giacinto Papè(Vallelunga), e molti altri, in quell'epoca, portarono il loro contributo pietra su pietra,come dice il Sorge, al grande edificio della storia della Sicilia. «Fu una delle impresepiù grandiose, scrive Trasselli68, che la storia della Sicilia possa vantare». And Donna Maria with her grandson Don Francesco Graffeo, like VincenzoMaria Termini (Casteltermini), Lionello Lercaro (Lercara Friddi), Ottavio Lanza(Trabia), Carlo Carafa (Grammichele), Placido Fardella (Paceco), Pietro Altariva(Riesi), Diego Aragona (Montedoro), Giovanni Campo (Campofranco), GiacintoPapè (Vallelunga), and many others, in that epoch, brought their contribution stoneby stone, as Sorge says, to the great edifice that is the history of Sicily. “It was one ofthe most prodigious enterprises,” writes Trasselli68, that “the history of Sicily canboast of.”
Colonizzazione del latifondo... quante volte tale espressione è com parsa nellastampa scientifica o quotidiana o impegnata, da quando si parla di QuestioneMeridionale! Ebbene, un Barone come la Graffeo, senza aiuto della Cassa del Mezzogiorno e senza leggi sullo scorporo del latifondo, seppe realizzare la colonizzazione di Serradífalco. E nella nuova Terra paraspulari e vurdunari, gente umile ma attiva, curatoli epicurari, ed agricoltori, ed artigiani, barbieri, ciabattini, fale gnami e muratori, preseroin affitto le case e aprirono le loro botteghe nel corso principale, e nella piazza tra lachiesa e il Palazzo del Barone, per 1 una nuova vita, una nuova era per i lorodiscendenti a venire. The colonization of the latifondo... How many times that expression hasappeared in scientific papers, or the daily press or in debate, when the Southern Issueis spoken of! Well, a Baron like Graffeo, without the help of the Bank of the Mezzogiornoand without laws on the subdivision of the latifondo, knew how to achieve thecolonization of Serradifalco.. And in the new Land, weavers and muleteers, humble people but productiveones, doctors and shepherds, and farmers, and artisans, barbers, cobblers, carpentersand masons, rented the houses and opened their shops on the main street and in thepiazza between the church and the Palace of the Baron, for a new life and a new erafor their descendants yet to come.
Usi civici di Serradifalco
Abbiamo già visto che il nostro feudatario non accordò mai ai suoi vassalli,sin dal 1640, alcun diritto di acquare o portare gli animali al pa scolo nelle «terre
comuni», o prendere pietre, calce, né prima né dopo la Licenza di popolare. Nonsuccesse con i Graffeo né con i Lo Faso.
Civic uses of Serradifalco
We have already seen that our feudatory never accorded his vassals, since1640, any right to water or to bring their livestock to pasture in “common lands”, orto extract rock or chalk, neither before nor after the Permit to populate. It didn’thappen with the Graffeos, nor with the Lo Fasos.
68 TESTA, Il Principato, cit. Introduzione di Carmelo TRASSELLI, pag. X.
68 TESTA, The Principality, cit. Introduction by Carmelo TRASSELLI, p. X.
64
E particolarmente Francesco Graffeo, quando ricevette il Privilegio dipopolare i suoi feudi, non assunse alcuna obbligazione in favore dei nuovi abitanti delborgo. Allorché il 16 dicembre 1812 il Parlamento Siciliano dichiarò abolita la
feudalità, la classe dei contadini e degli operai molto lentamente comin ciò a prenderecoscienza della sua forza. Nasceva un nuovo equilibrio tra due istituzioni: i gabelloti ei vassalli, forza predominante, contro i feudatari. Ogni comune, si può dire, iniziò la sua causa per gli Usi civici contro il suoBarone; e tutti furono messi sotto accusa.
And particularly Francesco Graffeo [Grifeo], when he received the Permit topopulate his fiefs, did not assume any obligation in favor of the new inhabitants of thetown.. And so, when on December 16 1812 the Sicilian Parliament declared theabolition of feudalism, the classes of peasant farmers and laborers very slowly beganto consciously realize their strength. A new equilibrium emerged between twoinstitutions: the overseers and the serfs, a predominant force, against the feudatories. Every village, it may be said, began its own suit for Civic Uses against itsBaron, and all the Barons were put under accusation.
65
Images from the book
The fountain "Testa di l'acqua" "Grotta d'acqua" (Cave of the water)
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