Sport and Sacred Umbrellas on Campus

7/27/2019 Sport and Sacred Umbrellas on Campus

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THESIS: There is no organic connection between religion and sport in modern society, but college athletes who are

members of groups that theologically and organizationally support a connection between athletic competition and

religious life will have the highest levels of religiosity and spirituality among college students.

Sport and Sacred Umbrellas on Campus:

The Religiosity and Spirituality of College Athletes

avid !amane

Teresa "la#e

$a#e %orest &niversity

ABSTRACT

espite the visible public connection between religion and sport, surprisingly few

researchers have investigated the social patterning of the relationship between athletic

participation and religiosity. 'fter outlining a series of arguments that suggest a

connection between religion and sport, we test relevant hypotheses using nationally

representative data on 'merican college students. 's e(pected, we find no positive


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The connection between religion and sport is regularly and prominently displayed in

'merican society. E(amples abound, particularly on college campuses. uring almost every

post*game interview, the &niversity of %lorida+s star uarterbac# Tim Tebow than#s -my ord

and savior /esus 0hrist for everything he+s done for me1 23einin# 45567. Having won the 4556

Heisman Trophy as a sophomore, he declined to be considered for 8layboy magazine+s 4559

preseason 'll*'merican team due to his devout "aptist beliefs 2urphy 45597. Tebow is ;ust

one of many college athletes who openly display their religious beliefs both on and off the field.

'cross the country, you can see a baseball player ma#ing the sign of the cross before stepping

into the batter+s bo(, a bas#etball player pointing toward Heaven after sin#ing a three pointer, a

field hoc#ey player #neeling in silent prayer before the push bac#, and so on.


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studies suggest that it is common for athletes to see# comfort in a supreme being when facing

challenges presented to them by their sport, especially in;ury 2Hoffman )??4A Storch and %arber

45547. 3eligion can also be used by athletes to cope with or reduce the uncertainty inherent in

sporting competition. "y relating their sporting activities to their ultimate conditions of

e(istence, athletes can also give higher meaning to competition or reduce the significance of

sporting outcomes by seeing them in a broader conte(t 20oa#ley 45567.

' third line of thin#ing e(amines sport itself as a form of spirituality 2Hoffman )??47.

3ather than cultivating conventional religious beliefs and practices, some athletes see their

athletic endeavors as spiritual practice which can lead to profound e(periences of transcendence.

This is e(pressed in the -runner+s high1 or the distance runner+s e(perience of -tipping1 or other

athletes claiming to be -in the zone.1 $arren Bay 245567, an avid runner and chair of the

department of religious and theological studies at errimac# 0ollege has written a boo# on the

spirituality of running. Sanford 245567 has argued that whitewater #aya#ing is a form of religious

e(perience seen by participants through the lens of Hindu devotionalism. Even if they do not see


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the Santa 0lara Strength of 3eligious %aith Short %orm, they found that athletes had higher levels

of religious faith. The uestions in this instrument, however, are slightly biased toward

conventional religiosity, such as -I pray daily1 and -I consider myself active in my faith or

church.1 This study is important because it demonstrates the strength of religious beliefs among

college athletes compared to other college students, albeit on a small scale 2see also Belley, et al.

)??57. The findings beg for more systematic empirical investigation on a larger, more

generalizable sample.

In this paper, we analyze nationally representative data on college students to address

several uestions. Is there an organic connection between religion and sport that leads to these

displaysF 're college athletes in general more religious than college students in generalF


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talents to the gods, e(press than#s to gods, or implore the gods to certain beneficent actions such

as assuring the earth+s fertility 2Guttmann )?69:)97.

In the western world, athletics began to ta#e a more secular approach with the 3omans.

Entertainment became their principal purpose, not religious e(pression. 3oman athletes focused

on fighting, such as in gladiator contests, and often pitted the lower classes against each other as

entertainment for the elites. ictory usually allowed the competitor to survive, and was therefore

emphasized over simply participating 2Guttmann )?697. odern sports, although not as e(treme,

have ta#en a more 3oman approach in their secularism. 'ccording to Bliever 2455):D7, this

movement parallels the general pattern of societal*level secularization under which religion -has

lost effective control over vast areas of cultural life that were once conducted under its watchful

eye.1 's with other institutional spheres li#e science and the arts, politics and economics, health

care and social welfare, sport -operates under its own rules and pursues its own ends1 2Bliever

455):D7. In other words, the -sacred canopy,1 about which 8eter "erger 2)?>67 has famously

written, no longer creates a common world of meaning binding on all members of a society and


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records, and the li#e. %or e(ample, especially where -big time1 college athletics are concerned,

'dler and 'dler 2)??)7 have documented the development of what they call a -gloried self1

among athletes, which is a far cry from the asceticism that characterized the early 8rotestant

ethic. So too is the reality that the culture of random se(ual -hoo# ups,1 drin#ing, and partying

e(ists strongly in the athlete subculture at many universities 20herry, et al. 455): 4?7. Thus,

although modern values li#e those of sports may have their roots in religious values, once

established they come to e(ist independently, and once independent they can often turn against

the values from which they grew.)

Sport is not only a secular competitor to religion at the level of values, but at a practical

level, as well. 8eople have a limited amount of time and energy, so devotion to wor# or religion

or family or sports can be a zero*sum game: the more that is invested in one, the less that can be

invested in another. In their study of 'merican teenagers, Smith and enton 2455@:)57 found

that religion was not part of the structure of most &.S. adolescents+ daily lives, the bul# of which

is given over to school, homewor#, clubs, friends, and sports. This is particularly true of athletes


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$hen student*athletes arrive at college, the reuired level of commitment to sport is even

greater. "ecause athletes spend hours at practice, conditioning, traveling to games, and studying,

they do not have free time to dedicate to religion and spirituality 20herry, et al. 455)7. %or

college athletes, sport is more a#in to wor# than leisure, and therefore along with their classes it

is part of their -mandatory1 world. In contrast, religion is seen as -voluntary1 and hence, when

push comes to shove, optional.

The modernization of sports, therefore, entails a certain degree of institutional

secularization and creates a situation in which sport becomes a secular competitor with religion

in terms of values and resources. That said, the disintegration of a sacred canopy and this secular

competition does not mean that religion itself has died or will die in the course of societal

modernization 20asanova )??D7. Indeed, many scholars are turning away from the idea that

-acids of modernity1 dissolve religion, toward a view that there are -multiple modernities1 with

differing implications for religion, both between and within societies. 'mong sociologists of

religion, 0hristian Smith 24559:)@6)7: has articulated this view most clearly: -The essential idea


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belonging1 2Smith, et al. )??9:))97. Therefore, under certain circumstances, some religious

groups can construct -sacred umbrellas1 to shield members from the forces of secularization and

promote religiosity:

In the pluralistic, modern world, people don+t need macro*encompassing sacred cosmoses

to maintain their religious beliefs. They only need -sacred umbrellas,1 small, portable,

accessible relational worlds = religious reference groups = -under1 which their beliefs can

ma#e complete sense. 2Smith, et al. )??9:)5>7

Smith argues that evangelical 8rotestants have been most successful in contemporary 'merican

society in constructing sacred umbrellas because they cultivate a sense of embattlement which

strengthens their identification with religious tradition. Historically at least, 3oman 0atholics

have also had a highly distinctive subcultural identity in 'merica.

In the following sections, therefore, we will e(amine evangelical 8rotestants+ sacred


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Indeed, many 8uritans were suspicious of sports for moral reasons. i#e dancing, playing games

was considered sinful, as idle wastes of time that could be better spent wor#ing or worshipping.

Eventually, even these 8rotestant sects came to embrace sports, in part through the ideology of

uscular 0hristianity. 3eligious leaders that supported connecting religion and sport promoted

the idea of the -body as a temple,1 in which a sound mind and body became essential in worship.

The term -uscular 0hristianity1 was coined by the press to describe the wor# of authors

0harles Bingsley and Thomas Hughes. Their -adventure novels replete with high principles and

manly 0hristian heroes,1 spar#ed a discovery of the social benefits of athleticism, -chief among

these was its ability to ameliorate English class differences1 28utney 455):)4,)7. uscular

0hristianity placed an emphasis on fellowship, honor, and service while teaching -English boys

that one can be the best loo#ing, best playing, and most popular, and still be humble1 2$illiam

cBeever, uoted in 8utney 455):)@7. Its main focus was to address the concerns of boys

directly, not abstractly, so that they could apply religion to their lives. The idea did not catch on

uic#ly in 'merica, but over time has become one of the most notable tools employed in


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world and preach the gospel through sports. 0ampus 0rusades+ mission of fielding teams to

preach the gospel around the world became the focal point of their offspring group, 'thletes in

'ction 2'I'7, founded in )?>>. Today, 'I' has a ministry presence in 9@ countries, on nearly

)55 &.S. college campuses, and on @ &.S. professional sports teams.4They field summer teams

in baseball, bas#etball, soccer, tennis, volleyball, wrestling, trac# and field, power lifting, and

sports medicine to bring the 0hristian Gospel message and personal testimonies of 0hristian

athletes all around the world.

The theology of muscular 0hristianity, realized in part through student ministries targeted

directly to student*athletes, should create a sacred umbrella for evangelical 8rotestant student*

athletes, shielding them from the forces of secularization that affect sport generally and fostering

for them a connection between their athletic endeavors and their religious and spiritual lives.

A CAT&O%$C SACR! UMBR%%A FOR S#ORTS*

't first blush, 3oman 0atholics in 'merica would seem to have many ualities that


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the massive waves of immigration from 0atholic countries in Europe li#e Ireland, Italy, and

8oland. 's Smith+s subcultural identity theory would predict, this sense of hostility from the

wider society promoted a strong sense of in*group identification among 0atholics. )%or many,

the decade following the end of the Second $orld $ar is remembered as the -Golden 'ge1 of

'merican 0atholicism. The 0hurch was institutionally strong and 0atholics were culturally

confident. ' large and growing corps of priests 2some D,5557 and religious sisters 2nearly

)@5,5557 served increasing numbers of parishes, parochial grade schools, high schools, and

colleges. evotional societies, lay fraternities and sororities, 0atholic !outh


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'thletes in 'ction = was founded. 'ccording to its mission statement, 0'0 -serves 0atholic

athletes in the practice of their faith and shares the Gospel in and through sports.1

These historical and contemporary facts notwithstanding, there are reasons to believe that

the connection between religion and sport among lay 0atholics will not be as strong as for

evangelical 8rotestants. ost importantly, the 0atholic subculture which thrived in the &nited

States, and arguably pea#ed in the )?@5s, has all but disappeared. In the past half*century,

0atholics have made inroads into the mainstream of 'merican society, evolving from poverty to

prosperity economically, from the margins to the middle socially, and from segregation to

integration institutionally 2+'ntonio, et al. 455)7. This resulted in the fraying of the 0atholic

sacred umbrella. Thus, although potential e(ists for a 0atholic sacred umbrella for sports, this

potential is not realized in contemporary 'merican society.

&'#OT&SS

These arguments about the possible relationship between athletic participation and


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These four hypotheses will be tested with nationally representative data on 'merican college

students which allow us to distinguish between those that participate in intercollegiate athletics

and those that do not.

!ATA A"! MT&O!O%O)'

The data source used for this analysis is the 455 8ilot of the 0ollege Students+ "eliefs

and alues Survey 20S"7, conducted by the Higher Education 3esearch Institute at the

&niversity of 0alifornia, os 'ngeles. The 0S" was given to a subset of students who

participated in the 4555 0ooperative Institutional 3esearch 8rogram 20I387 %reshman Survey,

which was administered to first*year students at DD colleges and universities. The annual 0I38

%reshman Survey collects data on the beliefs, e(pectations, and attitudes among many other

measures of college freshmen, while the 0S" focused on the spirituality, beliefs, values, and

purpose of those same students during their ;unior year of college.


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the data and the sample size was maintained by incorporating a deflation factor eual to the

ration between ,>95 and ?,[email protected]

'fter the weighting was applied, the sample contained students from a diverse assortment

of academic institutions, including public and private D*year colleges and universities, religious

schools, and institutions that ranged from low to high selectivity. The sample was @ percent

female and 9D percent $hiteK0aucasian. The remainder of the racialKethnic brea#down was the

following: @ percent "lac#, D percent 'sian, D percent atino, 4 percent 'merican Indian, and 4

percent other. The current religious preference of the students is: ) percent 0atholic, 4> percent

evangelical 8rotestant, 44 percent mainline 8rotestant, 6 percent other religions, and )D percent

indicated that they have no religious preference. It is also important to note that 4> percent of the

sample indicated that they participated in intercollegiate sports.

' subset of )54 variables fitting the needs of this study was analyzed from the )6@*item

survey. These variables were limited mostly to those relating directly to spirituality or religiosity.

These spirituality and religiosity variables were combined into indices to use as dependent


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ordinal, and therefore each possible response was given a number representative of the level of

commitment, agreement, or change. These values were then scaled together such that higher

values on the inde( represent higher levels of spirituality or religiosity. 2See 'ppendi( for

specific components of the inde(es.7


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**Table ) Goes Here**

RSU%TS

Table 4 lists the mean levels of spirituality and religiosity for all students, for

intercollegiate athletes, and for non*athletes. Each dependent variable is listed with the range of

the inde(, and the means demonstrate the preliminary differences between groups. It is clear

from loo#ing at the table that college athletes have lowermeans for every dependent variable

than other college students, with the difference in means being statistically significant for three

of the four variables: Spirituality, 3eligious 0ommitment, and Salience of 3eligiousKSpiritual

"eliefs. These statistics demonstrate that there is a difference in the overall means for college

athletes and other college students, but in a direction opposite of that which many predict. "efore

concluding that college athletes are less spiritual and religious than other college students, it is

important to further e(plore these relationships through multiple regression, which tells us if the


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calls for further analysis and the introduction of dummy variables representing certain

demographics that are featured in odel 4. The second model adds dummy variables for being

female, being blac#, attending a religious college or university, and father+s and mother+s

education e(plains a bit more of the variation in the spirituality inde(, with an ad;usted 34of .

5D6. This model shows that being female, being blac#, and attending a religiously*affiliated

college or university all have positive relationships with spirituality. 0ontrolling for these

variables, however, does not change the magnitude or direction of the relationship between

participation in intercollegiate athletics and spirituality. The third model incorporates the

respondent+s religious preference. odel shows that being an evangelical 8rotestant has a

significant positive effect on spirituality, whereas being 0atholic has a negative impact, as

compared to being a mainline 8rotestant. 8redictably, having no religious preference also has a

negative effect. The ad;usted 34for this model is .496, signifying that a much larger amount of

variation in the spirituality inde( can be e(plained by this model than any of the previous

models.


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are interesting, the effect being significant and positive, indicating the evangelical 8rotestant

college athletes are even more spiritual than other evangelical college students. $hen these

students are accounted for in the model, the negative effect of being a college athlete on

spirituality is at its highest level of any of the four models 2*5.>57. This shows that college

athletes who are evangelical 8rotestants are significantly more spiritual than other students, and

college athletes who are not evangelical 8rotestants are even less spiritual than previously

shown. The ad;usted 34for this euation is .49?, so the e(planatory power of odel D is not

higher than odel , but it does reveal interesting and previously unseen relationships.

**Table Goes Here**

The second


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correlated, with no religious preference having the greatest negative effect, relative to being a

mainline 8rotestant. The coefficient for college athlete in this model remains negative, though is

smaller than in odel 4, suggesting that not accounting for religious preference artificially

inflated the estimate. This model has an ad;usted 34of .D@, demonstrating a large increase in

the amount of variation in religious commitment that can be e(plained by accounting for

religious preference. The fourth model again introduces the interaction of college athlete and

evangelical 8rotestant. "eing an evangelical 8rotestant college athlete is a significant, positive

predictor of religious commitment, and including this interaction variable in the model also made

the effect of being a college athlete on religious commitment even more negative and highly

significant statistically.

**Table D Goes Here**

' third set of


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e(planatory power of the model 2from an 34

of .5@4 to an 34

of .47, and shows once again that

evangelical 8rotestants are the only group for which religiousKspiritual beliefs are more salient

relative to mainline 8rotestants. odel D e(plores the effect that being an evangelical 8rotestant

college athlete has on the salience of religiousKspiritual beliefs. The coefficient for this

interaction variable is statistically significant and positive, demonstrating that evangelical

8rotestant college athletes distinguish themselves from other college students in the salience of

religiousKspiritual beliefs to them, and in controlling for this relationship the negative effect of

being a college athlete generally on salience is the highest of the four models.

**Table @ Goes Here**

!$SCUSS$O"

It was originally thought that intercollegiate athletes were a group of students that were

highly spiritual andKor religious, or that they were at least more so than other college students. '


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The Storch et al. 2455D7 study that found college athletes at the &niversity of %lorida to

be more religious than students who were not athletes served as a framewor# for the analyses in

this paper. The different results from these two studies is li#ely due to the fact that Storch et al.

used a small, non*random sample from a single university. The survey was given to students in

seven undergraduate classes, meaning that not everybody had a random chance at being selected

for the study and it is uite possible that the sample is not representative of the undergraduate

population at the &niversity of %lorida. The study did not control for religious preference of the

student, therefore it is also possible that the athletes who too# the survey were more religiously

inclined than the average athlete. There also could have been an overrepresentation of athletes

who were evangelical 8rotestants at the university, since it is located in the southeastern &nited

States, where evangelical 8rotestants are overrepresented in the population relative to the country

as a whole. The present study employs a more representative sample of students from 'merican

colleges and universities and finds that college athletes who are evangelical 8rotestants are more

spiritual and or religious than their non*athlete counterpartsA therefore, an overrepresentation of


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e(planation for this centers on the idea of -muscular 0hristianity1 and the activity of evangelical

8rotestant sports ministries on college and university campuses. S'03E &"3E'

CO"C%US$O"

Given the theology of muscular 0hristianity and concrete organizations to realize it, it is

not surprising that evangelical 8rotestant college athletes are so spiritual and religious.

onetheless, further research needs to be done to understand the specific mechanisms that allow

evangelicals to integrate their religious and spiritual identities and practices into their athletic

lives better than other college athletes.


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are more spiritual and religious than other students. It is also important that the findings that

intercollegiate athletes in general are less spiritual and religiously committed be replicated in

multiple studies and with other datasets since this is the first #nown study with these results. The

findings of this study challenge previous beliefs about intercollegiate athletes and provo#e new

framewor#s and hypotheses for future research.


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References

'dler, 8atricia, and 8eter 'dler. )??).Backboards and Blackboards: College Athletes and Role

Engulfment. ew !or#: 0olumbia &niversity 8ress.

"erger, 8eter. )?>6. The acred Canop!. Garden 0ity, !: oubleday.

"uch#o, Bathleen /. 455D. -3eligious "eliefs and 8ractices of 0ollege $omen as 0ompared to

0ollege en.1"ournal of College tudent #e$elopmentD@: 9?*?9.

0herry, 0onrad, "etty '. e"erg, and 'manda 8orterfield. 455).Religion on Campus. 0hapel

Hill, 0: The &niversity of orth 0arolina 8ress.

0imino, 3ichard, and on attin. 4554. hopping for %aith: American Religion in the &ew

'illennium. San %rancisco: /ossey*"ass.

$illiam +'ntonio, /ames avidson, ean Hoge, and Batherine eyer,American Catholics:

(ender) (eneration) and Commitment2$alnut 0ree#, 0': 'ltaira 8ress, 455)7,

Eitzen, . Stanley, and George Sage. 455.ociolog! of &orth American port, 6th edition, ew

!or#: cGraw*Hill.


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/en#ins, 8hilip. 455. The &ew Anti+Catholicism: The ,ast Acceptable -reudice. ew !or#:

. -Sport.1 8p. 49@*5 in/andbook of Religion and ocial 0nstitutions,

edited by Helen 3ose Ebaugh. ew !or#: Springer.

iller, 'llan S. and /ohn 8. Hoffmann. )??@. -3is# and 3eligion: 'n E(planation of Gender

ifferences in 3eligiosity.1"ournal for the cientific tud! for ReligionD:>*6@.


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3einin#, 'my. 4556. -' 8ass and a 8rayer.1 The (aines$ille un, September 44.

Sanford, '. $hitney. 4556. -8inned on Barma 3oc#: $hitewater Baya#ing as 3eligious

E(perience.1"ournal of the American Academ! of Religion6@:96@*?@.

Smith, 0hristian. 4559. -%uture irections in the Sociology of 3eligion.1 ocial %orces9>:)@>)*

9?.

Smith, 0hristian, with elinda unduist enton. 455@. oul earching: The Religion and

piritual ,i$es of American Teenagers. ew !or#:


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A##"!$+

$nde, !escriptions

Each dependent variable inde( was created from multiple items in the 455 8ilot of the

0S". The items were scaled together to create an inde( that was tested for reliability using

0ronbach+s 'lpha. The items used in each inde( are described, along with the scale used to

measure each item.

Spirituality2QR.9D@7 is measured by seven items:

). 8lease indicate the importance to you personally of: Integrating spirituality into my life

2Essential, ery Important, Somewhat Important, ot Important7

4. 8lease indicate your agreement with the following statement: $e are all spiritual beings

2'gree Strongly, 'gree Somewhat, isagree Somewhat, isagree Strongly7

. 8lease indicate your agreement with the following statement: 8eople can reach a higher


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ma#e the world a better place, f7 other , g7 I do not consider myself to be on a

spiritual uest

6. 3ate yourself on the following trait as compared with the average person your age:

spirituality 2Highest )5, 'bove 'verage, 'verage, "elow 'verage, owest )57

Religious Commitment 2QR.9?57 is measured by nine items:

). How often do you engage in the following activity: 3eligious singingKchanting 2aily,

Several TimesK$ee#,


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?. 8lease indicate the e(tent to which the following describes you: See#ing to follow

religious teachings in my everyday life 2 To a Great E(tent, To Some E(tent, ot at 'll7

Salience of Religious-Spiritual Beliefs2QR.?>D7 is measured by si( items:

). y spiritualKreligious beliefs: Have helped me develop my identity 2'gree Strongly,

'gree Somewhat, isagree Somewhat, isagree Strongly7

4. y spiritualKreligious beliefs: 're one of the most important things in my life 2'gree

Strongly, 'gree Somewhat, isagree Somewhat, isagree Strongly7

. y spiritualKreligious beliefs: Give meaningKpurpose to my life 2'gree Strongly, 'gree

Somewhat, isagree Somewhat, isagree Strongly7

D. y spiritualKreligious beliefs: Help define the goals I set for myself 2'gree Strongly,

'gree Somewhat, isagree Somewhat, isagree Strongly7

@. y spiritualKreligious beliefs: 8rovide me with strength, support, and guidance 2'gree

Strongly, 'gree Somewhat, isagree Somewhat, isagree Strongly7


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. 0ompared with when you first started college, how would you now describe your:

3eligiousness 2 uch Stronger, Stronger, o 0hange, $ea#er, uch $ea#er7


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THESIS: There is no organic connection between religion and sport in modern society, but college athletes who are members of groups that theologically and

organizationally support a connection between athletic competition and religious life will have the highest levels of religiosity and spirituality among college

students.

4

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Sport and Sacred Umbrellas on Campus

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