Urban sprawl processes characterize the landscape of the areas surrounding cities. These landscapes show different features according to the geographical area that cities belong to, though some common factors can be identified: land consumption, indifference to the peculiarities of the context, homogeneity of activities and building typologies, mobility needs exasperatedly delegated to private cars.
Tema is the journal of the Land use, Mobility and Environment Laboratory of the Department of Urban and Regional Planning of the University Federico II of Naples. The journal offers papers with a unified approach to planning and mobility. TeMA Journal has also received theSparc Europe Seal of Open Access Journals released by Scholarly Publishing and Academic Resources Coalition SPARC Europe) and the Directory of Open Access Journals DOAJ)
Vol.5 n.1 April 2012 print ISSN 1970-9889, e- ISSN 1970-9870
Dipartimento di Pianificazione e Scienza del Territorio Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II
LANDSCAPES OF URBAN SPRAWL
TeMA Journal of
Land Use, Mobility and Environment
TeMA Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment
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LANDSCAPES OF URBAN SPRAWL 1 (2012)
Published by Laboratorio Territorio Mobilità e Ambiente - TeMALab Dipartimento di Pianificazione e Scienza del Territorio Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II Publised on line with OJS Open Journal System by Centro di Ateneo per le Biblioteche of University of Naples Federico II on the servers of Centro di Ateneo per i Sistemi Informativi of University of Naples Federico II Direttore responsabile: Rocco Papa print ISSN 1970-9889 on line ISSN 1970-9870 Registrazione: Cancelleria del Tribunale di Napoli, n° 6, 29/01/2008 Editorials correspondence, including books for review, should be sent to Laboratorio Territorio Mobilità e Ambiente - TeMALab Università degli Studi di Napoli “Federico II” Dipartimento di Pianificazione e Scienza del Territorio Piazzale Tecchio, 80 - 80125 Napoli - Italy Sito web: www.tema.unina.it info: [email protected]
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TeMA - Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment offers researches, applications and contributions with a unified approach to planning and mobility and publishes original inter-disciplinary papers on the interaction of transport, land use and Environment. Domains include: engineering, planning, modeling, behavior, economics, geography, regional science, sociology, architecture and design, network science, and complex systems.
The Italian National Agency for the Evaluation of Universities and Research Institutes (ANVUR) classified TeMA s one of the most highly regarded scholarly journals (Category A) in the Areas ICAR 05, ICAR 20 and ICAR21. TeMA Journal has also received theSparc Europe Seal for Open Access Journals released by Scholarly Publishing and Academic Resources Coalition (SPARC Europe) and the Directory of Open Access Journals DOAJ). TeMa publishes online in open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License and is double-blind peer reviewed at least by two referees selected among high-profile scientists, in great majority belonging to foreign institutions. Publishing frequency is quadrimestral. TeMA has been published since 2007 and is indexed in the main bibliographical databases and present in the catalogues of hundreds of academic and research libraries worldwide.
EDITORIAL MANAGER
Rocco Papa, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Luca Bertolini, Universiteit van Amsterdam, Netherlands Virgilio Bettini, Università Iuav di Venezia, Italy Dino Borri, Politecnico di Bari, Italy Enrique Calderon, Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, Spain Roberto Camagni, Politecnico di Milano, Italy Robert Leonardi, London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom Raffaella Nanetti, College of Urban Planning and Public Affairs, United States Agostino Nuzzolo, Università degli Studi di Roma Tor Vergata, Italy Rocco Papa, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy
EDITORS
Agostino Nuzzolo, Università degli Studi di Roma Tor Vergata, Italy Enrique Calderon, Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, Spain Luca Bertolini, Universiteit van Amsterdam, Netherlands Romano Fistola, Dept. of Engineering - University of Sannio - Italy, Italy Adriana Galderisi, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy Carmela Gargiulo, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy Giuseppe Mazzeo, CNR - Istituito per gli Studi sulle Società del Mediterraneo, Italy
EDITORIAL SECRETARY
Rosaria Battarra, CNR - Istituito per gli Studi sulle Società del Mediterraneo, Italy Daniela Cerrone, TeMALab, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy Andrea Ceudech, TeMALab, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy Rosa Anna La Rocca, TeMALab, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy Enrica Papa, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy ADMISTRATIVE SECRETARY Stefania Gatta, Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy
TeMA Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment
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LANDSCAPE OF URBAN SPRAWL 1 (2012) Contents
EDITORIALE Rocco Papa
3 EDITORIAL PREFACE
Rocco Papa
FOCUS FOCUS
La città a bassa densità: problemi e gestione
Laura Fregolent 7
Low-Density City: Problems and Management Laura Fregolent
L’analisi di scenario. Verso un cambiamento nel paradigma del
consumo di suolo Giuseppe Mazzeo
21 Scenario Analysis: Toward a Change in the Use of the Soil Consumption Paradigm Giuseppe Mazzeo
Il territorio come infrastruttura Cecilia Scoppetta 33 Territory as Infrastructure
Cecilia Scoppetta Analisi su aree urbanizzate mediante
tecniche MIVIS. Applicazione a Pomezia (RM)
Lorenza Fiumi
49 Analysis on Urbanized Areas with MIVIS Techniques. An Application at Pomezia (RM) Lorenza Fiumi
La dispersione nella regione di Barcellona e il PTMB 2010
Antonio Acierno 63
The Sprawl in Barcellona Region and PTMB 2010 Antonio Acierno
Diffusione e dispersione produttiva in Veneto
Pasqualino Boschetto, Alessandro Bove 79
Production Facilities Sprawl: the Veneto’s case Pasqualino Boschetto, Alessandro Bove
Dispersione e frammentazione. Il caso della Regione del Medellin in
Colombia Fabio Hernandez Palacio
101 Sprawl and Fragmentation. The Case of Medellin Region in Colombia Fabio Hernandez Palacio
TeMA Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment
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LAND USE, MOBILITY AND ENVIRONMENT LAND USE, MOBILITY AND
ENVIRONMENT
Gigantismo delle infrastrutture e microsistemi urbani. Il ruolo del
progetto Antonella Falzetti
121 Giant Infrastructures and Urban Micro-Systems. The Role of the Project Antonella Falzetti
Densificazione vs dispersione urbana Emanuela Coppola 131 Densification Versus Urban Sprawl
Emanuela Coppola
OSSERVATORI Daniela Cerrone, Fiorella De Ciutiis, Rosa Alba
Giannoccaro, Giuseppe Mazzeo, Valentina Pinto, Floriana Zucaro
145 REVIEW PAGES Daniela Cerrone, Fiorella De Ciutiis, Rosa Alba Giannoccaro, Giuseppe Mazzeo, Valentina Pinto, Floriana Zucaro
Il coordinamento “Rur”, per il progresso delle Riviste scientifiche dell’Urbanistica
Roberto Busi
171 The “Rur” Coordination to Promote Scientific Development of Town Planning Journals Roberto Busi
TeMA Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment
TeMA 1 (2012) 101-120 print ISSN 1970-9889, e- ISSN 1970-9870 review paper. received 21 October 2011, accepted 4 February 2012 Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial License 3.0 www.tema.unina.it
SPRAWL AND FRAGMENTATION
THE CASE OF MEDELLIN REGION IN COLOMBIA
ABSTRACT Sprawl and fragmentation are phenomena common to many cities but they do have particularities depending on the geographic, economic and societal context. This paper will examine the particularities of these two phenomena, intrinsically related, in the Aburra Valley (the metropolitan area of Medellin – Colombia). The phenomena will be analyzed from their origins, their different manifestations and the possible solutions of control within this context. Low density and discontinuous urban growth is a matter of great interest to city governments, transport authorities, urban planners, economists, sociologists and environmentalists. From a technical view, sprawl is associated with negative effects such as larger commuting times and greater consumption of fuel, which also means increase of pollution; increase in capital investment to accommodate population growth in space; acceleration of inner-city urban decline due to the abandonment of former urban spaces, social segregation manifested in spatial mismatch of population (poor living in inner city, rich living in peripheral areas). But from the citizen’s perspective, regardless of income, small low-density communities, which shape sprawl, are an ideal of living. This dichotomy with its implicit factors represents a big challenge to contemporary urban governance.
KEYWORDS: Regional urbanization; urban sprawl; fragmentation; urban centrality; governance; urban mobility; urban sustainability; Medellin – Colombia.
FABIO HERNANDEZ PALACIO
Delft University of Technology e-mail: [email protected]
URL: http://www.solidum.nl/
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1 URBAN SPRAWL AND THE REDEFINITION OF CITY The deep urban transformations of cities during the last decades due to technological and economic changes
have caused big impacts in urban periphery and inner city areas. In many cities the migration of central
economic activities toward peripheral areas is a difficult issue for governments, urban planners, urban
designers and scholars. This is a process that conceptually implies the reinterpretation of centrality and
periphery, and technically needs the design of strategies to control the negative impacts. This control implies
as well, in many cases, complex negotiations between different jurisdictions and administrative bodies. The
complexity of the subject and its current importance in many regions around the world make of this theme
an important part of the research agenda in urban planning and urban design schools.
Inner-city areas have been strongly affected in many cities around the world as a result of the technological
advances of communications and transport during the XXth Century. One of the most outstanding impacts
of the introduction of cars has been urban sprawl and the consequent restructuring processes of the
traditional compact city, induced by the new mobility infrastructures (TRB - NRC 2002). It has been argued
that as a consequence of this process, traditional centrality has lost its importance within cities because of
the generation of other centralities in the periphery and emigration of inhabitants and economic activities
from the inner-city toward the outer-city (Dear and Dahmann 2008). Paradoxically in an increasingly
urbanized world it is not easy to define the concept of “the urban”. The former simplistic differentiation of
the rural from the urban has been transformed by the influence of technological changes, the phenomenon
of global urbanization, and by changes in theoretical paradigms. All these three aspects have deeply
transformed “the urban” and reshaped the city during the last decades. “What is today a city” seems a
simple question but in fact it can have as many answers as cities there are. The huge increase in
urbanization means diverse patterns of urban settlements that have been classified: by size [going from
village to mega-cities], by economical function [the concepts of Daily Urban Systems (Coombes et al., 1979),
“regional” city, “national” city, “world” city or the most recent “global city” (Sassen 1991)]; by form and
density [“compact cities” (Jenks & Burgess, 2000), “edge cities” (Garreau, 1991), “diffuse city”, “urban
corridors” or “linear cities”, etc.].; by morphology [“organic cities”, “grid city”, “diagram cities”, etc. (Kostoff,
1991)]; by the structure of centrality [mononuclear, polynuclear, (Lynch, 1981)]. And many other
formalizations. The urban has become one of the most elusive concepts to be defined. One of the reasons
for this difficulty is the great diversity of forms of spatial occupation and the subtle differences between rural
and urban. Classifying the population into urban and rural became very complex with recent explosion in
urbanization and can be very different from one country to another. According to The United Nations (UN
Population Division World Urbanization Prospects: The 2001 Revision), these criteria depends on the degree
of economic development. In some developed countries, a village of 200 inhabitants can be considered
urban, as people who live there work and spend their leisure time in a nearby bigger agglomeration. A good
illustration of this case can be the Randstad in The Netherlands. But elsewhere, in densely settled
developing countries like India or China agglomerations of 50,000 can be considered rural, since their
inhabitants depend on agrarian economies and their lifestyle and patterns of consumption are very different
from those related to urban areas. The delimitation of city boundaries is a complex conceptual (and
technical) process, in which the result of diverse measures and analysis can differ significantly according to
the delimitations. In a work prepared by Pumain (2003) for the European research program ISCOM, there
were notorious differences in the rank and population of French cities when defined by different
agglomerations, and Daily Urban Systems. The city has been understood in the tradition of urban sociology
as specific system of social relations, of culture, and especially, of political institutions of self-governance
(Borja and Castells, 1997) and with its official (non-physical) borders considered in terms of the municipality.
In most cases this delimitation makes difficult to understand the phenomena of the contemporary city, due
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to the rapid growth of cities and the addition of new constructions to the original urban core that spill over
the original boundaries, expanding the agglomeration into the surrounding municipalities. Some studies
(Andrew K Copus Rural Policy Group, Management Division, SAC, 1999; Coombes, et al, 1979; Pumain,
2003) argue that a better definition of city involves the integration of all urban entities which are continuous
and are part of the historical growth around an urban centre: the urban agglomeration. This means that a
city (as a system) is organized by the logic of a principle of centrality around which it is consistently
developed by an aggregated spatial growth process.
However the continuity in built-up areas that urban agglomeration implies also presents some difficulties,
given the frequency of polynucleated and discontinued urban regions, and the claim of some authors who
argue that functionally, cities do not require spatial continuity. Thus the urban region arises as the new
form of urbanization that integrates a network of urban nuclei of different sizes, sometimes around a bigger
urban centre but also a polynucleated urban system formed by several cities of similar size (Borja et al.
2004). The concept of urban region or regional urbanization, which starts to be very frequent in
contemporary urban question, was already introduced since 1902 by H. G. Wells, who predicted that the
words ‘city’ or ‘town’ will be obsolete due to the development of communication infrastructure (in that time:
railways, roads, and telegraph and telephone networks) that will integrate in a functional unity the urban
nuclei of vast territories.
2 THE CONCEPT OF FRAGMENTATION A fragment is a part broken away from a whole, an incomplete, detached or isolated part. The term
fragmentation has been widely used in recent years when referring to recent phenomena, economic, cultural
and spatial, specially to put together heterogeneity of facts that are happening at the same time in
contemporary societies. The concept of fragmentation is especially used when referring phenomena usually
denominated with the prefixes post (post-modernism, post-industrial, post-metropolis, post-national, post-
urban), ex (exurbia, exopolis), sub (suburbia, suburban downtown, , dis (disurbia), (GUST, 2002) When
fragmentation is referred to the city, the concept of Urban Fragmentation arises, which is defined by Burgess
(2005) as ‘a spatial phenomenon that results from the act of breaking up, breaking off from, or disjointing
the pre-existing form and structure of the city and systems of cities’. Agglomeration, the opposite
phenomenon, needs also to be included in questions about fragmentation, especially when referred to cities.
If the contemporary city is fragmented, does it mean that it is disintegrated? According to different “post”
theories, it seems more that the contemporary city is an agglomeration of fragments. To this extent the
question of fragmentation is related, first, with the forces that cause it, and second, with the forces that
maintain together the urban fragments into urban agglomerations or urban systems. The other essential
question concerns centrality, both as a force that fragments and as a force that integrates the city. Are the
new kinds of centralities producing fragmentation within cities or within urban systems? Are they causing
fragmentation at the local scale, but agglomeration at a bigger scale? In an empirical view regarding urban
territories, fragmentation is mainly related to three aspects. The first is the spatial splintering of traditional
urban fabric by the construction of infrastructure like highways or railways, ‘particularly associated with
promising urban cohesion whilst delivering fracturing and fragmentation’ (Dear, 1999). The second is
related to social fragmentation, linked to social differences about race or income that are manifested in
space by gated communities or territorial separation between social groups (Murray, 2004). The third is the
fragmentation of urban territories into several administrative jurisdictions (Howell-Moroney, 2008). Urban
sprawl and fragmentation in all these three dimensions are interlinked phenomena.
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The fragmentation produced by highways and other mobility infrastructure is a phenomenon produced by
the modernization project and the city as machine metaphor with its separation of urban functions. Mobility
infrastructure conceived as separated piece from urban context produced the disintegration of spatial, social
and economic relations in large fringes of urban territory. Urban highway networks, for example, which
purported to deliver 'access for all’ and add ‘coherence’ to cities, were often found to destroy communities,
undermine interaction in places, and worsen social and gender unevenness in access to transport (Graham
and Marvin, 2001). The modern city paradigm of mobility sacrificed the local urban relations in benefit of
metropolitan connectivity. As a result, postmodern city is a landscape dominated by mobility, were the
principal urban dynamics have shifted from inner-city to the periphery, creating a landscape dominated by
enclaves (Dear and Dahmann, 2008). The social fragmentation arises strongly in contexts where economic
inequity is bigger or where it exist racial conflicts. Pronounced economic disparities are a cause of social
mistrust and tensions that produce in space gated communities and marked segregation of wealthy and poor
populations. This situation produces that M.J. Murray (2004) denominates ‘precarious urbanization’, “where
extreme disparities in wealth and income, class polarization, along with rampant crime and the middle-class
fears that it engenders, have fostered heightened anxiety, insecurity, and unease”. The fragmentation of
urban territories into several administrative jurisdictions is, in most of cases, a pre-existence of modern
state. Divisions in municipalities, boroughs or other administrative jurisdictions were earlier to urban sprawl.
Nonetheless the existence several municipal boundaries in contexts of polycentric urban system is source of
difficulties in urban governance, especially because many urban questions, traditionally tackled by municipal
administrations, are increasingly spillover problems that involve a novel regional dimension. This is the case
of transport, public services, environmental issues or even social services like health or education. The
difficulties of fragmented governance arise when, as mentioned by Howell-Moroney (2008) “municipal
boundaries tend to create a myopic patchwork of interests in which communities seek their own self-interest
in isolation, sometimes to the detriment of other communities”.
3 THE REGION OF MEDELLIN AS CASE STUDY
Fig. 1. Panoramic view of the city from the western hills (2010)
Medellin is the second largest city in Colombia, and is part of a conurbation called Metropolitan Area of
Aburra Valley, composed of 10 municipalities, which together have a population of 3.5 million. Medellin as a
municipality has an estimated population of 2.3 million. The valley where the city stands is narrow and
elongated, with its widest part of maximum 10 kilometres, but the conurbation longitudinally is extended
about 30 kilometres.
The city was during Spanish colony a village without political or economic importance, but located in a fertile
valley, favourable to agriculture and cattle, which would gain in importance thanks to the discovery of gold
deposits in neighbouring areas. After independence and consolidation of republican life in Colombia, it
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became regional capital of the province of Antioquia in the first half of the nineteenth century. Gold mining
and coffee plantations, which were for much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the main national
export products, allowed the accumulation of capital and the creation of industries, mainly textiles, but also
food, supplies and tools, that would consolidate the city as the main industrial centre by 1950 (Poveda,
1988). The Economy of the city has maintained a significant share of the industry, although the services
sector has been gaining ground. Currently the business structure of the city, according to information from
the Chamber of Commerce (MCC, 2010), is composed by 2% for activities related to the primary sector
(agriculture, hunting and forestry, fishing, exploitation of mining and quarrying), a 36.5% in industry-related
activities (manufacturing and construction) and 61.5% in service sectors (trade, financial sector, public
administration, education, health, real estate, social services, etc.).
3.1. URBAN EXPANSION
In Colombia, the tendency of urban sprawl could have historic and cultural origins, rooted in the history of
settlements in the former Spanish colonies in which land was seen as an unlimited resource. The colonial
government during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries promoted the colonization of new
territories and encouraged the foundation of new towns and cities. This tendency of colonization and new
settlements is maintained in Colombia even until the first decades of the twentieth century under the
republican government, particularly fed by coffee production. Colombia was until the middle of the twentieth
century a country of dispersed population. Urbanization pattern was formed by a large number of towns and
small cites, most of them located in the Caribbean coast and in the Andes region. The vast areas of the
Pacific coast, the Orinoco river basin and the Amazonian regions which totalize almost 70% of the national
territory were almost depopulated. Colombia was a rural country until some decades ago. The process of
urbanization, originated in the migration from rural areas and small towns to larger urban areas, took place
mostly during the second half of the twentieth century. In 1951 only 36% of the population was living in
urban areas whereas in 2005the percentage was76% (DANE, 2005). If it is considered that in the same
period the national population increased from 12.5 million to 42.3 million, it would be concluded that urban
population grew from 4.5 million to 31.7 million, that is to say, an increase of 700%1.
Bogota in 1951had around 0.5 million inhabitants, today its population oscillates around 7 million
inhabitants, which means an increase of 1400%, twice the rate of national urbanization. Medellin, Cali and
Barranquilla, the cities that follow in size, have multiplied around eight times their population during the last
half century. This vertiginous process of urbanization has caused deep transformations on urban space. The
transition between the traditional city faces of development (pre-industrial city, industrial city and post-
industrial city) has happened in a few decades.
1 In Colombia urban population is considered the people inhabiting the urban perimeters of the municipal heads, independently of the size or the economic activity to which they are dedicated. The numbers presented here have been processed from information taken from the site www.dane.gov.co. DepartamentoAdministrativoNacional de Estadisticas DANE.
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Fig. 2 Map of Colombia
In the Aburra Valley the pre-industrial city was characterized by a system of small towns of different sizes,
being the radius of the largest no more than two or three kilometres, and the distance between them, no
more than the distance covered by a half day journey walking. The urban structure was formed by the
Hispanic block characterized by plots of narrow façade usually with backyards. Even most of the wealthiest
properties had front directly on the sidewalk that was also bordering the street without any separation. All
urban activities, residential, commercial and manufacturing where mixed in the space and it was common,
especially in the central areas, that houses shared space with economic activities. The coexistence in vicinity
of wealthy and poor neighbourhoods was also common. Both the sizes of towns and distances between
them, where determined by the mobility technologies based on pedestrian trips and animal power.
Industrialization arrived late to Colombia. It was only during the first decades of the twentieth century when
the first factories, particularly textile, where founded in the region around Medellin. It was not until the
second half of the century when industrialization started with bigger force, with the introduction of a more
diverse gamma of industries devoted to serve the local market: mining tools, beverages, tobacco, food and
textiles (Poveda, 1988). This first flourishing of local industry coincided with the start of the Colombian
internal conflict with the hostilities between political parties. The combination of both phenomena caused a
big migration from rural to urban areas during the 1950s. The arriving of industrialization produced a
centripetal growth of cities, attracting migration from rural areas. In the metropolitan area of Medellin the
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population grew from 156.000 in 1938 to 381.000 in 1951 (Botero, 1991). This growth continued during the
following decades to a linear rate of 12% annual until 1985, year in which the national census totalized
1’948.000 inhabitants. The 1980s is a period of big economic crisis and the end of Welfare State and import
substitutions policies in Latin American countries (Carmona and Burgess, 2001).
Fig. 3. Expansion of the city throughout the Twentieth Century
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3.2. METROPOLITANIZATION
Fig. 4.- Map of the Metropolitan Area of Aburra Valley
Metropolitanization, understood as the phenomenon of urban expansion ‘driven by economic and technological developments at a global scale that largely escape the control of urban governments’, can explain well what happened to the city during the second half of the XXth century(Kubler 2012). The industrial forces originated a process of metropolitanization characterized by the conurbation of the former nuclei of the Aburra Valley. The industry was concentrated out of central areas, around the ways that connected the municipal centres. The planning policies of that period saw the pre-industrial patterns of downtowns with mixed uses as a problem of functioning. Measures where focused in the segregation of functions, downtown should be devoted to business, housing should be out of the centre and industries and low income housing should be in the periphery. The introduction of the railroad, tramways lines and buses made possible the expansion of the city during the first half of the twentieth century (Correa, 2002). This had an effect of a significant reduction of density compared with the former pre-industrial city. In the following table it is possible to see how urban density falls down due to the massive incorporation of rural land to the urban use simultaneously with the increase of population.
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YEAR URBAN POPULATION URBAN EXTENSION ha. URBAN DENSITY inh./ha.
1890* 32.000 110 291 1905* 45.000 160 281 1915* 56.000 210 267 1925* 75.000 300 250 1938* 168.000 - - 1951* 350.000 - - 1971* 1’039.000 4.700 221 1983* 1’524.000 8.330 183 2005** 3’136.853 24.496*** 128 *Information from Botero F 1991 p.289 y Botero F 2000 p.177 ** Information processed from data obtained from Area Metropolitana del Valle de Aburrawww.metropol.gov.co *** The cipher consider the urban, suburban and expansion land, this is, the land qualified for urban activities
Table 1: urban density evolution in the metropolitan region of Medellin
During the second half of the twentieth century urban growth physically merged at least four of the ten
municipalities of the Valley to form one continuous built up area. Bello, Medellin, Envigado and Itagui
became a continuous conurbation. Within this new form of the city, social segregation started to have a
marked character: the north area of Medellin and the municipality of Bello started to absorb most of low
income housing while the southeast of Medellin was occupied by weekend houses of the rich, and at the
same time, Envigado was enlarged by middle class housing. Industry was mainly located toward the south
along the important roads. Physical fragmentation was also generated by the constructions of new highways
and wide avenues that broke the original cohesion of the traditional grid. These interventions were
particularly strong in the central area and it is argued to be one of the main causes of the deterioration and
economic decline in the centre of Medellin. During this period, the newcomers overcrowded the working-
class neighbourhoods, and the opportunities for employment became exhausted. As a consequence,
enormous shantytowns appeared in the peripheral areas without appropriate urban structures and with
deficient public and social services. Despite this situation, people continued to come to the city as a
consequence of the lack of economic opportunities in the rural areas, and in many cases, the violence of the
internal conflict in Colombia forced them to abandon their land and to come to the city where most of work
opportunities and social services were concentrated.
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Fig. 5. Fragmentation in the inner-city due to the introduction of highways
During this period, the newcomers overcrowded the working-class neighbourhoods, and the opportunities for
employment became exhausted. As a consequence, enormous shantytowns appeared in the peripheral areas
without appropriate urban structures and with deficient public and social services. Despite this situation,
people continued to come to the city as a consequence of the lack of economic opportunities in the rural
areas, and in many cases, the violence of the internal conflict in Colombia forced them to abandon their land
and to come to the city where most of work opportunities and social services were concentrated. The
complexity of the situation and the trans-municipal character of problems like housing, public services and
mobility, made necessary the creation of instruments to confront the situation. In 1980 the public bureau of
the Metropolitan Area of Aburra Valley was created with the purpose of a better articulation and coordination
of policies between the municipalities. This figure of a metropolitan planning bureau was new in Colombia
and the Aburra Valley became the first of its kind in the country. At the same time, all public services:
electricity, telephony, water and sewage gradually became administered by a sole public company. During
the eighties the metropolitan railway system was also constructed to provide massive transport to the
conurbation formed by Bello, Medellin, Envigado and Itagui. The national regulations related to the
metropolitan areas were only created more than ten years later, when similar entities began to appear in
other urban regions of the country. The metropolitan areas are defined in the Colombian legislation like
administrative organizations (non-territorial) formed by two or more municipalities integrated around a
bigger municipal nucleus or metropolis, tied to each other by close relations of physical, economic and social
order. The purpose of those institutions is to coordinate the administration and programming of its land
planning, public services and mobility. Nevertheless these functions are frequently antagonistic with the
municipal autonomy defined in the same national constitution, frequently making it difficult to construct
strategies to approach the urban problems.
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3.3. SPRAWL AND INCREASE OF FRAGMENTATION
The free market policies implemented in the early 1990s marked the end of “welfare state” and the import
substitutions policies that favour the consolidation of the national industry, many of them based in the
Medellin Metropolitan region. The new conditions of competitiveness generated big transformations that in
few years would produce deep effects on cities (Carmona and Burgess 2001).In 1999 the national GDP
growth was negative in 4.4%, in 2000 national rate of unemployment reached over 23% and the Medellin
Metropolitan Area suffered the worst economic depression of its history. Many local companies experimented
important restructuring processes that implied always less labour force, others were forced to move to other
places to look for better comparative advantage regarding cost of operation, and some others, particularly
middle and small industries, disappeared (Samper, 2004).
Parallel to this economic situation, the social conflict was in its worst phase, guerrillas and paramilitary forces
had almost surrounded the main cities and were controlling vast areas of the country, including peripheral
areas in the big cities like Bogota, Medellin and Cali. Thousands of internal refugees from rural areas arrived
to the urban peripheries searching for security; situation that together with the economic crisis manifested in
high rates of unemployment made the national circumstances look chaotic and hopeless. Some international
editorialists and academics referred to Colombia at that time as a failed state (McLean 2002).
This combined crisis has had deep repercussion in the city form. The first has been the vacancy of
important parts of old industrial lands that with the conurbation process were incorporated as part of the
inner-city areas. The second is the enlargement of shantytowns in the city borders, most of them in areas of
high risk of avalanches due to high slopes and the proximity to small rivers and creeks.
Fig. 6. Informal settlements in peripheral hills from the metro-cable line (2010)
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In recent years the national economy has shown a sustained tendency toward recuperation, at the time that
the State gains control and monopoly of force in many important areas of the national territory. 2006 was
the best in the last 28 years with a growth in GDP of 6.80%. Despite international economic crisis the
country maintains a positive tendency with an economic expansion of 5.9% in 2011. This national
recuperation has been driven by growth in oil, gold and coal production which positively stimulated also
building and manufacturing sectors with evident impacts in the Medellin Metropolitan Region. Both public
and private investment, have shown a growing tendency. For instance, the Medellin municipal government
has invested during the last four years more than 2000 USD million in social infrastructure, like new massive
transports systems, public libraries and public schools in poor peripheral areas. On the other hand, private
investment is evident in the massive construction of new low density closed condominiums in rural areas,
new luxury shopping malls, new sumptuousness apartment towers, at an unprecedented rate. Despite the
good health of economy, unemployment keeps over 10% and poverty is still over 45%. These ciphers
manifest the fact that the poorest are the last in getting benefits from the economic growth. The labour
force that the new shift of national economy requires is more qualified people. Former uneducated rural
inhabitants, like the majority of internal refugees of the national conflict, do not have much opportunity in
urban labour market. Unfortunately much of the national funds for peace have been devoted to attend the
reincorporation of the former members of irregular forces to the civil life, while the victims represented in
thousands of refugees get a slim aid. Even with the big effort of local authorities, reflected in massive
investment in social infrastructure, this good economic moment paradoxically is accentuating fragmentation
rather than consolidating and integrating the existing city, already socially and physically fragmented during
the metropolitanization period. Low density developments are being expanded toward adjacent
municipalities like Rionegro, El Retiro, Guarne; Marinilla and La Ceja in the east plateau, and toward
municipalities in the west valley like San Geronimo, Santa Fe y Sopetran. All these new developments have
been made possible due to the improvement of road linkages with tunnels and viaducts connecting the
central Aburra Valley with bordering regions and forming a city highly dependent from automobile, following
the trends of “exurban” development characteristic of the North American cities since the 1970s. (Bruegman,
2005).
The vision of a great metropolitan region in the centre of Antioquia province born during the 1980s with the
construction of the new international Airport in Rionegro is now becoming a reality. The new roads
improvements in the connection of Medellin with this area, together with the economic growth, are
triggering big suburban developments with a large stock of luxury low density housing, new private schools,
hotels, shopping malls, and even new hospitals planned to sell services to foreign market. With the
consolidation of these developments a sort of local version of the “Edge city” is being formed (Garreau,
1991). This new centrifugal growth can be explained by four main causes. The first is the tendency toward
emigration from inner-city of the high income population because of the existing city represents low quality
of life manifested in enormous traffic congestion, air pollution, growing informal economy and insecurity.
The second is a lack of ‘adequate governance and planning regimes that facilitates an accelerating process
of socio-spatial polarization, in which the wealthy are increasingly self-segregating in gated communities and
fortified enclaves’(Sorensen and Okata 2011). The third is the improvement of the connections between the
Aburra Valley and the adjacent regions. The four is the shortage of soil appropriated for urban activities
inside the ten municipalities of the Aburra Valley given the existence of the bordering mountains which
represents natural barriers.
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Fig. 7. Antioquia Province and the urban region of Medellin
In 1997 was introduced a national legislation that obligated every municipality to formulate a spatial master
plan. According to this regulation, municipalities have to divide their territories in five categories: urban
land, suburban land, urban expansion land, rural land, and protected land. According to a recent analysis of
the first generation of municipal master plans implemented during 1999 and 2000 in the metropolitan
region, the urbanized land and the land open for urbanization (urban, suburban and urban expansion)
totalizes 24.496 hectares, whereas the total land surface potentially useful in future urban uses (with slopes
minor to 25% and low risk of natural disasters) totalizes only 26.970 hectares. This means that in 2006 the
90% of the usable lands of the Valley was already open for urbanization. The biggest difficulty of the first
generation of master plans in the Metropolitan Area of Medellin was related to the weak inter-municipal
agreements for the definition of joint policies. Those agreements are the only way to solve the land
shortage for new urban developments in the municipalities of the central conurbation. These circumstances
of municipally fragmented land policies confirm the statement made by Burchell (2002) that “sprawl occurs
within a regional framework that is fragmented into many relatively small units separately controlled by
different local governments, with differing rules and regulations concerning the development of land”. While
the municipalities of the conurbation were forced to include in the category of ‘urban expansion land’, areas
faraway from mobility infrastructure, and located in zones of high slopes (with low effective urban usage),
the municipalities of the Aburra North, that still have land availability for urban development, incorporated to
urbanization very small areas. It results clear that peripheral municipalities determined their master plans
with a local logic perspective in which they closed their jurisdiction to low income newcomers, while they
opened to suburbanization large areas served by good mobility networks, expecting to attract high income
population (see table 2). Some other decisions also appear illogic, as in the case of the flat areas of the
municipality of Bello, that being served by the metro system, have been dedicated to industrial uses instead
of being opened to housing intensive uses.
F. H. Palacio – Sprawl and fragmentation in the Region of Medellin, Colombia
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Cald
as
La E
stre
lla
Saba
neta
Itagü
í
Envi
gado
Med
ellín
Bello
Copa
caba
na
Gira
rdot
a
Barb
osa
Tota
l
Total urban land in ha.
200. 358 367 1159 1212 10524 1981 495 315 208 16819
Total expansion lands in ha.
229 0 98 0 258 510 330 12 42 0 1479
Total suburban lands in ha.
393 1011 129 60 40 1822 190 1157 1000 396 6198
Total land urbanized or open to urban use in ha.
822 1369 594 1219 1510 12856 718 1664 1357 604 24496
Total land usable in urban uses*
760 1560 750 1310 1490 13280 2500 1740 1800 1780 26970
Notes: *Source: Municipal master-plans consulted in Area Metropolitana del Valle de Aburra **Land potentially usable in future urban uses correspond to areas with slopes minor to 25%, free of environmental risk
Table 2: Land destination in the metropolitan master plans in vigour in 2005*
4 THE QUESTION OF GOVERNANCE IN A SCENARIO OF REGIONAL URBANIZATION The development of new forms of urban governance is a crucial issue in controlling urban sprawl and
fragmentation and their effects. The expansion of cities outside traditional political jurisdictions is weakening
the power of local administrations (municipalities) to deal with problems associated to regionalization of
urbanization. It is argued that this new reality ‘is undermining the ability of the local state to serve the
collective interests of its constituents, and may even intensify the subordination of the local state to
plutocratic privatism’ (Dear and Dahmann, 2008). Municipalities were developed to face the question of
urbanization and social development during industrialization, when cities were clearly defined by the
existence of a centre and some peripheral neighbourhoods. The contemporary city is characterized by
unclear definition, where the relation centre-periphery became blurred. It does not obey to political
boundaries or spatial continuity of urbanized land. It is formed by pre-existing conurbations and a
constellation of urban nucleus of variegated form, different sizes and diverse ages, and includes the rural
and natural areas in between. As argued by Borja and their collaborators in a inform over the governance of
metropolitan areas (2004), beyond the spatial aspects, the social, economic and environmental facts of
contemporary city overwhelm the limits of the city understood as municipality and even could overcome
superior delimitations as provinces, states or even national boundaries, becoming a territorial reality not
considered by legal definitions. In this new situation, decisions taken in the central city affect the citizens of
peripheral territories as they are users of central city, but are not represented in their government. This is a
situation common to both urban areas in developed and developing world that requires new instruments of
governance. An extensive low density development outside of the boundaries of central conurbation
municipalities in large urban agglomeration is a phenomenon with no more than two decades in Colombian
context. But impacts and challenges are already evident in major cities. As in other context, sprawl is
regarded as a problem from a technical perspective, especially for its implication in environmental
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sustainability (consumption of rural land, automobile dependency and increase of carbon emissions),
economic efficiency (abandonment of inner-city location, underuse of urban infrastructure and demands of
new infrastructure in peripheral locations) and social implications (segregation of population by income,
increase of gated communities and devaluation of public space). But from the view of the common citizen,
life in low density small communities is a paradigm of lifestyle, far from noise, pollution and insecure inner-
city (Ulfarsson and Carruthers 2006). In addition, this divergence regarding low density development outside
urban agglomerations represents a great challenge to governability. In the Colombian case as in many other
countries, municipalities are autonomous of establishing land use regulations. And as local governments are
moved by the aspirations of citizens, the strategic questions belonging to trans-municipal level like
environmental sustainability, economic efficiency or social inequalities are outside of priorities of agendas in
local governance (Howell-Moroney, 2008). By introducing land regulation oriented to low density
developments, municipalities aspire to increase land prices, attract high income inhabitants and avoid the
arrival of low income population that demands municipal services in a bigger proportion. The motorization in
cities has been provoking several changes in the condition of the urban and in the nature of inner-city areas.
New forms of centrality are emerging in the urban landscape while traditional centralities present problems.
Corridors and strips around avenues and highways seem to concentrate shopping, work and leisure
activities, while traditional core areas lose prestige and many activities, particularly headquarters of
companies, banks and diverse professional services migrate to new locations. Motorization has integrated
into the functional city a vast territory that involves all the areas accessible within one hour trip. Depending
on the location and the quality of mobility infrastructure, this territory may involve an area with a radius of
30 or 40 kilometres, which generally includes tens of administrative jurisdictions. In consequence, location of
economic activities has a large spectrum of possibilities which stimulates competition between municipalities
or districts to attract investors to their perimeters. A big concern of city authorities seems to be focused in
the conservation or in the creation of new centres to attract economic activities.
Fig. 8.- Quality of life indicator in the metropolitan area (2010)
F. H. Palacio – Sprawl and fragmentation in the Region of Medellin, Colombia
116 - TeMA Journal of Land Use Mobility and Environment 1 (2012)
The actions devoted to this purpose are mainly tax incentives, flexible and favourable land use regulations to
investors, and the construction or improvement of infrastructure in specific areas. In this proposal,
competition between administrative jurisdictions is unavoidable and in some cases with great risk of
dysfunctional and fragmented urban agglomerations, where economic opportunities are concentrated in a
few districts and housing is located in other distant areas. Despite differences in quality of life among
municipalities in the Metropolitan Region of Medellin do not present yet big contrasts; a process of
fragmentation could be starting. The successful strategy of Medellin Municipality during the last years in
creating new social infrastructure, economic facilities and renovated transport systems is concentrating
quality of life in the city, while adjacent municipalities remain stagnated tens of points below in quality of life
indexes. The improving of urban quality and the scarcity of urban expansion soil in Medellin Municipality
creates a risk of gentrification and social fragmentation. The generation of urban quality in an urban region
with several municipalities is a strategy that involves competition within administrative jurisdictions. It is
common that not all urban administrations within an urban agglomeration have the same technical and
economic resources to deal with urban quality improvement and urban renewal, and when they have, the
expulsion of low income inhabitants is a frequent result. This is not yet the case in Medellin, but if
differences persist, a scenario of bigger social fragmentation and intra-metropolitan inequity shall be
unavoidable. Actions and interventions to improve urban quality and to promote the establishment of
multiple centres to create functional equilibrium in urban performance should have an even emphasis in the
complete metropolitan region. The implementation of such strategy offers a big potential to control urban
sprawl and fragmentation, but requires a concerted agenda between several administrative jurisdictions.
Achieving agreements arises as the biggest weakness of this strategy because the difficulties that the
negotiation between different municipalities implies, particularly when they involve long term projects.
Fig. 9.- Terminal cable-car station of the West
5 CONCLUSIONS Sprawl and fragmentation put in risk the environmental, economic and social sustainability of urban areas
and require renovated and integral approaches, not only addressing the manifestation of the phenomenon
but its causes. They can form a vicious circle in which fragmentation stimulates sprawl and sprawl at the
same time encourages the fragmentation into new scopes. For instance, territories are fragmented in
several administrative jurisdictions: municipalities in the Colombian case. Every municipality, in a separate
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way, is trying to solve their spatial, social or economic problems inside their territory. Each municipality acts
as independent entity trying to attract high income inhabitants and new economic activities to their
territories. As municipalities have different criteria to organize their space, and the market is demanding soil
outside urban areas, the opportunity to obtain this soil results from fragmented decisions about land use
among municipalities. In consequence, urban expansion with low density occupation is a common spatial
response to fragmented spatial policies. The improvements in transport infrastructure necessary to enhance
urban and regional competitiveness have the triggering effect of urban sprawl. A more competitive region
also means economic growth and consequently bigger accessibility to automobile tenancy and bigger
incomes. As consequence, in the context of free market oriented economies with certain degree of success,
low density exurban development becomes inevitable. The questions regarding sprawl should be then
focused on the degree of low density development that is acceptable to guarantee economic and social
sustainability of urban regions. It means that the limit of exurban occupation must be treated as a regional
issue, nor as a municipal matter. Besides economic growth, the poor quality of exiting compact city is a
crucial factor in the stimulation of urban sprawl. The urban area of Medellin conurbation is affected by
negative aspects as noise, air pollution, insecurity, lack of public spaces and traffic congestion. Due to this,
particularly high income population searches new spaces in extra-urban areas. A short term perspective
could suggest that the demands of this population could be solved by suburbanization. But an uncontrolled
tendency toward sprawl could put in risk the supply of water and environmental goods necessary to
maintain basic urban functions and competitiveness. Construction of infrastructure water supply, sewage,
roads and facilities are easily paid in compact areas, but result too expensive for low density occupation.
What usually happens is that compact city areas subsidize infrastructure for low density areas, excavating
inequity and social fragmentation. Controlling of sprawl requires a clear regional vision about the future
urban development and well-coordinated inter-municipal decisions on land policies. Fragmented and short
term decisions considering local interests, are the fissures through which sprawl appears easily and in an
uncontrolled way. Parallel to the coordinated policies on land legislation, economic disincentives to sprawl
are required. Those instruments could be focused on two aspects: the controls to the use of private cars
and especial taxations to non rural extra-urban properties. The first requires instruments as tolls, extra taxes
on fuel prices, higher costs of parking in some urban zones, and development of high quality public
transport. The second can be implemented via differentiation of land taxes for extra-urban residential areas
and extra payments for the use of electricity and drinkable water. The best way of promoting compact city
and facing urban sprawl and its undesirable effects is improving urban quality in inner-city areas. When
applied from the logic of municipal administrations, it presents also social risks as gentrification or uneven
human development at regional scale. This situation is frequent because municipalities within an urban
region do not have equal resources to address urban quality strategies. Once again it is clear that urban
areas work as a single system, which is highly sensitive to fragmented actions, even when these are well
conceived and technically well executed. Municipal actions that can be very positive at the local level in the
short and medium term could cause regional dysfunctionalities in the long term. As in many other contexts
in the world, in the urban phenomenon around Medellin and the Aburra Valley it is possible to distinguish at
least three levels: the first is the city-municipality level characterized by the dominance of a historic centre of
pre-industrial origin, with a long institutional tradition of self-governance and democratic legitimacy. The
second is the urban agglomeration or the classical metropolitan area, product of the urban expansion during
the industrialization, which in the Aburra Valley context, despite difficulties, has several decades of
institutional tradition of cooperation. The third is the city region or metropolitan region, characterized by
spatial discontinuity and polycentric pattern linked by new infrastructure, raised from the economic growth
of services sector and globalization, (Arias and Borja 2007). This is a newer phenomenon for which there
F. H. Palacio – Sprawl and fragmentation in the Region of Medellin, Colombia
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are no formal institutions to deal with. In the new regional scenario it is necessary to develop agreements
and contracts outside formal institutional frames. Municipal structure despite its long tradition and
advantages in many aspects is a pre-modern institution that presents also important weaknesses to face
contemporary urban challenges. Structural problems as urban sprawl and fragmentation, environmental
sustainability, economic development or social equity, are increasingly related to regional issues. Political
fragmentation which is natural in urban regions with polycentric administrations is a frequent obstacle in
developing tools or in achieving consensus to deal with trans-municipal problems. Contemporary urban
regions require a new form of government, raised from agreements between municipalities to tackle the
regional dimension of issues like social services, sustainability, land uses, mobility and public services.
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IMAGES SOURCES
Cover image: Map of Medellin made by anonymous author in the eighteenth century. Source: Medellin Municipality / Office of City Planning
AUTHORS’ PROFILE
Fabio Hernandez Palacio Architect graduated with honors from the National University of Colombia in 1998 and from the master program in urbanism at the TU Delft – The Netherlands in 2003. Since his graduation he has worked in Colombia and in The Netherlands in different activities: as architect in several projects, as university docent, advisor and consultant of the city government in various urban and architectural projects. Currently he is engaged as PhD guest researcher at the Urbanism Department of the TU Delft.