Uppsala University

Department of Government

Bachelor thesis

Spring 2017

Swedish nation branding in crisis A study on the Swedish nation branding strategy and the migration crisis’ impact

Author: Alessia Rosi

Supervisor: Niklas Bremberg

Words: 11 917

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Abstract

Swedish nation branding has been studied with the main purpose to contribute to the research

field of integrating the nation branding concept into IR. The study conducts a detailed

description of Swedish branding strategies and its government’s statements of the migration

policy change, during the peak of the migration crisis of 2015 through the theoretical

framework of constructivism and soft power. This has been examined with the aim of

describing the evolution of the strategy and the government’s statements during the migration

crisis in order to clarify how a crisis can affect future branding strategies. The findings show

that in a changing international arena, there is a significant need for nations’ branding

strategies to be realistic and competitive in order to be able to obtain soft power.

Keywords: nation branding, constructivism, soft power, migration crisis 2015, NSU, Sweden

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Table of Contents

Abstract……………………………………..……………………………………..………....2

1.Introduction……………………………………..……………………………………..…..4

1.1 Purpose of study……………………………………..……………………………………4

1.2 Research questions………………………………...……………………………………...6

1.3 Outline……………………………………..……………………………………..……….6

2. Theory……………………………………..…………………………………….................6

2.1 Constructivism... ……………………………………..…………………………………...6

2.2 Soft power……………………………………..……………………………………..........8

2.3 Nation branding……………………………………..…………………………………….9

3. Research design……………………………………..……………………………………12

3.1 Method: Case study……………………………………..………………………………..12

3.2 Analytical framework..... ……………………………………..………………………… 14

3.3 Material and source criticism…………………..…..……………………………..…….. 16

4. Background……………………………………..…………………………………….......18

4.1 Sweden in the world……………………………………..……………………………….18

4.2 NSU……………………………………..……………………………………..………....19

4.3 The migration crisis of 2015…………………………………..……………………….....19

5. Analysis…………………………………….……………………………………..……….20

5.1 On the road towards an updated image of Sweden……………………………………....20

5.1.1 The first strategy for the promotion of Sweden abroad………………………………...22

5.2 The Swedish migration policy during the migration crisis...…………...............…….......24

5.3 Strategy for the promotion of Sweden abroad - 2.0……………………………………....29

6. Conclusion and further research……………………………………..……………….....30

7. References……………………………………..……………………………………..........33

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Chapter 1. Introduction Housing only 0,14 percent of the world’s population, Sweden is a very strong player in

the contest for international attraction. However, we are experiencing an increase in the

competitiveness among countries on the international arena. [...] The image of Sweden

is under pressure.

- Annika Rembe, director-general of the Swedish Institute, addressing the international

circumstances for promoting Sweden abroad in 2014 and 2017.

Similar statements have recently been heard among politicians, governmental officials and the

media. Due to the increased international competition for attention, a discussion regarding

what defines the image of Sweden, its domestic and international importance and how the

branding of the country should be managed, is being held. Sweden has gained fame and

influence on the international arena mainly as a progressive and liberal state (The Good

Country, 2016). These values have been part of the internationally recognised ideal state.

However, there are discussions if, in a changing international environment, the impact of

these ideals are shifting.

The concept of nation branding has gained a significant amount of attention from both

academics and practitioners (Dinnie, 2016). However, in line with the increasing popularity,

the number of different research fields taking on the task of clarifying nation branding are

growing as well. There are therefore disagreements among academics what nation branding

really is and to what field it “belongs”. As for Swedish practice of nation branding, Nämnden

för Sverigefrämjande i utlandet (the Council for the Promotion of Sweden) also called NSU,

was created with the purpose of strengthening the Swedish image abroad. The main aim has

been to promote the country’s collective image towards others nations (NSU, 2017). The

focus of the branding of Sweden towards other nation is an entry for describing Swedish

nation branding from an IR perspective. This will be further examined throughout the study.

1.1 Purpose of study Emerging from the above mentioned discussion, it becomes relevant to analyse the efforts for

enhancing the image of Sweden through NSU’s branding strategies. It is, from this

perspective, equally interesting to describe what purpose the Swedish branding efforts has

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originated from as well as how they change in order to adjust to a changing international

environment.

The purpose of this study is to contribute to the research of integrating the concept nation

branding into the theoretical field of international relations (IR) in order to describe what

phenomenon nation branding is. The study does contribute to a further understanding of what

a nation branding strategy can be composed of and its evolution. Moreover, the study

investigates how branding actions during a crisis can be reflected in the formulation of future

strategies. This is empirically relevant since we live in a dynamic time with a changing

international arena at the same time as more countries are getting involved in nation branding

activities, Sweden being one of them.

The purpose of descriptive research is to provide detailed accounts of a phenomenon in order

to gain a clarified picture of what is going on (Denscombe, 2009). With this in mind, the

thesis aims, through a descriptive, qualitative case study, to map and describe what underlying

ideas has formulated the evolution of Swedish branding strategies and how they have been

revised from 2007 until 2017. Furthermore, the branding of Sweden through the migration

policy during the time when the migration crisis reached its peak, autumn of 2015, has been

examined and described in order to see how it can be reflected in the 2017 edition of the

strategy. This is done with regards to study’s main purpose as clarifying the concept of nation

branding and its place within IR. However, the study’s purpose is not to evaluate the efficiency of the Swedish branding

strategy or the government’s decisions during the migration crisis. The study has not

conducted a description of nation branding’s place in IR by taking it into an international

context, measuring international reactions or changes in Sweden’s international relations or

reputation. With a more generous time frame this is something the research would have been

complemented with. Nevertheless, I believe that the advantages of this study’s approach;

providing an in-depth understanding for the concept of nation branding through applying it to

IR theories and concepts, is an important contribution for understanding the greater picture. It

is therefore a theoretical contribution where the concept of nation branding is placed in a

wider context and thus, an important puzzle piece in a wider context. The study’s descriptive

purpose lays a foundation for further research and its findings can be advantageously useful

for further research within the field of study.

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1.2 Research questions With regards to the overall purpose and aim, the research questions that the study answers are

the following:

1) How has the Swedish nation branding strategy evolved from 2007-2014?

2.1) How did the Swedish government brand "Sweden" during the migration crisis of 2015,

and

2.2) In what way is the governmental action during the crisis reflected in the Swedish nation

branding strategy of 2017?

1.3 Outline After this introductory chapter, which has emphasised the study’s relevance and purpose, the

second chapter accounts for the study’s central concepts and theories which have been used as

the theoretical framework for answering the study’s research questions. The chapter’s aim has

also been to highlight the connection between the theoretical framework and the study’s

purpose. The third chapter describes and justifies the study’s research design, methodology

and operationalisation for answering the research questions. In addition, it discusses possible

critique towards the sources used when gathering data. The fourth chapter provides

background information on Sweden’s position in the world measured by relevant indexes,

NSU and the migration crisis of 2015. This is done with the purpose of giving the reader a

greater picture and thus facilitating the understanding of the analysis. The analysis has then

been conducted in the fifth chapter by combining theory and empirics in order to reach

relevant conclusions. The findings show that in a changing international arena, there is a

significant need for nations’ branding strategies to be realistic and competitive in order to be

able to obtain soft power. The sixth chapter presents the study’s conclusions and how these

might be further studied by other researchers in the future.

Chapter 2. Theory

2.1 Constructivism A central theory in this study is one of the three most established within IR: constructivism.

The theory puts emphasis on how international relations and national interests, and thus the

international reality, are socially constructed by values, norms and identities. The theory

argues that since they depend on socially constructed perceptions, international relations and

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national interests are changeable over time (Hurd, 2008). Thus, what influences nations’

relations to one another is how they are perceived by each other, which formation is subject to

both change and influence. This shows the importance and possibility for a nation to brand

itself for the purpose of being perceived in a desirable manner in order to obtain power on the

international arena. The constructivist approach does also emphasise the possibility for a

nation to create its image without the constraint from power structures. “Many constructivist

scholars argue that international norms carry social content and are often independent of

power distributions; they provide agents/states with understandings of interests and do not

merely constrain behaviour” (van Ham, 2002, p. 260).

By this, constructivist research challenges arguments and ideas of two other significant

theories within IR: realism and liberalism. This especially in the matter of what forms state’s

identity and interests and thus what defines international power structures. Realism states that

a nation’s only focus in its interaction with other nations is the pursuing of fixed, egoistic self-

interests mainly constructed by hard values, such as military security. Thus, the national

identity and image on the international arena as well as its relation to other nations is

unchangeable and exclusively defined by security and power. The liberal approach, on the

other hand, tries to explain international relations, interests and power by shedding as much

light on the importance of politics as economics. Meaning that states are not only interested in

egoistic goals for achieving power, but that collaboration within international organisations,

such as the UN, are equally important. However, the main focus remains on material interests

in the strive towards power on the international arena (Hurd, 2008).

To summarise the differences between a constructivist approach and the ones of realism and

liberalism, three distinguishing features are accounted for:

1. The actions of people depend on their perceived meanings of what objects, such as actions,

statements and norms, represent. Since ideas and practices are changeable, patterns defining

relationships between people or nations, which once might have seemed solid and predictable,

can change too.

2. State interests are constructed through socialisation and internationalisation. Since the

relationships among states are not fixed, nor are national interests.

3. Actions conducted by states create institutions as well as norms of international life, which

in turn affect and influence the definition and socialisation of states (Hurd, 2008).

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When it comes to international power, the constructivist approach defines ideas as a form of

power rather than materialistic resources (van Ham, 2002). Meaning that if a country stands

for ideas that are seen as attractive or legitimate by others, the country has the power to

attract, influence and persuade others because of the ideas it is associated with. For that

reason, nation branding can be linked to this approach as well as the theory of soft power,

which is accounted for in the following section.

2.2 Soft power The inventor of soft power, Joseph Nye (2004, preface, x), defines the concept as “the ability

to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the

attractiveness of a country’s culture, political ideals and policies”. Thus, soft power consists

of the nation’s ability to be associated with positive, intangible resources. These can be a

political system or a set of policies as well as cultural and political values that are perceived

as moral and/or legitimate by other, mainly international, actors.

When it comes to international relations and politics, the intangible resources that can make a

nation obtain more soft power on the international arena arise from what a country states as

their position in culture, internal practices and policies as well as the formation of their

relation building with other states. When a government wishes to enhance its soft power, it

has the possibility to either attract or repel others by the way it acts within fields where these

intangible resources can be obtained (Nye, 2004).

However, soft power is not defined as a power that stands alone, but a complement and

different dimension to the concept of power. The ones who only value hard power in

international relations are “one-dimensional players in a three-dimensional world” (Nye,

2004, p. 5). In other words, both soft and hard power are needed in order to obtain optimal

influence on the international arena. Nevertheless, obtaining resources that can turn into

power does not guarantee the wanted outcome. For example, the US independently branded

itself as, and was commonly said to be, the world’s only superpower but without being able to

prevent 9/11 (ibid). Links can here be drawn to the Swedish actions during the migration

crisis. Sweden is seen as a country with a significant amount of soft power through attraction

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and a positive international image but did not manage to keep its position to the wished extent

during the migration crisis.

Soft power is both an asset for nations to make them attractive to others as well as a tool to

use in the communication with the world. These multiple ways of obtaining soft power have

led many countries to pursue communication-based goals in order to ameliorate their

international credibility and establish stronger relations with foreign publics. The context of

the 21st century, with developed ways of spreading information, gives nations and

governments an increased possibility to communicate its wished international perception in

new ways (Hayden, 2012). An example of this is the website Sharing Sweden, created by the

Swedish Institute, with material produced for the purpose of promoting Sweden abroad. The

website does also present Sweden’s position within issues such as education, culture and

gender equality. In addition, it contains documents of the country’s branding strategies and

visual identity among others (Sharing Sweden, 2017). An in-depth description and analysis of

the branding strategies can be found in chapter five. However, a theoretical introduction to the

concept of nation branding will follow in the next section.

2.3 Nation branding As stated in the introduction of this thesis, the concept of nation branding has gained

increased interest among both researchers and practitioners, such as governments and

branding agencies. The idea of applying branding strategies, originating mainly from

marketing practices, in order to enhance a country’s international reputation and position has

been of interest to a wide range of different research fields (Dinnie, 2016). Examples of these

fields are public relations, marketing communications and IR among others, many of them

with the ambitions to clarify what the concept of nation branding really is.

However, despite the increasing attention it has received from both researchers and

practitioners, there is a significant disagreement on the meaning and scope of nation branding

(Kaneva, 2011). Thus, since it holds different meanings depending on context and research

purpose, there is no unified definition of the concept or how it is conducted by a nation’s

representatives. Furthermore, there is a conceptual confusion regarding the difference

between nation and place branding as well as the concept’s relation to public diplomacy. This

increased, but fragmented, discussion of the concept puts emphasis on the need for more

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research on the matter (Fan, 2006). As for the field of IR, previous research has started to

examine the relationship between nation branding and ideas from IR, which has created

theoretical grounds for the study.

One definition of nation branding is that it is a nations strategic self-presentation with the

main goal of obtaining domestic as well as international reputational capital within economic,

political and social interests (Szondi, 2008). When conducting nation branding, the nation’s

representatives, as for example the government, is interested in promoting the country’s

whole image on the international arena covering a wide spectrum of interests for positive

promotion. A brand strategy is coherent if it consists of a realistic, competitive and

compelling vision for the nations international interaction and communication. This strategy

should be enforced and conducted by relevant actors and the promotion should permeate their

interaction with external actors on the international arena. Nation branding is therefore

separated from the concept of place branding, where the main aim is to cater for economic

interests (Fan, 2006).

Furthermore, there are several components interacting within nation branding which together

constructs the concept: a national identity which needs to have a clear idea of what should be

promoted to the outside world, a reference point providing a frame for the image formation

process, a construed image meaning how citizens perceive their own country as well as how

others do, the actual image constructed by a set of outside associations held about the

concerned nation, the current project image which refers to the nations effort to communicate

its desired image and finally, the desired future image being a visionary perception which

forms the point of reference in the communication of the image to the outside world (Stock,

2009).

“A location’s brand consists of the sum total of the perceptions and expectations people have

about it” (van Ham, 2002, p. 264). Therefore, branding a nation is not only about gaining

attention and appealing to investors, tourist or talents, it is also about managing identity,

loyalty and image. With this focus, the nations are not one single product but a set of values,

meanings and social rules. Due to the lack of clear differences, such as political, among

nations in the West the political positions and beliefs become more attitudinal rather than

substantial. Therefore, just like any commercial product, the importance for a nation lies in

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image and reputation in order to gain competitive advantage internationally (van Ham, 2002)

which can explain the increased amount of governments practicing nation branding in

different ways. However, the branding of a nation calls for a more multidimensional

perspective as well as increased ethical considerations of what might be appropriate than what

usually is done when branding a product (Dinnie, 2016).

Among the above definitions of nation branding, the most suitable for this study’s purpose is

the one presented by Fan (2006). The definition’s emphasis on a nation branding strategy’s

most important characteristics (realistic, competitive and compelling) as well as the execution

of the strategy being conducted by relevant actors allows for transitioning the concept into an

IR perspective. This since the importance of a strategy to be realistic can be applied to the

constructivist idea of the international reality being subject to change. The characteristics of

competitive and compelling can be applied to a nation’s way to obtain soft power since a

competitive and compelling strategy can improve a nation’s international image and

attraction. The definition’s emphasis on the importance of relevant actors to conduct the

branding activities draw parallels to the IR focus on the possibility for state actions to affect

the international environment. However, this will be further discussed in section 3.2.

Moreover, as there are diverse views among researchers regarding the possible similarities

and differences between nation branding and public diplomacy, this study’s chosen position is

that nation branding is a part of public diplomacy. By integrating the two approaches, it

allows governments to act upon the national image and bring more stability to the brand as

well as providing necessary leadership when branding the nation. It also provides essential

tools for protecting and possibly defending a country’s international image (Szondi, 2008).

Furthermore, it enhances the possibility for a greater realisation among nations of the

country’s image and brand as an asset. This since it makes it possible to develop a more

strategic focus than public diplomacy alone might do, which might result in increasing the

country’s attractiveness more efficiently (Simons, 2013).

Together with the research on the meaning of nation branding, critical review on the concept

has been put forward. This has mainly consisted of the critique towards treating nations as

brands. The use of corporate marketing methods on a nation has been argued to be a

simplification of governance and nationhood with possible political and cultural implications

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(Kaneva, 2011). This is why, as stated earlier, nation branding should not be seen as a direct

translation from product branding. Moreover, a significant issue facing nation branding in its

current state is “the dilemma of nation branding”, illustrating the issue of trying to be all

things to all audiences at all occasions, which might eventually lead the message to be

meaningless and lack power to make a competitive, international impact (Fan, 2005).

A constructivist approach is applicable to nation branding as “it offers brand states the option

of constructing their own image, role and identity” (van Ham, 2002, p. 261). From this

approach, nation branding can be seen as governments acknowledging the implementation of

“competitive global policies and strategies designed to achieve prosperity and influence [...]

Brand states still “make war”, but here in a non-violent contest for market-share and

visibility” (ibid, p. 265). This is in line with the constructivist idea of power consisting more

of ideas and others perception rather than what materialistic resources a country possesses. By

applying it to soft power, it means that a successful nation branding might strengthen a

country’s international position, its ability to attract or persuade other actors to follow and

thus the possibility to direct the international development in a wished direction.

Constructivism and soft power creates in this study the theoretical framework for integrating

nation branding into IR. This with the motivation of the three all having a focus on ideas,

reputation and attraction as a way to gain power and international influence. As van Ham

states, the approach of integrating nation branding into IR is in need of further research

(2002), which is what this study contributes to. By analysing the gathered material from this

perspective, the theoretical framework sorts out what defines the evolution of the Swedish

nation branding strategy, how branding actions were conducted during the migration crisis

and how this later was reflected in the revised strategy of 2017.

Chapter 3. Research design

3.1 Method: Case study The chosen research method is a qualitative case study in order to cater for the study’s

purpose and research questions. A case study is appropriate for the study’s purpose of

understanding the bigger picture of nation branding’s link to IR. As Denscombe (2009, p.

104) states, case studies are useful for the purpose “to see how the whole thing fits together,

rather than look at cause-effect relationships between specific, individual variables”.

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Furthermore, a case study is suitable for this study’s purpose since it has the “desire to probe

deeply into a relatively restricted area of study… making use of data in the form of

interviews, documents and images where the numbers of items is likely to be relatively small”

(Denscombe, 2009, p. 102). Thus, with regards to the study’s purpose, the fact that the area of

study regarding nation branding and IR is relatively small and that data of Swedish branding

strategies and official governmental statements regarding the migration policy change is

limited, a case study is a suitable approach. It is additionally appropriate since the aim has

been to conduct an in-depth description of the link between nation branding and IR. It has,

through the chosen research method, been possible to cater for this by making use of the

complex content of the ideas behind the nation branding strategies by a careful study of the

phenomenon (Denscombe, 2009).

As for the Swedish branding strategies there is only one council with the mission to promote

Sweden abroad, which also is responsible for the launching of the country’s branding

strategies. The examination of the strategies has therefore not been a strategic case selection

from a larger population but what has been available to study. The Swedish Institute is the

authority within NSU that has the ultimate responsibility to publish and gather the branding

information within relevant contexts. However, the thesis refers to the whole of NSU as

responsible for the strategy since the council have presented them jointly.

Before further introducing the grounds for the strategic selection of the migration crisis, it is

important to emphasise that the study does not hold the idea that governmental actions

through a migration policy are for branding purposes at first hand. A migration policy is first

and foremost formulated to cater for refugee reception and integration. Nevertheless, from a

nation branding perspective policies are a possible tool for communicating a country’s brand

in order to enhance its international reputation. It therefore becomes interesting to examine

how the migration policy was justified with regards to NSU’s strategy for the branding of

Sweden.

The strategic selection of the migration crisis of 2015, during the time when it reached its

peak, has been on the basis of the case’s particular characteristics. It is a particular case of the

branding of Sweden during crisis since the turn in migration policy did not follow usual

Swedish branding patterns. The branding of the country through its initial migration policy

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was in line with the strategy’s wished perception of Sweden. However, when the policy was

revised, its stated relevance to the image of Sweden was used differently and the branding

partly changed together with the policy. When examining how branding actions are conducted

and changed during crisis, it facilitates the analysis if there is a concrete turning point for how

the branding actions were carried out. The policy change constitutes this case’s turning point,

which facilitates and clarifies the analysis.

Furthermore, it became evident during the crisis that the government felt the need to justify

the policy change towards the Swedish brand. Thus, it became clear what values the

government saw as most important which facilitated the analysing from a branding

perspective as well as examining how these actions were reflected in the 2017 edition of the

strategy. Neither this nor the turning point mentioned above might have been as evident

during regular branding actions carried out by the Swedish government. Therefore, “things

become visible here that would remain hidden under typical circumstances” (Denscombe,

2009, p. 187).

Moreover, the crisis took place during a period of a changing international political climate,

with increased polarisation and less trust among states (NSU, 2017) and the analysis of the

branding actions during the crisis therefore becomes further interesting. This since the

Swedish brand has mainly been composed by liberal values and the investigation of what

happens when these values no longer are executable, due to a changing international

environment, can be described by a constructivist approach. Therefore, it allows for the

study’s purpose of integrating nation branding into IR.

The generalisation possibilities in this study are that what is found under the circumstances of

the migration crisis are relevant for regular circumstances too. “It can suggest the way things

might develop if typical instances start to shift towards the special or extreme” (Denscombe,

2009, p. 187). Therefore, it enhances an understanding of how branding strategies might be

carried out during crisis and how that might affect future “normal” strategies.

3.2 Analytical framework The chosen method for analysing the data gathered in the case studies has been a systematised

text analysis in order to understand underlying, at times implicit, thoughts and meanings of

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central actors. This is a suitable method when there is a purpose of clarifying how a

government has acted to create a national identity through the years. It allows for a

concretisation and systematic analysis of what values and ideas that has been connected to the

Swedish branding strategies as well as the branding efforts during the migration crisis. It

caters for the possibility to see patterns, regularities and recurring relationships of nation

branding within the Swedish strategies and the government’s branding actions through

statements regarding the migration policy. The results from the text analysis has, together

with the theoretical framework, answered the thesis’ research questions (Teorell & Svensson,

2007).

Since nation branding forms the backdrop to this research, it needs to be operationalised by

identifying specific things that can be used as indicators of nation branding within strategies

and government statements (Denscombe, 2009). As the study’s purpose takes a more specific

form in the research questions, they serve as guidelines for what the operationalisation needs

to measure. The research structure constitutes of the ability to summarise and sort the

appearances of nation branding as well as its changes, which has been enabled through the

operationalisation of nation branding. The basis of the operationalisation has been Fan’s

definition of nation branding, stated in section 2.3:

A brand strategy is coherent if it consists of a realistic, competitive and compelling vision for

the nations international interaction and communication. This strategy should be enforced and

conducted by relevant actors and the promotion should permeate their interaction with

external actors on the international arena (Fan, 2006). The operationalisations of this

definition has been formulated as follows:

Ø Realistic as “with grounds in Swedish historical and/or present attributions as well as

the circumstances on the international arena”.

Ø Competitive as “aim of distinguishing Sweden from other nations and thus gain

international competitive advantage”.

Ø Relevant actors as “Swedish official actors having the possibility to both conduct and

influence the branded image of Sweden”.

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Compelling has not been operationalised since the purpose of the study has not been to

measure the strategy’s effectiveness or external reactions.

As Stock (2009) states, a nation branding strategy needs to have a reference point for the

exercise of the image formation as well as the communication of the image. Since the study’s

analysis has its starting point when the brand platform was launched in 2007 and proceeds

with the strategy of 2014, the branding actions during the migration crisis and the strategy of

2017, the need for reference point has been catered for in this study. Changes will therefore be

examined in relation to the previous strategies and governmental statements regarding the

migration policy.

The validity of a study is determined by the fact that the empirical indicators are accurate and

precise enough for the purpose of the research. The empirical indicators need to reflect the

concept that is investigated in order to deliver an accurate answer (Denscombe, 2009). The

operationalisation of nation branding has originated from a definition created by previous

research on the matter. Furthermore, the empirical indicators have been created with the focus

of being able to answer the research questions. It has been possible to accurately answer the

research questions and connect nation branding to IR through the analytical framework,

which is why I evaluate the study’s internal validity as high. However, the external validity is

evaluated to be lower since the ambitions for this study are not generalising. The study might

be difficult to replicate due to its complex nature which entails a low reliability (Esaiasson et

al., 2012).

3.3 Material and source criticism The analysis of the study has its ground in Swedish cases and as a way of further limiting the

material, only material from central actors (NSU and the government) has constituted the

basis of analysis. This since the use of first-hand sources with a central role in the matter leads

to a legitimate and well-grounded description. Furthermore, the material has been examined

with an open approach where the results of the empirical measurements has been dependent

on what has been found in the material. This since what defines Swedish nation branding and

the branding efforts during a crisis is seldom obvious. To reach relevant conclusions it has

therefore been needed to analyse the implicit. There have not been any predetermined answers

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guiding the analysis of the material in any specific direction since it creates the risk of missing

essential factors that might have an influence on the conclusion (Esaiasson et al., 2012).

With this in mind, the selected material of study has been the brand platform launched by

NSU in 2007, the branding strategy from 2014 and the revised strategy from 2017. I have

further examined and analysed the transcribed version of Prime Minister Stefan Löfven’s

speech on the manifestation for refugee reception held in Stockholm and the transcribed

version of Löfven and Deputy Prime Minister Åsa Romson’s announcement regarding the

changed migration policy.

The limitations of the material as well as the study’s purpose does not make it possible to

conduct a normative study of the quality of the strategy nor how it was received both within

and outside Swedish borders. In addition, it does not evaluate Sweden’s migration policy or

governmental decisions taken during the migration crisis. It has been less of a study on the

perception of the actions and more of a description of what was intended with the statements.

Since it does not examine the effects or outside reactions, neither national nor international

media sources have been used as foundation for analysis or for drawing conclusions.

However, they have been used for the purpose of contextualising both the strategies and the

migration crisis as well as the government’s actions during the period.

When interpreting the material, both latent and manifest statements and the clarity of the

thought has been taken into account. The clarity of the thought entails that the producer of the

material has a thought-out apprehension of the context where the material is present. The

perspective of the interpretation has therefore been what the text signified to the sender and

what was intended when the material was formulated (Esaiasson et al., 2012).

It has been a strategic selection to examine Swedish material only in order to cater for the

study’s aim of an in-depth description. Since there only is one Swedish council with the

mission of promoting Sweden abroad and they have presented three editions of Swedish

brand platform/strategies in total, the selection of material in this area has been the only

selection possible. What calls for acknowledgement of possible criticism is instead the

strategic selection of the migration crisis 2015.

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There are several factors accounted for in section 3.1 highlighting the adequacy of the

migration crisis for answering the research questions and catering for the research purpose.

However, with the chosen research structure, we cannot be entirely sure that it was the crisis

that directly influenced the formation of NSU’s strategy from 2017. Nevertheless, it was

problematic for the government to justify the changed migration policy based on how the

previous branding of Sweden had been conducted. This indicates a possible influence on the

2017 strategy since the revision of the strategy gave NSU the opportunity to “make up” for

the problematic situation the government faced during the crisis. Furthermore, since there are

factors within the 2017 strategy pointing towards an influence from the migration crisis, it

entails that without the events during the crisis, the need for a revision of the strategy might

not have been as urgent.

Since the sources are limited to a certain time frame, more precisely 2007-2017, the analysis

and conclusions are context based. There is therefore the possibility of a study focusing on a

different time period to draw different conclusions. However, since the study does not carry

generalising ambitions this is not seen upon as a considerable implication. Furthermore, the

limits for the examined time period does not provide an historical analysis of Swedish nation

branding before 2007 or a wished future state after 2017. Neither is it a study on the evolution

of Swedish migration policy before or after the migration crisis 2015. The conclusions are

thus based on, and limited to, Swedish branding actions and its evolution during 2007-2017,

with a focus on the branding strategies and official statements and actions during the crisis.

Since only Swedish cases are used as grounds for the analysis and Swedish sources are the

only ones used, there is a risk for the analysed material to be biased towards the creator’s

favour. Therefore, an objective approach has been held when interpreting and analysing the

material. Since some of the material has been translated from Swedish to English, there is a

risk of an inaccurate translation to provide for a misleading analysis and conclusions. In order

to prevent this, the services and guidance of Uppsala university’s Language Workshop have

been utilised.

Chapter 4. Background

4.1 Sweden in the world

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There are a range of different indexes measuring a country’s reputation, image and how its

identity is perceived on the international arena. As for the field of nation branding, the Nation

Brand Index (NBI) ranks 50 countries after their international identity and image based on

exports, governance, culture and heritage, population, tourism and the country’s ability to

attract talents and investors. In the recent years up until today, Sweden is ranked 10th with the

US, UK and Germany holding the top positions (GfK, 2017). Sweden holds the highest

ranking among the Nordic countries. This shows that the country has a relatively high

position in the world, especially with regards to its size.

4.2 NSU NSU was created by the Swedish government in 1995 with the purpose to enhance an

effective and coordinated long-term promotion of the image of Sweden abroad (Swedish

Institute, 2017). By then, the members of the council were the Ministry of Foreign affairs, the

Swedish Institute, Invest in Sweden Agency, VisitSweden, the Swedish Trade Council and

the Ministry of Enterprise and Innovation. In 2017, the members remained unchanged except

for the addition of the Ministry of Culture and Business Sweden (which is a merger of the

Swedish Trade Council and Invest in Sweden Agency).

In 2007, a so called brand platform was launched with the purpose of serving as a guidance

for promoting Sweden internationally through a variety of channels. The gathered ideas for

the promotion of Sweden, which the platform consisted of, was not explicitly said to serve as

a strategy, but as a communication platform serving those who used the image of Sweden for

work purposes, such as embassies and export businesses (SI, 2007). Since the launch, the

platform has developed into an explicit strategy with its first revised edition launched in 2014

and the second in 2017. The stated reasons for the new versions has been a changed, tougher

climate among the states on the international arena and an increased competition within the

field of nation branding. The main goal of the strategies has been to increase the global

knowledge of Sweden, thus attracting investors and talents as well as tourists and political

allies (ibid). This will be further elaborated in the analysis chapter.

4.3 The migration crisis of 2015 “The world is experiencing the largest refugee crisis since WWII” (Sveriges Radio [SR],

2015). The majority fleeing from the civil war in Syria since 2011 and the terrorist group IS

20

who are active in Syria and Iraq (ibid). In September 2013, the Swedish government gave

permanent residence permit to refugees coming from Syria. In November 2015, which is

stated to be the peak of the migration crisis, the government introduced temporary residence

permit to all refugees, with some exceptions, together with a range of additional restrictive

measures. The stated reasons were to give the Swedish refugee reception and society time to

recover. Thereby, Sweden’s migration policy drastically changed from being the EU’s most

generous to the level of the unions minimum requirement (Migrationsverket, 2016).

Chapter 5. Analysis

5.1 On the road towards an updated image of Sweden “In a time of mass communication and increased globalisation, a country is highly dependent

on how it is perceived abroad” (NSU, 2007, p. 1). This introductory sentence of the brand

platform, released in 2007, underlined the importance of Sweden’s international reputation

and image being perceived as attractive by other nations. As Joseph Nye argues, the more

attractive a country is perceived to be by others on the international arena, the more soft

power the country has (2004). Thus, the brand platform served as a tool for Sweden to obtain

soft power by establishing a collective, strong and unique image of the country.

The purpose of the brand platform was to create a joint image that reflected Sweden in a

modern and clear way as well as enhancing the impact of individual and collective initiatives

for the promotion of Sweden. Its intended usage was as a practical tool when promoting

Sweden in an international context. The importance of the Swedish image being distinguished

by values was emphasised by the statement that “unique values result in a unique international

position” (NSU, 2007, p. 4). The “Swedish brand” was coined to highlight the importance a

distinct image of the nation, the nation’s “brand”, had for creating a competitive advantage.

The creation of the platform can thus be seen as a Swedish way of conducting nation branding

through strengthening and distinguishing its international image in order to create attraction

and a competitive advantage. The platform was therefore competitive as defined by nation

branding.

The Swedish brand was constituted by four core values connoting from the position of

progressiveness: innovation, openness, compassion and authenticity. The values were to be

seen as a unity which would distinguish Sweden as a progressive country. The intention was

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also to use the values as internal bench-marks for which projects to engage in and what to

emphasise when promoting Sweden.

The platform defined innovation as the ability to see things from different perspectives as well

as believing in a better future without being hampered by history. In a Swedish context,

innovation was exemplified by parental leave for both parents, ground-breaking design and a

strong tradition of inventions. The value of openness was defined as embracing differences

between people, cultures and lifestyles. It was further defined as accommodating individual

ideas and opinions as well as the freedom to move between different cities and places. It was

exemplified by Sweden having an international business sector and the practice of the

principle of public access (NSU, 2007).

Furthermore, the value of compassion was defined as providing individual safety and

practicing respect, inclusion and empathy. It was further defined as the principle of sharing

with the society’s weakest and caring for others. Swedish examples of compassion were the

international engagements in peacebuilding, gender equality and sustainable development.

The definition of authenticity was acting natural and being trustworthy, honest and informal

as well as standing up for Swedish values and standpoints, even when they might be

controversial (NSU, 2007).

The brand platform showed an understanding for the importance of branding Sweden through

different activities and industries. The way of reaching the ultimate goal of creating a

competitive advantage for Sweden through this platform was to brand Sweden as progressive.

The platform put emphasis on being a progressive country is a desirable position in a time of

global change and that the possibility for Sweden to obtain this position was motivated by its

historical and present reputation, among others measured by indexes. The way the platform

contextualised the branding values in Swedish practices made it realistic as defined by nation

branding since it was based in Swedish historical and present attributions shown in both

practices and index rankings.

It was further stated that national actions affect the international image of Sweden (NSU,

2007), not least policy actions stating where Sweden stands in international discussions, the

issue of migration being an example. This allows for further understanding through a

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constructivist approach since the theory underlines the effect state actions has on its relation

to other states. This further builds on the constructivist idea of that relationships and interests

are built on meanings. Thus, depending on how Sweden’s national actions, regarding both

branding strategy and migration policy, are perceived on the international arena will define

the image of Sweden. The base for the creation of the platform can be described as the aim of

obtaining soft power through values and policies being perceived as legitimate by others.

Continuing the work with the Swedish international brand and adjusting it to the

contemporary international climate increases the possibility to maintain an attractive image,

even through change and thus retain soft power.

5.1.1 The first strategy for the promotion of Sweden abroad The strategy of 2014 emerged from the idea of cross-border cooperation as necessary in order

to handle future global challenges. The vision was that, in a world facing significant

challenges, the open and free society that defines Sweden would serve as a driving force for

innovation and co-creation and through an attractive international image in turn attract

international collaboration. The strategy contained an elaborated vision, a target image, a

purpose and the core values which remained the same as the ones presented in 2007 (NSU,

2014).

In addition, to achieve a greater impact, the strategy was reinforced with profile areas where

the promotion of Sweden should be especially present: society, innovation, sustainability and

creativity. As for society, the main focus of the areas for promoting Sweden were human

rights and equal opportunities for individual development as well as conducting a deliberate

work for reforms. These focal points within the area of society were stated to be the

foundation of the social welfare model that has defined a significant part of the Swedish

international image and thus something to promote further. Within the profile area of

innovation, focus was on encouraging enterprise, attracting investors and highlighting the

success of Swedish innovation. The promotion of Sweden within sustainability was said to

follow the country’s tradition of international engagement in creating global cooperation for

sustainable development. As for the area of creativity, it was defined as an area where

Sweden traditionally had been a leading force, within industries such as music and film. The

cultural and creative industries are becoming even more important for Sweden’s economic

23

growth and by conducing promotional actions within the area, the intentions were to create an

image of Sweden as an innovative and imaginative country (NSU, 2014).

By outlining the nation’s unique features, through both what has been traditionally and

historically enhanced as well as what is wished for the future, the strategy focused on creating

a realistic competitive advantage for Sweden through values, lifestyle and policies. This was

done even more in 2014 than in the platform from 2007, since it provided an elaborated

addition of profile areas. As mentioned in the thesis’ section on soft power, intangible

resources such as values, lifestyle and policies are typically emphasised when creating an

attractive image of the nation. The Swedish branding strategy catered for this by underlining

intangible values that the country wanted to be associated with and contextualised these in

Swedish policies and way of life in order to create a realistic attraction. Thus, the strategy was

both realistic and competitive from a nation branding perspective.

In order to strengthen the impact of the strategy further, a target group was identified with the

purpose of spreading the message as efficiently and cost effectively as possible. The chosen

target group, “connectors”, was described as individuals with a widespread social network

where information could be further shared with a large number of recipients. The use of

connectors was thus motivated by the ability to reach out to a large final target group. In

addition, a model for evaluation with methods for following up intended goals and results was

also developed more thoroughly. However, this was not outlined in detail besides mentioning

a meta-analysis which would map causalities between activities and long-term effects of the

image of Sweden. Finally, a visual identity was developed for the purpose of delivering a

visually united Swedish image. The combination of symbols and décor would facilitate the

application of the visual identity to different situations (NSU, 2014). The branding features

that the platform was enhanced with, when it evolved into an explicit strategy, are used in

product branding strategies too. The fact that they can be found in the Swedish branding

strategy shows the transferring of typical product marketing strategies to nations, in order to

create a competitive advantage.

The evolution from the brand platform into an explicit strategy was motivated by the rapid

change of the climate on the international arena and the increased competition among nations

(NSU, 2014). The evolution can be explained from a constructivist viewpoint. Since the

24

climate on the international arena is dependent on countries’ relationship to each other, and

since these relationships can change, the international climate is also subject to change. With

an internationally increased competition among nations, the relationships themselves become

more competitive. This can therefore be an incentive to develop a brand platform into an

actual strategy. Furthermore, the increased possibility to exchange and access information for

both individuals and states, as well as economic growth among developing countries,

influences the evolution of a strategy due to the need for stronger international profiling in

order to stand out.

This increased possibility to exchange and access information further signifies that nations

become more alike in the tools for obtaining soft power, where an example of this is a nation

branding strategy. This leads to an increased competition among the countries conducting

nation branding. As the constructivist approach states, a nation’s actions affect its relation to

other nations. Since actions depend on how they are received and perceived, thus what

meaning they carry according to other nations, the effect of nation branding actions depends

on how it is received. States who conduct nation branding in a more competitive and explicit

way, due to a change in international circumstances, can thus create a competitive relation to

other nations which in turn affect national interests and relationships.

To summarise, the increased pressure on nations to profile themselves further in order to lead

the contest of obtaining soft power on the international arena, calls for a constant

development of nation branding strategies. Therefore, even if Sweden has high rankings on

international indexes measuring reputation and attraction, a dynamic international climate

demands the country to update its image in order to remain internationally attractive and

competitive.

5.2 The Swedish migration policy during the migration crisis As stated in 3.1, the main aim for a migration policy is to cater for a country’s standpoint

within the issues of migration and integration. However, a policy is a possible channel for a

country’s branding strategy since it can be motivated by the strategy’s branding values.

During a manifestation for refugee reception in Stockholm, the sixth of September 2015, the

Swedish Prime Minister Stefan Löfven held a speech where he stated Sweden’s position in

25

the increasingly relevant migration issue. Encouragement and pride was expressed towards

the Swedes who engaged in welcoming and helping refugees coming to Sweden. The

government’s daily integration work, mainly through employment, education and social

community, was stated to have the aim of rendering hope and offering a part in building

Sweden. The word solidarity was a frequently used, especially in the context that Sweden

should carry its sense of solidarity as its biggest pride (Löfven, 2015). The speech was also an

effort to bring the Swedish people together by referring to what the image of Sweden was

defined by. The emphasising on solidarity can be linked to how the brand platform and the

2014 strategy defined the value of openness; embracing the differences between people,

cultures and lifestyles and hence welcoming refugees from different parts of the world. The

value of compassion as practicing respect, inclusion and empathy and thus caring for others

can also be linked to the idea of solidarity and the initial migration policy’s generous

approach.

During the speech the need for the European Union (EU) to cooperate and come to terms

regarding a collective action plan for refugee reception was underlined. Löfven (2015) stated

that the Europe he knew jointly and with solidarity welcomed individuals fleeing from war,

offering help when the need for it was great “It is time for Europe to stand up for every

humans’ inviolable value and rights [...] this is what Sweden should stand for, this is what we

stand up for today” (Löfven, 2015, p. 2). The convincement of the importance of international

cooperation when facing global challenges seems to have originated from the same grounds

as the launch of the 2014 strategy. This since the reason for evolved strategy was to profile

Swedish further in order to attract international cooperation, something that Löfven now

stated as important for solving the migration issue.

The branding strategy’s aim to portray Sweden as progressive was catered for in the initial

migration policy through its uniqueness compared to other European countries and did

therefore reflect the Swedish brand values that NSU had established in the strategy. The

government’s initial determination to maintain the policy, even when other countries within

the EU moved the opposite way by closing borders and introducing a state of emergency

(Svenska Dagbladet, 2015), can be seen as acting upon the authenticity Sweden wanted to be

associated with. This especially through the statement of standing up for Swedish values,

policies and ideas even when they might be controversial. Moreover, the profile area of

26

society is the migration policy’s most relevant area of application due to its focus on human

rights and equal opportunities, which became enhanced through a generous migration policy.

The policy fit the same area as the Swedish welfare model which has been a way for Sweden

to stand out internationally, just as the migration policy first did.

The speech is a symbol for the thoughts behind Sweden’s initial position in the migration

issue during the crisis. The strategy’s values connoting from progressiveness can be found in

the Swedish migration policy’s initial approach. Furthermore, the government wanted to be

seen as a progressive country through having a unique migration policy as one of the EU’s

most generous. The policy was internationally unique just as the uniqueness of the Swedish

values and lifestyle according to indexes among others. The initial migration policy was

therefore in line with Swedish branding values. This proves that nation branding can be

conducted through policies since the branding of Sweden through the initial migration policy

was in line with the strategy of 2014. The policy was realistic in the way the term is defined

by nation branding since it had grounds in the way Sweden traditionally had acted within the

issue and had connections to Swedish actions within other issues, such as the profile area of

society. Therefore, the initial migration policy contributed to strengthen the Swedish brand

and can therefore be seen as a tool for obtaining soft power. By doing so, the image of

Sweden as progressive, open, authentic and caring was enhanced through the policy and can

hence be defined as a branding action.

Two months after Löfven’s speech, the 24th of November, the Swedish migration policy made

a drastic turn. During a press conference, together with Deputy Prime Minister Åsa Romson,

Löfven announced restrictive measures in the policy with the purpose of giving the Swedish

society and refugee reception time to recover after a significant increase in the number of

refugees coming to Sweden. This had made the Swedish initial migration policy untenable

(Löfven & Romson, 2015). Through the change, the policy went from being the most

generous to be reduced to EU’s minimum level. During the announcement, the protection of

the international asylum law and the ability to offer a safe home for refugees was continually

stressed, but from a different perspective. In these changed circumstances, the reason for

change in the migration policy was stated to be due the inability to offer shelter and to take

care individuals fleeing war (ibid). The new policy was therefore justified to be in line with

27

the Swedish branding values of compassion and authenticity by it making sure that the nation

could take care of the already received refugees in a respectful and safe manner.

During the announcement, it was stated that conducted politics needs to be established in

reality (Löfven & Romson, 2015). Meaning that when there are changes in the context and

reality where politics are carried out, the politics and its policies need to change as well. As

for the migration crisis, where the initial migration policy constituted by Swedish brand

values no longer was ideal, there was a need for a policy change in order to cater for the

changes in the international circumstances. The change can also be motivated from the

perspective of keeping an influential role by realistic policies. Even if the reason for the

policy change was not principally for branding reasons, it can be described from a nation

branding approach since a strategy needs to be responsive towards international changes in

order to remain realistic and competitive. If being attentive to changes in national interests

and relations between countries in a dynamic global climate, it can generate in a more realistic

and thus competitive strategy. A branding strategy does not operate in a vacuum, but needs

establishment within the area it wants to influence. As for the Swedish change in the

migration policy, it seems like the soft, intangible values that mainly had defined Sweden’s

brand image were not as executable as they might have been before the policy change. This

shows how dependent a strategy is towards changeable external circumstances.

During the policy change, it became evident that the government had difficulties to argue that

the change was line with the Swedish brand. There was an effort to maintain the same values

and concepts when vindicating the policy change, but from a different perspective. Even if the

main reasons for the change was that the initial one was untenable, it is possible to see the

hopes of its effects from a nation branding perspective. For instance, the branding strategy’s

aim for Sweden to obtain a progressive position was in this situation expressed by the hope

that the policy change would make Sweden the nation who made the EU gather in a common

effort to solve the global challenges of the migration crisis. Links can here be drawn to how

soft power is defined as the power to persuade others without threat, but by using an attractive

image and reputation in order to make others act the way you wish them to. Thus, Sweden did

here try to use its international position to persuade the EU to cooperate within the migration

issue. However, one might question how a country that has obtained soft power through

certain values and policies can persuade others to do the same by turning towards a policy

28

with opposite characteristics. One possible explanation might be the fact that the Swedish

reputation and image has had such an influence that when the country introduced a policy that

went against this image, it would make other countries realise the crucial need for change.

Both the brand platform and strategy from 2014 defined the brand value of openness as

offering people the freedom to move between cities and places. The changed migration policy

did not cater for this position since it carried a more restrictive approach towards the

possibilities for refugees to enter Sweden. Furthermore, the idea of standing up for Swedish

values even when they might be controversial, originating from the brand value of

authenticity, was not acted upon in this situation.

It is evident that the Swedish image during the migration crisis became exposed to the

dilemma of nation branding, especially by the implications of “trying to be one thing on all

occasions”. This since the Swedish government did not manage to make the policy represent

the same Swedish brand on all occasions during the migration crisis. When drawing on the

Swedish brand and emphasising the same values for the justification of different policies, as

the dilemma of nation branding states, it renders its message meaningless. Thus, when

applying the same concepts, values and ideas to different situations it might result in the

opposite effect than the desired and the strength of the brand’s credibility might therefore

weaken. Therefore, what might be an attractive image and standpoint during one occasion

might not be as attractive during another. The branding of Sweden through the initial

migration policy was executable while it became more difficult for the Swedish government

to do so during the policy change. The Swedish branding strategy did therefore not make it

possible for the country’s representatives to use the same brand image on all occasions,

especially not during this crisis.

This can be applied to the constructivist idea of a changeable international arena due to the

actions of states. In this case, since other nations acted differently than Sweden initially did

with regards to migration policies, this might have contributed to the changes Sweden

eventually introduced to its migration policy. This shows how dependent a branding strategy

is of international circumstances and how a strategy therefore is in need of revision in order to

remain realistic and competitive. The policy change can therefore be motivated by the same

realistic reasons that a nation branding strategy is since the reasons for the policy change was

said to adapt to changed international circumstances. At the same time, the policy change was

29

not realistic in the sense of being established in Swedish attributions since it went against a

significant part of the Swedish branding values. In other words, by being exposed to the

dilemma of nation branding the new policy was not realistic in the sense of being established

in Swedish attributions.

The constructivist approach does explain this dilemma by its view on power. Since a nation’s

power depend on the meaning its actions carry according to other nations, the same branding

strategy can have an impact on one audience and none on another. This since the impact

depends on how the strategy is perceived rather than what it might actually state. Therefore, if

a branding strategy is applied to all situations and states everything, it loses the meaning it

initially might have represented. However, the constructivist approach of a nation’s ability to

create its own image is in the case of nation branding only valid to a certain extent. This since

the fact that branding strategies and images needs to be realistic and are thus limited to

existing relationships and structures (van Ham, 2002). This does therefore not completely

allow a nation to freely construct its own image.

5.3 Strategy for the promotion of Sweden abroad - 2.0 According to NSU, in 2016, the conditions for the promotion of Sweden abroad had changed

in comparison to when the 2014 strategy was launched. The international conversation had

become tougher with elements of hatred and threat and negative rumours, even false

information, about Sweden within the issues of migration and integration had spread (NSU,

2017). This proves that the migration crisis had an effect on the 2017 edition of the strategy.

What has been further examined is how this was reflected in the new strategy’s formulation.

The new strategy put emphasis on how Sweden needed to adapt to the new international

circumstances in order to stay competitive and obtain soft power. The core values and profile

areas from previous strategies remained but an added focus on migration and integration

occurred within two areas: culture and society. Within culture it was emphasised that Sweden

is open towards the ability of international influences in Sweden to contribute to new ideas

and expressions. As for society, the strategy stated that the Swedish open society means that

individuals coming to Sweden from different parts of the world contributes to building and

developing of the country (NSU, 2017). As these focuses were not stated in the 2014 strategy,

they do describe a part of how the new strategy was formulated differently due to the

30

migration crisis’ effect on the branding of Sweden.

The aim of the revised strategy might therefore have been to make up for the implications that

the policy change meant for the Swedish brand’s competitiveness and credibility by

emphasising that the idea of integration constituted a part of the brand as well as showing how

Sweden values foreign influences. It does therefore seem that the strategy was influenced by

the governmental difficulties to justify the policy change with regards to the branded image of

Sweden. During the crisis, the government did not have any reference point regarding this

issue and the revised edition might therefore enhance the place migration and integration

holds in the branding of Sweden. These added formulations might also cater for issues of

similar nature where Swedish representatives might need to defend the Swedish brand due to

the negative effect the policy change had.

Finally, the 2017 strategy was enhanced with more strategic features such as two target

groups and a more developed evaluation system. This can be linked to van Ham’s (2002, p.

262) statement: “a really strong brand makes customers overlook or rationalise the negative

sides of the brand”. As for this case, Sweden’s efforts to strengthen and adapt the 2017

strategy to the changed circumstances was an effort to cover up for how the strategy did not

manage to carry through during the events of the migration crisis.

Chapter 6. Conclusion and further research The aim of this study has been to conduct a description of the evolution of the Swedish nation

branding strategy and the effect the migration crisis had on the formulation of the 2017

strategy. This has been analysed through the theoretical framework of constructivism and soft

power. By doing so, it has catered for the study’s higher purpose of integrating the concept of

nation branding into the field of IR and thus contributing to the field of study.

The study’s main conclusion is that in a changing international arena, there is a significant

need for nations’ branding strategies to be realistic and competitive in order to be able to

obtain soft power. Both constructivism and soft power are applicable when describing the

phenomenon of nation branding. Firstly, the need for a nation’s branding strategy to be

realistic and competitive has been connected to the idea of soft power. This since the more a

branding strategy is established in both the present and historical attributions of a country as

31

well as the international circumstances, the more soft power it can generate. It is hence the

international circumstances, such as a nation’s interests, relations and how it is perceived by

others, that a branding strategy is dependent on. This has been analysed through a

constructivist approach, finding that since the international arena is subject to change, a nation

branding strategy needs to keep up with the changes in order to remain competitive. This has

been demonstrated through the Swedish case since the evolution of the country’s strategy

mainly has been motivated by the need for adapting to a changing international environment.

When examining the change in the Swedish migration policy through how it was linked to the

Swedish brand, it became evident that a branding strategy only is as executable as the

circumstances in which it operates allows for. This since the demand for a branding strategy

to be realistic limits the possibilities for a nation to construct its brand entirely independently.

The difficulties facing a branding strategy when trying to be one thing on all occasions; the

dilemma of nation branding has been evident in this study. This is explained by the

constructivist view on the power of a nation being dependent on what its actions means to

other nations. Thus, since power depend on meanings, what might be powerful on one

occasion might not be so on another.

During the research it has also become evident that a nation branding strategy can be used in

order to try to make up for previous, failed branding actions. This was the case for the 2017

strategy since the dilemma that Sweden came across during the migration crisis generated in a

possibly weakened brand. Thus, the new strategy was a way to re-strengthen the Swedish

brand in order to re-gain its position and soft power. A constructivist approach has thus been

proven to be applicable through its viewpoint of a nation’s possibility to create its own image

and identity.

However, this constructivist approach has shown to only be valid to a certain extent when it

comes to nation branding. The need for a branding strategy to be realistic limits a nations

ability to create its own image. National identities might be changeable through nation

branding, but only within the limits of what a state is already capable of. History, politics and

geographical contexts matter for what a nation’s branding image can become and the

meanings of values, norms and ideas has their foundation in these contexts. This is an

interesting finding showing the possible limits of this study’s framework and therefore subject

32

for further research. An additional suggestion for further research is a study carrying

ambitions of measuring the Swedish branding strategy’s international impact and effects on

its international relations, collaborations and overall position. This would be a further

contribution of getting the bigger picture regarding nation branding’s place within IR and thus

building on this study’s findings and conclusions.

33

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