South Africa (see map) is a country blessed with an abundance of natural resources including fertile farmlands and unique mineral resources. South African mines are world leaders in the production of diamonds and gold as well as strategic metals such as platinum. The climate is mild, reportedly resembling the San Francisco bay area weather more than anywhere in the world.South Africa was colonized by the English and Dutch in the seventeenth century. English domination of the Dutch descendents (known as Boers or Afrikaners) resulted in the Dutch establishing the new colonies of Orange Free State and Transvaal. The discovery of diamonds in these lands around 1900 resulted in an English invasion which sparked the Boer War. Following independence from England, an uneasy power-sharing between the two groups held sway until the 1940's, when the Afrikaner National Party was able to gain a strong majority. Strategists in the National Party invented apartheid as a means to cement their control over the economic and social system. Initially, aim of the apartheid was to maintain white domination while extending racial separation. Starting in the 60's, a plan of ``Grand Apartheid'' was executed, emphasizing territorial separation and police repression.With the enactment of apartheid laws in 1948, racial discrimination was institutionalized. Race laws touched every aspect of social life, including a prohibition of marriage between non-whites and whites, and the sanctioning of ``white-only'' jobs. In 1950, the Population Registration Act required that all South Africans be racially classified into one of three categories: white, black (African), or colored (of mixed decent). The coloured category included major subgroups of Indians and Asians. Classification into these categories was based on appearance, social acceptance, and descent. For example, a white person was defined as ``in appearance obviously a white person or generally accepted as a white person.'' A person could not be considered white if one of his or her parents were non-white. The determination that a person was ``obviously white'' would take into account ``his habits, education, and speech and deportment and demeanor.'' A black person would be of or accepted as a member of an African tribe or race, and a colored person is one that is not black or white. The Department of Home Affairs (a government bureau) was responsible for the classification of the citizenry. Non-compliance with the race laws were dealt with harshly. All blacks were required to carry ``pass books'' containing fingerprints, photo and information on access to non-black areas.In 1951, the Bantu Authorities Act established a basis for ethnic government in African reserves, known as ``homelands.'' These homelands were independent states to which each African was assigned by the government according to the record of origin (which was frequently inaccurate). All political rights, including voting, held by an African were restricted to the designated homeland. The idea was that they would be citizens of the homeland, losing their citizenship in South Africa and any right of involvement with the South African Parliament which held complete hegemony over the homelands. From 1976 to 1981, four of these homelands were created, denationalizing nine million South Africans. The homeland administrations refused the nominal independence, maintaining pressure for political rights within the country as a whole. Nevertheless, Africans living in the homelands needed passports to enter South Africa: aliens in their own country.In 1953, the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act were passed, which empowered the government to declare stringent states of emergency and increased penalties for protesting against or supporting the repeal of a law. The penalties included fines, imprisonment and whippings. In 1960, a large group of blacks in Sharpeville refused to carry their passes; the government declared a state of emergency. The emergency lasted for 156 days, leaving 69 people dead and 187 people wounded.

Wielding the Public Safety Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act, the white regime had no intention of changing the unjust laws of apartheid.Apartheid (Afrikaans pronunciation: [ ɐˈ part ɦɛ it] ; an Afrikaans [1]  word meaning 'the state of being apart', literally 'apart -hood '[2][3]) was a system of racial segregation in South Africa enforced through legislation by the National Party (NP) governments, the ruling party from 1948 to 1994, under which the rights of the majority black inhabitants were curtailed and Afrikaner minority rule was maintained. Apartheid was developed after World War II by the Afrikaner-dominated National Party and Broederbond organisations and was practised also in South West Africa, which was administered by South Africa under a League of

Nations mandate (revoked in 1966 via United Nations Resolution 2145),[4] until it gained independence as Namibia in 1990.[5]

Racial segregation in South Africa began in colonial times under Dutch rule.[6] Apartheid as an official policy was introduced following the general election of 1948. Legislation classified inhabitants into four racial groups, "black", "white", "coloured", and "Indian", with Indian and coloured divided into several sub-classifications,[7] and residential areas were segregated, sometimes by forced removals. Non-white political representation was abolished in 1970, and starting in that year black people were deprived of their citizenship, legally becoming citizens of one of ten tribally based self-governing homelands called bantustans, four of which became nominally independent states. The government segregated education, medical care, beaches, and other public services, and provided black people with services inferior to those of white people.[8]

Apartheid sparked significant internal resistance and violence, and a long arms and trade embargo against South Africa.[9] Since the 1950s, a series of popular uprisings and protests was met with the banning of opposition and imprisoning of anti-apartheid leaders. As unrest spread and became more effective and militarised, state organisations responded with repression and violence. Along with the sanctions placed on South Africa by the international community, this made it increasingly difficult for the government to maintain the regime.Apartheid reforms in the 1980s failed to quell the mounting opposition, and in 1990 President Frederik

Willem de Klerk began negotiations to end apartheid,[10]culminating in multi-racial democratic elections in 1994, won by the African National Congress under Nelson Mandela. The vestiges of apartheid still shape South African politics and society. Although the official abolishing of apartheid occurred in 1990 with repeal of the last of the remaining apartheid laws, the end of apartheid is widely regarded as arising from the 1994 democratic general electionsUnder the 1806 Cape Articles of Capitulation the new British colonial rulers were required to respect previous legislation enacted under Roman Dutch law [11]  and this led to a separation of the law in South Africa from English Common Law and a high degree of legislative autonomy. The governors and assemblies that governed the legal process in the various colonies of South Africa were launched on a different and independent legislative path from the rest of the British Empire.In the days of slavery, slaves required passes to travel away from their masters. In 1797 the Landdrost and Heemraden of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinett (the Dutch colonial governing authority) extended pass

laws beyond slaves and ordained that all Khoikhoi (Hottentots) moving about the country for any purpose should carry passes.[6] This was confirmed by the British Colonial government in 1809 by the Hottentot Proclamation, which decreed that if a Khoikhoi were to move they would need a pass from their master or a local official.[6] Ordinance No. 49 of 1828 decreed that prospective black immigrants were to be granted passes for the sole purpose of seeking work.[6] These passes were to be issued for Coloureds and Khoikhoi, but not for other Africans, but other Africans were still forced to carry passes.The United Kingdom's Slavery Abolition Act 1833 (3 & 4 Will. IV c. 73) abolished slavery throughout the British Empire and overrode the Cape Articles of Capitulation. To comply with the act the South African legislation was expanded to include Ordinance 1 in 1835, which effectively changed the status of slaves to indentured labourers. This was followed by Ordinance 3 in 1848, which introduced an indenture

system for Xhosa that was little different from slavery. The various South African colonies passed legislation throughout the rest of the nineteenth century to limit the freedom of unskilled workers, to increase the restrictions on indentured workers and to regulate the relations between the races.The Franchise and Ballot Act of 1892 instituted limits based on financial means and education to the black franchise,[12] and the Natal Legislative Assembly Bill of 1894 deprived Indians of the right to vote.[13] In 1905 the General Pass Regulations Act denied blacks the vote, limited them to fixed areas and inaugurated the infamous Pass System.[14] The Asiatic Registration Act (1906) required all Indians to register and carry passes.[15] In 1910 the Union of South Africa was created as a self-governing dominion, which continued the legislative programme: the South Africa Act (1910) enfranchised whites, giving them complete political control over all other racial groups while removing the right of blacks to sit in parliament,[16] the Native Land Act (1913) prevented blacks, except those in the Cape, from buying land outside "reserves",[16] the Natives in Urban Areas Bill (1918) was designed to force blacks into "locations",[17] the Urban Areas Act (1923) introducedresidential segregation and provided cheap labour for industry led by white people, the Colour Bar Act (1926) prevented blacks from practising skilled trades, the Native Administration Act (1927) made the British Crown, rather than paramount chiefs, the supreme head over all African affairs,[18] the Native Land and Trust Act (1936) complemented the 1913 Native Land Act and, in the same year, the Representation of Natives Act removed previous black voters from the Cape voters' roll and allowed them to elect three whites to Parliament.[19] One of the first pieces of segregating legislation enacted by Jan Smuts' United Party government was the Asiatic Land Tenure Bill

(1946), which banned land sales to Indians.[20]

The United Party government began to move away from the rigid enforcement of segregationist laws during World War II.[21] Amid fears integration would eventually lead to racial assimilation, the legislature established the Sauer Commission to investigate the effects of the United Party's policies. The commission concluded that integration would bring about a "loss of personality" for allracial groups.The election of 1948[edit]Main article: South African general election, 1948In the run-up to the 1948 elections, the main Afrikaner nationalist party, the Herenigde Nasionale Party (Reunited National Party) under the leadership of Protestant cleric Daniel Francois Malancampaigned on its policy of apartheid.[22][23] The NP narrowly defeated Smuts's United Party and formed a coalition government with another Afrikaner nationalist party, the Afrikaner Party. Malan became the first apartheid prime minister, and the two parties later merged to form the National Party (NP).Apartheid legislationNP leaders argued that South Africa did not comprise a single nation, but was made up of four distinct racial groups: white, black, coloured and Indian. These groups were split into 13 nations or racial federations. White people encompassed the English and Afrikaans language groups; the black populace was divided into ten such groups.The state passed laws that paved the way for "grand apartheid", which was centred on separating races on a large scale, by compelling people to live in separate places defined by race. This strategy was in part adopted from "left-over" British rule that separated different racial groups after they took control of the Boer republics in the Anglo-Boer war. This created the black-only "townships" or "locations", where blacks were relocated to their own towns. In addition, "petty apartheid" laws were passed. The principal apartheid laws were as follows.[24]

The first grand apartheid law was the Population Registration Act of 1950, which formalised racial classification and introduced an identity card for all persons over the age of 18, specifying their racial group.[25] Official teams or Boards were established to come to a conclusion on those people whose race was unclear.[26] This caused difficulty, especially for coloured people, separating their families when members were allocated different races.[27]

The second pillar of grand apartheid was the Group Areas Act of 1950.[28] Until then, most settlements had people of different races living side by side. This Act put an end to diverse areas and determined where one lived according to race. Each race was allotted its own area, which was used in later years as a basis of forced removal.[29] The Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act of 1951 allowed the government to demolish black shanty town slums and forced white employers to pay for the construction of housing for those black workers who were permitted to reside in cities otherwise reserved for whites.[30]

The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 prohibited marriage between persons of different races, and the Immorality Act of 1950 made sexual relations with a person of a different race acriminal offence.Under the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act of 1953, municipal grounds could be reserved for a particular race, creating, among other things, separate beaches, buses, hospitals, schools and universities. Signboards such as "whites only" applied to public areas, even including park benches.[31] Blacks were provided with services greatly inferior to those of whites, and, to a lesser extent, to those of Indian and coloured people.[8]

Further laws had the aim of suppressing resistance, especially armed resistance, to apartheid. The Suppression of Communism Act of 1950 banned any party subscribing to Communism. The act defined Communism and its aims so sweepingly that anyone who opposed government policy risked being labelled as a Communist. Since the law specifically stated that Communism aimed to disrupt racial harmony, it was frequently used to gag opposition to apartheid. Disorderly gatherings were banned, as were certain organisations that were deemed threatening to the government.Education was segregated by the 1953 Bantu Education Act, which crafted a separate system of education for African students and was designed to prepare black people for lives as a labouring class.[32] In 1959 separate universities were created for black, coloured and Indian people. Existing universities were not permitted to enroll new black students. The Afrikaans Medium Decree of 1974 required the use of Afrikaans and English on an equal basis in high schools outside the homelands.[33]

The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951 created separate government structures for blacks and whites and was the first piece of legislation to support the government's plan of separate development in the Bantustans. The Promotion of Black Self-Government Act of 1959 entrenched the NP policy of nominally independent "homelands" for blacks. So-called "self–governing Bantu units" were proposed, which would have devolved administrative powers, with the promise later of autonomy and self-government. It also abolished the seats of white representatives of Africans and removed from the rolls the few blacks still qualified to vote. The Bantu Investment Corporation Act of 1959 set up a mechanism to transfer capital to the homelands in order to create employment there. Legislation of 1967 allowed the government to stop industrial development in "white" cities and redirect such development to the "homelands". The Black Homeland Citizenship Act of 1970 marked a new phase in the Bantustan strategy. It changed the status of blacks to citizens of one of the ten autonomous territories. The aim was to ensure a demographic majority of white people within South Africa by having all ten Bantustans achieve full independence.Interracial contact in sport was frowned upon, but there were no segregatory sports laws.The government tightened pass laws compelling blacks to carry identity documents, to prevent the immigration of blacks from other countries. To reside in a city, blacks had to be in employment there. Until 1956 women were for the most part excluded from these pass requirements, as attempts to introduce pass laws for women were met with fierce resistance.[34]

Disenfranchisement of coloured voters[edit]Main article: Coloured vote constitutional crisisIn 1950, D F Malan announced the NP's intention to create a Coloured Affairs Department.[35] J.G. Strijdom, Malan's successor as Prime Minister, moved to strip voting rights from black and coloured residents of the Cape Province. The previous government had introduced the Separate Representation of Voters Bill into Parliament in 1951; however, four voters, G Harris, W D Franklin, W D Collins and

Edgar Deane, challenged its validity in court with support from the United Party.[36] The Cape Supreme Court upheld the act, but reversed by the Appeal Court, finding the act invalid because a two-thirds majority in a joint sitting of both Houses of Parliament was needed in order to change the entrenched clauses of the Constitution.[37] The government then introduced the High Court of Parliament Bill (1952), which gave Parliament the power to overrule decisions of the court.[38] The Cape Supreme Court and the Appeal Court declared this invalid too.[39]

In 1955 the Strijdom government increased the number of judges in the Appeal Court from five to 11, and appointed pro-Nationalist judges to fill the new places.[40] In the same year they introduced the Senate Act, which increased the Senate from 49 seats to 89.[41] Adjustments were made such that the NP controlled 77 of these seats.[42] The parliament met in a joint sitting and passed the Separate Representation of Voters Act in 1956, which transferred coloured voters from the common voters' roll in the Cape to a new coloured voters' roll.[43] Immediately after the vote, the Senate was restored to its original size. The Senate Act was contested in the Supreme Court, but the recently enlarged Appeal Court, packed with government-supporting judges, upheld the act, and also the Act to remove coloured voters.[44]

The 1956 law allowed Coloureds to elect four whites to Parliament, but a 1969 law abolished those seats and stripped Coloureds of their right to vote. Since Asians had never been allowed to vote, this resulted in whites being the sole enfranchised group.Under the homeland system, the government attempted to divide South Africa into a number of separate states, each of which was supposed to develop into a separate nation-state for a different ethnic group.[52]

Territorial separation was not a new institution. There were, for example, the "reserves" created under the British government in the nineteenth century. Under apartheid, 13 per cent of the land was reserved for black homelands, a relatively small amount compared to the total population, and generally in economically unproductive areas of the country. The Tomlinson Commission of 1954 justified apartheid and the homeland system, but stated that additional land ought to be given to the homelands, a recommendation that was not carried out.[citation needed]

When Verwoerd became Prime Minister in 1958, the policy of "separate development" came into being, with the homeland structure as one of its cornerstones. Verwoerd came to believe in the granting of independence to these homelands. The government justified its plans on the basis that "(the) government's policy is, therefore, not a policy of discrimination on the grounds of race or colour, but a policy of differentiation on the ground of nationhood, of different nations, granting to each self-determination within the borders of their homelands – hence this policy of separate development".[citation

needed] Under the homelands system, blacks would no longer be citizens of South Africa, becoming citizens of the independent homelands who worked in South Africa as foreign migrant labourers on temporary work permits. In 1958 the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act was passed, and border industries and the Bantu Investment Corporation were established to promote economic development and the provision of employment in or near the homelands. Many black South Africans who had never resided in their identified homeland were forcibly removed from the cities to the homelands.Ten homelands were allocated to different black ethnic groups: Lebowa (North Sotho, also referred to as Pedi), QwaQwa (South Sotho),Bophuthatswana (Tswana), KwaZulu (Zulu), KaNgwane (Swazi), Transkei and Ciskei (Xhosa), Gazankulu 

(Tsonga), Venda (Venda) and KwaNdebele(Ndebele). Four of these were declared independent by the South African government: Transkei in 1976, Bophuthatswana in 1977, Venda in 1979, and Ciskei in 1981 (known as the TBVC states). Once a homeland was granted its nominal independence, its designated citizens had their South African citizenship revoked, replaced with citizenship in their homeland. These people were then issued passports instead of passbooks. Citizens of the nominally autonomous homelands also had their South African citizenship circumscribed, meaning they were no longer legally

considered South African.[53] The South African government attempted to draw an equivalence between their view of black citizens of the homelands and the problems which other countries faced through entry of illegal immigrants.International recognition of the Bantustans[edit]

International recognition for these new countries was extremely limited. Each TBVC state extended recognition to the other independent Bantustans while South Africa showed its commitment to the notion of TBVC sovereignty by building embassies in the various TBVC capitals. Israel was the only internationally recognised country and UN member to afford some sort of diplomatic recognition to any of the Bantustans, though formal acknowledgment of the Bantustans as full-fledged countries never occurred.[54] In late 1982, the Ciskei Trade Mission opened in Tel Aviv, flying its own flag and staffed by two Israelis, Yosef Schneider and Nat Rosenwasser, who were employed by the Ciskei Foreign Ministry. Bophuthatswana also had a representative in Israel, Shabtai Kalmanovich,[54] who in 1988 was sentenced by Israel to seven years in jail for spying for the KGB.[55] In 1983 Israel was visited by the presidents of Bophuthatswana and Ciskei, and by Venda’s entire chamber of commerce.[54] During this visit Lennox Sebe, the Ciskeian President, secured a contract with the Israeli government to supply and train his armed forces.[54] Initially, six planes – at least one a military helicopter – were sold to Ciskei, and 18 Ciskei residents arrived in Israel for pilot training.[54] In 1985 Israel received Buthelezi as Chief Minister of KwaZulu during an unofficial visit.[54]

During the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of 'resettlement', to force people to move to their designated "group areas". Millions of people were forced to relocate. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programmes, labour tenants on white-owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called 'black spots' (black-owned land surrounded by white farms), the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and 'surplus people' from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Cape (which was declared a 'Coloured Labour Preference Area'[56]) who were moved to the Transkei and Ciskei homelands. The best-publicised forced removals of the 1950s occurred in Johannesburg, when 60,000 people were moved to the new township of Soweto (an abbreviation for South Western Townships).[57][58]

Until 1955 Sophiatown had been one of the few urban areas where blacks were allowed to own land, and was slowly developing into a multiracial slum. As industry in Johannesburg grew, Sophiatown became the home of a rapidly expanding black workforce, as it was convenient and close to town. It had the only swimming pool for black children in Johannesburg.[59] As one of the oldest black settlements in Johannesburg, it held an almost symbolic importance for the 50,000 blacks it contained, both in terms of its sheer vibrancy and its unique culture. Despite a vigorous ANC protest campaign and worldwide publicity, the removal of Sophiatown began on 9 February 1955 under the Western Areas Removal Scheme. In the early hours, heavily armed police forced residents out of their homes and loaded their belongings onto government trucks. The residents were taken to a large tract of land, 13 miles (19 km) from the city centre, known as Meadowlands, which the government had purchased in 1953. Meadowlands became part of a new planned black city called Soweto. Sophiatown was destroyed by bulldozers, and a new white suburb named Triomf (Triumph) was built in its place. This pattern of forced removal and destruction was to repeat itself over the next few years, and was not limited to people of African descent. Forced removals from areas like Cato Manor (Mkhumbane) in Durban, and District

Six in Cape Town, where 55,000 coloured and Indian people were forced to move to new townships on the Cape Flats, were carried out under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Nearly 600,000 coloured, Indian and Chinese people were moved under the Group Areas Act. Some 40,000 whites were also forced to move when land was transferred from "white South Africa" into the black homelands.[citation needed]

During the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of 'resettlement', to force people to move to their designated "group areas". Millions of people were forced to relocate. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programmes, labour tenants on white-

owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called 'black spots' (black-owned land surrounded by white farms), the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and 'surplus people' from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Cape (which was declared a 'Coloured Labour Preference Area'[56]) who were moved to the Transkei and Ciskei homelands. The best-publicised forced removals of the 1950s occurred in Johannesburg, when 60,000 people were moved to the new township of Soweto (an abbreviation for South Western Townships).[57][58]

Until 1955 Sophiatown had been one of the few urban areas where blacks were allowed to own land, and was slowly developing into a multiracial slum. As industry in Johannesburg grew, Sophiatown became the home of a rapidly expanding black workforce, as it was convenient and close to town. It had the only swimming pool for black children in Johannesburg.[59] As one of the oldest black settlements in Johannesburg, it held an almost symbolic importance for the 50,000 blacks it contained, both in terms of its sheer vibrancy and its unique culture. Despite a vigorous ANC protest campaign and worldwide publicity, the removal of Sophiatown began on 9 February 1955 under the Western Areas Removal Scheme. In the early hours, heavily armed police forced residents out of their homes and loaded their belongings onto government trucks. The residents were taken to a large tract of land, 13 miles (19 km) from the city centre, known as Meadowlands, which the government had purchased in 1953. Meadowlands became part of a new planned black city called Soweto. Sophiatown was destroyed by bulldozers, and a new white suburb named Triomf (Triumph) was built in its place. This pattern of forced removal and destruction was to repeat itself over the next few years, and was not limited to people of African descent. Forced removals from areas like Cato Manor (Mkhumbane) in Durban, and District

Six in Cape Town, where 55,000 coloured and Indian people were forced to move to new townships on the Cape Flats, were carried out under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Nearly 600,000 coloured, Indian and Chinese people were moved under the Group Areas Act. Some 40,000 whites were also forced to move when land was transferred from "white South Africa" into the black homelands.[citation needed]

During the 1980s the government, led by P.W. Botha, became increasingly preoccupied with security. It set up a powerful state security apparatus to "protect" the state against an anticipated upsurge in political violence that the reforms were expected to trigger. The 1980s became a period of considerable political unrest, with the government becoming increasingly dominated by Botha's circle of generals and police chiefs (known as securocrats), who managed the various States of Emergencies.[128]

Botha's years in power were marked also by numerous military interventions in the states bordering South Africa, as well as an extensive military and political campaign to eliminate SWAPO in Namibia. Within South Africa, meanwhile, vigorous police action and strict enforcement of security legislation resulted in hundreds of arrests and bans, and an effective end to the ANC's sabotage campaign.The government punished political offenders brutally. 40,000 people were subjected to whipping as a form of punishment annually.[129] The vast majority had committed political offences and were lashed ten times for their crime.[130] If convicted of treason, a person could be hanged, and the government executed numerous political offenders in this way.As the 1980s progressed, more and more anti-apartheid organisations were formed and affiliated with the UDF. Led by the Reverend Allan Boesak and Albertina Sisulu, the UDF called for the government to abandon its reforms and instead abolish apartheid and eliminate the homelands completely.State of emergency[edit]

Serious political violence was a prominent feature from 1985 to 1989, as black townships became the focus of the struggle between anti-apartheid organisations and the Botha government. Throughout the 1980s, township people resisted apartheid by acting against the local issues that faced their particular communities. The focus of much of this resistance was against the local authorities and their leaders, who were seen to be supporting the government. By 1985, it had become the ANC's aim to make black townships "ungovernable" (a term later replaced by "people's power") by means of rent boycotts and other militant action. Numerous township councils were overthrown or collapsed, to be replaced by

unofficial popular organisations, often led by militant youth. People's courts were set up, and residents accused of being government agents were dealt extreme and occasionally lethal punishment. Black town councillors and policemen, and sometimes their families, were attacked with petrol bombs, beaten, and murdered by necklacing, where a burning tyre was placed around the victim's neck, after they were retrained by wrapping their wrists with barbed wire. This signature act of torture and murder was embraced by the ANC and its leaders.On 20 July 1985, Botha declared a State of Emergency in 36 magisterial districts. Areas affected were the Eastern Cape, and the PWV region ("Pretoria, Witwatersrand, Vereeniging").[131] Three months later the Western Cape was included. An increasing number of organisations were banned or listed (restricted in some way); many individuals had restrictions such as house arrest imposed on them. During this state of emergency about 2,436 people were detained under the Internal Security Act.[132] This act gave police and the military sweeping powers. The government could implement curfews controlling the movement of people. The president could rule by decree without referring to the constitution or to parliament. It became a criminal offence to threaten someone verbally or possess documents that the government perceived to be threatening, to advise anyone to stay away from work or oppose the government, and to disclose the name of anyone arrested under the State of Emergency until the government released that name, with up to ten years' imprisonment for these offences. Detention without trial became a common feature of the government's reaction to growing civil unrest and by 1988, 30,000 people had been detained.[133] The media was censored, thousands were arrested and many were interrogated and tortured.[134]

On 12 June 1986, four days before the tenth anniversary of the Soweto uprising, the state of emergency was extended to cover the whole country. The government amended the Public Security Act, including the right to declare "unrest" areas, allowing extraordinary measures to crush protests in these areas. Severe censorship of the press became a dominant tactic in the government's strategy and television cameras were banned from entering such areas. The state broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting

Corporation (SABC), provided propaganda in support of the government. Media opposition to the system increased, supported by the growth of a pro-ANC underground press within South Africa.In 1987, the State of Emergency was extended for another two years. Meanwhile, about 200,000 members of the National Union of Mineworkers commenced the longest strike (three weeks) in South African history. 1988 saw the banning of the activities of the UDF and other anti-apartheid organisations.Much of the violence in the late 1980s and early 1990s was directed at the government, but a substantial amount was between the residents themselves. Many died in violence between members of Inkatha and the UDF-ANC faction. It was later proven that the government manipulated the situation by supporting one side or the other when it suited it. Government agents assassinated opponents within South Africa and abroad; they undertook cross-border army and air-force attacks on suspected ANC and PAC bases. The ANC and the PAC in return exploded bombs at restaurants, shopping centres and government buildings such as magistrates courts.The state of emergency continued until 1990, when it was lifted by State President F.W. de Klerk.Final years of apartheid[edit]

Main article: Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa

This article is written like a personal reflection or opinion essay rather than an encyclopedic description of the subject. Pleasehelp improve it by rewriting it in an encyclopedic style. (September 2008)

Factors[edit]Institutional racism[edit]

Apartheid developed by racism of colonial factors and due to South Africa’s 'unique industrialisation’.[135] The policies of industrialisation led to segregation of and classing of people, which was ‘specifically developed to nurture early industry such as mining and capitalist culture’.[135] Cheap labour was the basis

of the economy and this was taken from what the state classed as peasant groups and the migrants.[136] Furthermore Bonner highlight the ‘ contradictory economic effects as the economy did not have a manufacturing sector, therefore promoting short term profitability but limiting labour productivity and the size of local markets. This also led to its collapse as ‘Clarkes emphasises the economy could not provide and compete with foreign rivals as they failed to master cheap labour and complex chemistry’.[137]

Economic contradictions[edit]

Moreover the contradictions in the economy of the Apartheid state led to considerable debate among state policy, and division and conflicts in the central state.[138] To a large extent the political ideology of Apartheid had emerged from the colonisation of Africa by western states who introduced racial discrimination, enslavement, and their role of "civilising inferior natives."[138] This can be seen in Christian-nationalism, with its western ideology of Apartheid.[139] For example, seen in "1933 when the executive of council Broederband enforced total mass segregation."[139] Similarly to the economy the political factor was teemed with contradictions seen within the policies of the parties, this was further weakened when different political groups emerged, many of whom were against Apartheid. Leading to revolts like the "1984 township revolt that quickened the breakdown of Apartheid."[139]

Western influence[edit]

Anti-apartheid protest at South Africa House in London, 1989External western influence can be seen as one of the factors that arguably greatly influenced political ideology, particularly due to the influences of colonization. South Africa in particular is argued to be an ‘unreconstructed example of western civilisation twisted by racism’.[140] However, western influence also helped end apartheid. ‘Once the power of the Soviet Union declined along with its Communist influence, western nations felt Apartheid could no longer be tolerated and spoke out, encouraging a move towards democracy and self determination’.[this quote needs a citation]

In the 1960s South Africa experienced economic growth second only to that of Japan.[141] Trade with Western countries grew, and investment from the United States, France and Britain poured in.In 1974, resistance to apartheid was encouraged by Portugal's withdrawal from Mozambique and Angola, after the 1974 Carnation Revolution. South African troops withdrew from Angola in early 1976, failing to prevent the MPLA from gaining power there, and black students in South Africa celebrated.The Mahlabatini Declaration of Faith, signed by Mangosuthu Buthelezi and Harry Schwarz in 1974, enshrined the principles of peaceful transition of power and equality for all. Its purpose was to provide a blueprint for South Africa by consent and racial peace in a multi-racial society, stressing opportunity for all, consultation, the federal concept, and a Bill of Rights. It caused a split in the United Party that ultimately realigned opposition politics in South Africa, with the formation of the Progressive Federal Party in 1977. It was the first of such agreements by acknowledged black and white political leaders in South Africa.In 1978 the defence minister of the NP, Pieter Willem Botha, became Prime Minister. Botha's white regime was worried about the Soviet Union helping revolutionaries in South Africa, and the economy had slowed down. The new government noted that it was spending too much money trying to maintain the

segregated homelands that had been created for blacks and the homelands were proving to be uneconomical.[citation needed]

Nor was maintaining blacks as a third class working well. The labour of blacks remained vital to the economy, and illegal black labour unions were flourishing. Many blacks remained too poor to make much of a contribution to the economy through their purchasing power – although they were more than 70% of the population. Botha's regime was afraid that an antidote was needed to prevent the blacks from being attracted to Communism.[citation needed]

In July 1979 the Nigerian government claimed that the Shell-BP Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC) was selling Nigerian oil to South Africa, although there was little evidence or commercial logic for such sales.[142] The alleged sanctions-breaking was used to justify the seizure of some of BP's assets in Nigeria including their stake in SPDC, although it appears the real reasons were economic nationalism and domestic politics ahead of the Nigerian elections.[143] Many South Africans attended schools in Nigeria,[citation needed] and Nelson Mandela several times acknowledged the role of Nigeria in the struggle against apartheid.[citation needed]

In the 1980s, the anti-apartheid movements in the United States and Europe were gaining support for boycotts against South Africa, for the withdrawal of U.S. firms from South Africa and for the release of Mandela. South Africa was becoming an outlaw in the world community of nations. Investing in South Africa by Americans and others was coming to an end and an active policy ofdisinvestment ensued.Notable student protests: University of Illinois campuses[edit]

There were several notable student-led protests against apartheid throughout the United States in hopes of convincing their colleges and universities to promote divestment. Forming the Champaign-Urbana Coalition against Apartheid (CU-CAA) in 1977, students feverishly made attempts at persuading the university to consider divestment beginning with a stop at the University of Illinois Foundation and then to President John Corbally’s office to urge him to open a debate against apartheid. Despite his reluctance to participate, several other university administrators agreed to support the coalition’s efforts, in turn leading to the development of the Coalition for Illinois Divestment from South Africa (CIDSA) in 1983 which teamed with CU-CAA to continue the movement.However, the university continued to deny the students proposals for Board of Trustees President Nina T. Shepherd to defer the $21 million that the school had invested in South Africa corporations. As a result, students staged a public protest on the Chicago campus on June 21, 1985, which ended with 16 students being arrested. The tense situation continued as a 6.4% tuition fee increase was instituted on April 12, 1986, leading to a flurry of protests that resulted in 60 students being arrested and a 300-student “mock riot” on the following day. As opposition continued, university president Stanley Ikenberry made an unsuccessful proposal for divestment on September 11, 1986, which set the stage for a Board resolution on January 14, 1987 calling for an 18-month divestment plan, which, despite its best intentions, resulted in a divestment of only $3.3 million.[144]

Tricameral parliament[edit]

Main article: Tricameral Parliament

In the early 1980s, Botha's National Party government started to recognise the inevitability of the need to reform apartheid.[145] Early reforms were driven by a combination of internal violence, international condemnation, changes within the National Party's constituency, and changing demographics—whites constituted only 16% of the total population, in comparison to 20% fifty years earlier.[146]

In 1983, a new constitution was passed implementing what was called the Tricameral Parliament, giving coloureds and Indians voting rights and parliamentary representation in separate houses – the House of Assembly (178 members) for whites, the House of Representatives (85 members) for coloureds and the House of Delegates (45 members) for Indians.[147] Each House handled laws pertaining to its racial group's "own affairs", including health, education and other community issues.[148] All laws relating to "general affairs" (matters such as defence, industry, taxation and Black affairs) were handled by a

cabinet made up of representatives from all three houses. However, the white chamber had a large majority on this cabinet, ensuring that effective control of the country remained in white hands.[149]

[150] Blacks, although making up the majority of the population, were excluded from representation; they remained nominal citizens of their homelands.[151]The first Tricameral elections were largely boycotted by Coloured and Indian voters, amid widespread rioting.[152]

Reforms and contact with the ANC under Botha[edit]

Concerned over the popularity of Mandela, Botha denounced him as an arch-Marxist committed to violent revolution, but to appease black opinion and nurture Mandela as a benevolent leader of blacks, the government moved him from Robben Island to Pollsmoor Prison in a rural area just outside Cape Town, where prison life was easier. The government allowed Mandela more visitors, including visits and interviews by foreigners, to let the world know that he was being treated well.Black homelands were declared nation-states and pass laws were abolished. Black labour unions were legitimised, the government recognised the right of blacks to live in urban areas permanently and gave blacks property rights there. Interest was expressed in rescinding the law against interracial marriage and also rescinding the law against sex between the races, which was under ridicule abroad. The spending for black schools increased, to one-seventh of what was spent per white child, up from on one-sixteenth in 1968. At the same time, attention was given to strengthening the effectiveness of the police apparatus.In January 1985, Botha addressed the government's House of Assembly and stated that the government was willing to release Mandela on condition that Mandela pledge opposition to acts of violence to further political objectives. Mandela's reply was read in public by his daughter Zinzi – his first words distributed publicly since his sentence to prison twenty-one years before. Mandela described violence as the responsibility of the apartheid regime and said that with democracy there would be no need for violence. The crowd listening to the reading of his speech erupted in cheers and chants. This response helped to further elevate Mandela's status in the eyes of those, both internationally and domestically, who opposed apartheid.Between 1986 and 1988, some petty apartheid laws were repealed. Botha told white South Africans to "adapt or die"[153] and twice he wavered on the eve of what were billed as "rubicon" announcements of substantial reforms, although on both occasions he backed away from substantial changes. Ironically, these reforms served only to trigger intensified political violence through the remainder of the eighties as more communities and political groups across the country joined the resistance movement. Botha's government stopped short of substantial reforms, such as lifting the ban on the ANC, PAC and SACP and other liberation organisations, releasing political prisoners, or repealing the foundation laws of grand apartheid. The government's stance was that they would not contemplate negotiating until those organisations "renounced violence".By 1987 the growth of South Africa's economy had dropped to among the lowest rate in the world, and the ban on South African participation in international sporting events was frustrating many whites in South Africa. Examples of African states with black leaders and white minorities existed in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Whispers of South Africa one day having a black President sent more hardline whites into Rightist parties. Mandela was moved to a four-bedroom house of his own, with a swimming pool and shaded by fir trees, on a prison farm just outside Cape Town. He had an unpublicised meeting with Botha. Botha impressed Mandela by walking forward, extending his hand and pouring Mandela's tea. The two had a friendly discussion, with Mandela comparing the African National Congress' rebellion with that of the Afrikaner rebellion and talking about everyone being brothers.A number of clandestine meetings were held between the ANC-in-exile and various sectors of the internal struggle, such as women and educationalists. More overtly, a group of white intellectuals met the ANC in Senegal for talks.[154]

Presidency of F.W. de Klerk[edit]

De Klerk and Mandela in Davos, 1992Early in 1989, Botha suffered a stroke; he was prevailed upon to resign in February 1989.[155] He was succeeded as president later that year byF.W. de Klerk. Despite his initial reputation as a conservative, de Klerk moved decisively towards negotiations to end the political stalemate in the country. In his opening address to parliament on 2 February 1990, de Klerk announced that he would repeal discriminatory laws and lift the 30-year ban on leading anti-apartheid groups such as the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the United Democratic Front. The Land Act was brought to an end. De Klerk also made his first public commitment to release Nelson Mandela, to return to press freedom and to suspend the death penalty. Media restrictions were lifted and political prisoners not guilty ofcommon-law crimes were released.On 11 February 1990, Nelson Mandela was released from Victor Verster Prison after more than 27 years of confinement.Having been instructed by the UN Security Council to end its long-standing involvement in South-West Africa / Namibia, and in the face of military stalemate in Southern Angola, and an escalation in the size and cost of the combat with the Cubans, the Angolans, and SWAPO forces and the growing cost of the border war, South Africa negotiated a change of control; Namibia became independent on 21 March 1990.Negotiations[edit]

Main article: Negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa

Apartheid was dismantled in a series of negotiations from 1990 to 1993, culminating in elections in 1994, the first in South Africa with universal suffrage.From 1990 to 1996 the legal apparatus of apartheid was abolished. In 1990 negotiations were earnestly begun, with two meetings between the government and the ANC. The purpose of the negotiations was to pave the way for talks towards a peaceful transition of power. These meetings were successful in laying down the preconditions for negotiations – despite the considerable tensions still abounding within the country.At the first meeting, the NP and ANC discussed the conditions for negotiations to begin. The meeting was held at Groote Schuur, the President's official residence. They released the Groote Schuur Minute, which said that before negotiations commenced political prisoners would be freed and all exiles allowed to return.There were fears that the change of power would be violent. To avoid this, it was essential that a peaceful resolution between all parties be reached. In December 1991, the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) began negotiations on the formation of a multiracial transitional government and a new constitution extending political rights to all groups. CODESA adopted a Declaration of Intent and committed itself to an "undivided South Africa".

Reforms and negotiations to end apartheid led to a backlash among the right-wing white opposition, leading to the Conservative Party winning a number of by-elections against NP candidates. De Klerk responded by calling a whites-only referendum in March 1992 to decide whether negotiations should continue. A 68 per cent majority gave its support, and the victory instilled in de Klerk and the government a lot more confidence, giving the NP a stronger position in negotiations.When negotiations resumed in May 1992, under the tag of CODESA II, stronger demands were made. The ANC and the government could not reach a compromise on how power should be shared during the transition to democracy. The NP wanted to retain a strong position in a transitional government, and the power to change decisions made by parliament.Persistent violence added to the tension during the negotiations. This was due mostly to the intense rivalry between the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the ANC and the eruption of some traditional tribal and local rivalries between the Zulu and Xhosa historical tribal affinities, especially in the Southern Natal provinces. Although Mandela and Buthelezi met to settle their differences, they could not stem the violence. One of the worst cases of ANC-IFP violence was the Boipatong massacre of 17 June 1992, when 200 IFP militants attacked the Gauteng township of Boipatong, killing 45. Witnesses said that the men had arrived in police vehicles, supporting claims that elements within the police and army contributed to the ongoing violence. Subsequent judicial inquiries found the evidence of the witnesses to be unreliable or discredited, and that there was no evidence of National Party or police involvement in the massacre. When de Klerk visited the scene of the incident he was initially warmly welcomed, but he was suddenly confronted by a crowd of protesters brandishing stones and placards. The motorcade sped from the scene as police tried to hold back the crowd. Shots were fired by the police, and the PAC stated that three of its supporters had been gunned down.[156] Nonetheless, the Boipatong massacre offered the ANC a pretext to engage in brinkmanship. Mandela argued that de Klerk, as head of state, was responsible for bringing an end to the bloodshed. He also accused the South African police of inciting the ANC-IFP violence. This formed the basis for ANC's withdrawal from the negotiations, and the CODESA forum broke down completely at this stage.The Bisho massacre on 7 September 1992 brought matters to a head. The Ciskei Defence Force killed 29 people and injured 200 when they opened fire on ANC marchers demanding the reincorporation of the Ciskei homeland into South Africa. In the aftermath, Mandela and de Klerk agreed to meet to find ways to end the spiralling violence. This led to a resumption of negotiations.Right-wing violence also added to the hostilities of this period. The assassination of Chris Hani on 10 April 1993 threatened to plunge the country into chaos. Hani, the popular general secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP), was assassinated in 1993 in Dawn Park in Johannesburg by Janusz Walu ś , an anti-communist Polish refugee who had close links to the white nationalist Afrikaner

Weerstandsbeweging (AWB). Hani enjoyed widespread support beyond his constituency in the SACP and ANC and had been recognised as a potential successor to Mandela; his death brought forth protests throughout the country and across the international community, but ultimately proved a turning point, after which the main parties pushed for a settlement with increased determination.[157] On 25 June 1993, the AWB used an armoured vehicle to crash through the doors of the Kempton Park World Trade Centre where talks were still going ahead under the Negotiating Council, though this did not derail the process.[158]

In addition to the continuing "black-on-black" violence, there were a number of attacks on white civilians by the PAC's military wing, the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA). The PAC was hoping to strengthen their standing by attracting the support of the angry, impatient youth. In the St James Church

massacre on 25 July 1993, members of the APLA opened fire in a church in Cape Town, killing 11 members of the congregation and wounding 58.

In 1993 de Klerk and Mandela were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize "for their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime, and for laying the foundations for a new democratic South Africa".[159]

Violence persisted right up to the 1994 elections. Lucas Mangope, leader of the Bophuthatswana homeland, declared that it would not take part in the elections. It had been decided that, once the temporary constitution had come into effect, the homelands would be incorporated into South Africa, but Mangope did not want this to happen. There were strong protests against his decision, leading to a coup d'état in Bophuthatswana on 10 March that deposed Mangope, despite the intervention of white right-wingers hoping to maintain him in power. Three AWB militants were killed during this intervention, and harrowing images were shown on national television and in newspapers across the world.Two days before the elections, a car bomb exploded in Johannesburg, killing nine.[160][161] The day before the elections, another one went off, injuring 13. At midnight on 26–27 April 1994 the old flag was lowered, and the old (now co-official) national anthem Die Stem ("The Call") was sung, followed by the raising of the new rainbow flag and singing of the other co-official anthem, Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika ("God Bless Africa").1994 election[edit]

Main article: South African general election, 1994

The election was held on 27 April 1994 and went off peacefully throughout the country as 20 million South Africans cast their votes. There was some difficulty in organising the voting in rural areas, but people waited patiently for many hours in order to vote amidst a palpable feeling of goodwill. An extra day was added to give everyone the chance. International observers agreed that the elections were free and fair.[162] However, this view has been challenged. There were widespread irregularities, ignored by the international observers.[citation needed] The European Union's report on the election compiled at the end of May 1994, published two years after the election, criticised the Independent Electoral Commission's lack of preparedness for the polls, the shortages of voting materials at many voting stations, and the absence of effective safeguards against fraud in the counting process. In particular, it expressed disquiet that "no international observers had been allowed to be present at the crucial stage of the count when party representatives negotiated over disputed ballots." This meant that both the electorate and the world were "simply left to guess at the way the final result was achieved."[163]

The ANC won 62.65% of the vote,[164][165] less than the 66.7% that would have allowed it to rewrite the constitution. 252 of the 400 seats went to members of the African National Congress. The NP captured most of the white and coloured votes and became the official opposition party. As well as deciding the national government, the election decided the provincial governments, and the ANC won in seven of the nine provinces, with the NP winning in the Western Cape and the IFP in KwaZulu-Natal. On 10 May 1994, Mandela was sworn in as South Africa's president. The Government of National Unity was established, its cabinet made up of 12 ANC representatives, six from the NP, and three from the IFP. Thabo Mbeki and de Klerk were made deputy presidents.The anniversary of the elections, 27 April, is celebrated as a public holiday known as Freedom Day.Contrition[edit]

The following individuals, who had previously supported apartheid, made public apologies:F. W. de Klerk – "I apologise in my capacity as leader of the NP to the millions who suffered wrenching disruption of forced removals; who suffered the shame of being arrested for pass law offences; who over the decades suffered the indignities and humiliation of racial discrimination."[166]

Marthinus van Schalkwyk – "The National Party brought development to a section of South Africa, but also brought suffering through a system grounded on injustice", in a statement shortly after the National

Party voted to disband.[167][verification needed]

Adriaan Vlok – who washed the feet of apartheid victim Frank Chikane in an act of apology for the wrongs of the Apartheid regime.[168]

Leon Wessels – who said "I am now more convinced than ever that apartheid was a terrible mistake that blighted our land. South Africans did not listen to the laughing and the crying of each other. I am sorry that I had been so hard of hearing for so long".[169]

See also[edit]South Africa portal

1950s portal

1960s portal

1970s portal

1980s portal

1990s portal

Apartheid legislation in South AfricaRacial segregation

Africa Hinterland (arms smuggling operation)Apartheid in art and literatureApartheid MuseumAnti-Apartheid MovementBelhar ConfessionJim Crow lawsDay of ReconciliationForeign relations of South Africa during apartheidLegacies of apartheidLiberation before educationNelson MandelaParis Peace Conference, 1919#Japanese approachSandra LaingSecond-class citizenTruth and Reconciliation Commission (South Africa)White Australia policyReferences[edit]Jump up ̂  "Dictionary.com entry for 'apartheid'". Retrieved 11 August 2012.Jump up ̂  Shore, Megan. Religion and Conflict Resolution: Christianity and South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Ashgate Publishing, 2009. p.36Jump up ̂  Nancy L. Clark & William H. Worger. South Africa: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid. Routledge, 2013. Chapter 3: The Basis of Apartheid.Jump up ̂  "Resolutions Adopted by the General Assembly during its 21st Session". Retrieved 11 August 2012.Jump up ̂  Gallagher, Michael. "The birth and death of apartheid". BBC News. Retrieved 17 June 2002.^ Jump up to: a  b c d A. Du Toit, H.B. Giliomee. Afrikaner political thought: analysis and documents. University of California Press. Retrieved 7 June 2013.Jump up ̂  Baldwin-Ragaven, Laurel; London, Lesley; du Gruchy, Jeanelle (1999). An ambulance of the wrong colour: health professionals, human rights and ethics in South Africa. Juta and Company Limited. p. 18^ Jump up to: a  b "The economic legacy of apartheid". Centre de recherches pour le développement international.^ Jump up to: a  b Lodge, Tom (1983). Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945. New York: Longman.Jump up ̂  "De Klerk dismantles apartheid in South Africa". BBC News. 2 February 1990. Archived from the original on 15 February 2009. Retrieved 21 February 2009.Jump up ̂  R.W Lee. "Introduction to Roman-Dutch Law". Oxford, Clarendon Press. Retrieved 27 March 2011.Jump up ̂  Gish, Steven (2000). Alfred B. Xuma: African, American, South African. New York University Press. p. 8.Jump up ̂  Hoiberg, Dale; Ramchandani, Indu (2000). Students' Britannica India, Volumes 1–5. Popular Prakashan. p. 142.Jump up ̂  Allen, John (2005). Apartheid South Africa: An Insider's Overview of the Origin And Effects of Separate Development.iUniverse. p. xi.Jump up ̂  Nojeim, Michael J. (2004). Gandhi and King: the power of nonviolent resistance. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 127.^ Jump up to: a  b Leach, Graham (1986). South Africa: no easy path to peace. Routledge. p. 68.Jump up ̂  Tankard, Keith (9 May 2004). Chapter 9 The Natives (Urban Areas) Act[dead link]. Rhodes University. knowledge4africa.com.Jump up ̂  Baroness Young – Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (4 July 1986). South Africa House of Lords Debate vol 477 cc1159-250. Hansard.Jump up ̂  The Representation of Natives Act[dead link]. sahistory.org.Jump up ̂  Reddy, E.S. "Indian Passive Resistance in South Africa, 1946–1948".[dead link]

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Jump up ̂  Mark Phillips and Colin Coleman (1989). "Another Kind of War" (PDF). Transformation.Jump up ̂  "Compensation case against South African miners thrown out". Minesandcommunities.org. Retrieved 3 January 2011.Jump up ̂  "US court allows apartheid claims". BBC News. 12 May 2008. Retrieved 3 January 2011.Jump up ̂  "Interview with Pik Botha". 20 May 1997.Jump up ̂  Lisbon Conference of the African National Congress (March 1977). "Colonialism of a Special Type". Archived from the original on 14 July 2007. Retrieved 28 December 2007.Jump up ̂  McGreal, Chris (7 February 2006). "Brothers in Arms – Israel's secret pact with Pretoria". The Guardian (UK).Archived from the original on 25 February 2010. Retrieved 3 April 2010.Jump up ̂  McGreal, Chris (24 May 2010). "Revealed: how Israel offered to sell South Africa nuclear weapons". The Guardian (UK). Archived from the original on 25 May 2010. 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(1990). War in Angola: the final South African phase. Ashanti Pub. p. 10.Jump up ̂  Watson, Wendy (2007). Brick by brick: an informal guide to the history of South Africa. New Africa Books.Jump up ̂  Purkitt, Helen E.; Burgess, Stephen Franklin (2005). South Africa's weapons of mass destruction. Indiana University Press. p. 152.Jump up ̂  Gale Research (1995). Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: Africa. Gale Research. p. 292.Jump up ̂  International Peace Academy. (1988). Southern Africa in crisis: regional and international responses. BRILL. p. 62.Jump up ̂  Truth and Reconciliation Commission (1998). Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa report. The Commission. p. 498. ISBN 978-0-620-23076-6.Jump up ̂  Fox, William; Fourie, Marius; Van Wyk, Belinda (1998).Police Management in South Africa. Juta and Company Limited. p. 167.Jump up ̂  Anzovin, Steven (1987). South Africa: apartheid and divestiture. H.W. 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(Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2000) p. 3.Jump up ̂  Philip Boner, Peter, Delius, Deborah, Posel, ‘The Shaping of Apartheid, contradiction, continuity and popular struggle’, The Worlds Knowledge, (1993) pp. 1–47 (p. 6.)Jump up ̂  Philip Boner, Peter, Delius, Deborah, Posel, ‘The Shaping of Apartheid, contradiction, continuity and popular struggle’, The Worlds Knowledge, (1993) pp. 1–47 (p. 7.)^ Jump up to: a  b Paul, Maylam,’ The Rise and Decline of Urban Apartheid in South Africa’, African Affairs, 89.354(1990) pp. 57–84 (p. 54.)^ Jump up to: a  b c Saul, Dubow,’ Afrikaner Nationalism, Apartheid and the conceptualisation of ‘Race’, The Journal of African History, 33(1992) pp. 209–237 (pp. 209, 211)Jump up ̂  L.H, Gann, ‘Apartheids Genesis 1935–1962’, Business Library, (1994) pp. 1–6. (p. 1.)Jump up ̂  Legasick, Martin (1974). "Legislation, Ideology and Economy in Post-1948 South Africa." Journal of South African Studies. 1 (1): 5–35.Jump up ̂  Weymouth Genova, Ann (2007). Oil and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1970—1980. ProQuest. p. 123. ISBN 978-0-549-26666-2. Retrieved 11 April 2012. Weymouth Genova covers the possibility of Nigerian oil going to South Africa in detail from page 113. Heavily laden tankers have to respect the ocean currents which means they travel clockwise around Africa; oil for South Africa would likely come from the Middle East rather than West Africa. Nigeria had been taking over other oil marketing companies to reduce price differentials across the country; they needed to fill a budget shortfall due to low oil prices and had a history of disputes with BP and the British government so BP assets were seized when Shell's stake in SPDC was not.Jump up ̂  Weymouth Genova, Ann (2007). Oil and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1970—1980. ProQuest. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-549-26666-2. 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Jump up ̂  Knox, Colin; Quirk, Pádraic (2000). Peace building in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa: transition, transformation and reconciliation. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 151.Jump up ̂  Beinart, William (2001). Twentieth-century South Africa.Oxford University Press. p. 202. ISBN 978-0-19-289318-5.Jump up ̂  Taylor & Francis Group (2004). Europa World Year Book 2, Book 2. Taylor & Francis. p. 3841.Jump up ̂  Taylor, Paul (23 December 1993). "S. Africa Approves Charter; White-Led Parliament Votes for Constitution Canceling Its Powers." The Washington Post.Jump up ̂  Wople, Harold (1990). Race, class & the apartheid state.Africa World Press. p. 93. ISBN 978-0-86543-142-3.Jump up ̂  Marais, D. (1989). South Africa: constitutional development, a multi-disciplinary approach. Southern Book Publishers. p. 258. ISBN 978-1-86812-159-5.Jump up ̂  Lötter, Hennie P. P. (1997). Injustice, violence and peace: the case of South Africa. Rodopi. p. 49. ISBN 978-90-420-0264-7.Jump up ̂  "Cops fight crowds at S. Africa elections." Philadelphia Daily News. 28 August 1984.Jump up ̂  South Africa: Adapt or Die. Time.Jump up ̂  Lieberfeld, Daniel (2002). "Evaluating the Contributions of Track-two Diplomacy to Conflict Termination in South Africa, 1984–90." Journal of Peace Research. 39 (3): 355–372.doi:10.1177/0022343302039003006Jump up ̂  Roherty, James Michael (1992). State security in South Africa: civil-military relations under P.W. Botha. M.E. Sharpe. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-87332-877-7.Jump up ̂  Macleod, Scott (7 July 1992). "Enemies: Black vs. Black vs. White". Time.Jump up ̂  "Turning Points in History Book 6: Negotiation, Transition and Freedom". Retrieved 3 December 2007.Jump up ̂  Kemp, Arthur (2008). Victory Or Violence – The Story of the Awb of South Africa. Lulu.com. pp. 165–166. ISBN 978-1-4092-0187-8.Jump up ̂  "The Nobel Peace Prize 1993". Nobel Foundation.Archived from the original on 3 May 2007. Retrieved 27 April 2007.Jump up ̂  Christian Century (11 May 1994). "Dawn of liberation – 1994 South African election". BNet, a CBS Company. Retrieved 13 July 2008.[dead link]

Jump up ̂  Truth and Reconciliation Commission. "New cut-off date opens amnesty doors for pre-election bombers". South African Department of Justice and Constitutional Development. Retrieved 13 July 2008.Jump up ̂  Deegan, Heather (2001). The politics of the new South Africa: apartheid and after. Pearson Education. p. 194. ISBN 978-0-582-38227-5.Jump up ̂  Jeffery, A. People's War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa. Jonathan Ball.Jump up ̂  "Elections '94". Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). Archived from the original on 28 June 2008. Retrieved 13 July 2008.Jump up ̂  Lijphart, Arend. "Spotlight Three: South Africa's 1994 Elections". FairVote. Retrieved 13 July 2008.Jump up ̂  De Klerk apologises again for apartheid. South African Press Association. 14 May 1997.Jump up ̂  Meldrum, Andrew (11 April 2005). Apartheid party bows out with apology. The Guardian.Jump up ̂  "Mr Adrian Vlok extends gesture of penance to Rev Frank Chikane, Director-General in the Presidency". South African Government Information. 28 August 2006. Retrieved 22 February 2009.Jump up ̂  Volume Five Chapter Six – Findings and Conclusions. Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Under the homeland system, the government attempted to divide South Africa into a number of separate states, each of which was supposed to develop into a separate nation-state for a different ethnic group.[52]

Territorial separation was not a new institution. There were, for example, the "reserves" created under the British government in the nineteenth century. Under apartheid, 13 per cent of the land was reserved for black homelands, a relatively small amount compared to the total population, and generally in economically unproductive areas of the country. The Tomlinson Commission of 1954 justified apartheid and the homeland system, but stated that additional land ought to be given to the homelands, a recommendation that was not carried out.[citation needed]

When Verwoerd became Prime Minister in 1958, the policy of "separate development" came into being, with the homeland structure as one of its cornerstones. Verwoerd came to believe in the granting of independence to these homelands. The government justified its plans on the basis that "(the) government's policy is, therefore, not a policy of discrimination on the grounds of race or colour, but a policy of differentiation on the ground of nationhood, of different nations, granting to each self-determination within the borders of their homelands – hence this policy of separate development".[citation

needed] Under the homelands system, blacks would no longer be citizens of South Africa, becoming citizens of the independent homelands who worked in South Africa as foreign migrant labourers on temporary work permits. In 1958 the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act was passed, and border industries and the Bantu Investment Corporation were established to promote economic development and the

provision of employment in or near the homelands. Many black South Africans who had never resided in their identified homeland were forcibly removed from the cities to the homelands.Ten homelands were allocated to different black ethnic groups: Lebowa (North Sotho, also referred to as Pedi), QwaQwa (South Sotho),Bophuthatswana (Tswana), KwaZulu (Zulu), KaNgwane (Swazi), Transkei and Ciskei (Xhosa), Gazankulu 

(Tsonga), Venda (Venda) and KwaNdebele(Ndebele). Four of these were declared independent by the South African government: Transkei in 1976, Bophuthatswana in 1977, Venda in 1979, and Ciskei in 1981 (known as the TBVC states). Once a homeland was granted its nominal independence, its designated citizens had their South African citizenship revoked, replaced with citizenship in their homeland. These people were then issued passports instead of passbooks. Citizens of the nominally autonomous homelands also had their South African citizenship circumscribed, meaning they were no longer legally considered South African.[53] The South African government attempted to draw an equivalence between their view of black citizens of the homelands and the problems which other countries faced through entry of illegal immigrants.International recognition of the Bantustans[edit]

International recognition for these new countries was extremely limited. Each TBVC state extended recognition to the other independent Bantustans while South Africa showed its commitment to the notion of TBVC sovereignty by building embassies in the various TBVC capitals. Israel was the only internationally recognised country and UN member to afford some sort of diplomatic recognition to any of the Bantustans, though formal acknowledgment of the Bantustans as full-fledged countries never occurred.[54] In late 1982, the Ciskei Trade Mission opened in Tel Aviv, flying its own flag and staffed by two Israelis, Yosef Schneider and Nat Rosenwasser, who were employed by the Ciskei Foreign Ministry. Bophuthatswana also had a representative in Israel, Shabtai Kalmanovich,[54] who in 1988 was sentenced by Israel to seven years in jail for spying for the KGB.[55] In 1983 Israel was visited by the presidents of Bophuthatswana and Ciskei, and by Venda’s entire chamber of commerce.[54] During this visit Lennox Sebe, the Ciskeian President, secured a contract with the Israeli government to supply and train his armed forces.[54] Initially, six planes – at least one a military helicopter – were sold to Ciskei, and 18 Ciskei residents arrived in Israel for pilot training.[54] In 1985 Israel received Buthelezi as Chief Minister of KwaZulu during an unofficial visit.[54]

Forced removals [edit]

Investigating geographic segregationSee also: Group Areas Act and Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act, 1991

During the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of 'resettlement', to force people to move to their designated "group areas". Millions of people were forced to relocate. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programmes, labour tenants on white-

owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called 'black spots' (black-owned land surrounded by white farms), the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and 'surplus people' from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Cape (which was declared a 'Coloured Labour Preference Area'[56]) who were moved to the Transkei and Ciskei homelands. The best-publicised forced removals of the 1950s occurred in Johannesburg, when 60,000 people were moved to the new township of Soweto (an abbreviation for South Western Townships).[57][58]

Until 1955 Sophiatown had been one of the few urban areas where blacks were allowed to own land, and was slowly developing into a multiracial slum. As industry in Johannesburg grew, Sophiatown became the home of a rapidly expanding black workforce, as it was convenient and close to town. It had the only swimming pool for black children in Johannesburg.[59] As one of the oldest black settlements in Johannesburg, it held an almost symbolic importance for the 50,000 blacks it contained, both in terms of its sheer vibrancy and its unique culture. Despite a vigorous ANC protest campaign and worldwide publicity, the removal of Sophiatown began on 9 February 1955 under the Western Areas Removal Scheme. In the early hours, heavily armed police forced residents out of their homes and loaded their belongings onto government trucks. The residents were taken to a large tract of land, 13 miles (19 km) from the city centre, known as Meadowlands, which the government had purchased in 1953. Meadowlands became part of a new planned black city called Soweto. Sophiatown was destroyed by bulldozers, and a new white suburb named Triomf (Triumph) was built in its place. This pattern of forced removal and destruction was to repeat itself over the next few years, and was not limited to people of African descent. Forced removals from areas like Cato Manor (Mkhumbane) in Durban, and District

Six in Cape Town, where 55,000 coloured and Indian people were forced to move to new townships on the Cape Flats, were carried out under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Nearly 600,000 coloured, Indian and Chinese people were moved under the Group Areas Act. Some 40,000 whites were also forced to move when land was transferred from "white South Africa" into the black homelandsThe NP passed a string of legislation that became known as petty apartheid. The first of these was the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act 55 of 1949, prohibiting marriage between whites and people of other races. The Immorality Amendment Act 21 of 1950 (as amended in 1957 by Act 23) forbade "unlawful racial intercourse" and "any immoral or indecent act" between a white and an African, Indian or coloured person.Blacks were not allowed to run businesses or professional practices in areas designated as "white South Africa" unless they had a permit. They were required to move to the black "homelands" and set up businesses and practices there. Transport and civil facilities were segregated. Black buses stopped at black bus stops and white buses at white ones. Trains, hospitals and ambulances were segregated.[60] Because of the smaller numbers of white patients and the fact that white doctors preferred to work in white hospitals, conditions in white hospitals were much better than those in often overcrowded and understaffed black hospitals.[61] Blacks were excluded from living or working in white areas, unless they had a pass, nicknamed the dompas ("dumb pass" in Afrikaans). Only blacks with "Section 10" rights (those who had migrated to the cities before World War II) were excluded from this provision. A pass was issued only to a black with approved work. Spouses and children had to be left behind in black homelands. A pass was issued for one magisterial district (usually one town) confining the holder to that area only. Being without a valid pass made a person subject to arrest and trial for being an illegal migrant. This was often followed by deportation to the person's homeland and prosecution of the employer for employing an illegal migrant. Police vans patrolled white areas to round up blacks without passes. Blacks were not allowed to employ whites in white South Africa.[citation needed]

Although trade unions for black and coloured (mixed race) workers had existed since the early 20th century, it was not until the 1980s reforms that a mass black trade union movement developed. Trade unions under apartheid were racially segregated, with 54 unions being white only, 38 for Indian and coloured and 19 for African people. The Industrial Conciliation Act (1956) legislated against the creation

of multi-racial trade unions and attempted to split existing multi-racial unions into separate branches or organisations along racial lines.[62]

In the 1970s the state spent ten times more per child on the education of white children than on black children within the Bantu Education system (the education system in black schools within white South Africa). Higher education was provided in separate universities and colleges after 1959. Eight black universities were created in the homelands. Fort Hare University in the Ciskei (now Eastern Cape) was to register only Xhosa-speaking students. Sotho,Tswana, Pedi and Venda speakers were placed at the newly founded University College of the North at Turfloop, while the University College of Zululandwas launched to serve Zulu scholars. Coloureds and Indians were to have their own establishments in the Cape and Natal respectively.[citation needed]

Each black homeland controlled its own education, health and police systems. Blacks were not allowed to buy hard liquor. They were able only to buy state-produced poor quality beer (although this was relaxed later). Public beaches were racially segregated. Public swimming pools, some pedestrian bridges, drive-in cinema parking spaces, graveyards, parks, and public toilets were segregated. Cinemas and theatres in white areas were not allowed to admit blacks. There were practically no cinemas in black areas. Most restaurants and hotels in white areas were not allowed to admit blacks except as staff. Blacks were prohibited from attending white churches under the Churches Native Laws Amendment Act of 1957, but this was never rigidly enforced and churches were one of the few places races could mix without the interference of the law. Blacks earning 360 rand a year or more had to pay taxes while the white threshold was more than twice as high, at 750 rand a year. On the other hand, the taxation rate for whites was considerably higher than that for blacks.[citation needed]

Blacks could never acquire land in white areas. In the homelands, much of the land belonged to a 'tribe', where the local chieftain would decide how the land had to be used. This resulted in whites owning almost all the industrial and agricultural lands and much of the prized residential land. Most blacks were stripped of their South African citizenship when the "homelands" became "independent", and they were no longer able to apply for South African passports. Eligibility requirements for a passport had been difficult for blacks to meet, the government contending that a passport was a privilege, not a right, and the government did not grant many passports to blacks. Apartheid pervaded culture as well as the law, and was entrenched by most of the mainstream media.Coloured classification[edit]

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Main article: Coloured

The population was classified into four groups: Black, White, Indian, and Coloured (capitalised to denote their legal definitions in South African law). The Coloured group included people regarded as being of mixed descent, including of Bantu, Khoisan, European and Malay ancestry. Many were descended from people brought to South Africa from other parts of the world, such as India, Madagascar, and China as slaves and indentured workers.[63]

The apartheid bureaucracy devised complex (and often arbitrary) criteria at the time that the Population Registration Act was implemented to determine who was Coloured. Minor officials would administer tests to determine if someone should be categorised either Coloured or Black, or if another person should be categorised either Coloured or White. Different members of the same family found themselves in different race groups. Further tests determined membership of the various sub-racial groups of the Coloureds. Many of those who formerly belonged to this racial group are opposed to the continuing use of the term "coloured" in the post-apartheid era, though the term no longer signifies any legal meaning. The expressions 'so-called Coloured' (Afrikaans sogenaamde Kleurlinge) and 'brown people' (bruinmense) acquired a wide usage in the 1980s.Discriminated against by apartheid, Coloureds were as a matter of state policy forced to live in separate townships, in some cases leaving homes their families had occupied for generations, and received an inferior education, though better than that provided to Blacks.[citation needed] They played an important role in the anti-apartheid movement: for example the African Political Organization established in 1902 had an exclusively Coloured membership.Voting rights were denied to Coloureds in the same way that they were denied to Blacks from 1950 to 1983. However, in 1977 the NP caucus approved proposals to bring Coloureds and Indians into central government. In 1982, final constitutional proposals produced a referendum among Whites, and theTricameral Parliament was approved. The Constitution was reformed the following year to allow the Coloured and Asian minorities participation in separate Houses in a Tricameral Parliament, and Botha became the first Executive State President. The idea was that the Coloured minority could be granted voting rights, but the Black majority were to become citizens of independent homelands. These separate arrangements continued until the abolition of apartheid. The Tricameral reforms led to the formation of the (anti-apartheid) United Democratic Front as a vehicle to try to prevent the co-option of Coloureds and Indians into an alliance with Whites. The battles between the UDF and the NP government from 1983 to 1989 were to become the most intense period of struggle between left-wing and right-wing South Africans.Women under apartheid[edit]

Colonialism and apartheid had a major impact on women since they suffered both racial and gender discrimination. Oppression against black and coloured women was different from discrimination against men. They had very few or no legal rights, no access to education and no right to own property.[64] Jobs were often hard to find but many black and coloured women worked as agricultural or domestic workers though wages were extremely low, if existent.[65] Children suffered from diseases caused by malnutrition and sanitary problems, and mortality rates were therefore high. The controlled movement of black and coloured workers within the country through the Natives Urban Areas Act of 1923 and the pass-laws, separated family members from one another as men usually worked in urban centres, while women were forced to stay in rural areas. Marriage law and births[66] were also controlled by the government and the pro-apartheid Dutch Reformed Church, which tried to restrict black and coloured birth rates.