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The Nonprofit Business Model: EmpiricalEvidence From the Magazine IndustryMiles Maguire aa Department of Journalism, University of Wisconsin, OshkoshVersion of record first published: 17 Sep 2009.
To cite this article: Miles Maguire (2009): The Nonprofit Business Model: Empirical Evidence From theMagazine Industry, Journal of Media Economics, 22:3, 119-133
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Journal of Media Economics, 22:119–133, 2009
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
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DOI: 10.1080/08997760903129333
The Nonprofit Business Model: EmpiricalEvidence From the Magazine Industry
Miles MaguireDepartment of Journalism
University of Wisconsin, Oshkosh
This article seeks to shed some light on the nonprofit business model by considering empirical
data from one area of the media industry where nonprofits make up a sizable segment: periodical
publishing. The primary context for this study is the body of economic research into the effects
of organizational structure on firm behavior, which is used to propose hypotheses about nonprofit
periodicals. The results highlight management challenges that nonprofits face.
The possibilities of what has been called the “nonprofit business model” have piqued the interest
of commentators ranging from bloggers to former newspaper executives, media scholars,
investment managers, and even members of Congress. For example, Salmon (2009) argued that
a nonprofit approach is “for anybody who wants to put journalism first and have the business
side of the operation serve the editorial side, rather than the other way around.” Swensen andSchmidt (2009) contended tax-exempt structures and philanthropic endowments would ensure
“enhanced independence” so that newspapers could serve “the public good more effectively”
(p. 31A). McDermott (2009) cited two “tax code vehicles”—one for charities and the other
for social welfare organizations—that could provide options for news outlets that “are fighting
for their very survival.” Cardin (2009) argued for placing newspapers in a special category ofnonprofit organizations “to save local coverage by reporters who know their communities, work
their beats and dig up the stories that are important to our daily lives.” In sum, nonprofit status
has been touted as insulating media companies from unreasonable expectations of investors
and advertisers, redirecting journalistic attention toward serious matters of public policy, and
attracting deep-pocketed support and financial stability. What is missing from these discussions,however, has been an empirical examination of how nonprofit publishers are structured, how
they derive their income, and what their track record has been.
Correspondence should be addressed to Miles Maguire, Department of Journalism, University of Wisconsin,
Oshkosh, 800 Algoma Blvd., Oshkosh, WI 54901. E-mail: [email protected]
119
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Despite concerns that nonprofits may have certain characteristics that would limit their role in
journalism, advocates are confident that nonprofit funding of media efforts or direct publishingby nonprofits will have a positive impact (Guensburg, 2008). However, the amount of scholarly
research on nonprofit forms of media is scant, particularly when compared to the volume of
work that has been done on for-profit operations. This neglect leaves the nonprofit sector of
the American media as a vast but little-explored and little-understood segment of the industry,
although nonprofit media include the country’s largest circulation standalone magazine, anextensive range of book publishers, a handful of influential newspapers, a national system of
radio and television broadcasters, and the largest news-gathering operation in the world (the
Associated Press). Scholarship that touches on nonprofit media is generally limited to a narrow
topic, such as the high cost of academic journals (Bergstrom, 2001).
This article seeks to shed some light on nonprofit media by focusing on one area of the
media industry where nonprofits make up a sizable segment: periodical publishing. The primarycontext for this study is the body of economic research into the effects of organizational
structure on firm behavior, which is used to propose hypotheses about nonprofit periodicals.
These hypotheses are then tested using several sets of empirical data. The first of these consists
of 10 years of revenue data for the largest nonprofit periodicals, those that are included in
Advertising Age’s annual Magazine 300. These statistics are used to analyze the performanceof these nonprofit periodicals as compared to that of other large magazines, specifically the
ones that are operated on a for-profit basis and that are referred to in this article as “proprietary”
publications. A second set of data is drawn from the Internal Revenue Service’s (IRS) Statistics
of Income program, and these statistics are used to examine the periodical income of large,
nonprofit magazines in relation to the overall revenue streams, including membership dues,of their parent organizations. The findings are not intended to provide a definitive answer as
to whether nonprofit status can solve the business challenges facing media companies but,
rather, to illuminate some of the complexities that surround the issue of organizational form.
The article begins with background information about the nonprofit sector, generally, and then
reviews relevant communications and economics research before analyzing the performance of
nonprofit magazines.
THE NONPROFIT SECTOR
General studies of the media industry rarely acknowledge the nonprofit sector, even when the
focus is specifically on media economics. The term nonprofit does not appear in the index ofleading texts on media economics, including Picard (1989), Albarran (2002), Doyle (2003), and
Alexander, Owers, Hollifield, and Greco (2004). In fact, however, statistics from the federal
government indicate that nonprofit magazine publishers represent a significant portion of that
industry. Data from the IRS show that in 2003 an estimated 8,346 organizations reported $1.3
billion in periodical advertising revenue, an average of $153,486 per organization (Riley, 2007).Similar statistics from 2002, when the IRS also found nonprofit advertising income of $1.3
billion (Riley, 2006), make it possible to estimate the relative size of the nonprofit magazine
sector by using Census Bureau data from the same year on the overall size of the magazine
industry. Census data show that periodical publishers, both taxable and tax exempt, sold $17.4
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NONPROFIT BUSINESS MODEL 121
billion of advertising in 2002, indicating that nonprofit magazines in the United States have a
market share of at least 7.4% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004).That nonprofit publishers would be responsible for this portion of the overall magazine
market is consistent with statistics on the relative size of the nonprofit sector in the U.S.
economy. As of 2006, the nonprofit sector of the U.S. economy was estimated to comprise
about 1.5 million organizations, accounting for 5.2% of gross domestic product and 8.3%
of wages and salaries. The U.S. tax code recognizes more than 30 different kinds of tax-exempt organizations, although some are much more common than others. For example, slightly
more than one fourth of all tax-exempt organizations are religious congregations. More than
60% of tax exempt-organizations are registered as public charities under Section 501(c)3 of
the tax code, but these can come in different forms, including private foundations. Within
the public charity category, the most common types of organizations are human service,
education, and health care groups. Some of the other kinds of nonprofit organizations includecivic leagues, chambers of commerce, social clubs, and war veteran groups (Urban Institute,
2006).
To obtain nonprofit recognition from the IRS, an organization must operate for specifically
enumerated exempt purposes that are listed in the Internal Revenue Code and that range
from serving the poor to funding political campaigns (IRS, 2008). Producing a magazineis considered an allowable activity but, in the view of the IRS, selling advertising is most often
an activity that is unrelated to an organization’s exempt purposes and, therefore, subject to tax.
Out of concern that nonprofits could exploit their tax-exempt status to achieve a competitive
advantage over proprietary firms, Congress enacted the Unrelated Business Income Tax in
1950. This provision requires tax-exempt firm to pay taxes on income derived from activitiesthat are not related to their charitable purposes. In many cases, although not all, publishing
a periodical and selling advertising would generate unrelated business income. Hines (1998)
argued that the tax does discourage nonprofits from engaging in unrelated activities, although
IRS data show that relatively little is collected from this tax.
One obstacle to understanding the nonprofit segment of the economy is terminology because
two of the terms used most frequently to describe this sector are misleading or incomplete. Theword nonprofit implies a kind of organization that stands outside the laws of economics—one
that is exempt from the requirement to generate more cash than it spends. Obviously, no such
organization can exist for long. Tax-exempt is a term that is often used interchangeably with the
word nonprofit, but tax-exempt organizations are not completely sheltered from federal levies.
Many of them are subject to a tax aimed explicitly at their publishing operations. Nonetheless,nonprofits do have certain legal characteristics that alter their behavior in, and shelter their
operations from, the mainstream economy. Weisbrod (1988) identified these characteristics as
the exemption from corporate taxes on certain revenues, the ability in many cases to accept
tax-deductible donations, and the inability to distribute profits to managers or owners in the
form of dividends or stock. In general, nonprofit status provides a mix of greater and lesserflexibility. On the one hand, nonprofits have the opportunity to function with lower costs
and to tap tax-advantaged forms of funding in the form of charitable gifts; however, on the
other hand, they are unable to raise capital through the sale of stock or to use stock as a
recruitment and incentive tool for employees. Because of these characteristics, nonprofit media
firms, like their counterparts in other industries, present a challenge to traditional economic
analysis.
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LITERATURE REVIEW
Expressions of concern about “growing pressures” on American media outlets due to financial
considerations are nothing new (Herrick, 2003). However, with increasing frequency over the
last 15 years, a recurring theme in media criticism and scholarship has been the supposedly
pernicious effect of the profit motive on content quality. One indication of how significant
the issue has become was that an entire special issue of the Newspaper Research Journal
(Winter of 2004; Lacy, Thorson, & Russial, Eds.) was devoted solely to an analysis of this
topic. Media critics and scholars have begun to turn their attention to nonprofit alternatives
as a way of offsetting financial pressures (Hamilton, 2004; Kennedy, 2007; Overholser, 2006)
and countering the excesses of commercial publishers (Boismenu & Beaudry, 2004). Baker
(2007) saw even greater stakes—specifically, the future of American democracy—and noted
that “media-specific tax and corporate legal policies” (p. 199) could encourage a greater rolefor nonprofits in shaping public discourse.
Several commentators, including a tax lawyer and the president of a journalism school funded
by a nonprofit newspaper publisher, have urged caution about viewing nonprofits as a panacea,
warning that nonprofit status does not necessarily ensure quality (Manship School, 2004).
Friedman and Richter (2006) noted potential ethical problems arising from “excessive anddisproportionate advertising” in nonprofit medical journals. Jeon and Rochet (2007) developed
a model of nonprofit publishing in which efforts to counteract price maximization strategies by
commercial publishers lead to declines in quality and, in some cases, circulation for nonprofit
publishers. The Congressional Research Service (2009) raised concerns about whether the
doctrine of commerciality, under which the IRS has refused to grant tax-exempt status topublishing organizations because it saw them as indistinguishable from ordinary businesses,
would limit the ability of media entities to operate as nonprofits.
Hansmann (1987) identified several “sometimes competing and sometimes complementary”
(p. 28) theories for how nonprofit groups function in the economy and for why they organize
on a nonprofit basis. These include the public goods theory, which states that nonprofits
operate to meet a demand for public goods not provided by government; the contract failuretheory, which states that nonprofits spring up in areas where consumers feel they are unable
to evaluate the extent to which that profit incentives may tempt service providers to deliver
lower quality than promised; the subsidy theory, which states that tax exemptions and other
governmental incentives encourage the development of nonprofit operations; and the consumer
control theory, which states that the formation of nonprofits is driven by consumer desires toexert greater control over suppliers of services ranging from banking and insurance to leisure
activities.
Studies have been conducted in non-media industries, comparing nonprofit and for-profit
operators in an effort to identify key differences in operations, strategy, service quality, and
customer satisfaction. Weisbrod (1988) raised the question of whether nonprofit organizationsare “largely for-profits in disguise” (p. 143) and was unable to come to an unambiguous
conclusion. He examined data from nursing homes, psychiatric hospitals, and facilities for the
handicapped, and said the evidence “does not permit broad generalizations about systematic
differences between proprietary and nonprofit organizations throughout the economy” (p. 155).
Overall, he found that nonprofits’ behavior was different from that of proprietary firms and
consistent with an effort to emphasize public goods. Schlesinger (1998) looked at hospitals
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NONPROFIT BUSINESS MODEL 123
and found that, although nonprofits exhibit altruistic tendencies, these organizations can be
influenced by other factors such as competition, large-scale purchases of services by publicentities, and governmental regulation. Studies in the day care industry have come to similar
conclusions, finding higher measures of quality associated with nonprofits but also noting the
importance of factors other than ownership structure (Krashinsky, 1998; Mauser, 1998).
Scholars who study the nonprofit sector caution against making overly simplistic generaliza-
tions about how nonprofit status may affect firm behavior. There are simply too many differentkinds of nonprofits operating in different product and service markets with different sets of
external constraints. However, a basic model of organizational behavior, used by Weisbrod
(1998), differentiates between profit maximizing firms and “bonoficing” organizations, the
latter being defined as organizations that provide some collective good even at the expense of
financial gain. Weisbrod (1998a) argued that nonprofits operating as bonoficers function in two
ways that are significantly different from how proprietary firms operate. First, such nonprofitswill have goals beyond maximizing profit and, second, will benefit from revenues that derive
from activities other than sales transactions involving private goods.
Schlesinger (1998) described three ways in which ownership affects organizational behavior.
These processes involve incentives for nonprofit executives and employees, perceptions from
those who purchases services from nonprofits, and differences in regulatory treatment, includingtaxation. Employment incentives at nonprofits are shifted away from financial rewards with
the effect that nonprofit workers are less concerned with the financial performance of their
employer. However, these workers are likely to be concerned with how potential donors perceive
their organization because positive perceptions can reduce the need for marketing efforts to
attract members and other supporters. Finally, the regulatory environment may not be as purelybeneficial as the limitations on tax liability may imply. Nonprofits face multiple constituencies,
including customers, donors, and members, with standards and expectations that may conflict
and that may discourage organizations from developing new strategies or practices.
How economic theory about nonprofits, in general, can translate into the media industry is
unclear, mostly because of the lack of scholarship in this area. Picard and van Weezel (2007)
presented a survey of economic and managerial theory as it relates to different ownershipstructures for newspapers. Their conclusion was that for-profit private ownership presented the
best alternatives but called for more study of actual firms and their performance to test this
view. Their study did not include empirical data.
In the eyes of the IRS, a nonprofit group that produces periodicals is pursuing a tax-exempt
purpose when it produces editorial content for magazine but is engaging in “the exploitation ofan exempt activity” when it sells advertising (Riley, 2007, p. 96). Thus, a magazine can be seen
as providing both private goods, in the form of giving advertisers access to a target market,
and public goods, in the form of editorial content that supports a group’s tax-exempt mission.
Weisbrod (1998b) made the case that nonprofit organizations, because they provide services
with social value, are dealing in both public and private goods. The provision of collectivegoods can mean a “greater availability of revenue from donations, which depend, at least in
part, on the organization’s actions” (Weisbrod, 1998, p. 74).
A key concern for nonprofit managers is how their revenue raising businesses may affect the
willingness of supporters to provide donations. Yetman and Yetman (2003) found that some
kinds of nonprofits, but not all, suffer a tradeoff when they engage in commercial activities, such
as selling magazine advertising. For every dollar that arts, culture, and humanities organizations,
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124 MAGUIRE
as well as human services and public benefit groups, raise from commercial activities, they see
a decline of $0.55 in donations. Educational and medical nonprofits, however, do not see thiseffect.
Young (2007) described the challenge of financing nonprofits as a “jigsaw puzzle” with
many pieces that can go together in different ways (p. 339). He identified the major sources of
operating income as donations, fees, government funding, investments, and in-kind gifts. These
sources of funds can be complemented with long-term capital, but nonprofits face limitationson securing capital and borrowing. As a result, each nonprofit is likely to come to a different
solution in developing a “strategy that will enable it to capture the income mix that best
accomplishes its social mission” (p. 7).
RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
These observations about nonprofits and proprietary forms of organization lead to three hy-
potheses:
H1: Over time, revenues at nonprofit periodicals will not grow as much as revenues at
proprietary publications.
This hypothesis follows most clearly from the notion that nonprofit organizations are not profit
maximizers; therefore, it would be logical that they not would put as much emphasis on
revenue growth as would proprietary entities seeking to achieve maximum profits by way of
higher revenues. Another important factor is that the nonprofit form does not allow for profit
sharing as a form of compensation and may discourage other kinds of financial incentives.As a result, workers at nonprofit publications will be less concerned with increasing income
compared to workers at a publication where increased income can lead to personal financial
gain.
H2: Advertising income, in most cases, will be a fraction of the amounts obtained throughother sources such as public contributions, membership dues, and revenues from pro-
grams.
As a general rule, subscribers to nonprofit publications are members of an association that
sponsors the magazine, and a portion of their membership fees is counted as circulation income.
However, most associations do not directly report their circulation income and enjoy someleeway in the assumptions they use to derive it—a calculation that is affected by the size
of their other tax-exempt activities. In this context, membership dues and assessments can
be considered a form of a donation, although a portion of membership dues are in most
cases the equivalent of a magazine subscription payment. In addition to membership dues,
nonprofits have other revenue sources, including gifts and grants, as well as the sale of goodsand services. However, as prior research has indicated, nonprofits that put an emphasis on
commercial activities, such as selling advertising, risk losing other forms of financial support.
For this reason, it is unlikely that advertising, no matter how inherently profitable, will be the
most important revenue source for a nonprofit.
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NONPROFIT BUSINESS MODEL 125
H3: Nonprofit publishers will function with a greater degree of stability than proprietary
publishers as measured in less revenue fluctuation from advertising.
This stability should result from two factors. First, because they must operate for exempt
purposes, nonprofits have limited leeway in terms of the activities that they can undertake. Inaddition, because of the need to maintain a positive public image and to satisfy the demands of
multiple constituencies, nonprofits are likely to be reluctant to innovate. If they are successful
in maintaining a positive image in the public sphere, however, nonprofits may enjoy a benefit
in that supporters will not react purely to financial considerations and may contract for services
both for economic and noneconomic reasons.
DATA AND METHOD
The magazines chosen for inclusion in this study were those that appeared on the Magazine
300 list published annually by Advertising Age during the 10 years from 1997 to 2006. These
publications were not selected as necessarily representative of all nonprofit magazines but,
rather, because of their comparability, at least on the basis of size, to the proprietary part of the
magazine sector. It is important to note that, although data are used to shed light on the hypothe-
ses, the data are not used to conduct classical hypothesis tests because the data are not from arandom sample. Any inferences drawn from the data should be treated accordingly. During the
period covered by this study, 26 nonprofit magazines appeared in the Magazine 300, and 15 were
on the list for the entire period. The ones that made the list each year were (with previous titles
in parentheses): AARP The Magazine (Modern Maturity), ABA Journal, American Rifleman,
Boys’ Life, Chemical & Engineering News, Consumer Reports, Guideposts, Harvard Business
Review, the Journal of the American Medical Association, Journal of Accountancy, National
Geographic, National Geographic Traveler, New England Journal of Medicine, Science, and
Smithsonian. Other magazines that made the list were American Family Physician, American
Legion Magazine, American Hunter, National Geographic Adventure, National Geographic
Kids, VFW Magazine, AOPA Pilot, Sesame Street Parents, HR Magazine, Nation’s Business,
and American Medical News.
The organizations that published these magazines were organized under different sections
of the tax code and were focused on a variety of purposes. Using the magazines that made the
list in 2003 as an illustrative case, it appears that most large publications were issued by public
charities, business groups, and social welfare organizations. When the sponsoring organizations
are classified according to the National Taxomy of Exempt Entities, a classification systemdeveloped by the National Center for Charitable Statistics and adopted by the IRS, the most
common areas of focus are health and social benefit (see Table 1).
For each of the 10 years in this study, the nonprofit magazines that made the list were
entered into a spreadsheet along with their total revenues as reported by Advertising Age. To
account for the fact that different magazines made the list in different years and to allow foryear-to-year comparisons, each year, revenue was averaged across publications, both for the
magazines in the nonprofit category and those in the for-profit category.
When this study was started, the most recent available data from the IRS was for the
2003 tax year. To obtain financial information about nonprofit publishers that sponsored the
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127
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128 MAGUIRE
magazines in this study, the starting point was the IRS file showing all of the charitable
organizations that it included in its analysis of the annual tax returns shown on Form 990filed in 2003 by organizations that were exempt under Section 501(c)(3) to Section 501 (c)(9).
This file includes about 20,000 organizations that were selected to represent a population of
about 380,000 entities. This is not a random sample but, rather, a weighted sample with an
emphasis on larger groups. The largest groups ranked by assets are sampled at a rate of 100%,
so that this file includes all nonprofit charities with assets of $50 million or more and allnonprofit civic leagues, labor organizations, business groups, social clubs, fraternal societies,
and voluntary employee benefit associations with assets of $10 million or more. Individual
990s were consulted for two organizations that were not in the IRS file.
RESULTS
As shown in Table 2, the average per-publication revenues of large, nonprofit magazines
grew from $52 million in 1997 to $66.3 million in 2006. By contrast, the large proprietary
publications reported a gain from $88.3 million to $129 million. Nonprofits grew by 27.5%,
whereas the for-profits grew 46.1%. The absolute gain over the decade was an average of
$14.3 million for the nonprofits and $41 million for the proprietary publications. Thus, H1 issupported. Nonprofit magazines do not, on average, produce as much revenue as for-profits
and do not grow as rapidly.
One of the reasons why advertising revenues at nonprofit magazines may not grow as quickly
as they do in the rest of industry is that nonprofit publishers have access to sources of income
that are not available to proprietary publishers—namely, public contributions and membershipdues. In addition, many organizations that publish periodicals provide other kinds of services
that may generate revenues, as shown in Table 3.
For a nonprofit magazine, a portion of membership dues can be likened to the subscription
cost or purchase price of a nonprofit magazine, but usually a magazine is only one of the benefits
of joining an association. In at least some cases, the voluntary membership payment is given
without expectation of receiving a tangible return of like amount and so can be seen as partlya donation. When advertising revenues for large nonprofits are compared to the membership
dues and other contributions that they receive, it is clear that in most cases advertising is not
the major source of funding. However, there is considerable variation, some of which may
be caused by data problems. For example, Harvard Business School Publishing reported no
program service revenue, although it reported advertising income, which would typically be
TABLE 2
Average Per Publication Revenues for Magazine 300 Publications (Constant 1997 $000s)
Variable 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
Nonprofit 51,980 54,941 52,737 58,732 54,299 49,603 53,328 55,825 54,781 57,474
Proprietary 88,323 91,231 97,114 102,114 83,620 93,147 101,353 107,423 111,466 118,893
Note. Source: Advertising Age. Figures shown are calculated from data found at http://adage.com/datacenter/
article?article_id=106353
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NONPROFIT BUSINESS MODEL 129
TABLE 3
2003 Selected Income Sources for Major Nonprofit Magazine Publishers (in Dollars)
Group Advertising Dues
Public
Support
Program
Services
AARP 78,591,010 210,789,515 5,940,963 375,271,853
American Bar Association 53,770,370 77,480,876 298,786 36,527,338
American Academy of Family
Physicians
20,961,185 16,607,732 0 48,650,612
Boys’ Scouts 23,783,501 114,434,506 3,015,867 327,738
American Chemical Society 15,495,697 12,247,225 158,589 333,595,055
Consumers Union 0 0 11,013,554 148,821,161
Diabetes Foundation 11,177,711 1,598,741 145,971,041 29,432,825
Harvard Business School
Publishing Corporation
9,556,267 0 0 0
American Medical
Association
41,123,622 48,994,777 0 91,154,007
American Institute of CPAs 8,523,790 70,067,790 0 65,566,240
National Geographic Society 72,035,228 177,624,873 6,204,246 208,591,258
Massachusetts Medical
Society
19,836,644 1,643,382 0 82,037,124
American Association for the
Advancement of Science
23,598,217 13,879,100 13,857,770 37,042,718
Smithsonian Institution 24,101,730 22,918,805 122,431,434 48,925,732
Veterans of Foreign Wars 3,784,995 10,635,878 46,805,661 12,049,179
Note. Source: Internal Revenue Service. AARP D American Association of Retired Persons; CPA D certified
public accountant. Figures shown are calculated from data found at http://www.irs.gov/taxstats/charitablestats/article/
0„id=97176,00.html
considered a form of program service revenue. For some organizations, advertising income
is less than 10% of the funds derived from dues and contributions. In a few cases, however,
advertising is more than dues and contributions; but, even in those cases, advertising is notthe leading source of income. Three organizations that report advertising greater than dues
and contributions also have other programs that generate extensive revenues. Thus, H2 is also
supported.
To test the idea that nonprofit status somehow insulates organizations from normal economic
fluctuations, two tests were conducted. First, a standard deviation was calculated on the annual
change in revenues for nonprofit and proprietary magazines. By this indicator, there is lessfluctuation in the nonprofit sphere than in the proprietary market. However, because nonprofit
revenue grew by a lesser amount during the study period, the lower fluctuation may not be
fully indicative of an underlying stability (see Table 4).
A second analysis was conducted by calculating the year-to-year changes in revenues for
nonprofit and proprietary magazines. This revealed that nonprofits may encounter greaterfluctuations. In three of the study years, nonprofits suffered year-to-year declines in revenues,
whereas proprietary magazines did so only once. For the nine yearly changes, proprietary
magazines had a greater change five times and nonprofits four times. H3 is not supported by
the data.
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TABLE 4
Year-to-Year Change in Revenues for Magazine 300 Publications
Variable 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 STDP
Nonprofit 4.8% 1.0% 6.1% 9.3% (7.0%) (5.4%) 13.6% (2.8%) 7.0% 4,459
Proprietary 1.9% 5.1% 7.4% 10.6% 3.0% (7.8%) 7.3% 7.8% 4.6% 13,405
Note. Source: Advertising Age. STDP D standard deviation of the population. Figures shown are calculated from
data found at http://adage.com/datacenter/article?article_id=106353
DISCUSSION
For those who believe that nonprofit forms of media could emerge to supplement and counter-balance proprietary ones, these findings start to provide a fuller picture of how such a scenario
could play out. The data can be interpreted in multiple ways, suggesting both opportunities
and constraints for nonprofit media.
For example, as predicted, nonprofit magazine revenues have not grown as rapidly as those
for other large magazines. This finding could be an indication of limited revenue potential fornonprofits, or it could be an indication that magazines can be published over long periods of
time without making revenue growth an overriding goal.
The finding that revenues from private goods (i.e., advertising) are usually only a fraction of
revenues from public goods (i.e., memberships and contributions), again, may indicate a major
limitation on the ability of nonprofit media to tap into this important income stream. On theother hand, the clear need for nonprofit media to deal in a public goods market may, in the
long run, transfer into business and editorial strategies that create a kind of goodwill, in the
traditional rather than the accounting sense of the term, which can sustain a publication over
time.
This study makes clear that the revenue profiles of nonprofit publishers differ from organi-
zation to organization. Some put greater emphasis on revenues raised from program services,whereas others are more dependent on general public support. The relative impact of mem-
bership dues also varies. This suggests that the notion of a single “nonprofit business model”
is erroneous in that there may be multiple available business models for news organizations, a
possibility that bears further study.
The fact that nonprofit magazines have seen declines in revenues about one third of thetime in the last decade should raise concerns about the likelihood of nonprofits emerging as
a counterbalance to proprietary media. Nonprofits appear to be as vulnerable to economic
conditions as proprietary publications, if not more so. Whereas public good revenues may
serve as a cushion for those times when private good revenues are flagging, it is probably also
true that, because of this mix, nonprofits face a more challenging environment and may bemore complicated to manage.
This study has focused on available financial data and has not taken into account other
important factors that could account for some of the differences observed here. Circulation
size and editorial focus areas have not been controlled for. Similarly, there has been no attempt
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NONPROFIT BUSINESS MODEL 131
to analyze the differences in overall strategies that organizations pursue and how this might be
reflected in the way that a publication is managed.Those who would like to see nonprofit media take on a greater role may have to consider
whether changes in policy, including tax law, may be necessary for that to happen. Because
tax law already recognizes more than 30 different kinds of nonprofits, it may be feasible to
create a new category for nonprofit media, perhaps going beyond the Cardin (2009) proposal.
Organizations that fall into this category might, for example, be exempted from the currenttax on advertising income from periodical publications if advertising income were directed to
support public service journalism.
The size and persistence of the nonprofit magazine sector show that media enterprises have
options other than relying exclusively on private transactions for operating income and on
investment markets for capital. However, the pursuit of nonprofit alternatives would entail
significant challenges both in making a conversion and in managing the business under a newform of organization.
For an existing magazine company to convert to nonprofit status, it would first of all have to
address the IRS requirements for obtaining tax-exempt status, which might entail transferring
ownership to an existing nonprofit entity or making a successful argument that its purpose is
truly noncommercial. Once this legal threshold is cleared, the company would have to structurethe financial terms of the conversion in a way that convinces existing shareholders to approve
the deal, which might, for example, involve identifying a deep-pocketed philanthropist to pay
off existing obligations and provide working capital. As a nonprofit the magazine’s executives
would face the traditional management challenges of attracting advertising and circulation
revenue while also trying to tap into funding sources such as membership dues, foundationgrants, and private gifts that would become available. Just as advertisers have been known to
try to exert pressure on editorial decision making, new sources of funding—such as individual
donors or philanthropic groups—could also think that they have purchased influence with their
contributions and would need to be addressed. At the same time, the new nonprofit could face
increased scrutiny from customers and competitors, which would further heighten the challenge
of finding the optimal mix of revenue streams.In the end, media managers cannot expect to swap their existing business models for
nonprofit ones without a fundamental rethinking of their mission and goals. As Young (2007)
pointed out, “nonprofits must understand how what they are providing is of value to those
who might support them” (p. 341). The financial crisis that so many media companies face
today ultimately is an indication of their inability to understand how value creation, delivery,and consumption have changed in their existing markets. It remains unclear how solving this
problem would be easier to accomplish in a nonprofit environment.
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