Tennessee Historical

Tennessee HistoricalQ U A RT E R LYVOLUME LXV FALL 2006 NUMBER 3A publication of the Tennessee Historical Society in cooperation with the Tennessee Historical Commission.

Andrew Jackson: Chivalric Slave Masterby Matthew Warshauer

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Copyright ©2006 by The Tennessee Historical Society

n 1839 Andrew Jackson engaged in a sur-prising legal battle. During a Christmasparty, several of his slaves were involved in abrawl that resulted in the death of a bonds-

man from another plantation. When the man’sowner pressed for an indictment, four of Jackson’sslaves were arrested and jailed in Nashville. Ontrial for a capital offense, the men would have suf-fered hanging if found guilty. Tennessee law stip-ulated free legal counsel for slaves, yet Jacksonhired three top defense attorneys, placing himselfin debt to raise the legal expenses. In going tosuch lengths, Jackson saved the lives of his bonds-men.1 Why would a slaveholder, let alone theiron-willed general, engage in such actions? Jackson certainly never questioned the moralityof slavery. He firmly believed in the peculiar insti-tution, he supported the institution’s constitu-tionality, and he had harsh words for those whoattempted to incite revolt through abolitionistpublications.2 The seventh president viewed slav-ery as a means of economic enrichment and a wayto establish himself in the aristocratic planterclass. Surprisingly, historians have engaged in lit-tle systematic investigation of Jackson as slave-holder,3 even though he owned upwards of onehundred and fifty slaves, making him one of thestate’s largest slave owners. Archeologists haveplumbed the depths of Jackson’s plantation, theHermitage, to unearth the story of material con-ditions among the slaves. More than a dozen yearsof digs have revealed over a million artifacts, giv-ing scholars an amazing albeit still limited under-standing of plantation slave life.4

The question of Jackson as slave master, how-ever, remains unanswered. What kind of masterwas the indomitable Jackson? His notions of loy-alty and duty, his legendary temper, and his will-ingness to punish those who crossed him makeone wonder how slaves at the Hermitage faired.The question of Jackson as slave master is of par-ticular interest considering a renewed study ofAmerican presidents and slavery, beginning withthe founding fathers George Washington andThomas Jefferson.5 A recent work on James K.Polk as slave master found that Young Hickoryfocused more on the economic self-interest ofslavery than on questions of morality. Slavery onhis plantation was often brutal and deadly. Polk’swill noted that he “hoped” for his slaves’ freedom,though this never occurred.6

This recent research makes the question ofAndrew Jackson as slaveholder all the moreintriguing. He never achieved the degree of intro-spection that Jefferson and Washington enter-tained, nor did he consider emancipation.Jackson did join earlier slaveholding presidents inattracting the rumor that he fathered a mulattochild, though it does not appear that the chargesurfaced during his lifetime. It remained a featureof oral history among Hermitage slave descen-dents and has yet to be confirmed.7

The available evidence indicates that Jacksonas slave master epitomizes the story of southernpaternalism.8 Indeed, Elizabeth Fox-Genoveseand Eugene Genovese, in their latest work, TheMind of the Master Class, recently includedJackson within a chapter entitled “Chivalric Slave

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Andrew Jackson:Chivalric Slave Master

by Matthew Warshauer

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Historians have engaged in little systematic investigation of Andrew Jackson as slaveholder. What kind of master wasthe indomitable Jackson? Part of the answer lies in the accounts of his slaves such as Hannah and Aaron Jackson.(The Hermitage: Home of President Andrew Jackson, Nashville, TN)

Eloped from the subscriber, livingnear Nashville, on the 25th of Junelast, a Mulatto Man Slave, aboutthirty years old, six feet and an inchhigh, stout made and active, talkssensible, stoops in his walk, and hasa remarkable large foot, broad acrossthe root of the toes—will pass for afree man, as i am informed he hasobtained by some means, certificatesas such—took with him a drabgreat-coat, dark mixed body coat, aruffled shirt, cotton home-spunshirts and overalls. He will make forDetroit through the states ofKentucky and Ohio, or the upperpart of Louisiana. The above rewardwill be given any person that willtake him, and deliver him to me, orsecure him in jail, so that I can gethim. If taken out of the state, theabove reward, and all reasonableexpences paid—and ten dollarsextra, for every hundred lashes anyperson will give him, to the amountof three hundred.15

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Tennessee historical quarterly

Masters,” describing him as a “model,” andexplaining the traits of such a master: “Whilemanaging the work of his slaves, supervising theirlives, paying bills, and getting the crop out, hewas simultaneously to be gentle, forbearing, andkind – but stern, even severe, when duty, dignity,and preservation of authority required.”9 Jacksonepitomized such a master. Viewing Hermitageslaves as his black “family,” he expressed a degreeof concern, made sure slaves had adequate med-ical attention, counseled overseers on good treat-ment, and exacted punishment only when “neces-sary.” Some of this can be explained in terms ofeconomics and social control. As an asset, healthyslaves who were treated humanely worked harder,posed fewer problems, and were less apt to revolt.Within this framework all interactions betweenslaves and masters were about good business. Theonly reason a slaveholder might reveal feeling fora slave was to maximize profit and control. Yetthe issue of good treatment also orbits the largercomplexity of human bondage. The fact thatowners possessed legal title over slaves necessarilyreduced any relationship to one of sheer power,yet does such a fact dissolve the possibility of thefull range of human emotions, including affec-tion, between master and slave? Can the actionsof some slaveholders be seen in the light of caringthat is either beyond or in conjunction with pecu-niary motives?

Andrew Jackson as slave master helps toaddress some of these questions, for there arenumerous instances—especially two judicial pro-ceedings—when he paid particularly close atten-tion to the welfare of his bondsmen and appar-ently defended the rights of slaves. The first ofthese instances may have been a turning point inhis concern for Hermitage slaves.

Andrew Jackson purchased his first slave, “aNegro Woman named Nancy,” on November 17,1788, shortly after his arrival in Tennessee. Theacquisition was as much, if not more about estab-lishing himself as a man of standing as it was anactual need for a slave. The youthful Jackson trav-

eled the court circuit with other lawyers, many ofwhom were accompanied by their slaves. Jacksondesired the same mark of status.10 Within just fouryears Jackson purchased six more slaves, and by1798 tax records indicate that he owned fifteen,five of whom were most likely under the age oftwelve. Part of the rapid increase in slave numberswas due to an inheritance from the father of hiswife, Rachel Donelson Jackson.11 This number ofslaves placed Jackson in the upper percentile ofowners in Tennessee. Even by the 1850s the largestgroup of slave masters in the state held four or lessslaves, and just under 70 percent owned less thanten. Jackson had not yet achieved the status of“planter,” which, according to one Tennessee histo-rian, required thirty or more slaves.12

Records also indicate that during these earlyfrontier years Jackson acquired and at times deliv-ered slaves as commodities to settle debts andpurchased slaves on behalf of friends.13 Slave own-ers separated this common practice from theoccupation of “slave trader,” a position that was,with no irony, held in abhorrence. Even Jacksonshowed disgust for such men, denouncingCharles Dickinson, who Jackson killed in a duel,as one who made “a fortune off speculating onhuman flesh.” In later years Jackson too wascharged by a political opponent with slave trad-ing. The charge was true to the extent that on oneoccasion he acted as a silent partner in a transac-tion involving the sale of slaves, but untrue in thesense that he would not have fit the definition ofthe time as one who made his living from slavetrading.14

By 1804, Jackson experienced the same prob-lem encountered by many slave owners: runaways.The remedy was posting an advertisement in localpapers offering a reward and payment of costs forcapture. Jackson, however, went a step further,promising additional money for punishment:

Stop the Runaway50 Dollars Reward

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In 1804, Jackson experienced the same problem encountered bymany slave owners: runaways. He posted an advertisement in localpapers offering a reward, and went a step further when he promisedadditional money for punishment. (The Hermitage: Home of PresidentAndrew Jackson, Nashville, TN)

price low, he agreed “for the sake of accomedate-ing [sic] the family.”22 In this case it may very wellhave been that Jackson saw an economic opportu-nity to acquire a number of slaves for below mar-ket value and that it was actually Houston whodeserves credit for maintaining the family. Yet it isnot unfair to surmise that Jackson also looked totheir welfare, making specific arrangements topurchase the children and grandchildren of a slavehe already owned. Circumstances such as thispotentially merge the pecuniary and human moti-vations of slave owners.

On another occasion, Jackson again pur-chased a slave in an apparent attempt to accom-modate a slave he already owned. During theIndian campaigns of 1813, Jackson captured arunaway slave named Polydore from St.Augustine, and placed him in army service untilarrangements could be made for his return. Forsome reason this took several years and during theinterim Polydore married one of Jackson’s slaves,Sally. Rather than separate them, Jackson pur-chased Polydore in 1822 for $500.23 Such a priceremained within market value, thus the only eco-nomic incentive for Jackson was the possible pro-duction of slave offspring.24 Although this cer-tainly may have been a consideration, it is alsolikely that Jackson made his decision based on thedesires of the slaves in question, as evidence inanother case indicates.

In 1830, now President Jackson learned of adomestic disturbance between two of his slaves,Charles and Charlotte. Charlotte had approachedRobert J. Chester, Jackson’s nephew through mar-riage, and requested that Chester purchase her.Jackson wrote Chester to make the arrangements,explaining, “I bought her [Charlotte] being thewife of Charles at his request,” but noted “heappears now desirous that she with her children besold. I have therefore come to the resolution topart with her.” Jackson sold Charlotte and herthree children for $800, and the evidence indicatesthat he was motivated, in both the purchase andsale of Charlotte, directly in relation to her and

Charles’s desires. Jackson wrote that Charlotte’s salewould leave him short-handed, but concluded, “Ithink I have placed Charlotte and her children aslow as they could be bought now here…but I doso that she may be contented.”25

On another occasion President Jackson wasagain disposed towards maintaining a slave fami-ly. Sarah Yorke Jackson, the president’s daughter-in-law and acting first lady, was approached by afree black woman who worked as the WhiteHouse pastry chef. She explained that her sisterGracey was owned by a Colonel Hebb of Virginiawho, experiencing financial difficulty, was forcedto sell his slaves and encouraged them to suggest

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Though it is unclear if the sentence was car-ried out, advertising payment for punishment wasbrutal and inhuman; three hundred lashes weretantamount to a death sentence. Acts such as thisare one reason that some historians believeJackson to have been vengeful and mean spirit-ed.16 Jackson, however, was hardly alone in react-ing harshly to runaways. George Washington sen-tenced three of his slaves who had runaway to avirtual certain death on a West Indian sugar plan-tation.17 There is little question that Jackson advo-cated the punishment of slaves, but there existsno records that parallel the shocking nature ofthis 1804 advertisement.

In the same year, Jackson purchased a fourhundred and twenty-acre parcel of land with twocabins that he named the Hermitage. In ensuingyears he slowly added property until it reachedsome twelve hundred acres, built a new mansion,and ultimately owned upwards of one hundredand fifty slaves. Jackson’s rise to the status of one ofthe largest slaveholders in Tennessee occurredsteadily. A tax list for 1812 noted that he ownedtwenty taxable slaves, which meant that he mayvery well have had many more who were not tax-able because their ages were less than twelve ormore than fifty.18 Even though there were econom-ic problems along the way, Jackson’s fortunes con-tinued to progress so that in 1825 he possessedsome eighty slaves, of whom forty-one were tax-able.19 The tax list also indicates that there existed alarge number of slave families at the Hermitage.Most entries include a male slave by first name, fol-lowed by “wife” and the number of children.

From 1810 into the 1820s, a variety of corre-spondence about Jackson’s slaves reveals theremarkable duality of slave/master relationships.On one level, Jackson expressed concern for theslaves’ treatment, and, along with other owners,attempted to keep slave families together. Otherletters, however, reveal the reliance upon coerciveviolence that characterized the peculiar institu-tion. In two letters Jackson expressed personalconcern for slaves. The first came in 1814 and is

surprising not so much because of what Jacksonsaid, but, rather, due to the circumstances inwhich he was writing. Camped in the middle ofthe southern frontier while battling the CreekIndians, Jackson wrote to his wife Rachel tellingher of the campaign’s many hardships, and brieflyconcluded, “I have only time to add that I do notwish you to permit Fields [the overseer] to abuseclum.” The general expressed similar sentimentsin an 1823 letter, writing, “I do not wish myhands laboured too hard — & if you think thayare, I know when you name it to him [the over-seer] he will moderate—I wish them well fed, &warmly cloathed and they will be contented &happy This is my wish—I do not want them inany way oppressed and if they behave well I amsure Mr Parsons knowing my wishes, will treatthem well.”20 One might conclude from suchbrief comments that the general was merely fol-lowing accepted ideas about slavery economicsand social control. This could certainly be accept-ed for the second letter, which remarks on “con-tented & happy” slaves. The previous letter ismore puzzling. Why did Jackson single out thewelfare of one slave, and why did he do so in themidst of fighting on the southern frontier?

Clear answers are not easily found. The sameis true regarding Jackson’s views towards slave fam-ilies. Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the slavesystem, the separation of families was fairly com-mon. Whether such sales were forced due to aslave owner’s debts or the result of maximizingprofits, the threat of sale always loomed andJackson was no different than other slave ownersin confronting these issues.21 Typically, Jacksonwas on the buying end of such transactions. InNovember 1819, for example, he made arrange-ments with James Houston to purchase the fami-ly of a Hermitage slave named Old Peter. Houstonowned Peter’s daughter, Betsy, who was abouttwenty-two years old, her three children ages four,five, and six, and Peter’s son, Bob, who was abouteighteen. Jackson agreed to purchase the entirefamily for $1,800, and although Houston felt the

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Jackson on occasion made significant efforts to keepfamilies together. His daughter-in-law Sarah YorkeJackson (here circa 1833) asked Jackson to purchaseGracey while they were in the White House. Jacksonpurchased not only Gracey but her two sisters, abrother, and their mother. (The Hermitage: Home ofPresident Andrew Jackson, Nashville, TN)

potential owners. Sarah Jackson met with Graceyand later approached the president to request thatshe be purchased as a seamstress and personalmaid. Jackson purchased not only Gracey, but allof her relatives owned by Hebb, which includedtwo sisters, a brother, and their mother.26 It isunclear how much Jackson paid for the family;moreover, the story comes from a less than criti-cal source. Still, such a humanitarian purchase ispossible considering Jackson’s other attempts topreserve slave families. Even a former slave,Hannah, when interviewed in 1880, commentedon Jackson’s unwillingness to split families, not-ing, “they used to pick us up and sell us in thosedays, even little children not higher than yourcane; but old master never did.”27

One might dismiss Jackson’s consideration ofslave families as little more than another attemptat social control — the idea that “contented &happy” slaves produced more and caused lesstrouble. It is difficult to accept this factor as theonly basis because doing so denies the possibilitythat slaves and masters managed to forge a rela-tionship, no matter how unequal, in which slavescould request and masters grant certain accom-modations. If Jackson did provide his slaves withsuch accommodations, whether solely as socialcontrol or as mild acts of humanity towards hisslave “family,” he also engaged the more dracon-ian measures of plantation rule. Often away fromhome due to military or political duty, Jacksonnevertheless remained updated on the Hermitage.In 1814, Rachel Jackson complained that she washaving “a greate Deal of trouble with” some of theslaves.28 In the early 1820s, while serving as gov-ernor of the Florida territory, Jackson learned thatRachel’s maid, Betty, was “putting on airs, andbeen guilty of a great deal of impudence.” Jacksonthus instructed his overseer that “the first imper-

tinence she uses, or the first disobedience oforders, that she be publicly whipped.” The over-seer is “to take her to the public whipping postand give her fifty lashes, and that she may saveherself of this disgrace you may assure her of herdanger, for I have ordered and am determinedthat she shall in all things behave herself well orreceive exemplary punishment. It is humiliatingto me to have to resort to this….I am determinedto cure her.” In another letter, Jackson againdemanded that Betty and all of his slaves behave,noting that the overseer “must use the cowhidewhenever any of them depart from proper con-duct.”29 There is no record of what occurredregarding Betty, but she did remain underJackson’s ownership. Though allegedly “humiliat-ing” to Jackson, the sentence, if carried out, epit-omized the brutality of the slave system.

At the same time, however, Jackson held ratherrigid notions of hierarchy, social station, and dutywithin white society as well. As much as he expect-ed slaves to obey and remain respectful, Jacksonfollowed similar proscriptions for social and mili-tary underlings. One example, a dispute betweenJackson and Silas Dinsmore, a United States agentto the Choctaw Indians, also happened to involvea slavery-related matter. Stationed on the roadbetween Nashville and Natchez in the MississippiTerritory, Dinsmore continually pressed slaveowners for documentation proving that they legal-ly owned the slaves in their possession. If the evi-dence was not produced, Dinsmore seized theslaves. His duty was to stop runaways from slip-ping into Indian Territory, but these measureswere somewhat extreme and garnered complaint.Jackson took it upon himself to put Dinsmore inhis place. The general embarked on a journey toprovoke conflict by failing to carry the requireddocuments. Fortunately, Dinsmore was not pres-

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In 1821, Rachel Jackson complained to her husband that her maid Betty was guilty of impudence while the fami-ly was staying in Pensacola. Jackson ordered that Betty be publicly whipped if she continued the impertinence.Many years later she posed with her great-grandchildren. (The Hermitage: Home of President Andrew Jackson,Nashville, TN)

the most insolent slave he owned, and thereforethe most fit subject for punishment.” Jackson ulti-mately agreed and ordered that Gilbert bewhipped “moderately with small rods.”36

Although one needs to consider Walton’s tes-timony as an official statement made in thecourse of a criminal investigation, the assertionthat Jackson had always forgiven Gilbert withoutchastisement is puzzling. It did not match thegeneral’s disciplinary views, either with slaves orsoldiers. Jackson certainly understood that obedi-ence among a large slave population was integral.Thus the truth of Jackson’s “indulgence” can bequestioned, though it is difficult to be conclusivewithout further evidence to the contrary.

Nevertheless, Walton attempted to carry outpunishment by walking the bound Gilbertthrough the woods to be whipped in the presence

of the field slaves. While in the woods, Gilbertslipped the rope and attempted to strike Waltonwith a piece of wood. A general melee ensued thatwas as fantastic as it was ghastly. In his officialaccount, Walton stated that he and Gilbert strug-gled for some time, during which the overseer wasbeaten and choked. He ultimately pulled out adirk and stabbed at Gilbert, who succeeded inknocking the knife from Walton’s hand and thetwo struggled to gain control of the weapon.Witnessing the battle was a ten year old slave boywho was called by both combatants to aid inrecovering the dirk. The boy picked up theweapon and upon Walton’s order plunged it intoGilbert’s thigh. When Walton commanded theboy to stab again, this time in the side, the boywas kicked to the ground and threatened byGilbert with death if he interfered again. Still,

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ent when Jackson arrived and the Indian agentwas later removed from his post. Jackson’s actionsfit neatly into his larger conception of social hier-archy and the belief that Dinsmore had over-stepped his station.30

Numerous examples of Jackson’s viewsregarding hierarchy and duty abound within hisrole as military commander. Jackson had soldiersarrested, court martialed, punished, and even exe-cuted for failure to obey orders, impudencetowards officers, mutiny and desertion. One ofthe most extreme instances was the execution of amilitiaman named John Woods for mutiny, dis-obedience of orders, and disrespect to a com-manding officer. Writing of the matter in a simi-lar tone to that of punishing his slave, Betty,Jackson insisted on “order & subordination…observed with the most punctilious exactness,”noted Wood’s “disobedience to orders,” andthough the general “may deplore your unhappysituation,” “punishment” must be carried out.Even Jackson’s military aide John Reid describedthe general’s feelings about his decision as“painful” but “essential to the preservation ofgood order.”31 Thus Jackson’s expectations anddemands for obedience and control were not tiedto slavery alone. He held the same views towardswhites, especially soldiers, who failed to remainwithin carefully proscribed duties. Additionalsimilarities exist regarding Jackson’s sense ofpaternalism; consider how he applied fatherly,albeit condescendingly protective, views to NativeAmericans and even some South Carolinians inthe midst of the Nullification Crisis.32

One aspect of Jackson’s belief in dutyinvolved remaining at one’s post. Whether it wassoldiers who deserted or a slave who ran away, theiron-willed general bristled at disloyalty. Clearly,service in the military was hardly akin to the per-petuity and subservience of slavery, yet Jacksonviewed the duty of each on similar terms. And tobe sure, he was faced with runaways on numerousoccasions. In 1822, seven slaves ran away fromJackson’s Alabama plantation, Big Spring. Four of

the slaves ran away at the same time and Jacksonlamented that his corn crop would be poor as aresult. In a letter to his nephew, Andrew JacksonDonelson, the general related, “[I] was fortunatein regaining my negroes, and although I hatechains, was compelled to place two of them inirons, for safe-keeping untill an opportunityoffers to sell or exchange them.”33

One of the Big Springs slaves who causedJackson considerable trouble was Gilbert, whoran away on at least three occasions. The first wasin April 1822. Writing from the Hermitage,Jackson penned a letter to overseer Egbert Harrisrequesting that notice of the escape be posted inthe Florence Gazette. The general added, “If hecan be got, I wish him well secured with irons,until an opportunity may offer to send him downthe river, as I will not keep a negro in the habit ofrunning away.” Jackson’s statement was apparent-ly bluster, for Gilbert was recaptured and, alongwith other slaves, moved to the Hermitage in late1822 or early 1823.34

Gilbert found the conditions in Tennessee nomore hospitable than in Alabama and madeanother unsuccessful escape in 1824, and again in1827.35 On the run for some two months duringthe final attempt, he was once again captured andreturned. This time, however, actions followedresulting in Gilbert’s death, a criminal investiga-tion, and some puzzling actions on Jackson’s part.Tired of such misbehavior Jackson apparentlyconsidered having Gilbert whipped but insteadopted to sell him. This information comes froman affidavit in which overseer Ira Walton swore“on all previous occasions Gen. Jackson had for-given him [Gilbert] for all these offences, withoutchastisement, upon his promises of better behav-iour; which so far from reforming him, had madehim much worse and more difficult to be con-trolled.” Walton disagreed with Jackson’s decision,explaining, “I gave as my opinion, that this wouldnot do, for several of his negroes had been injuredby indulgence, and that if some example were notmade I could not control them—that Gilbert was

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Jackson was attacked for his dealings with slaves during his presidential campaigns. He is known to have orderedwhippings with rods. However, the death of his slave Gilbert in 1828 at the hands of an overseer deeply troubledJackson. (From A Brief Account of General Jackson’s Dealings in Negroes, 1828)

overseers. Jackson may also have had a more cal-culating, political motivation. Since his loss dueto the alleged Corrupt Bargain during the 1824election, Jackson had worked feverishly in prepa-ration for the 1828 contest. With every scrap ofintrigue capitalized on by opponents, Jackson mayhave thought it prudent to treat Gilbert’s deathvery carefully. As it turned out, Andrew Erwinpublished an article in the National Banner andNashville Whig in August 1828 entitled “Gen.Jackson’s Negro Speculation, and His Traffic inHuman Flesh…” in which he discussed Gilbert’sdeath. The Nashville Republican quickly came tothe general’s defense, but the knowledge thatexactly this type of polemic could feed fromJackson’s treatment of slaves may have con-vinced him to proceed with caution.

There is also the possibility that Jacksonwas genuinely troubled by Gilbert’s death.As subsequent letters and a later judicialproceeding reveal, Jackson expressed whatseemed to be genuine concern for the treat-ment and rights of his slaves. A member ofhis Hermitage family had died under horridcircumstances and, at the very least, Jacksonwanted to ensure that such occurrenceswould not happen again or go unpunished.He fired Walton and pursued judicial pro-ceedings. It is also not beyond the realm ofreason that a component of all the afore-mentioned motivations spurred Jackson toaction, but it does seem clear from corre-spondence in the aftermath of Gilbert’sdeath that Jackson was affected by what hadhappened.

Finding a responsible overseer wasalways a problem and became even more ofa concern once Gilbert died and Jackson leftthe Hermitage to serve as president. In June1829 he wrote his brother-in-law JohnDonelson, Jr., requesting that the new over-seer, Graves Steel, write often about thestock at the plantation “and of the health ofmy negroes. I learn old Ned and Jack are

both dead. Jack was a fine boy, but if he was wellattended to, I lament not. he has gone the way ofthe earth.”41 Subsequent letters the next monthrevealed a deeper concern over the death of anoth-er slave, Jim. “I pray you my son,” Jackson wroteto Andrew Jackson, Jr., “to examine minutely intothis matter, and if the death was produced by thecruelty of Mr. Steel, have him forthwith dis-charged….My negroes shall be treated humanely.When I employed Mr. Steel, I charged him uponthis subject, and had expressed in our agreementthat he was to treat them with great humanity,feed and cloath them well, and work them inmoderation. if he has deviated from this rule, hemust be discharged.” Jackson continued:

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the boy succeeded in passing the dirk to Walton,who thrust it into Gilbert’s back. Walton thenattempted to make several additional stabs butfound that the dirk was nearly bent over. Hemanaged to pull a smaller knife from his pocketand explained, “I then threw my arm around hisneck and tried to cut the great artery; and, with-out touching it, did cut a deep gash in the backand side of his neck.” Walton testified thatGilbert rose, walked a distance, “gave me a mosthorrible look,” and then lay down. Upon learningof the incident, Jackson ordered Walton to sum-mon the physician and though the overseer said itwould do no good, was told by the general,“whilst life remains there is hope.” Dr. MilesMcCorckle arrived shortly thereafter, but Gilbertdied from his wounds.37

On the same day the death occurred, August28, Jackson contacted William Faulkner, a justiceof the peace for Davidson County, and requested acoroner’s inquest. A seven member jury was quick-ly assembled, several of whom were Jackson’s rela-tives by marriage, and the matter was ruled self-defense after testimony from Walton, the inspec-tion of numerous bruises on his body, and corrob-oration from the slave boy who witnessed the bat-tle. Jackson nevertheless remained concerned.Walton was summarily dismissed as overseer and,on August 30, Jackson wrote to Andrew Hays, astate prosecutor: “You have…been apprised that ajury of inquest has been held over his dead body,by the Coroner of the county; and that the juryreported that Walton killed him ‘in his owndefence.’ I communicated to you yesterday, all thefacts relative to that unfortunate event. I wish toknow of you, from the statement of facts I havedetailed, whether you think, from a considerationof them, there has been such a violation of the lawsas requires a further prosecution of the matter.”The general closed the letter, insisting, “I have nowish to prosecute Mr Walton should you think jus-tice does not demand it, but being the guardian ofmy slave, it is my duty to prosecute the case so faras justice to him may require it.”38

Hays replied the next day, suggesting thatJackson seek an indictment of murder againstWalton: “My opinion is, from the full considera-tion of the evidence, that there exists a consider-able doubt as to the absolute necessity of killingthe slave Gilbert, at the time that he received themortal blow.” Hays believed that Gilbert was“stabbed in the back whilst running” and that hishands remained tied. “I have no hesitation in say-ing,” continued Hays, “that I think public justice,as well as your duty as a master and guardian ofyour slaves, requires that you should have MrWalton before the circuit court to answer a bill ofindictment for the death of Gilbert.” Jackson sub-sequently signed a bill to indict Walton for mur-der, but a grand jury returned a verdict of “Not aTrue Bill” and Walton was released from furtherprosecution.39

It might seem odd that the district attorneyand Jackson engaged in such strict legal proceed-ings in the case of a slave. Slaves were, after all,property with severely restricted rights in a white-dominated society. Yet histories of southerncourts insist that both slaves and free blacks wereaccorded a rather striking degree of formality andfairness. Still, the key to the grand jury hearingwas Jackson. He could have let the matter restwith the coroner’s inquest, but instead chose topursue the matter by signing a bill of indictmentas required by state law in order for the case tomove forward.40

The question is why did Jackson execute theindictment? There are numerous possible answers.As the district attorney noted, Jackson had a“duty” as “master and guardian” to protect hisslaves’ rights. This was another institutional para-dox. At the same time that masters could steal aslave’s freedom, force service, and utilize barbarousmethods to exact obedience, the slave system’spaternalism necessitated certain guidelines,including protection from murder. It is also possi-ble that Jackson indicted Walton as a means ofmaintaining social control among his slaves, show-ing that they would be protected from vengeful

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While President Jackson served in Washington, he depend-ed at times on Andrew Jackson, Jr., to run the plantation(here circa 1833). Jackson wrote his son several times con-cerning the overseer, insisting “My negroes shall be treatedhumanely.” (The Hermitage: Home of President AndrewJackson, Nashville, TN)

tone of the letters and Jackson’s recurrent themeof “humanity” points to more than a purely busi-ness interest.

While in Washington serving as president,Jackson continued the practice of slavery. Graceyand her sister Louisa remained in the nation’s cap-ital to serve Sarah Jackson. Another slave, Charles,was greatly favored by Jackson and served as thepresident’s carriage driver as early as 1814. Jacksonalso had great affection for George, who served asa personal servant. Jackson’s granddaughter Rachelnoted that George always slept in the general’sroom. When Jackson was reinvigorating hisnational political career in 1823 as a sen-ator in preparation for the 1824 presi-dential race, he realized that Georgeneeded to look the part of servant to afuture president and requested a tailornamed Martin to clothe George accord-ingly. For Jackson, there also existed asignificant level of trust for Charles,George, and at least one other slavenamed John Fulton. All three served ascouriers for Jackson and had a signifi-cant degree of autonomy in traveling.George periodically journeyed alonefrom Washington to the Hermitage.46

Although busy with presidentialduties, Jackson continued to thirst fornews of his plantation. In the summer of1832, his new overseer BurnardHotzclaw informed the president, “I Gitalongue With you Negrows Verer willindeede,” and Jackson hoped that theoverall conditions at the Hermitagewould steadily improve. His nephewAndrew Jackson Donelson reportedshortly thereafter, “I found your farm inexcellent order and well superintended,Your manager a good one, although sev-eral of the negroes complain of greatseverity, which mr [sic] WilliamDonelson and Stockly [Donelson] saysis not the case.”47

In the spring of 1833, Jackson was faced withthe death of more slaves. Writing to his nephewAndrew Jackson Hutchings, the president noted,“I sincerely regret the loss of the two Sampsons,as I do the rest, but where it does not arise fromneglect, or inhumanity, but from the will of ourcreator…I submit to it, with an humble resigna-tion. I was fearful from a letter I had receivedfrom a connection, that there might be neglectand particularly in the death of Titus, and Anake,Ben’s daughter.” His concern over the possibilitythat Hotzclaw may have been treating the slavespoorly was ameliorated by a letter from Dr. Miles

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Since I left home I have lost threeof my family. Old Ned, I expect-ed to die, but I am fearful thedeath of Jack, and Jim, has beenproduced by exposure and badtreatment. Your Uncle JohnDonelson writes, that Steel hasruled with a rod of iron. This is soinconsistent to what I expected,that I cannot bear the inhumani-ty that he has exercised towardsmy poor negroes, contrary to hispromise and has impaired myconfidence in him. Unless hechanges his conduct, dismiss him,and employ another.42

This letter is the longest to date in whichJackson wrote about the treatment of Hermitageslaves. There is clearly a tone of urgency andapprehension for the welfare of his “family.”Jackson also revealed his continued distress byeliciting information from friends who visited theplantation. Only two weeks after sending the firstletter to his son, Jackson penned another andadvised Andrew, Jr., to look into Steel’s conduct:

I have recd. since you left me aletter from Col Charles J Loveinforming me of my negro manJames death. I was fearful that hisdeath might have been producedby the illtreatment of the overseerand wrote you immediately onthe subject to enter upon anenquiry and if you found it did,to remove him. This letter youwill have recd. before this reachesyou, and as I have received anoth-er letter from Col Love whichspeaks of Mr Steel in warm terms,I wish you to consult with himand Dr. Hogg upon this subject. Ihope Mr. Steel will treat my

negroes with humanity as I haverequested him[.] I have confi-dence in him, have no wish toremove him, if he will only treatmy slaves with humanity.”43

Andrew, Jr., did as his father requested andfound no cause for concern. A relieved Jacksonexpressed satisfaction that the overseer “has treat-ed my negroes humanely. So long as he treats mynegroes well, I have no wish to remove him.”Jackson continued, “The death of Jim was a mor-tifying circumstance to me, and if it had proceed-ed from the cruel treatment of the overseer, hemust have been discharged.”44 Though Jacksonseemed pacified regarding Steel, he by no meansforgot the matter of treating his slaves, as he con-tinually put it, with “humanity.” In November hepenned a letter to Steel explaining that the over-seer was accountable for all neglect that resultedin losses at the plantation, both in stock andnegroes. Jackson noted that he was renewingSteel’s contract “on the express conditions thatyou treat my negroes with humanity, and atten-tion when sick; and not work them too hard,when well—that you feed and cloath them well.”Fixated on the slaves’ proper treatment, Jacksonthen wrote another letter, this time to his friendCharles Love, imploring him to keep watch overSteel: “I will turn him away unless he pays moreattention to their health, by sending for DoctorHogg in due time after they are taken sick, andmy Dr Sir I authorize you to assure him of thisfact.” Love did as Jackson requested, writing, “atfirst he [Steel] was somewhat offended with me, Itold him I should do my duty and he must goagreeably to your Orders.”45 As these various let-ters reveal, it seems that Jackson looked to thewelfare of his slaves with a new urgency in theaftermath of Gilbert’s death. Far from theHermitage, the president experienced anxietyover the slaves’ well being and was ready at aninstant to dismiss Steel. One might conclude thatJackson’s motives were mainly economic, but the

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Jackson continued to thirst for news of his farm while in office. In1833 he was gratified to learn from his friend William B. Lewis thathis overseer “had not, and would not” treat his slaves with “unnec-essary cruelty.” (Tennessee Historical Society)

property, including slaves, was well managed.Although one might be inclined to dismissJackson’s desire for “humane” treatment solely asthe words of a business man protecting assets, todo so ignores his clear change in tone and interestfollowing Gilbert’s death.

Jackson’s commitment to his slaves’ well beingcan also be seen in a case involving four of hisslaves in 1838. As Jackson explained the story,some forty to one hundred slaves had gathered atwhat may have been a Christmas party. It isunclear where the gathering occurred, but thelikelihood, as a result of Jackson’s comments, isthat it was not at the Hermitage. There was con-siderable drinking and dancing, and at somepoint one of Jackson’s slaves, Alfred, “cryed out hewas the best man in the House and altercationensued. Alfred and cancer got afighting, andGeorge and Walis got in contact.” The fight was

temporarily broken up, but soon moved outsidewhere a number of other slaves got involved.One, named Frank and owned by Jackson’snephew Stockley Donelson, attempted to stopthe fight but was attacked by at least five others.According to one female slave, “Frank picked upa bench or plank and retreated back and that shesaw Alfred strike Frank with a rock in the breast,Frank bent forward, when Jack struck him on thehead with a rock and dashed his brains out, thatshe heard the scull break, that George nevertouched Frank, that she saw Squire with a rail butdid not see him strike Frank….” Another accountstated that both Alfred and Frank picked up rocksand Frank challenged Alfred to throw his.51

The various owners who had slaves involved inthe fight questioned the participants and witness-es. Jackson insisted, “I more than once in a friend-ly manner expostulated with Stockly Donelson tohear the testimony first before he took out a war-rant against my four Negro men alone, that theywere many in the riot, and it was right to hear allthe testimony and see where guilt lay.”52 Stockleynevertheless moved ahead, signing out a warrantagainst George, Alfred, Jacob, and Squire.

The charge of murder, even for a slave, was aserious matter. A capital offence under Tennesseelaw, if the four men were found guilty they wouldhave been hanged. As it was, all four were arrest-ed and incarcerated in the Nashville jail up to andduring the trial. Slaves were subject to release onbond, but state law dictated that an owner mustput up double the value of the slave, money thatJackson did not have. And though state law alsoprovided a court appointed lawyer, Jackson optedto retain his own counsel.53 As owner, Jackson wasexpected by society to superintend the trials of hisslaves, but no law required him to hire three ofNashville’s top criminal defense attorneys.54 Tosave the lives of his slaves, Jackson chose ThomasH. Fletcher and brothers Edwin and AndrewEwing. Fletcher had served with Jackson duringthe Creek Wars of 1813 and later as a representa-tive in the state legislature as well as secretary of

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McCorckle, who informed Jackson, “there hasbeen more sickness among them [the slaves] forsome months, than usual. The cause I can notwell imagine.” McCorckle went on to explain thesymptoms, noting that Titus had died from whatpresented as cholera. “I was with him until hedied,” reported the doctor, “but our efforts werein vain.” The doctor added that the other slaveswere recuperating, claiming, “I think I have beenunremitting in my attention.” Finally, McCorcklestated that Hotzclaw was doing a good job: “Ithink that the Negroes are becoming quite recon-ciled, and he tells me he finds no difficulty withthem, having rarely to chastise.”48

Shortly after hearing from McCorckle,Jackson received a lengthy letter from his oldfriend William B. Lewis, who provided a detailedaccount of conditions at the Hermitage. Hespoke with the overseer about the death of theslaves and informed Jackson of the situation:

I have heard at Nashville that Mr.Hotzclaw was very severe with thenegroes, but from my own obser-vation and what the negroesthemselves told me while there Ithink, probably, he is not more sothan is necessary. Where there areso many negroes, there must be apretty rigid police. I told himwhat I had heard of his severity;but hoped he had given no foun-dation for such reports abouthim. I added that you knew thenecessity of keeping order on theplace and among the negroes, butthat I was sure that you did notwish, nor would you permit, yournegroes, knowingly, to be treatedwith cruelty. I hoped thereforethat he would not use towardsthem any unnecessary severity. Heassured me that he had not, andwould not.49

Jackson was gratified by the news, explaining hehad experienced “great anxiety and pain” fromthe rumors of Hotzclaw’s severity. “He has prom-ised me to treat them with kindness and human-ity so far as their conduct would permit,” wroteJackson, “holding them to strict subordination.Your letter with one just recd. from DoctorMcCorckle, has relieved me from those appre-hensions of cruelty to the negroes.”

Jackson also asked Lewis to arrange specialmedical accommodations for a slave namedHanna, the daughter of Sally, who had injuredher hip and needed treatment from Dr. Hogg.The president expressed concern that Betty, theHermitage cook, had been the source of theinjury and requested Lewis to speak to Hotzclawabout her:

I will thank you to say to the over-seer to prevent Betty from beat-ing, or cruelly abusing the littlenegroes, that are under her aboutthe kitchen. A small switch oughtto be used, but some times sheuses any weapon she can get, andchokes and abuses them, andbrings on disease. Give suchdirections about the negro girl[Hannah], as tho she was yourown, and if convenient pleasevisit the Hermitage again beforeyou set out on your return….50

These various letters reveal both the cruelty ofthe slave system and a seemingly sincere concernfor the treatment of Jackson’s slaves. On the onehand, the very idea that a “rigid police” was nec-essary and permissible, and that Jackson con-doned “strict subordination” is anathema to con-temporary sensibilities. At the same time, Jacksonthirsted for news of his plantation’s and slaves’prosperity. Away from the Hermitage for longstretches of time, Jackson could rely only on thenews from friends and family to ensure that his

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In 1838, some forty to a hundred slaves gathered atwhat may have been a Christmas party. A fight brokeout that left one slave dead and four of Jackson’sslaves charged with murder. Jackson went to greateffort in their defense. (“The Christmas Week,” Libraryof Congress)

Tired and afflicted by numerous medical com-plaints, he hoped that his last days on the planta-tion would be trouble free. Jackson enjoyed themornings by riding around the Hermitage withhis grand-daughter Rachel, who in later yearsdescribed there daily jaunts: “He would stop andtalk awhile with old Dunwoody [a slave who ranthe stables], at the negro’s cabins, about the colts;then to the fields where the servants were at workpicking cotton; and as soon as he came up andspoke to them, always kindly and gently, theywould give three loud cheers for ‘old master.’”60

Certainly an idyllic view from a youngwoman who adored her then deceased grandfa-ther, Rachel’s reminiscence also provides a verybrief glimpse into the workings of the plantation.A lover of horses, Jackson had a considerable sta-ble. The main market crop was cotton, thoughthe Hermitage produced some eighteen addition-al crops. In 1833 the overseer ran seventeen plowsto tend the fields and could add another two ifnecessary. Jackson also had an extensive fruitorchard, and at least seven different types of live-stock, the most important of which was pigs tofeed the slave and white families. With the widevariety of crops and livestock, Jackson attemptedto make the plantation self-sufficient. There wasalso a sawmill, cotton gin, and brick kiln fromwhich all of the bricks used to create both themain mansion and slave quarters were fired.60 Atraveler in 1834-1835 commented on the expanseof Jackson’s operation: “Everything was neat andclean around it, the fences were well kept up, andit looked like the substantial residence of an opu-lent planter. The estate is said to be a very niceone, to consist of from seven to eight hundredacres of cleared land, two hundred acres of whichare in cotton at this time, and to extend to theCumberland River.” The visitor, G.W.Featherstonehaugh, spoke with one of Jackson’sneighbors who had lived nearby for some thirtyyears and remarked, “The General was an indus-trious, managing man, always up to all undertak-ings, and most punctual in the performance of his

business engagements: that his private conductwas remarkable for uniformly inclining to justice,generosity, and humanity: that he was an excel-lent master to his slaves, and never permitted hisoverseers to ill-treat them….”

The comments from Jackson’s neighbor paintthe perfect picture of a southern farmer whoembodied the most “noble” traits of slave pater-nalism, an image that slave holders embraced andone to which Jackson constantly strove. Anotheraccount, related by the family tutor, embodiedthe same pleasant, innocuous portrait of Jacksonas the beneficent master: “General Jackson was avery kind master, and fully recognized all of hisChristian obligations in that relation. Under hisrule slavery appeared in its least offensive form,and his dependents regarded him more in thelight of a friend than a task master.”62 Such rosydepictions are replete with paradox consideringthe force utilized to maintain control and obedi-ence. Yet even in considering the harsh nature ofthe peculiar institution and how Jackson interact-ed with his slaves, one must look at their materi-al conditions to determine both his conception ofsocial control and how the enslaved AfricanAmericans shaped their own existence.

Jackson’s larger conception of hierarchy andsocial station was embodied in the structural lay-out of the Hermitage. Not all slaves held the samestatus; house servants were held in higher esteemthan field slaves, and their proximity to the man-sion highlighted the standing of each.Archeologists have located some nineteen slavedwellings, all of which measure a standardized 20x 20 foot construction, and were placed in smallgroupings in different locations. The practice ofgeographic placement and thus social groupingwas common among slave owners and discussedin numerous agricultural manuals located inJackson’s library. Keeping with this notion ofcommunity engineering, Sarah Jackson oncewrote that the children of house slaves will be“taken into the house,” but those of field slaveswill not. Even though Jackson and other slave

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state. One sketch of his career noted, “There havebeen great criminal lawyers in Tennessee, but fewhis equals and none his superior.” The Ewingbrothers, who were also partners in the law, heldequally impressive credentials. Edwin was notedas “a hard-working, energetic, brilliant lawyer; anuntiring investigator, leaving nothing unturned.”Andrew was considered “a speaker of great per-suasiveness and force…and was an excellent caselawyer.” “No name in Tennessee,” declared oneauthor, “shines with a more steady radiance thanthat of the Ewing family.”55

With his team in place, Jackson traveled toNashville to observe the trials. For some reasonGeorge was tried separately, in The State vs. George(a man of colour), and appeared only before agrand jury that determined that the indictmentwas “not a true bill” and ordered “the said defen-dant to be discharged.” The other three slavesappeared in court on Monday, January 28, 1839,in Alfred, Jacob, & Squire versus the State; men ofcolour; Indictment for the murder of Frank. Alsopresent were the attorney general, Jackson’slawyers, and the Honorable James Rucks, judge ofthe sixth circuit. During this initial court date thethree were arraigned, pled “not guilty,” and a juryof twelve was chosen and sworn. As owner,Jackson had the legal right to challenge a numberof the jurors during the voir dire, but most cer-tainly left this to his lawyers.56 Over the next fivedays jurors heard testimony and lawyers’ argu-ments. At the end of each court day the defen-dants were remanded to the county sheriff and thejury sequestered. Finally, on Saturday, February 2,the attorney general and defense attorneys closedtheir arguments and turned the matter over to thejury, who, after deliberating, “on their oath do saythe Defendants are not guilty.”57

Alfred, Jacob, and Squire’s defense did notcome cheap. John Spencer Basset, editor ofJackson’s correspondence, related a rumor thatJackson spent some $1,500 to save his slaves fromthe death penalty, an amount that is certainlyclose to the mark. The general lamented to his

nephew, Andrew Jackson Hutchings, “The con-duct of William and Stockely in selecting andprosecuting my negros have run me to consider-able expence, which I must meet.” He explainedfurther that the trial costs “makes it necessary thatI should sacrifice some property to clear me ofthis unexpected expence. let me hear from youthe prospect of a sale.” In a subsequent letter toHutchings, Jackson again explained his need tosell several lots: “I was anxious to have sold themas a few hundred dollars would have aided me inmeeting the expence of the persecution of mynegroes.” Jackson ultimately related that he was“compelled” to “borrow $1000 to meet theexpence of the negro indictment.”58

The fact that Jackson hired three ofNashville’s top defense attorneys, attempted tosell property, and finally placed himself in debt todefend the lives of slaves is no small matter. Hehad the option of accepting the court appointedlawyer and in doing so incurring no expensewhatsoever. Had his slaves been found guilty,Jackson would have lost assets in the amount ofsome $1,500.59 This certainly would have been aconsiderable financial loss, but he had well overone hundred slaves at this time and the loss offour would not have broken him. Moreover, hecould have used the same $1,500 spent ondefense to purchase three additional slaves. Onemust also consider the fact that the monetary losswas on paper in the form of assets, whereasJackson had to actually procure the cash for legaldefense. Additionally, there is evidence to showthat Jackson was annoyed with his nephewStockley Donelson, some bad blood existedbetween them, and this may have contributed toJackson’s ardor in defense of his slaves. To explainaway all of the general’s actions on this point,however, is simplistic. Jackson’s motivationsrevealed perhaps the ultimate intermingling of afeeling of paternalism and commerce.

The court case occurred during Jackson’sretirement at the Hermitage. He had come homein 1837 after serving two presidential terms.

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owners made such attempts at social stratifica-tion, archeologists believe that slaves refused toabide by such notions of social interaction, engag-ing instead in considerable activity among all“classes” on the plantation.63

Evidence in and around the various slavequarters reveals that the occupants created a lifeof their own in addition to the one dictated bymaster and overseer. There exist clearly definedyard spaces signified by hard-packed surfaces,fence lines, and, in one area, a definite back yard.As archeologist Larry McKee put it, these areasare “evidence of the kind of minor but pervasivealterations made by residents to their assigned liv-ing areas.”64 In some small way, these additionsmade the quarters a home. This is where life awayfrom work was spent. Evidence exists of an out-door cooking area, tobacco pipes, writing slatesand slate pencils, eyeglass lenses, gaming piecesmade from shards of European pottery, playingdice, stone and clay marbles, some marked withan “x,” as well as china dolls, at least one of whichwas black. All of this reveals evidence of leisureand play, social activities that were essential tolife. There were also, of course, gatherings withslaves from other plantations.65 The Christmasparty at which the fight occurred is one example.Slaves also celebrated marriages, though theywere not state sanctioned and could be broken onthe whim of an owner who sold a spouse. Taxrecords reveal that many Hermitage slaves weremarried and had large families. One union in par-ticular was apparently celebrated by both blacksand whites. When Sarah Jackson returned fromWashington in early 1837, she brought Gracey,the slave purchased from Colonel Hebb. Alfred,who had been born on the plantation and was theson of Betty the cook, met Gracey and by the fallof that year married her. One account related thatMrs. Jackson “took the greatest interest in theaffair. She had the couple stand in the large hall[at the Hermitage] while they were married andgave them a fine wedding supper. These twofavorite servants were given a cabin near the

house. They reared a family and lived an exem-plary married life for over fifty years.”66 Thoughthe source from which this story is derived is notparticularly critical, the actual information wasgleaned from Alfred himself who lived his entirelife at the Hermitage and gave tours of the prop-erty long after Jackson’s heirs had left.

In addition to these many social outlets slaveswere also active in their own forms of spirituality,many of which may have been influenced byAfrican customs. Numerous items have beenfound that lead to such conclusions, includingthree small brass fist-shaped amulets, piercedcoins made into medallions, quartz crystals, andnumerous glass beads that indicate cultural conti-nuity with West Africa. Archeologists have alsofound a single polished raccoon ospenis bone thatmay have been used as an amulet. Such findsreveal that slaves created their own sense of place.There is also evidence that slaves could choosetheir own religion. In Hannah’s reminiscence shenotes that the Hermitage church wasPresbyterian, but she and Alfred were Baptists.67

Hermitage slaves also owned considerableamounts of what might be considered fine goods,including bone handled cutlery and combs,ceramic earthenware vessels made in England,porcelain serving vessels, tea cups, and fancy glasstableware. House slaves had these items in greaterquantity than field slaves, but both groups pos-sessed them. There is some speculation regardinghow slaves acquired such things. Some wereundoubtedly passed down from the main house,but archeologists surmise that slave trade networksstretching across the south may have existed.68

Another possibility is that slaves who had a greaterdegree of autonomy, couriers such as George,Charles, and John Fulton had the ability to tradeor purchase various goods. There is no doubt thatslaves had some money to engage in such transac-tions. A Hermitage farm journal from 1829 notesthat some slaves were paid for extra work andexcavations have found a considerable number ofcoins in and around slave quarters.69

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The structural layout of the Hermitage embodied Jackson’s larger conception of hierarchy and social station. Archaeologistshave located nineteen slave dwellings, all of which have living units measuring a standard 20 x 20 feet. This triplex was tothe rear of the Hermitage. (The Hermitage: Home of President Andrew Jackson, Nashville, TN)

Jackson’s slaves found ways to create lives oftheir own, including their own forms of spiri-tuality. Three fist-shaped amulets recoveredby archaeologists suggest a cultural continu-ity with West Africa. (The Hermitage: Homeof President Andrew Jackson, Nashville, TN)

looked upon him as though we had as much rightthere as Master Andrew.” At Jackson’s funeral,just two days later, a visitor noted “that there wasa thing that struck me very forcibly; he has alwaysbeen charged with being tyrannical; but if the evi-dence of his slaves is testimony to the contrary, Iam a witness that there was sorrow universal,among what I suppose must have been some sev-enty or eighty slaves.” The funeral-goer contin-ued, “You would see them standing around theHermitage in groups of fifteen to twenty, (dressedin their Sunday dress,) in silent grief, the tearsfalling down their dark faces. The house servantswere immediately around the foot of the cof-fin…” and when the reverend Mr. Edgarmotioned towards them “there was one gush ofgrief ” from the slaves.

The emotion displayed on the part ofJackson’s slaves epitomized the paternal, contra-dictory nature of slavery. Referring to the generalas “father,” Hannah revealed both the command-ing and familial role that Jackson embodiedamong the slaves. At the same time that slaveswept for the general’s loss, they may have beenweeping for the uncertainty that his death repre-sented. Jackson did not emancipate a single slaveand with the economic turmoil at the plantationslaves may very well have been crying at the pos-sibility of being sold to satisfy debts. One Whignewspaper hit on this point quite clearly, noting,“We presume they [the slaves] would have felt lessgrief if their free papers had been presented tothem on the occasion.”73 Yet whittling Hannah’scomments and the reactions of other slaves downto a single motivation removes the larger com-plexity of slave/master relationships. Hannah hadbeen with Jackson since the age of eight andremained on the Hermitage property until mid-way through the Civil War. Giving her reminis-cences in 1880 at the age of eighty-nine, she com-mented not only on the general’s death but on herchildhood memories and the time that Jacksonbought her a new red dress.74 With such a longhistory on the plantation, indeed her entire life

and the lives of many other slaves had been spentthere, it is virtually impossible to believe that sheand others felt no sense of belonging or affectionfor Jackson, and he for them. This is not to denythat power roles were wholly lopsided in favor ofthe master, but much the way that slaves negoti-ated the material surroundings to have somedegree of autonomy, they appear to have done thesame in relating with Jackson. This is shown min-imally by Jackson’s willingness to abide by hisslaves’ desires in relation to marriage.

There is no denying that Jackson embracedslavery as a moral institution, that he profitedfrom it, and, at times, that he maintained controlthrough barbaric measures. He had no qualmsabout maintaining order with the “cowhide.”Moreover, his orders to cure Gilbert of runningaway resulted in that slave’s death. This fact, alongwith Jackson’s orders to whip Betty, as well as the1804 runaway advertisement, are all indicative ofa brutal, inhumane system of bondage. Yet com-bined with this brutality, there also existed a par-adoxical paternalism. Jackson’s letters indicatethat he was unquestionably affected by Gilbert’sdeath and from that point on attempted to ensurethat Hermitage slaves were treated with “human-ity.” Jackson’s attempts to keep slave familiestogether, his willingness to act on the requests ofslaves, and perhaps most surprisingly, his defenseof four slaves in a criminal proceeding, all indi-cate that slavery was more to Jackson than a pecu-niary, labor related matter. There existed betweenJackson and his slaves a rather complex, but veryreal relationship marked by a give and take onboth sides.

To be sure, Jackson and all slave holders tookmore than they gave. A slave’s freedom was some-thing that could not be replaced by any measureof material comfort or paternal care. This is obvi-ous by the sheer fact that slaves ran away. Thethirst for liberty is also emphasized by the com-ments of Alfred, who had lived on at theHermitage his entire life and was, perhaps moreso than any other slave, treated with special con-

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Slaves on Jackson’s plantation were also activein supplementing their diets. The main fareincluded pork and cornmeal, but archeologicaldigs have revealed significant quantities of vary-ing animal remains, including fish, turtle, rac-coon, possum, turkey, chicken, goose, and deer. Anumber of slaves were evidently allowed to pos-sess firearms and to hunt. The remains of variousgun parts, lead shot, flints, and even one bulletmold have been unearthed. Tennessee lawallowed that, “at the request of the master, thecounty courts permitted one slave on each plan-tation to hunt with a gun.”70 Enough gun partshave been found at the Hermitage to indicate thatmore than one slave may have possessed afirearm. One question is whether these were gunsgiven to slaves or hidden by them. With so manyslaves in residence on the plantation it wouldhave been virtually impossible to police them atall times. Yet by the same token, it is doubtfulthat even semi-frequent gunfire would have beenmissed. Property lines and poaching were seriousmatters and anyone hunting on the plantationwithout permission would have been noticed.

Perhaps the find that has most intriguedarcheologists are the root cellars found in everyslave house. Ostensibly used for storage, they mayalso have been used to hide certain items, hencethe nick-name “hidey-hole.” Each has a differentdesign and placement. Some are multi-cham-bered and some lined with brick or stone. Theyare particularly interesting because they are notoriginal to the design of the slave quarters.Rather, they were the slaves’ creations.Archeologists theorize that the root cellars repre-sented the ability of slaves to have some sort ofcontrol in an otherwise controlled existence.Larry McKee offers, “Beneath their facades, thecabins hid evidence of less regimented lives, con-ducted in near secret. The most direct gateway tothose secret lives was found under each cabinfloor.” These were “places for items that had to bekept hidden from master and overseer.” Thoughsuch a theory is possible, the degree to which

these were truly “hidden” areas is debatable.McKee acknowledges in another article: “Thenear constant presence of the cellars suggests thatJackson was aware of these additions, and proba-bly gave at least indirect approval if not outrightencouragement for the construction of these util-itarian storage facilities.” As with the use offirearms, there were so many slaves living on theplantation that as long as nothing was overtlyamiss there was most likely no special reason forransacking a slave’s home in search of hidden con-traband. Moreover, archeologists have document-ed the existence of root cellars at numerous whiteowned sites.71

The documentary and archeological evidenceindicates that the Hermitage was a bustling,diverse place. It had to be in order to sustain thesizable population, both white and black, thatdepended upon its resources. Jackson expectedthe plantation to supply the inhabitants’ materialneeds and reap a profit as well. And thoughJackson suffered financial difficulty at the end ofhis life, this was due to absorbing his adoptedson’s debts rather than failed management at theHermitage.72 Jackson’s numerous letters regardingthe plantation make clear that he observed thehappenings with great care; this included businessdealings and the welfare of slaves. Indeed, the twowere often intertwined.

Before Jackson passed away on June 8, 1845,his interaction with Hermitage residents depictedthe larger complexity that existed in a slave socie-ty. The general called his black and white familyto his bedside, and with his servant George hold-ing the pillows behind Jackson’s head, he croaked,“God will take care of you for me. I am my God’s.I belong to him, I go but a short time before you,and I want to meet you all in heaven, both white& black.” Hannah remembered, “The doctor saidto Mistus Sarah to send the servants out of theroom; but we refused to go. One of the servantswent on so cryin’ and lamentin’ she had to be car-ried out of the room….The darkies could not bedriven out. Our master, our father was gone. We

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1. Alfred, Jacob & Squire versus the State, DavidsonCounty Minute Books, First Circuit, vol. K, September1838-Spetember 1840, p. 242, Tennessee State Library andArchives, Nashville (hereafter TSLA)

2. Most well known is Jackson’s involvement in the1835 Charleston, S.C., abolitionist mailing episode. SeeWilliam W. Freehling, Prelude to War: The NullificationControversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836 (New York, 1966).

3. James Parton noted Jackson “was the most indul-gent, patient and generous of masters.” See Andrew Jackson,vol. 1, (New York, 1860), 249; John Spencer Bassett wrote,“Jackson was an ideal slave-owner.” See The Life of AndrewJackson (New York, 1931), 723. Marquis James held similaropinions, see Andrew Jackson: Portrait of a President(Indianapolis, 1937), 30. See also, Robert V. Remini,Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Empire,1761-1821 (New York, 1977), 133-4; Andrew Jackson: The Courseof American Democracy, 1833-1845 (New York, 1984), 50-1; and The Legacy of Andrew Jackson: Essays on Democracy,Indian Removal, and Slavery (Baton Rouge, 1988).

4. Larry McKee, “The Archeological Study of Slaveryand Plantation Life in Tennessee,” Tennessee HistoricalQuarterly 34 (Fall 2000): 188-203; “The Earth Is TheirWitness,” The Sciences (March 1995): 36-41; ElizabethKellar, “The Pit, the Press & the Postholes: Excavation ofAndrew Jackson’s Cotton Gin,” paper delivered atTennessee Conference of Historians, 27 September 2003.

5. Annette Gordon-Bennett, Thomas Jefferson andSally Hemings: An American Controversy (Charlottesville,1998); Jan Lewis, Peter S. Onuf, and Jane E. Lewis, eds.,Sally Hemings and Thomas Jefferson: History, Memory, andCivic Culture (Charlottesville, 1999).

6. Henry Wiencek, An Imperfect God: GeorgeWashington, His Slaves, and the Creation of America (NewYork, 2003); William Dusinberre, Slavemaster President:The Double Career of James Polk (New York, 2003).

7. Dorothy Haskins, the descendent of Hermitageslaves, alleges that Jackson fathered a child with “HouseHannah.” The liaison supposedly produced a girl namedCharlotte, born in July 1826. Haskins states, “Charlottewas very adamant about passing down to her children andgrandchildren the fact that she indeed was the blood heir toAndrew Jackson.” This information was placed on a websitethat is no longer functional. Copies of the site are availablein the slave files at The Hermitage, Nashville, Tennessee.The author attempted, without success, to reach Haskins.

8. For southern paternalism, see David Donald, “TheProslavery Argument Reconsidered,” Journal of SouthernHistory 37 (Feb. 1971): 3-18; Drew Gilpin Faust, JamesHenry Hammond and the Old South: A Design for Mastery(Baton Rouge, 1982); Paul Finkelman, ed., ProslaveryThought, Ideology, and Politics (New York, 1989); EugeneGenovese, Roll Jordan Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New

York, 1974); Herbert Gutman, The Black Family in Slaveryand Freedom, 1750-1925, (New York, 1976; StuckeySterling, Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and theFoundations of Black America (New York, 1987); Larry Tise,Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in America,1701-1840 (Athens, 1987.)

9. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese,The Mind of the Master Class: History and Faith in theSouthern Slaveholders’ Worldview (Cambridge, 2005), 369.

10. Record of Slave Sale, in Sam B. Smith, et al., ThePapers of Andrew Jackson, vol. 1, (Knoxville, 1980), 15;hereafter Jackson Papers. For Jackson’s early years, seeHendrik Booraem, Young Hickory: The Making of AndrewJackson (Dallas, 2001), 186.

11. List of Taxable Property, 1792, in Jackson Papers,vol. 1, 34; Tax Assesment, 1798, ibid, 211. Only ten ofJackson’s slaves were between the ages of twelve and fifty, andas such taxable. “Inventory, Appraisal, and Division of JohnDonelson’s Estate,” 1791, Jackson Papers, vol. 1, 425-7.

12. Chase C. Mooney, Slavery in Tennessee(Bloomington, 1957), 87.

13. Power of Attorney from James Buchanan, 8November 1790, Jackson Papers, vol. 1, 23-4; John Overtonto AJ, 8 March 1795, ibid, 54; AJ to Robert Hays, 12December 1796, ibid, 102; Squire Grant to AJ, 25November 1799, ibid, 224; Samuel Jackson to AJ, 9 June1802, ibid, 298; Samuel Jackson to AJ, 25 October 1802,ibid, 316; Lemuel Henry to AJ (with enclosure), 14 June1803, ibid, 332; Agreement with Mark Mitchell, 12December 1803, ibid, 409.

14. AJ to Thomas Eastin, June 1806, Jackson Papers,vol. 2, 106-7. Andrew Erwin, of Tennessee, published ananonymous letter in the National Banner & Nashville Whigin which he accused Jackson of slave trading. A letter warensued. See ibid, 15 July 1827, 25 July 1827, 5 August1827, and 19 August 1827. Some of these letters wererepublished in “A Brief Account of General Jackson’sDealings in Negroes,” TSLA. Jackson involved himself inthe partnership of Coleman, Green, and Jackson, originallyformed in 1811 to purchase and resell cotton and tobacco.Coleman and Green later arranged for the sale and purchaseof several slaves. Though not a key figure in the transaction,Jackson fully understood the agreement and was aware thatthe commodity to be speculated in was slaves. AndrewBurstein notes, “Jackson was more active in the slave tradethan most,” but provides no evidence for such an assertion.See, The Passions of Andrew Jackson (New York, 2003), 24.

15. Advertisement for a Runaway, 26 September 1804,Jackson Papers, vol. 2, 40-1; see also, Robert H. Hay, “‘AndTen Dollars Extra, for Every Hundred Lashes Any PersonWill Give Him, to the Amount of Three Hundred’: A Noteon Andrew Jackson’s Runaway Slave Ad of 1804 and on theHistorian’s Use of Evidence,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly

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sideration and privilege. Speaking to the familytutor in the 1840s after the president’s death,Alfred responded to a comment that he did not

have it so badly and that freedom too had its bur-dens: “How would you like to be a slave?” heresponded. That ended the conversation.76

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In 1880, Hannah Jackson spoke fondly of Jackson as amaster and described the grief the slaves felt at his death in

1845. Nevertheless, she chose to escape to freedom in 1863.Alfred summed up the experience of Jackson’s slaves when he

asked an interviewer, “How would you like to be a slave?” (TheHermitage: Home of President Andrew Jackson, Nashville, TN)

cannot be tolerated by me, it would ruin all my negroes.”AJ to Hardy Murfree Cryer, 12 July 1824, ibid, 284-5.

36. “Affidavit of Ira Walton,” taken by W.M. Smith,Justice of the Peace for Davidson County, in NationalBanner & Nashville Whig, 15 August 1828.

37. “Affidavit of Ira Walton.” See also the editor’snotes, Jackson Papers, vol. 6, 384.

38. AJ to William Faulkner, 28 August 1827, ibid,384; AJ to Andrew Hays, 30 August 1827, ibid, 385-6.

39. Andrew Hays to AJ, 31 August 1827, ibid, 386;Ira Walton vs. The State, Davidson County Circuit CourtMinute Books, 1st Circuit, Vol. F, November, 1827, 229,248, TSLA.

40. Arthur F. Howington, What Sayeth the Law: TheTreatment of Slaves and Free Blacks in the State and LocalCourts of Tennessee (New York, 1986); Thomas D. Morris,Southern Slavery and the Law, 1690-1860, (Chapel Hill,1996); A.E. Keir Nash, “Negro Rights and JudicialBehavior,” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1967);Daniel J. Flannigan, “The Criminal Law of Slavery andFreedom, 1800-1868,” (PhD dissertation, Rice University,1973).Howington notes, “Ordinarily, the attorney generalwould not send a bill of indictment to the grand jury unlessit was signed by some private individual as prosecutor,” 191.

41. AJ to John Donelson, 7 June 1829, Correspondence,vol. 4, 41-2.

42. AJ to Andrew Jackson, Jr., 4 July 1829, ibid, 49-50.43. AJ to Andrew Jackson, Jr., 20 July 1829, ibid, 54.44. AJ to Andrew Jackson, Jr., ibid, 62.45. AJ to Graves Steel, 7 November 1829; ibid, 85-6;

AJ to Charles J. Love, 7 December 1829, ibid, 105; CharlesJ. Love to AJ, 15 January 1830, ibid, 119-20.

46. Dorris, Preservation of the Hermitage, 125; “HouseServants,” Slaves Files, The Hermitage; Rachel JacksonLawrence, “Andrew Jackson at Home,” McClure’s Magazine,(1897): 792-4; AJ to George Washington Martin, 18October 1823, Jackson Papers, vol. 5, 548; Account withWoodruff & Smiley for tailoring for George and AJ, 6November 1823, ibid, 549; for slaves as messengers, see AJto John Coffee, 29 September 1822, ibid, 219; AJ to JohnCoffee, 11 May 1821, ibid, 42; “House Servants,” SlavesFiles, The Hermitage.

47. Burnard Hotzclaw to AJ, 6 March 1833, JacksonPapers, vol. 5, 29-30; Andrew J. Donelson, 19 August 1832,ibid, 468.

48. Andrew J. Hutchings to AJ, 18 April 1833, ibid,59; Dr. M. McCorckle to AJ, 19 April 1833, ibid, 61. ThatJackson mentioned the death of the two Sampsons pointsto the fact that one of the Sampsons, and perhaps his fam-ily, was never sold, as indicated by Andrew Burstein.Records show that only two Sampsons lived at theHermitage. See note 25.

49. William B. Lewis to AJ, 19 April 1833, 61-65.

50. AJ to William B. Lewis, 4 May 1833, ibid, 73-4.51. AJ to John A. Shute, 3 January 1839, ibid, vol.

6, 1-2.52. Ibid; Remini discusses this matter briefly in Andrew

Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 452-3.53. Howington, What Sayeth the Law, 189, 193.54. Caleb Perry Patterson, The Negro in Tennessee

(Austin, 1922), 34.55. The lawyers retained by Jackson are listed in

“Alfred, Jacob & Squire versus the State,” Davidson CountyMinute Books, First Circuit, vol. K, September 1838-Spetember 1840, p. 242, Nashville State Library andArchives, Nashville, Tennessee; for biographical data onFletcher and the Ewings, see W.W. Clayton, History ofDavidson County, Tennessee, (reprint, Nashville, 1971), 109,120-2; William S. Speer, Sketches of Prominent Tennesseans,(Nashville, 1888), 138-41; Robert M. McBride,Biographical Directory of the Tennessee General Assembly, vol.1, (Nashville, 1975), 252.

56. State vs. George (a man of colour), Davidson CountyMinute Books, 207; “Alfred, Jacob & Squire versus theState,” ibid, 242; Howington, What Sayeth the Law, 197.

57. State vs. George (a man of colour), Davidson CountyMinute Books, 246, 248, 250-1.

58. AJ to Andrew J. Hutchings, 5 March and 18March 1839, Correspondence, vol. 6, 7; AJ to Andrew J.Hutchings, 20 May 1839, ibid, 14; see also AJ to James K.Polk, 11 February 1839, ibid, 4.

59. The average value of a slave in 1840 was $543. SeeMooney, Slavery in Tennessee, 122.

60. Lawrence, “Andrew Jackson at Home,” 793.61. Walker, “Andrew Jackson: Planter,” 25-6; see also,

AJ to Andrew Jackson, Jr., 1 November 1833,Correspondence, vol. 5, 222; AJ to Andrew Jackson, Jr., 13November, ibid, 225; William B. Lewis to AJ, 21 April1833, ibid, 64; AJ to Andrew Jackson Jr., 12 February1834, ibid, 248; AJ to Andrew Jackson, Jr., 30 October1834, ibid, 303-4; AJ to J.M. Parker, 11 May 1844, ibid,vol. 6, 289; for a list of Jackson’s crops in 1850, see also,Mooney, Slavery in Tennessee, 198-9.

62. G.W. Featherstonehaugh, Excursion through theSlave States (New York, 1844); Roeliff Brinkerhoff,Recollections of a Lifetime, (Cincinnati, 1900),61.Brinkerhoff claimed that Jackson was adverse to slaverybut that he could see no solution to the problem. John F.Gray also claimed that Jackson denounced slavery inregards to both humanity and the future of the nation.There is no evidence to support either of these views. See“Jackson’s Views on Slavery,” Missouri Republican, 17December 1882.

63. “House Servants,” Slaves Files, The Hermitage;Brian W. Thomas and Larry McKee, “Twenty Years ofResearch on the Hermitage Slave Community, Interpreting

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36 (Winter 1977): 468-478; Jackson had previously madea comment in a letter to Rachel about a slave’s punishment,noting that he hoped the overseer Henry Gowery “hasbrought Aston to a perfect state of obedience.” See AJ toRachel Jackson, 22 March 1803 in John Spencer Bassett,ed., The Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, vol. 1,(Washington, D.C., 1933), 65, hereafter Correspondence.

16. See for example, Michael Paul Rogin, Fathers &Children: Andrew Jackson and the Subjugation of theAmerican Indian (New York, 1975); James C. Curtis,Andrew Jackson and the Search For Vindication (New York,1976); Burstein, The Passions of Andrew Jackson.

17. Wiencek, An Imperfect God, 132.18. For purchase of the Hermitage, see Remini,

Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Empire, 131-2;Jackson noted in an 1839 letter that he owned “about onehundred and fifty negroes, old, middle aged, and young.”See AJ to Francis P. Blair, Correspondence, vol. 6, 138. Onehistorian estimated that Jackson may have owned as manyas two hundred slaves. See Ada Walker, “Andrew Jackson:Planter,” East Tennessee Historical Society Publications 15(1943): 19-34. From 1818 to 1822 Jackson owned proper-ty on the Cypress River, north of Florence, Alabama. Inlater years, he backed his adopted son, Andrew Jackson,Jr.’s, purchase of a Mississippi plantation called Halcyon.See AJ to Isaac Shelby, 24 November 1818, Jackson Papers,vol. 4, 250-1; Walker, 20.

19. List of Jackson’s Taxable Property, 1 January 1812,in Correspondence, vol. 1, 212; Memorandum of Slaves andLand in Davidson County, Tennessee, 1 January 1825,Jackson Papers, vol. 6, 3.

20. AJ to Rachel Jackson, 28 January 1814, JacksonPapers, vol. 3, 20; AJ to Rachel, 11 December 1823, ibid,vol. 5, 324.

21. Herbert Gutman and Richard Sutch estimate thatslaves had a 49.3 percent chance of sale at least once in thecourse of a 35-year lifetime, noting, “The threat of saletouched every American slave family.” See Paul A. David,et. al., Reckoning with Slavery (New York, 1976,) 110-111.

22. James Houston to AJ, 17 November 1819,Correspondence, vol. 2, 440.

23. Catalina Mir Sartorios to AJ, 16 April 1822,Jackson Papers, vol. 5, 174.

24. Kenneth Stampp discusses slave values in ThePeculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (NewYork, 1956.)

25. AJ to Robert J. Chester, 7 November 1830,Correspondence, vol. 4, 198.

26. Mary C. Dorris, Preservation of the Hermitage,1889-1915 (Nashville, 1915), 124-5; see also, GraceyBradley file, Slave Files, The Hermitage, Nashville,Tennessee.

27. “Old Hannah: Reminiscences of the Hermitage,”

recorded by William G. Terrell, published in the CincinnatiCommercial, 22 June 1880. There exists one additional itemrelated to Jackson and slave families, a short addendum toa letter in which Jackson discusses the sale of “Sampson”and his family. Burstein concludes from this that Jacksonwas “expressing awareness of the emotional consequences oftrading in human beings.” Yet the information related tothis sale is so sparse that such a conclusion is highly specu-lative. See, Andrew Jackson to Rachel Jackson, 18September 1816, Jackson Papers, vol. 4, 62; Burstein, ThePassions of Andrew Jackson, 255 note 55.

28. Rachel Jackson to AJ, 7 April 1814, Correspondence,vol. 1, 498.

29. AJ to Andrew J. Donelson, 3 July 1821,Correspondence, vol. 3, 87; James Craine Bronough, 3 July1821, Jackson Papers, vol. 5, 66; Rachel Jackson apparentlyexperienced additional difficulties with slaves at theHermitage in 1816. See AJ to Rachel Jackson, 18September 1816, Jackson Papers, vol. 4, 62.

30. Remini, Andrew Jackson and the Course of AmericanEmpire, 1767-1821, 162-3; see also, AJ to GeorgeWashington Campbell, 15 October 1812, Jackson Papers, vol.2, 334-6.

31. For Jackson and militiamen, see MatthewWarshauer, “The Battle of New Orleans Reconsidered:Andrew Jackson and Martial Law,” Louisiana History 39(Summer 1998): 261-291; for the Woods case, see Remini,Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Empire, 211-213; for Jackson’s comments, see Andrew Jackson to JohnWood, 14 March 1814, Jackson Papers, vol. 3, 48-49;Burstein notes that Jackson’s treatment of certain slaves was“paternalistic in a sense comparable to his starkly demand-ing, occasionally punitive, yet consistently fatherlyapproach to his white soldiers. See Burstein, The Passions ofAndrew Jackson, 225.

32. Rogin, Fathers & Children; William W. Freehling,Prelude to Civil War:The Nullification Controversy in SouthCarolina, 1816-1836 (New York, 1966.)

33. AJ to Andrew Jackson Donelson, 28 June 1822,Jackson Papers, vol. 5, 195; two other runaways were Tomand Ned. See James Jackson to AJ, 28 May 1821, ibid, 50.

34. AJ to Egbert Harris, 13 April 1822, ibid, vol. 3, 158.Also see “Advertisement by John Coffee for AJ’s runawayslave Gilbert from the Big Spring farm,” 24 April 1822,printed in the Nashville Whig, ibid, vol. 5, 525; on Jackson’sdecision to bring his slaves to the Hermitage, see AndrewJackson Donelson to AJ, 14 December 1822, ibid, 533.

35. AJ to John Coffee, 20 September 1824, ibid, 440.Jackson had difficulty with another slave during this timeperiod. Cyrus came to the Hermitage in 1823 on a testbasis, but was troublesome. He was flogged by the overseerand later attempted to run away. Jackson informed Cyrus’sowner of the problem, stating, “It is such an example as

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the Archeological Findings,” 4-5, 8, 10, Paper presented atthe 1996 Society for Historical Archeology Conference onHistorical and Underwater Archeology, Cincinnati, Ohio,paper held by the Hermitage, Nashville, Tennessee; BrianW. Thomas, Community Among Enslaved African-Americans, 1820-1850s, (PhD dissertation, StateUniversity of New York, Binghamton, 1995); Larry McKee,“The Earth is Their Witness,” 38.

64. Larry McKee, “Consistency and Variation in SlaveHousing at Andrew Jackson’s Hermitage Plantation,” 10,Paper presented at the 1996 conference, “Housing Slaveryin the Age of Jackson: Comparative Perspectives,”Charlottesville, Virginia, paper held by the Hermitage.

65. McKee, “The Earth is Their Witness,” 40-1.66. Dorris Preservation of the Hermitage, 125.67. McKee, “The Earth is Their Witness,” 40; Aaron E.

Russell, “Material Culture and African-American Spiritualityat the Hermitage,” Historical Archeology, 31 2 (1997): 63-80;“Old Hannah: Reminiscences of the Hermitage.”

68. McKee, “The Earth is Their Witness,” 40. 69. Ibid, 39; AJ to Andrew J. Donelson, 3 July 1821,

Correspondence, vol. 3, 87.70. McKee, “Bread in Captivity,” 9-10; Return J.

Meigs and William F. Cooper, eds., The Code of Tennessee.Enacted by the General Assembly of 1857-8, (Nashville,1858), 506-7; Patterson, The Negro in Tennessee, 25.

71. McKee, “The Earth is Their Witness,” 39; McKee,Consistency and Variation, 11, 14-15;Kevin E. Smith,“Bledsoe Station: Archeology, History, and theInterpretation of the Middle Tennessee Frontier, 1770-1820,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 35 (Fall 200): 174-187.

72. AJ to William B. Lewis, 28 February 1842, ibid,141; Walker, “Andrew Jackson: Planter,” 21.

73. Lawrence, “Andrew Jackson at Home, 793; RobertRemini, “The Final Days and Hours in the Life of GeneralAndrew Jackson,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 39 (1980):167-77; see also, Remini, The Course of AmericanDemocracy, 524; “Old Hannah: Reminiscences of theHermitage;” “General Jackson and His Slaves,” AlbanyEvening Atlas, 25 June 1845; “Gen. Jackson and HisSlaves,” Syracuse Journal, in Madison County Whig (NewYork), 9 July 1845; also see ibid, 23 July 1845; Jackson’sWill, Correspondence, vol. 6, 220-223.

74. Hannah noted that Jackson was often verykind to the slaves, especially children: “Old master wasmighty good to us all. When I was a child ole mistress usedto pin me to her dress at her side to learn me tosew….Sometimes she would fall a nappin’, when I wouldloosen the pin and steal away from her….When I comeback, she would ask me where I had been. If ole master wasthere he would say, ‘O, let the little thing go out and playwhenever she wants to.’” There were also special acts ofkindness that Hannah remembered warmly. On one occa-

sion she was combing Jackson’s hair, “he had a heap ofhair,” she explained, and he told her that she would berewarded for any “buggers” that she found. Hannah pre-tended to kill some bugs by clicking her fingernail andwhen Jackson asked her to produce the bugs she admittedthat she was “foolin’.” Jackson knew that she was “tellin’ astory” and said that he would buy her a new dress if shepromised to never tell another. “I promised,” said Hannah,“and he bought me the dress. I remember that it was red.”Hannah ultimately remarked, “Ole Master was gold to us.”See “Old Hannah: Reminiscences of the Hermitage,”Cincinnati Commercial, 22 June 1880. Despite Hannah’swarm memories, Sarah Yorke Jackson wrote in a letter on11 June 1863, “Hannah and Martha [her daughter] havegone to the Yankees. Hannah has been very insolent forsome time.” Letter on file at the Hermitage.

75. Brinkerhoff, Recollections of a Lifetime, 61.

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