The open spaces of the Southbank Centre: Tracing the evolution of politics and architecture in public space

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement

the requirement for the reward of the degree

BA (Hons) Landscape Architecture

Kingston University

12 April 2013

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Table of Contents Introduction 4 Chapter 1 7

‘Second Way’ Urban Regeneration Architects 7 Architecture & the Festival of Britain 8 Landscape architecture & the Festival of Britain 11

Chapter 2 14 Architecture and socio-political ideologies 14 The ‘Brutalist’ Generation 14 Re-emergence of the ‘first way’ 16

Chapter 3 19 Landscape Architecture and the return of ‘subtlety’ to the Southbank Centre 19 Phase 1 redevelopment 19 Enabling Change in the ‘third way’ 27

List of figures/illustrations 34

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1. 1943 map of the south and north banks of London showing urban grain1

2. Image depicting wider south bank area from Vauxhall to Tower Bridge as defined by author

1Map of London (South Bank) 1943, Probert Encyclopedia < http://www.probertencyclopaedia.com/photolib/maps/Map%20of%20London%20(South%20Bank)%201943.htm> [accessed 09/04/2013]

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Introduction The Southbank Centre occupies the site of the 1951 Festival of Britain, an event that transformed a

former industrial hub on the south bank of the River Thames. This dissertation will explore the

incremental transformation of the south bank over the last 60 years. The development of the south

bank area has produced a growing body of built work that provides an insight into modern politics,

modern planning policies and architectural ideals. For the purposes of clarity, 'South Bank' and

'Southbank Centre' refer to the site where the Festival of Britain took place and the current site of

the Royal Festival Hall, Queen Elizabeth Hall, Hayward Gallery & National Theatre. The wider

geographic area between Tower Bridge and Vauxhall is referred to as the 'south bank'.

This exploration will be conducted through an investigation of a specific section of the south bank,

the Southbank Centre. The site has evolved under the watch of a number of political figures and its

built environment developed by numerous designers. The ever-evolving nature of the site will allow

a thorough investigation of the direct effects of politics and architecture in London, particularly

development under the policies of urban regeneration. Peter Roberts defines urban regeneration as

“comprehensive and integrated vision and action which leads to the resolution of urban problems

and which seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and

environmental condition of an area that has been subject to change.”2 Farrell, Furbey, Hills, Macey

and Smith comment that urban regeneration is identifiable by its ‘focus on community

involvement’; they however raise questions regarding the transparency of the term ‘community’ in

this case.3

London's status as a world city, in competition with other major cultural and financial capitals such

as New York and Paris, requires a constant replenishment of resources (i.e. infrastructure) and a (re)

defining of values, values that communicate the vision of the city. This communication is most

visible in the form of the built project.

4 Success in this global competition is defined largely through

the lens of economic growth. The never-ending competition means that for cities to become and

remain successful they need to enter into a constant process of regeneration or face “the

alternative…stasis and decline”.5

2Peter Roberts, Urban Regeneration: A handbook, ed. by Coventry University (British Urban Regeneration Society, 2005) p.17. 3Richard Farnell, Robert Furbey, Stephen Shams Al-Haqq Hills, Marie Macey, ‘Faith’ in urban regeneration?: Engaging faith communities in urban regeneration, (Great Britain: The Policy Press, 2003) p.1. 4Tim Butler and Chris Hamnett, ‘Regenerating a global city’ in Regenerating London: Governance, Sustainability and Community in a global city, eds. by Rob Imrie, Loretta Lees & Mike Raco, (Routledge, 2009) p.54. 5Peter Bishop, ‘Approaches to Regeneration’, Architectural Design, 82 (2012), 28-31 (p.28).

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Matthew Carmona links urban regeneration and ‘Third Way’ political ideologies. These ideologies

made an impact on UK society under Tony Blair’s Labour government. Many social commentators

began defining the exact parameters of the ‘first’ and ‘second’ way policies in light of the

emergence of this ‘Third Way’. Carmona also provides a definition of ‘first way’ and ‘second way’

in relation to urban regeneration. According to Carmona, the first way is the neoliberal approach

where market forces dictated the speed and shape of development in London; this way was most

pronounced in the years Pre 1945 and 1980 – 1997. The 'second way', post war period, is defined as

the time of a state led approach, which has been historically limited by ‘available resources and

established land interests.’ According to Carmona, the third way is formed by an uneasy

combination of the previous two 'ways' with state involvement implemented by free market entities.

Carmona suggests that the 'first way' is the primary mechanism through which development has

taken place. He refers to the 'second way' as an alternative approach and the 'third way' as an

intermediate approach.6

6Matthew Carmona, ‘The London Way: The Politics of London’s Strategic Design’, Architectural Design, 82, (2012), 36-43 (p.38).

Missing from Carmona’s analysis of the links between political ideologies and urban regeneration is

an analysis of how the design professions affected the built environment under regeneration politics.

Using the Southbank Centre as a case study, the following chapters will put architects and landscape

architects under the spotlight with the aim of analysing how politics affected design, and also how

design, in turn, affected politics. I’ll also aim to draw conclusions on the future role of architects,

landscape architects and urban designers under the challenging policies of ‘Third Way’ and beyond.

Using the timeline Carmona established, will allow a (re) contextualisation of the developments that

have taken place on the South Bank.

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3. Illustration showing Southbank Centre (in black) against existing urban grain by author

4. Illustration showing study area as defined for the purposes of the dissertation by author

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Chapter 1

‘Second Way’ Urban Regeneration Architects The Southbank Centre, as we know it, came into existence under Carmona's 'second way'. Post-war

Britain was marked by austerity. The idea for a festival to commemorate the centenary of The Great

Exhibition (1851) was first raised in 1945. Initially conceived to focus on international trade,

Herbert Morrison, Deputy Prime Minister and Lord President of the Council, was key in the

decision to drop this aspect and instead create a more civic underpinning for the festival. The

reasons for this included Britain's economic state and it's cooled relations with Europe following the

war.7 The festival would celebrate Britain's resiliency against a backdrop of bombsites and

Victorian architecture.

5. Festival of Britain site 1951 map8

Geographically the area was close to Waterloo on the south bank of the River Thames and wasn't

easily accessible. The festival site was 27 acres, a size that disappointed architectural director Hugh

7Mary Banham and Bevis Hillier, A tonic to the nation: the Festival of Britain 1951, (London: Thames & Hudson, 1976) p.35. 8 Map of the Festival of Britain, Archeology at the Festival of Britain, Council for british Archeology http://www.archaeologyuk.org/ba/ba121/ba121_museum_exhiblg.jpg [accessed 01/04/2013]

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Casson9

Architecture & the Festival of Britain

; the Charing Cross railway bridge that divided the site further complicated this. In a case of

serendipity the noted physical constraint caused by the Charing Cross railway bridge provided a

convenient way to organise the theme which was based on two sequences, Land and People. ‘Land’

would celebrate the contribution of the British public in harnessing available resources to develop

society and ‘People’ would recognise the ability of the country's inhabitants to adapt to the shifting

demographics of society and the changing physical environment. The physical separation was given

further identity by the naming of the 'Land' portion of the site (west of the bridge) as the upstream

circuit and the 'People' portion (east of the bridge) named the downstream circuit. The number of

buildings was almost split equally between the two halves and architects were commissioned to

design each of these buildings.

The architects of the festival site, under the lead of Hugh Casson and including Robert Matthew and

Basil Spence were part of what is known as the second generation of modernist architects, Mark

Crinson refines this label by stating that “They were second generation...because their approach

depended on what a pioneering first generation of continental modernists had already achieved.”10

The economic shockwaves of the Second World War affected the supply of materials and the

political opposition highlighted the need for available resources to be prioritised for key sectors

such as housing, schools and hospitals. There was a general shortage of skilled labourers and the

intensive period of building work for the festival put pressure on the available local resources.

Planned buildings were also subject to sudden alterations as a result of material supply.

The Skylon, The Royal Festival Hall and The Dome of Discovery all displayed a material palette

that signalled what was to partly define British socialist architecture. Concrete, steel, aluminium and

glass formed the base, frame and body of these structures. Visitors to the site would be witnessing

the coming age of modernism in Britain as post-war social reconstruction began to take hold.

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9Banham and Hillier, p.77. 10Mark Crinson, Stirling and Gowan : architecture from austerity to affluence, (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2012) p.54. 11Banham and Hillier, p.31.

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choice of materials was also a result of the urgency in designing and building all the structures, with

much of the master planning and procurement taking place in the winter months over 1949 and

1950. Carmona's description of this period as one of state led intervention was epitomised by the

governments part in setting up and funding two bodies responsible for aspects of the arts. The

Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA), and the Council of Industrial

Design were set up and supported by the government in its aim to ensure that the arts remained a

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cornerstone of British society in ever challenging circumstances.

Apart from the Royal Festival Hall, which was conceived as a replacement venue for the Queen's

Hall, which was destroyed by a bomb in 1941, all other structures were to be removed at the end of

the festival. Engineers Freeman, Fox & Partners who worked alongside the architect Ralph Tubbs,

led construction of The Dome of Discovery. Concrete was used for the foundations of the dome,

laid out in a circle using concrete blocks. Concrete was also used in the construction of the floors

and galleries. Key to the structure was an aluminium triangulated lattice frame, clad and covered in

aluminium. The 300 ft. tall Skylon was another aluminium-clad structure, it however featured a

steel frame and was supported by cables. Although slender in profile this was an iconic structure

that served as a landmark and beacon for the festival.

6. Aerial view of festival site showing the Dome of Discovery12

These key structures were joined by numerous other temporary structures. Architect Jane Drew

designed The Riverside Restaurant sited near Waterloo Bridge. In discussing the project, Jane Drew

provides an insight into the background of the building technique used. “We had been having quite

a lot to do with aircraft factories at that time...it seemed to us that by constructing the roof of a

double skin of aluminium with a cork sandwich we could make one that could quickly be assembled

12Aerial view of the festival site showing the Dome of Discovery, Chelsea Space <http://www.chelseaspace.org/archive/dome-images2.html> [accessed 10/04/2013]

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on site by aircraft rivet technique.”13 This insight gives us a view of the professional context to the

design of the Festival of Britain structures. Projects available for young qualified architects weren't

readily available so the opportunity presented by the design of the Festival of Britain buildings

provided not only a chance to realise built structures but, perhaps of greater long term benefit was to

realise those designs on the most public of stages.14

There was an accepted view among those in the profession that the architecture wasn't ground

breaking.

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...It remains true that there was little real innovation, almost nothing on the South Bank which

had not previously been illustrated in the architectural magazines. Geodesic dome, random

stone walling, laminated timber trusses, stretched canvas and glazed facades were already, in

1948, accepted design idioms, the subjects of study and argument in all architectural

currency; but what had previously been the private pleasure of the cognoscenti suddenly,

virtually overnight, achieved enthusiastic public acclaim.

Perhaps new to the majority of public visitors to the site, most of the techniques and

materials used were familiar to architects and critics of the time. Misha Black, a key member of the

Design Group responsible for overseeing and planning the festival summarises:

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In one sense then, viewed through the lens of public perception and establishing acceptance of

modernist themes, the festival can be viewed as a success however those well versed in

international architectural styles, particularly the works Le Corbusier and Mies Van der Rohe, the

architecture was met with indifference. There were some though for whom indifference wasn't a

strong enough reaction. Architect James Stirling summed up the festival architecture as a “nasty

experience, finickity, decorative and inconsequential compared with Asplund in '36 or Paxton in

1851”

17

Banham does however single out one aspect of the design of the festival that in his eye's was a

triumph.

In his essay 'The Style: 'Flimsy...Effeminate, Reyner Banham argues against the post

festival 'myths' given life by figures such as critic Osbert Lancaster, myths that pertain to the

architectural ingenuity of the festival and the influence of the styles on show.

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13Banham and Hillier, p.103. 14Robert Elwall, Building a better tomorrow : architecture in Britain in the 1950's, ed. Author, (Chichester : Wiley-Academy, 2000) p.10. 15Elwall, p.11. 16Banham and Hillier, p.82. 17 Crinson, p.56. 18Banham and Hillier, p.197.

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Landscape architecture & the Festival of Britain The landscape architects who worked on the site deserve special mention according to Banham, as

their work left a more influential legacy. He tries to prove this by calling on the reader to “recall the

experience of the South Bank as an inhabited environment...”19

The work of the landscape architects...was accepted as though there was no surprise in five

hundred trees springing to immediate leaf-laden life in what, only a few months previously,

had been a building contractors desert. The tens of thousands of tulips, the turf, the rocks,

streams and waterfalls were all accepted as normality.

His words imply that it is perhaps

not the initial reaction of the visitor to recall this experience. Misha Black felt that:

20

The opening paragraph of the article 'The Exhibition As Landscape' suggests that the designed

landscape of the festival site was perhaps its one unique aspect and goes on to state 'but whose full

significance is not necessarily apparent at first glance.'

21

The festival site was conceived as a whole with architects and landscape architects working together

on the master plan with a single vision in mind, a vision in which there was no hierarchy between

the buildings and the open spaces that connected them. If the architecture of the individual buildings

caused dismay, the master plan itself was considered successful.

It seems then that almost in contrast to

how the building architecture was perceived, the landscape architecture was destined to fade into

the background for the public but amongst the architecture and art circles it was highly valued and

praised.

22 The approach encapsulated a

thoroughly modern view espoused by J.L. Sert who, quoted by Banham, talks of a cohesive

approach including the use of modern building materials in conjunction with natural elements like

plants and water.23

Beyond the garden rises the Countryside building...which is open to the air, and the pedestrian

in the piazza looks into it, as he might a covered market. In fact, it is a display of agricultural

machinery. The eye is made to focus in turn on the wall paintings at the back, the moving, the

moving machines in the centre and the implements in the foreground, with the result that the

apparent width of the piazza is extended by the depth of the building.

The effect of this holistic approach is recorded in the Architectural Review

where the reader is lead on a tour of the site. A particular encounter in one of the spaces produces

the following description:

24

19Banham and Hillier, p.197. 20Banham and Hillier, p.82. 21‘The exhibition as landscape’, Architectural Review, Aug, 1951, p. 80-85, (p.80). 22Banham and Hillier, p.110. 23 Banham and Hillier, p.197. 24‘The exhibition as landscape’, Architectural Review, Aug, 1951, p. 80-85, (p.83).

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The influences on the design of the landscape elements were seen by some as a departure from the

Beaux-Arts tradition generally incorporated for exhibitions, the features of which were the formal

geometries of the axial avenue, the cross avenue, the rond-point and vista.25 The designs were

instead influenced by the 'picturesque approach that emphasized the delights of surprise, contrast

and changes in scale and texture.'26

7. Festival garden designed by landscape architect Peter Shepheard27

The landscaping of the festival site favoured subtlety to the monumentality of Beaux-Arts. Like the

built architecture, the landscaping wasn't especially original, however, it was the application that

impressed. Robert Elwall makes specific mention of 'the skilful use of sudden changes in level' and

similarly to Banham makes reference to the eventual legacy of the picturesque landscape design,

reflecting on its influence on town planning, especially in informally organised urban areas. The

principles would go on to have an impact in the design of new towns like Stevenage and the rebuild

25‘The exhibition as landscape’, Architectural Review, Aug, 1951, p. 80-85, (p.78). 26‘The exhibition as landscape’, Architectural Review, Aug, 1951, p. 80-85, (p.80). 27Picture of festival garden designed by Peter Sheapheard, The Garden History Society http://www.gardenhistorysociety.org/post/agenda/festival-of-britain-south-bank-showcase-for-landscape-architects/ [accessed 08/04/2013]

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of older towns such as Coventry.28

8. Photo of Paris Exhibition 1937 designed on Beaux-Arts principles29

28Elwall, p.11.

The application of the picturesque in the urban environment at South Bank provided a working

example to town planners and government on how towns, which had outgrown their early formality,

could make use of their uniqueness to produce an environment which was distinct and very much of

that particular locality. The festival officially closed on the 1st October 1951. Political change was

signalled by the demolition of the temporary structures leaving only the Royal Festival Hall, as was

originally planned.

29Paris, Exposition international des arts et techniques de 1937, La Mediatheque del’Architecture et du Patrimoine <http://www.mediatheque-patrimoine.culture.gouv.fr/fr/archives_photo/visites_guidees/expo_1937.html> [accessed 08/04/2013]

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Chapter 2

Architecture and socio-political ideologies The intervening years saw a mixture of expansion and stripping back of the built environment on

the South Bank site. How did these seemingly opposing acts occur simultaneously? The lone Royal

Festival Hall had it's exterior modified. The 'festival style', which can be summarised as uniquely

decorative English adornment on an otherwise Modernist frontage, was stripped from the building.

These included blue and white tiles on the building face and glass lens walls.30 Struggling with

insufficient revenue streams, which came from the Ministry of Works via the London County

Council, the hall supplemented classical performances with temporary exhibitions. The lack of

footfall was partly put down to the north-south divide that had again become an issue due to the

absence of a major populist draw like the festival.31

The ‘Brutalist’ Generation

Original plans to extend the hall were put on

hold for a decade. Around the extended site, partners were sought to lease land from the local

government and this eventually led to Shell erecting a 26-storey block on the upstream site.

Expansion of the Royal Festival Hall eventually began in 1962 and included the relocation of the

main entrance from Belvedere Road to the riverside walkway. This necessitated the introduction of

a service road beneath the walkway, which affected the physical relationship with the building from

the riverfront (a move reversed decades later). The following years saw the construction of the

Queen Elizabeth Hall, which acted as a second auditorium to the Royal Festival Hall, and also the

Hayward Gallery.

The boarded and pre cast concrete used for much of the design of the new buildings was in line with

what was known as Brutalism, a term derived in part from the practices of Le Corbusier using raw

concrete, breton brut.32 It was also associated with Peter and Allison Smithson whose work

followed a similar line as that of Corbusier. The London County Council architects of the time

included Warren Chalk and Ron Herron who went on to become members of the collective,

Archigram. A network of elevated walkways connected the voluminous buildings, exaggerated by

the exposure of the internal structure. These were possibly inspired by the 'deck accessed' housing

created by the Smithson’s at the Park Hill estate in Sheffield which was fed by a 'street in the sky'

concept that was being explored at the Architectural Association.33

30Charlotte Mullins, A festival on the river: The story of Southbank Centre, (eds.) (London; Penguin Books, 2007) p.69. 31Mullins, p.70-71. 32Mullins, p.90. 33Simon Sadler, Archigram: Architecture without Architecture, (eds.) (MIT Press, 2005) p.32.

The outcome was summed up by

Simon Sadler as “Ravines of imaginary vehicular traffic separated from pedestrian circulation

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above, the Southbank Centre was the first chunk in a fantasy-brutalist multilevel city”34 Edward

Jones and Christopher Woodward express their dismay at the unnecessary separation of vehicular

and pedestrian movement, commenting on the exposure to extreme weather and lack of

accessibility.35

10. Photo showing Southbank Centre walkway leading to the Hayward Gallery36

Set up in 1888 the London County Council were responsible for development in the inner London

area, and as part of this task they set up an Architects Department who would address some of the

pressing issues in inner London including urban slums and over crowding. The post war batch of

LCC architects included the aforementioned Warren Chalk and Ron Herron who were driven by a

determinedly social agenda. Quoted by Kenneth Allinson, Andrew Derbyshire forcefully

pronounced his belief at the time, stating “When I left the AA in 1951, fired with enthusiasm to

build the welfare state, I sought like most graduates to join the public service. We thought of private

practice as money-grubbing, unfitted to pursue the ideal of social architecture.”

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34Sadler, p.32. 35Sadler, p.32. 36Photo showing Southbank Centre elevated walkway, Gurdian.co.uk < http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2012/aug/05/southbank-centre-redevelopment-plans-london> [accessed 07/04/2013] 37Andrew Derbyshire quoted in Kenneth Allinson, Architects and Architecture of London, (eds.) (Architectural Press, 2008) p.338.

This group of

young architects looked up to the Smithson’s as an inspiration, who with their brand of Corbusier

inspired modernism, termed New Brutalism, turned away from explorations in individual meaning

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and instead sought to abstract the urban experience through the built form.38 Over a decade after the

seeming best practice established by the architects and landscape architects of the Festival of

Britain, why was a divisive and controversial form of public space appearing on the South Bank and

around London? Perhaps the answer lies in an assessment of the criticisms of the Festival by Mark

Crinson who interprets them as a desire for a “tougher (more masculine), more serious and rigorous

modernism” than that displayed at the festival.39 The social politics of the festival had been adopted

but its built manifestations evolved under the lead of the younger LCC architects. Whilst not a

wholesale rejection of the Picturesque ideals of the landscape of the festival, the public spaces born

of Brutalism rejected the 'light pleasures' and contrived delights of the picturesque. Instead they

promoted an 'anti-aesthetic' or a conflicted and abstract reading of it.40 This was seen as a

democratizing architecture, based on socialist principles. The ability for these architects to propose

and realise experimental and controversial designs was in some way aided by the local governance

of the LCC (later the Greater London Council) who were unique in their 'political radicalism and a

taste for innovation'.41

Re-emergence of the ‘first way’

However the 'streets in the sky' experiment created a disjointed public realm

at the South Bank.

With increased investment in the form of the new National Theatre, designed by Denys Lasdun,

there was a consensus that something needed to be done to improve the public realm of the South

Bank.42

The authors highlighted the optimistic and 'overscaled walkways', as well as the 'vacant sites and

exposed car parks'. This was compounded by the poor maintenance of the concrete. The remedy to

the unfortunate situation was the injection of new services to the site including commercial

enterprises (shops & cafes), housing and the use of landscaping to temper the harshness of the

complex as well as liven the area.

Three years after the opening of the building, The South Bank Halls and the Hayward (at

the time the Hayward was under separate management) held an exhibition with the Architectural

Review. In a 1979 article in the journal, Alexi F Marmot, Julian Wells and townscape editor of the

review Kenneth Browne published their proposals for the site.

43

38Kenneth Allinson, Architects and Architecture of London, (eds.) (Architectural Press, 2008) p.356-359 39Crinson, p.57. 40John Macarthur, The picturesque : architecture, disgust and other irregularities (London: Routledge, 2007) p.106-107. 41Allinson, p.220. 42Mullins, p.128. 43Alexi F Marmot, Julian Wells, Kenneth Browne, ‘Proposals for bring Life to the South Bank’ Architectural Design, 166, (1979), 23-34

* The authors also lamented the lack of action taken to address

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the situation, unfortunately in the same year that the proposals were published major political

change occurred with the Tory's moving back into power. The state-led ‘second way’ policies were

coming to an end. Despite the constraints imposed by national government, the Greater London

Council provided 'funding and support' for the halls and gallery. Changes in the administration at

the South Bank resulted in the creation of the South Bank Board and the subsequent creation of the

Southbank Centre (with the South Bank Concert Halls fully integrated with the Hayward Gallery).

A unified voice for the complex meant that real attempts could be made at a cohesive approach to

the improvement of the buildings & external spaces of the centre. Small interventions such as

painting the concrete walkways and the use of banners and hoardings broke up the continuous

concrete. Eventually, architect Terry Farrell produced a number of master plans for the site,

featuring

wholesale changes to the external configuration. However, political influence was once again

important as the Tory government had disbanded the GLC and prevented public funds from being

directed towards the redevelopment of the centre.44

Pre 1945 ideologies were again shaping the form of development in London. Development and

architecture for social good was dropped for what was seen as a fairer policy of market driven

development. For the South Bank Centre this meant looking to commercial developers in order to

fund redevelopment. Although Farrell's plans never materialised due to the property market crash of

1991, the commercial route explored would go on to shape the face of the South Bank into the

future.

45

After a brief period in the hands of Sir Richard Rogers, the responsibility of handling the

master plan was that of Rick Mather. By this point the Southbank Centre had appointed an

architectural partner, Allies and Morrison. Allies and Morrison would advise on all aspects of

redevelopment including changes to the RFH. Political power had shifted to Labour and in 2000

former GLC leader, and supporter of publicly accessible arts, Ken Livingstone, became Mayor of

London.

44 Mullins, p.133. 45 Mullins, p.133.

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12. Southbank Centre proposals (1979) by Alexi F Marmot & Julian Wells. Drawings by Kenneth Browne46

461979 Southbank Centre proposals by A.F. Marmot, J Wells and K Browne, ‘Proposals for bringing Life to the South Bank’ Architectural Review, July 1979

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Chapter 3

Landscape Architecture and the return of ‘subtlety’ to the Southbank Centre Despite the return of a socially principled public figure to the highest position in London politics,

national, and by extension, local urban regeneration was predominantly market driven. The

architects of post-war regeneration were designing at a time of British socialism and were inspired

by the compatible tenets of modernism. The regeneration work they took part in was in line with the

seemingly disappearing definition of regeneration which was action undertaken for the public good,

not commercial gain.47 However the legacy of the 'first way' policies between 1980-1997, namely

let the market decide, meant architects were designing in a different economic and social climate.

Funds for regeneration projects wouldn't necessarily find their way to the areas in most need. The

competitive dynamics of the market, which invariably lead to investment in areas likely to provide a

substantial return, meant some deprived areas were financially neglected. To counter this, under

Ken Livingstone, Culture was deployed as a mechanism to promote inclusiveness. Culture could be

used to bind the differing interests of communities and private entities. The strategy wasn't new;

there was a growing amount of evidence from examples around the UK of arts being linked with

social renewal. In fact along the same stretch of the South Bank, the Tate Modern was a close

example of this as were projects in St Ives and Gateshead. According to its backers, this type of

regeneration would lead to highly visible built projects that could be politically and financially

justified.48

Phase 1 redevelopment

The all-inclusive cultural policy would re-establish a cultural supremacy for London,

reinforce and celebrate its diversity in an increasingly globalised climate and increase revenues

through the 'cultural economy'. There was increased investment, mainly through the Arts Council

via the Department for Culture, Media & Sport in London's cultural programme and its cultural

infrastructure, seen in the previously mentioned Tate Modern and the Globe Theatre.

Redevelopment of the Southbank Centre began in earnest in 2005 with the temporary closure of the

Royal Festival Hall. The need to continue it's ever increasing arts programme meant that the

Southbank Centre had to make more use of the open spaces around the buildings, in addition to

maximising use of the Hayward and Queen Elizabeth Hall. As an example PLAY.orchestra was an

interactive installation with the philharmonic orchestra that was housed on the riverside terrace. In

47Bishop, p.29. 48Tim Butler and Chris Hamnett, ‘Regenerating a global city’ in Regenerating London: Governance, Sustainability and Community in a global city, eds. Rob Imrie, Loretta Lees & Mike Raco, (Routledge, 2009) p.53-54.

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2007 the Royal Festival Hall redevelopment was complete. First proposed by Marmot, Wells and

Browne, the public space in front of the RFH became a wholly pedestrian environment with the

removal of the RFH service road and the creation of Festival Riverside. This scheme marked the

return of professional landscape architects to site.

13. Photo of PLAY.orchestra installation on the Southbank Centre terrace49

Over 55 years since the likes of Maria Shepheard, Peter Shepheard and Peter Youngman brought the

festival site to life with their picturesque inspired landscapes, Edinburgh based GROSS.MAX

designed major open space in the Southbank Centre. GROSS.MAX worked with architects Allies &

Morrison on the detail design for the Festival Riverside, Southbank Centre Square (or Festival

Square), Festival Terrace and Riverlink Square, which linked the new Golden Jubilee Footbridges

with the Southbank Centre. Similar to the setup in 1951, architects worked closely with landscape

architects. Also playing an invaluable part in the redevelopment was urban strategy firm Space

Syntax, whose analysis of pedestrian circulation patterns guided the design.

50 Inspiration for the

landscape architects is also based on a familiar theme, “We are about a new picturesque.” These are

the words of GROSS.MAX founder Eelco Hooftman, he goes on to expand, “It's just the old,

reinvented. We still believe in aesthetics.”51

49Photo of PLAY.orchestra installation on a terrace at the Southbank Centre, Warwick Blogs <

There wasn’t an overbearing ideology or abstract

concept on which the designs of the Royal Festival Hall open spaces were based. During site visits,

the GROSS.MAX team picked up on the nuances of the Royal Festival Hall building and especially

it's relationship with the River Thames. Hooftman describes the Royal Festival Hall as 'a box within

http://blogs.warwick.ac.uk/rosalindhook/gallery/london/> [accessed 07/04/2013] 50Rick Mather, Southbank Centre Masterplan, London < http://www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/3sss/papers_pdf/04_mather.pdf> [accessed 15/03/2013] 51Lucy Bullivant, ‘Activating Nature: The magic realism of contemporary landscape architecture in Europe’, Architectural Design, 77, (2012), 76-87 (p.82)

21

a box” referring to the performance space housed in the centre of a building which also included

substantial public space. He also noted the buildings slight curve that matched the curve of the

Thames (fig.15). This dialogue was lost with the service road and narrow strip of grass that had

existed at the time. It was the designers’ intention to re-establish that dialogue. In discussing the

ethos of the practice, Hooftman speaks of his rejection of utopian ideals, his admiration of 17th &

18th century British landscape architecture and his belief that landscape interventions in urban

settings are about “intensifying the outdoor space”. This can be achieved by 'sometimes shouting or

by sometimes whispering”.52 The design of the spaces around the Southbank Centre is more a case

of whispering. In a lecture at the Architectural Association in 2012 Hooftman suggested that users

of the space might even struggle to realise what work had been done.

14. Photo of the redesigned Festival Terrace and Festival Riverside below53

52LAND/SCAPE/ARCHITECTURE, Eelco Hooftman, Landscape Urbanism Lecture Series, organised by the AA Graduate School Landscape Urbanism Programme (01/10/2012) < http://www.aaschool.ac.uk/VIDEO/lecture.php?ID=1940> [accessed 04/03/2012] 53Photo of the redesigned Festival Terrace, alliesandmorrison.com < http://www.alliesandmorrison.com/projects/selected/2007/royal-festival-hall/> [accessed 02/03/2013]

22

15. Illustration highlighting the matching curvature of the Royal Festival Hall and the river wall by author

23

Hardwearing Limestone and granite paving is used on both the Festival Riverside and Festival

Terrace, whilst Festival Square is laid with grey granite (fig.19). The Festival Terrace lined with a

new building opened up a previously inaccessible direct route from Waterloo to the riverside.

Accessibility was also key in designing the change of level on the Riverside Terrace with the

designers constructing a barrier free integrated ramp/step system. Further detailing includes

concrete planters, which make an appearance on the Riverside Terrace just as they did in 1951.

The disappearance of service roads can perhaps also be linked to the then Mayor, Ken Livingstone,

attempt to rebalance pedestrian and vehicle movement in London. The former Mayor introduced the

congestion charge in Central London and created a '100 Public Spaces Programme’ that sought to

create and improve public spaces in London.54 These policies were part of the Mayors 'urban

renaissance' plans, plans which had their exemplar at Trafalgar Square.

16. Plan drawing of landscape proposals for Festival Riverside55

54Mayor announces phase three of his 100 public spaces programme, London.gov.uk, <http://www.london.gov.uk/media/mayor-press-releases/2005/09/mayor-announces-phase-three-of-his-100-public-spaces-programme> [accessed 02/04/2013] 55Landscape proposals for Festival Riverside produced by GROSS.MAX, City of Westminster Planning and Licensing Applications < http://idoxpa.westminster.gov.uk/online-applications/files/5DB1DEAE81FD9537D15246CD30E5F207/pdf/04_09685_OBS-LANDSCAPE_PROPOSALS-765974.pdf> (2004) [accessed 02/03/2013]

24

17. Photos showing Festival Riverside/Festival Terrace & Festival Square before and after redevelopment56

56Riverside Terrace and Festival Square before and after redevelopment, Rick Mather Architects < http://www.rickmather.com/project/southbank_centre_masterplan#/project/southbank_centre_masterplan> [accessed 02/04/2013]

25

18. Top: View towards Festival Riverside from underneath the Hungerford Bridge. Middle: Photo showing

transition from granite to Limestone paving at Riverside Terrace. Bottom: Level change at Riverside Terrace

managed with accessible granite stair/ramp. All by author

26

19.Top left: Festival Square granite paving units and LED ‘equalizer’ lights. Top right: Granite paving units.

Bottom left: Transition between Limestone pavers and granite pavers. Bottom right: Limestone paving units.

All by author

27

Enabling Change in the ‘third way’ The public realm improvements at the Southbank Centre are a good example of the 'urban

renaissance' in action. However as part of 'third way' policies, the realising of the scheme was in a

large part due to the increases in commercial space at the centre. Strada, Giraffe, Le Pain Quotiden

are all names who gained a new presence on the frontages of the public space (fig.20). Marmot,

Wells and Browne included increased commercial space in their proposals but specified that 'small

businesses' were needed at the centre. In order to fund the ambitious development and popular arts

programme, larger, chain retailers were sought to rent the new spaces.57

Through their leasing of the units, these businesses now provide a large amount of the Southbank

Centre revenue creating a 'virtuous financial cycle'.

58 The introduction of large chain retailers has

caused discontent among some regular visitors to the site who believe that the site is in danger of

becoming too commercialised, contributing to a 'mallification' of the site.59 The Southbank Centre

recently held a competition for the next phase of the redesign of the site, which includes extensive

changes to the Hayward and development of the 'under used' spaces adjacent to the gallery, these

spaces are to be filled with 'more than 5,000 sq. metres of food, drink and retail.' The main point of

contention is the seemingly inevitable up front branding that this approach will bring to the open

‘marketing-free’ spaces.60 Architectural firm Feilden Clegg Bradley were successful in their bid to

take the redevelopment to a detailed design stage. Faced with the difficult task of maintaining the

spirit of the Southbank Centre whilst increasing commercial space led the practice to declare that

“Commercial is not a dirty word...” Clare Hughes of Feilden Clegg Bradley then goes on to point

out that commercial activity is undeniably linked to the public realm and is part of a developed

culture61

57‘Transforming London’s Southbank – 2007, nicklander.com < http://www.nicklander.com/bodytext__.php?text=southb.txt&set=i____bu> [accessed 30/03/2013] 58‘Transforming London’s Southbank – 2007, nicklander.com < http://www.nicklander.com/bodytext__.php?text=southb.txt&set=i____bu> [accessed 30/03/2013] 59Rowan Moore, ‘Why the Southbank Centre redevelopment plan is sheer folly’ guardian.co.uk <http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2012/aug/05/southbank-centre-redevelopment-plans-london> (05/08/2012) [accessed 17/02/2013] 60Rowan Moore, ‘Why the Southbank Centre redevelopment plan is sheer folly’ guardian.co.uk <http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2012/aug/05/southbank-centre-redevelopment-plans-london> (05/08/2012) [accessed 17/02/2013] 61Clare Hughes speaking at ‘Competing Pressures: Balancing conservation and commercial viability’ New London Architecture, cited in Mark Wilding, ‘Commercial 'not a dirty word' says Southbank architect’, bdonline.co.uk < http://www.bdonline.co.uk/news/commercial-not-a-dirty-word-says-southbank-architect/5048957.article> (21/01/2013) [accessed 18/02/2013]

28

20. Commercial units on the redesigned Festival Riverside. Photos by author

29

The divisiveness of the brief is linked to the pulling out of architectural practice Bennetts who

stated 'reservations about the brief' as one of their reasons for pulling out of the competitive

process.62

Third way policies require consensus amongst the different groups invested in the built

environment. This has led to the creation of partnerships that include residents groups, local

businesses, and major employers in the area. Guy Baeten believes that these partnerships have

prevented 'alternative development visions' from being discussed or implemented, he refers to the

type of regeneration that this system produces as 'post-political regeneration' the characteristics of

which is the aim of 'neutralising dissent' and 'regeneration populism'.

63 The South Bank Employers

Group has a crucial part to play in developments across the wider south bank (Southbank Centre is a

member of this group). Baetan's uses the example of the fight carried out by the Coin Street

Community Builders, who fought against large scale redevelopment of the south bank, to highlight

a political approach that has been lost in an era of 'inclusiveness' and a shared vision that is business

friendly and essentially based on growth.64

This type of regeneration led David Chipperfield to recently declare contemporary architecture as

'impotent' pointing to a lack of contemporary British architecture that addresses 'serious socio-

economic problems'. To counter this argument, there are examples of architects addressing these

issues. Architectural practice We Made That recently created an open studio where they invited

local residents to explore the implications of the Localism Act (November 2011) that put more

“planning power in the hands of communities”.

65

Conclusion

Public spaces produced under the 'third way' are a product of a delicate balancing act of public

needs and private interests. There are numerous public spaces that have sprung up along the south

bank of the Thames that I have been unable to cover in this dissertation. The public realm of the

Tate Modern (G. Vogt), More London (Townshends Landscape Architects) and Jubilee Gardens

(West8) are some of these spaces. More London is perhaps at the extreme end of ‘third way’

62Bennetts quits Southbank Centre contest, architectsjournal.co.uk < http://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/daily-news/bennetts-quits-southbank-centre-contest/8636040.article> (20/09/2012) [accessed 27/02/2012] 63Guy Baeten, ‘Regenerating the South Bank: reworking community and the emergence of post-political regeneration’, eds. Rob Imrie, Loretta Lees & Mike Raco, (Routledge, 2009) p.237-238. 64Guy Baeten, p.237-238. 65Oliver Wainwright, ‘The Open Office: a drop-in centre for neighbourhood planning’, guardian.co.uk < http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/architecture-design-blog/2013/feb/20/open-office-localism-neighbourhood-planning> (20/02/2013) [accessed 15/03/2013]

30

planning on the south bank during this period with it's distinct corporate feel enforced by signs of

privatisation and numerous commercial spaces, an environment that is becoming all too common in

London. Objections to the next phase of development of the Southbank Centre are based on these

fears, fears that the centre will simply drift towards standardization, 'mallification', a consumerist

paradise or whichever term objectors use to describe the effects of globalization and

commercialization in public spaces. From the Festival of Britain to Phase 2 redevelopment, physical

change at the Southbank Centre has in some way been directed by the political climate. Most

notably post-war socialism (welfare state) policies manifested in 'Festival Style' modernism and

Brutalism, and third way inclusiveness that so far has produced a mix of projects underpinned by

private funds. The two notable contributions by landscape architects during these stages are similar

in their approach to the public spaces of the South Bank. Picturesque ideals were the inspiration for

the festival landscape architects and GROSS.MAX. Both applied clever level changes, sculptural

lighting, elements of surprise and most importantly tied the wider built environment together

through their designs and material choices.

It remains to be seen if Phase 2 of the Southbank Centre redevelopment will call on the services of

landscape architects but the two previous cases have yielded positive results in relating the small

scale to the larger scale. It will also be interesting to see how architecture and landscape architecture

evolve under the 'third way'. The days of architects loudly proclaiming their political beliefs as the

LCC architects did are perhaps gone as is the adoption of rigid architectural styles used to

demonstrate strongly held beliefs. Continuing commercialisation of public space may perhaps lead

to more high profile drop outs from bidding processes if designers decide that their ethos sits

uneasily against an increasingly globalised and consumerist public realm. Current evidence points

to a growing desire to reposition the built environment discipline to a role that isn’t solely

dependent on market forces. Recent publications such as ‘Architecture & Design versus

Consumerism’ and ‘Spatial Agency’ explore the ways that architects, landscape architects and urban

designers can practice in ‘alternative’ ways. Practices will still be needed to work on large urban

projects but the example of We Made That points to a more diverse practice. One based in

community that works with the diverse voices in communities in an enabling role. Not an overtly

political practice harking back to the post war regeneration architects but practice with a keen sense

of social need and a socio-political awareness. Political and architectural visions have been

manifested over the last 60 years in the south bank and particularly the Southbank Centre; this trend

looks set to continue.

31

21. Feilden Clegg Bradley proposals for Southbank Centre66

22. The Open Office, We Made That. Drop in centre to discuss new planning legislation with local community67

66Illustration showing proposals for Southbank Centre west wing by Feilden Clegg Bradley Studios, fcbstudios.com < http://www.fcbstudios.com/projects.asp?s=2&ss=&proj=1679&r=4&i=3> [accessed 10/04/2013] 67Open office at the Architecture Foundation, architecturefoundation.org.uk < http://www.architecturefoundation.org.uk/image.php?src=/assets/images/2012%20B/Open%20Office_03_interior%20sketch(1).jpg&w=515&h=345&f=jpeg&q=90&hash=ed5529d72da8e7ad6ea411e7eeb18b58> [accessed 10/04/2012]

32

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