The Impact of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act on the U.S. Poultry Industry: A...

118 Policy Studies Review, Summer 1992, 11:2

The Impact of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act on the U.S. Poultry Industry:

A Comparative Analysis

David Grifith' East Carolina LIniversity

David Runsten Columbian Basin Institute

IRCAS impct on tlie U.S. poultry industry has been uneven across industry sectors and re@ons. 112 California, where undocumented immigrants have been ]7resent for some decodes, lRCA strengthened unwns in the processing sector iuithout constricting lnbor supplies, In other areas o f depressed local economies mid high unemployment, IRCA has had little impact. Where low-wage industrial recruitmelit has increased competition for unskilled workers, Iioromer, plnnts lime been relying on documented and undocumented new immigrants for lnbor. Although new immigrants stabilize industry wmkfmces i i i the short run, over time these immigrant inflows reinforce high labor titriimer and fuel the tendency@ teclznolcgical changes to accommodate an iuiskilled lnbor force.

For the U.S. poultry industq, post-WWII gmwth has meant widespread reorganization in production, distribution, and marketing. Firins have become vertically integrated, have moved fmm the north- east and the midwest to the west and south-and from urban to rural a reas-and have adopted aggressive marketing campaigns based on product branding, new product development, and emphasis on the healthy attributes of white meats. Industry gmwth and reorganization has meant drawing upon new labormarkets, includingthose composed of refugee and undocumented immigrant populations; new labor pmcesses have emerged, and mechanization continues to modify labor intensive work environments. The passage of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) was expected to have a pmfound impact on industries with labor forces similar to poultry's, as well as on undocumented immigrant workers in such industries. "his study as- sesses that law's promise against its performance.

The industry is composed of four integtated sectors: egg orbreed- ing fanns, hatcheries, grow-out facilities (ranches), and processing plants. The processing sector organizes overall industry production, incKasing the demand for labor throughout the industry. Offering hazardous, low-paying, and generally unpleasant jobs, processing plants have difficulty attractinga stable, reliable work force. The industry's labor force consists largely of unskilled workers, women,

Griffith and Runsten: A Comparative Analysis 119

minorities, immigrants, students, prisoners, and other marginal workers.

Nearly everyone in the poultry industry agrees that work in the processing plants in particular is unpleasant. Occupational injury rates aR high; some OSHA fines against poultry firms have been unprecedented (North CamlinaDepartmentof Labor; 1989). Plant size, injuries, and the cold, noise, and monotony of the work combine to create high labor turnover at a time when demand for futther pmcessed products is growing. In the Southeast, nearly one third of the plants we surveyed added shifts or expanded into new product lines in the past few years, generating new jobs that machines have not been able to perform. Fewer than ten percent of the fims had reduced pmduction, in most cases because of labor shortages.

This article combines two studies of labor practices in the U.S. poultry industry, comparing California firms with firms in four regions of the U.S. South and East in terms of their responses to IRCA. In each section, we outline the differential use of documented and undocumented, new immigrant workers in the industry. Subsequently, we focus on the effects of IRCA’s legalization pmgrams and the potential for enforcement of the law on unionization and employer recruitment strategies.’ The findings presented he= are based on interviews with poultry industry personnel managers, workers, union representatives, poultry scientists, and others knowledgeable about the industry in five heavy poultry pmduang regions of the U.S.; they we= collected with both structuRd survey and informal methods during the Spring and Summer of 1988. Griffith collected additional data during the Summer of 1989: In many respects, the California case represents the culmina- tion of a labor pmcess that has as its cornerstone a steady supply of new immigrants from Mexico. Plants in the South and East represent, to varying degrees, an emerging reliance on undocumented immigrant and efugee populations.

PART ONE CALIFORNIA

Industry Structure and History Although an important meat and poultry state, California’s share

of production has not kept up with population growth. In broiler production, California has not been self-sufficient at least since the mid-l950s, due mainly to high feed, land, and labor costs in the state. S ine the 1950s, the industry has been characterized by inmasing consolidation and concentration of operations, including the puxhase of most turkey firms by bmiler pmducers, by shifts in location to take advantage of cheaper land, cheaper (largely documented and undocumented immigrant Mexican) labor and lower costs of transporting inputs (primarily birds and feeds), and by aggressive marketing strategies to compete with the more cheaply-pmduced birds from the

120 Policy Studies Review, Summer 1992,11:2

Southeast. Within the industry there remain differences in terms of reliance on undocumented immigrant workers.

Shifts in location mirror earlier developments in meatpacking. That industry began to move out of large cities (Chicago, St. Louis, Kansas City) in the 1950s and 1960s, setting up plants in rural areas of the Midwest, close to the feedlots, which themselves had been moved closer to grain supplies. These shifts left behind a legacy of unemployed black workers who were initially brought into these areas to work in meatpacking (Stanley, 1991; Fogel, 1970). Given the California poultry industry’s heavy current useof primarily Mexican immigrants-as with other manufacturing and food processing in the state-a similar legacy may follow the loss of such jobs as the industry continues moving in search of ever lower labor costs.

The California Industry’s Use of Immigrant Workers California poultry finns operate in at least four distinct labor

markets, with different degrees of dependence on Mexican immigrant workers. First, in the Sonoma area north of San Francim, suburbani- za tion spillingnorth hascreated job gmwth for native workers in sectors such as electmnics and services. At the same time, increased grape production has drawn more immigrant workers to the area. Seafood processors began to shift from traditional workers (legal immigrant Italians and Portuguese workers, as well as Native Americans) to Mexi- can agricultural workers as far back as the 1950s. Mexican families settled in the area throughout the 1960s, and by the end of the decade they dominated the seafood industry (Avina, 1985). A similar shift occurred in poultry pmcessing. That shift, however, came later, because poultry plants had been unionized in the 1950s-and thus paid higher wages and benefi tsand were less seasonal. During the 1970s, however, line speeds increased and Mexican and Asian workers were increasingly hired as U.S. native workers left the plants.

The second region is the northern San Joaquin Valley, where both employment opportunities and ethnic compositions vary from town to town. The labor force in the Modesto-Turiock-Livingston area reflects demographic changes, the arrival of new industry, and a changing opportunity structure. Unions and better wages and working conditions have limited the use of new immigrant workers,particularly in the turkey plants, where many workers have long seniority and line speeds are slower. Poultry processing plants in the area have historically employed a diverse labor force. Although they incteasingly employ more Latinos, none of the plants in our study were more than half Chicano or Mexican. Even so, these plants are not dependent on undocumented workers to any large degree.

Third, further south, in the Fresno area as well as in and amund Los Angeles, population growth and the greater alternatives for native workers have turned plants toward hiring more Latino and more un-


documented workers. In Los Angeles, those few plants that remain are dominated by recent undocumented immigrant workers.

The fourth labor market is composed of poultry ranches, which are distributed throughout the state. On the ranches, Mexican immigrant labor predominates. One industry observer interviewed during the study estimated that on eggranches thelabor force is 99% Mexicanborn. These figures suggest a much greater dependence on Mexican, largely undocumented immigrant labor in the industry than one would sur- mise from an examination of the pmessing sector alone.

The differential dependence on immigrant workers a m s s regions in California is a function not only of the demographic characteristics of local labor forces and the occupational structure of local labor markets, but also of management recruiting strategies and union influence. The recruitment system in most of the poultry industry is informal, depending on referrals fmm workers’ networks and sometimes result- ing in some ethnic foremen assumingrrsponsibility for the ethnic make up and supervision of the labor force. However, where there a= unions plants often follow formal recruiting practices.

According to managers interviewed during the study increased line speeds underlie high turnovers of Anglo workers, who are then largely replaced by Mexican workers. Such changes sometimes result in plants becoming almost entirely Mexican. In larger, more technologi- cally advanced plants, however, managels pursue conscious policies of drawing on workers from a variety of ethnic backgmunds, not to become too dependent on anyone group and to maintain control in the plant.

Large firms also differ from small firms in that the former are able to pay higher wages and benefits and invest in the most highly auto- mated equipment, allowing them to speed lines and impmve working conditions simultaneously Smaller, more financially pressed firms must speed up the lines without new machinery and must continue to pay lower wages. Thus the work pmcess at the smaller plants, under pressures of competition with larger firms, becomes more intense, causing greater dependence on recent immigrants and direct forms of contml. Faced with decline, we found firms that consciously tap into immigrant networks.

This strategy, however, does not guarantee sucess. While recent immigrants do tend to work harder at a given wage, they do not always constitute a passive workforce; we encountered one wildcat strike dominated by undocumented Mexican workers who objected to the union’s Anglo leadership. At times, firms have met worker unrest by beaming more sensitive to workers’ cultural backgrounds, such as giving holiday leave on Mexican national holidays and recognizing the ”transnational” lives of workers who maintain families in Mexico (Rouse, 1987; Kearney and Nagengast, 1987; Massey et al., 1986; Portes and Bach, 1985). Yet such sophisticated management remains excep-


tional, and in some cases, as on poultry ranches, the sensitivity to Mexican backgrounds means only that employers use network ties for nxruiting directly from Mexico without marshalling any local labor maket search; many finns fail to recognize the value of a stable labor fotce.

The undocumented, new immigrant workers are diffenmtially used by the California poultry industry, with some regions and industry sectors more dependent on these workers than others. Variation in the use of immigrant workers seems dependent on degrees of worker organization and prior union presence, on technological changes such as inctvasing line speeds, and on the p w i n g use of immigrant networks in employers’ recruitment strategies. In the context these developments we consider changes in the wake of IRCA.

Effects of IRCA Legalization and the Role of Labor Unions. Our study found that

poultry firms have combined legalization or amnesty programs with continued employment of undocumented. Employers assisted workers who qualified for amnesty but did not fire workers for lacking documents. The rate of legalization in the processing plants varies by the previous dependence on undocumented workers. While hiring of the undocumented continues there is some evidence that legalization programs have empowered workers. For example, the United Food and Commetrial Workers had tried toorganize one plant foreightyears, but hadbeen frustratedby the firm threatening undocumented workers with deportation if they voted for the union. With IRCA, however, the union provided legalization assistance to undocumented workels, le- galizing 15-20 petrent of the plant labor fom. Legalized workers were then encouraged to vote for unionization, and the union won the subsequent certification election by a wide margin. We found workers similarly emboldened in two other finns.

We found no evidence that the newly legalized weE leaving the industry. In a da t ed sector, the egg industry there were stories of the newly legalized leaving, but no one we interviewed claimed a higher rate of turnover than in the past (25-50% is normal). Despite continued use of undocumented workers, egg ranches have been making an incteased effort to mechanize. Egg gathering is an unskilled, low-paying, monotonous job that would be hard to fill without immigrant labor or significant wage increases. Mechanization has proceeded slowly however, in a manner similar to other California operations with access to large pools of immigtant laboc

Enforcement and LaborRecruitment. As there had been no checking for I-9 compliance on poultry ranches by 1988, poultry growers were relatively sanguine about theeffectsof IRCA. Producers, however, were complying with 1-9 requkments, which was a change from previous practice. The larger proassing plants had been checked for compliance,


but many of the smaller plants, which paid lower wages, had larger numbers of undocumented before IRCA, and used to be raided more frequently had not been checked. This was in keeping with the general practice of the INS to focus on large firms with higher wages, where domestic workers would presumably be willing to take jobs.

While IRCA had broadened document checking, however, it had not yet caused enfotrement problems for the firms. In our interviews, firms wem less concerned about enfomment than they were before IRCAP The chief effect of the law in this ama has been to upgrade the quality of false documents. The recruitment practices discussed above (e.g., referrals from workers’ networks), however, seem little affected by the law.

One potential change that employer sanctions introduces is that employers can no longer rehire workers after the INS has identified them as undocumented during raids. A likely outcome of future enfotrement activity may thus be to inmase turnover. To the extent firms use immigrants with false documents in key positions or invest much in training them, they now open themselvesup to costly losses from INS enforrement. This would imply that if there is significant enfotrement in the future, we would expect workers who are not legal to be segmented into jobs and industries with low skills and/or low training costs, or for production pmcesses to be redesigned to minimize training. Walker (1987) showed that the Mexican immigrant workers in a Utah turkey plant were segmented into the ”worst” jobs in the plant, helping to stabilize the workforre. We found similar strategies pursued in several California plants, though without evidence that workers were segmented by legal status. The new law thus has the potential to create an undetrlass of immigrant workers, as a number of observels have argued. On the other hand, redesigning the labor process may be a possible response in industries where it is feasible, as where firms adapt to high labor turnover by automating operations and minimizing training time.

summary The poultry industry in California has come to rely on immigrants,

with smaller plants and ranches more dependent on the undocumented. IRCA has had little effect on the industry thus far, other than to univer- salize already widespread document-checking and to increase paperwork. High quality forged documents am widely used.

One quarter of the labor forw may have been legalized under IRCA. There has been no mass exit of newly legalized workers, since poultry jobs are year-around and semi-skilled, many with moderate wages and benefits. Indeed, there are a number of examples of legalization emboldeningworkers to unionize or to demand betterwages and working conditions.

124 Policy Studies Review, Summer 1992, 11:2

The lack of rights among undocumented immigrants, which Ivsult in limited options, apparently makes them a desirable labor folw in certain employers' eyes. While undocumented, they will work harder for similar wages with fewer complaints than domestic-born workers. However, as s w n as workers a= legalized, we find them demanding higher labor standards.

PART TWO: SOUTHERN AND EASTERN REGIONS

Industry Structure and History Poultry production has been an important industry in the South-

east at least since the 1 9 5 0 ~ ~ when the industry became increasingly vertically integrated and the production of "broilers" changed "fmm an industry of small, widely scattered, and independent pmducets selling through an open market into one of the most highly concentrated, integrated, and industrialized agricultural subsectors" (Reimund et al., 1981, p. 6). Production in the Southeast differs fmm California pmduction in that the poultry ranches-called grow-out farms in the Southeast-are run by tesident farm families on subcontractual ar- rangements instead of owned by the firms running the pmcessing plants. Gmw-out farms are staffed almost entirely with family farm labor, even in cases where the family hires undocumented workers for agricultural tasks in the fields.

The Southeast Industry's Use of Immigrant Workers While California poultry pmducers have relied extensively on

undocumented workers for some decades, the industry in the Southeast began to use undocumented workers only a few years ago, although their influence on labor relations is rapidly growing. As with the industry in California, however, new immigmnt and rrfugee workers are distributed unevenly a m s s regions and industry sectors. Only the processing sector has come to rely heavily on immigrants. With the exception of turkey breeder farms in Texas, which are extremely labor intensive and which rely almost exclusively on undocumented Mexican workers, most tasks in the hatcheries, feed mills, egg farms, and gmw- out facilities can be handled with local labor.

Effects of IRCA As in California, IRCA's impact has been different in the diffetPnt

industry sectors. With little reliance on undocumented workersoutside of the processing plants, IRCA's impact in the feed mills, hatcheries, egg farms, and grow-out farms has been confined to the increased burdens of paperwork associated with 1-9 compliance, which is nearly univer- sally followed. In the processing plants, however, the use of new immigrants has been emerging as a cornerstone of changing labor relations in a number of regions throughout the Southeast.


Legalization and the Role of Labor Unions. In areas where immigrants have been present in the industry since the 1970s, unions have used IRCA as an opportunity to legalize immigrant workers and increase membership-often by using bilingual oGanizers who were sympathetic to the needs of Hispanics. In areas where immigrants have less historical depth, on the other hand, unions tended not to seize IRC A as a membership-enhancing opportunity In fact, in one case IRCA apparently hindered a union drive by generating confusion over legal status issues; plant managers used the confusion to alert workers to the possibility of increased INS scrutiny from engaging in union activities.

Enforcement and Labor Recruitment. As just noted, processing plants comply with 1-9 regulations without severely altering their labor recruiting practices. We noted earlier that the processing plants' recruit heavily among minority female, and new immigrant and refugee workers. Here we consider enforcement of employer sanctions and post-IRCA recruitment practices in light of eadier recruiting trends in the industry.

Each Southeast region has its distinctive ethnic mixture, though work forces in all regions tend to be half women and half men. The two most discriminating ethnic categories are blacks and Hispanics: The two southernmost regions (Texas/ Arkansas and Georgia) rely more on Hispanics and the two northernmost regions (North Camlina and Del- marva) rely more on blacks? In the past few years, changing ethnic complexions of labor have reflected the industry's greater access to new immigrant workers.

While relatively few employers noted any change in the sexual compositions of their work forces, a relatively high percentage (at least 40%) in each region noted that their work forces had changed in terms of ethnicity. Most notably recent Hispanic immigrants and Asians refugees have been taking up larger portions of labor forws. This is particularly true with Hispanics in Georgia.

Discussing ethnic changes in labor forres with plant personnel managers yielded three themes. First, employers note that many His- panic workers come from the farm labor force. Second, the ethnic change has taken place in the past few years, usually within the past six to eight years. Third, once employers become familiar with Hispanics and Asians they make active attempts to recruit them, sometimesat the expense of black and white native workers.

This process is hastened by network recruiting, especially since there is some evidence that certain ethnic groups practice network recruitment more than others! Displacement of natives by immigrants is further hastened by plants providing workers with transportation to and from work, sending vans into both rural and urban areas, and by expanding their recruitment efforts to wider and wider areas and by using new recruiting tools (e.g., bilingual poster campaigns, radio ad-

1% Policy Studies Review, Summer 1992, 11:2

vertisements). Many of these attempts havebeen added in the past two years.

Clearly employers prefer immigrants. Overall, nearly three fourthsof the personnel managers interviewed said that differpnt ethnic groups had different attitudes toward work and differpnt work habits: Specifically they believe that Hispanics and Asians have superior work habits while the work ethic among blacks and whites has been deterio- rating. Together, these changes and attitudes suggest that plant employers have developed a prpferpnce for "new" immigmnt and refugee populations, whether Hispanicor Asian, and hence a preference for those most likely to be undocumented immigmnts, unused to or unfamiliar with U.S. working conditions, patterns of authority in the plants, or the U.S. labor market. Managers justify this process by saying that new immigrants takejobs thatnativeworkersrefuse to take, despite the fad that many native workers feel theirjobs havebecome thrpatened by immigrants.

Summary IRCA has been, primarily a burden to the poultry industry, stimu-

lating new labor experiments and stmtegies but on the whole not radically a1 tering plant labor policies. The poultry industry has entered an unprecedented gmwth phase that has caused some plant managers to seek new labor markets and enhance recruitment in ways they might not have considered only ten years ago. At the same time this growth continues, the industry remains particularly susceptible to changing political and economic envimnments. High unemployment and open immigtation policies aid the plants' labor recruitment in the same way that local economic gmwth and tightened immigmtion policies hinder labor recruitment campaigns.

Although the administrativeburden of IRCAhasbeen similar from region to region, regional distinctions exist based on both attitudes toward IRCA and the many other features of plants' labor pnxesses noted above. In the TexaslArkansas region, IRCA's impact seems to have been to generate a more elaborate black market in fraudulent documents, as well as a greater flow of legalized Hispanic workers who have either stabilized pmduction by complementing the native work force, or whose presence has kept wages low and had a negative effect on union activity. Native workers in that region were far more concerned about plant interest in breaking unions, about occupational safety, and otherfeaturesof workingconditions than about the presence of undocurnented immigrants in their work forces, although they ac- knowledged that plant managers had a standingpolicy to preferentially hire Hispanics.

In North Carolina, IRCA seems to have had the least impact. There, access to pooz unskilled and largely uneducated blacks has kept wages and union activity low; in only scattered locations do processors in this


region need undocumented immigrants or new immigrant or tvfugee populations. Between the summers of 1988 and 1989, however, we found that the use of new immigrant Hispanics had sptvad into Eastern North Carolina, drawing on the farm labor force. As one North Carolina processor said, "If they get this far, they usually have proper ID," probably speaking for most processors who have used undocumented immigrants there.

On the Delmarva Peninsula and in North Georgia, the use of new immigrant and refugee populations has influenced employers' attitudes toward new immigrant vs. native U.S. labor. Hetv, the impact of IRCA on their labor practices has been one of slowing their hiring of native workers who have difficulty finding proper identification? In a perversion of the law's intent, IRCA enhanced employers' abilities to hire what has become their preferred labor pools of new immigrant, likely undocumented, and refugee populations. Processors in these regions support legislation to import workers from foreign countries.

CONCLUSION

The transition to a labor process dominated by a particular immigrant group can occur slowly reflecting changes in local labor markets, or quickly, with diected recruitment campaigns and conscious deci- sions on the part of management and workers. Walker (1987), for example, documents a case in rural Utah, where a major poultry plant expansion created a demand for seasonal labor in excess of local labor supplies, causing management to contact a labor contractor in El Paso to bring Mexican immigrant workers into the area. Griffith (1990) found a similar process occurring in Iowa, where Sioux City meatpackers sent bilingual labor recruiters to South Texas to recruit Mexican immigrants. Both cases induced migrations which have continued and expanded.

Competitive pressures drive firms to employ recent immigrants. The existence of low-skilled jobswi th high labor turnover, poor working conditions, or seasonal demand are also contributing factors. However, i t is the view of management that new immigrants have desirable characteristics which drives the evolution of the labor force. This view is enhanced by the work ethic of recent immigrants, which contributes to the reputation that immigrants are hard and compliant workers. Recent immigrants have a different reference point for wage levels and working conditions, while undocumented workers have limited options. This implies that they often have different efficiency wage curves: They will work harder than domestic workers at a given wage.

Immigmnt job networks are highly efficient at locating workers, at no cost to the employec If an employer adopts this strategy of recruitment, over time the workplace becomes dominated by these immigrant groups. Although the jobs are not closed to domestic workers, the fact that they are not advertised has a similar effect. When the workplace


also takes on a distinctly immigmnt character as, for example, when Spanish becomes the shop floor language, it then becomes almost impossible to h i e and retain domestic workers.

Taking this scenario to a moR abstract level of discourse allows the articulation of the general principle that a steady supply of new immigrant workers into a low-wage sector of the economy encourages employers have developed to deal with high labor turnover by deskilling and "reskilling" jobs or tasks in the relevant sector to accommodate more and more immigrants. Deskilling does not necessarily imply technological stasis or a declining business envimnment; it implies, instead, the development of new technologies to adapt the pmduction process to a progressively more unskilled labor force. With the machine regulating the bulk of pmduction, the unskilled, tempomry worker must then inold his or her behavior to line speeds, work groups, and other technical features of production. Over time, the utilization of immigrant workers may shift from one of immigrants complementing the native labor force to one of immigrants displacing native workers. This shift will likely be accompanied by: (1) an increased reliance on network recruitment and its comsponding harnessing of informal systems of labor control; and (2) a proliferation of attitudes among employers that native workers are somehow less capable, as well as less prone, than immigrants to performing the work in question. These attitudes, incorporated into public discourse as myth, serve to enhance the political goals of employers.

This process of ethnic succession is well advanced in the U.S. poultry industry. It does not belie the overall benefits of immigration, but points to an important process of adaptation to immigmnt labor in low-wage industries. IRCA has had relatively little impact on these larger transformation.

ENDNOTES

*Funding for the research reported here was provided by the Division of Immigration Policy and Research, Bureau of International Labor Affairs, US. Department of Labor. Thanks go to Vemon Kelley for research assistance, to Rick Mines for critical readings of the reports, and to the staff of the Bureau of International Labor Affairs, particularly Shirley Smith, for guidance and support. We also thankwayne Cornelius of the Center for US.-Mexican Studies at the University of California, San Diego, for the use of data and reports generated in an earlier research project, and Howard Rcsenbetg for making his survey data available. Finally, both researchers owe a tremendous debt to the many participants in the industry who took their time trying to explain how things really are. The analysis and conclusions are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect theviews of the above individuals or institutions.

'Due tospace limitations, we cannot consider here IRCA's impact ofwages, benefits, and other working conditions not mentioned in the article.


3Space considerations preclude us from presenting much of the data collected during the twostudies, and complete methods and data canbe found in Griffith and Runsten (1988).

4Employers we interviewed knew that the loophole of having to ”knowingly hire” undocumented workers is very large, and that dutiful filling out of 1-9‘s and checking documents would be sufficient to avoid liability.

This is notablebecause more Hispanics in the work force is correlated with lower wage rates for unskilled workers (Pearson r=-.296; pc.05). This compares topositivecorrelationsbetweenwhite (Pearson r=.083; p45)andBlackworkers (Pealson r =.166; p<.O5) and wage rates.

6Ranking ethnic groups in terms of correlations between their percentages in the plants and the percent of people recruited through network recruitment, we found that Hispanics rank f i t (Pearson r=238), blacks second (Pearson r=.038), and whites third (Pearson r=-.237).

7Manynativeworkers in therural southhaveneverhadoccasion topcssess either a drivers license, social security card, birth certificate, or other document proving they are native workers. At plant personnel offices, natives without such IDs are directed toward State Highway Departments and other offices where they may be issued IDs, a process which may take weeks if, as is often the case, they have nothing more than a family Bible as proof of birth.

5

REFERENCES

Avina, J . (1984). Mexican immigrationandlabormarketevolutwnin SonomaCounty. Paper prepared for the project on Mexican immigrants in California industry Center for US.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego.

Cornelius, W. (1988). The persistence of immigrantdominatedfrms and industries in the United States: me case of Calijomia. University of California, San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexkn Studies.

Fogel, W. A. (1970). The negro in the meat industv. (Report no. 12). The Racial Policies of American Industry. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania.

Griffith, D. (1990). The impact of the immigration refmm and control act’s (IRCAS) employer sanctions on the U.S. meat and poultry processing industries. (Final report prepared for Robert Bach for inclusion in a report to the US. Department of Labor’s International Labor Affairs Bureau). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Griffith, D. and Runsten, D. (1988). The impact ofimmigration reform and control act 011 the U S . poultry industry. (Report prepared for the U.S. Department of Labor’s International Labor Affairs Bureau). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Kearney, M. and Nagengast, C. (1988). Anthropological perspectives on transnational communities in rural California. Working Papers on Farm Labor and Rural Poverty (no. 3). Davis, CA: Californiahstitute for Rural Studies.

Massey D., Alarcon, R., Durand, J. and Gonzalez, H. (1986). Return TO Aztlan. Berkeley: University of California Press.

North Carolina Department of Labor. (1989). Occupational sufcty and hmffh admiizistratwn document No. 2: Lewiston, NC Purdue Plant violations. Raleigh: North California Department of Labor.

Portes, A. and Bach, R. (1985). Latinjoumey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the U.S. Berkeley: University of California Press.


Riemund, D., Martin, J. and Moore, C. (1981). Structural change in agrkultuz: Theexperience for broilers, fedcattle, andpmessingvegetables (USDATechnical Bulletin No. 1648). Washington, DC: US. Government Printing Office.

Rouse, R. (1987). Migration and the politics of family life Divergent projects and rhetorical strategies inaMexican transnational migrant community. SanDiego, CA: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California.

Stanley, K. (1988). The role of immigrant and r@ugee lubor in the restructuring of the midwestern meatpacking industry. Paper presented at the U.S. Depart- ment of Labor Conference on Immigration, Washington, DC.

Walker, J. (1987). Stability in production and thedemundjorMerican lubor: Thecase ofturkey processing in rural Utah. Unpublished manuscript. Department of Economics, University of Utah.

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