FEBRUARY 25th, 2013Volume XIII, Issue IV the POLITIK PRESS

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FEBRUARY 25th, 2013Volume XIII, Issue IV the POLITIK PRESS

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the

POLITIK PRESS

A publication of

JHU POLITIKjhupolitik.org

MANAGING EDITOR Alex Clearfield

ASSISTANT EDITORS Julia Allen Colette Andrei

Ari Schaffer

LAYOUT EDITOR Victoria Scordato

HEAD WRITER Rachel Cohen

STAFF WRITERS Megan Augustine, Akshai Bhatnagar, Michael Bodner, Henry Chen, Virgil Doyle, Chris Dunnett, Cary Glynn, Archie Henry, Peter Lee, Daniel Roettger, Geordan Williams, Chris Winer

EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Jeremy Orloff, Matt Varvaro

VOLUME XIII, ISSUE IVFEBRUARY 25th, 2013

The views expressed within this publication reflect the personal opinions of each article’s author and are not necessarily endorsed by JHU Politik or the Johns Hopkins University.

FACULTY ADVISOR Steven R. David EVENTS CHAIR/PUBLICITY Randy Bell

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INSIDE THIS ISSUE

WEEK IN REVIEW .................................................................. Page 4 Virgil Doyle ’14

DESIGNING THE GENOME PROFILE: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY CHALLENGE ................................................ Page 5 Tamar Nachmany ’13

WHY WORDS MATTER IN THE FIGHT FOR MARRIAGE EQUALITY .... Page 6 Danielle Stern ’14

EL FUTURO DE ESPAÑA ................................................................ Page 7Colette Andrei ’14

OBAMA’S DILEMMA: A THIRD NORTH KOREAN NUCLEAR TEST ............................................. Page 10Rosellen Grant ’16

FAILED STATES AND THE FUTILITY OF NONINTERVENTION ... Page 9Ari Schaffer ’14

EVENTS CHAIR/PUBLICITY Randy Bell

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WEEK IN REVIEWBy Virgil Doyle ’14, Staff Writer

Chinese Hackers Systematically Target United States

Reports surfaced this week that a group of hackers from the Chinese Army has launched series of sophisticated cyber-attacks against American companies, municipalities, power grids, and other utilities over the past several years. The group, known as Unit 61398, has been identified as the perpetrator of more than 140 intrusions into American networks since 2006. A prominent attack occurred in 2009, when Unit 61398 stole data from Coca-Cola during the company’s failed at-tempt to purchase a Chinese beverage company. Chinese officials have denied their involvement in computer hacking, with the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs declaring their opposition to “hacking actions” and calling the allegations “unprofessional.” The American government’s response to the hacking allegations has been to improve cyber-security, with a recently signed presidential directive that will share information about Unit 61398 with American corporations. However, hacking remains a sensitive and straining topic in US-China relations, as the discovery of Unit 61398 has transformed cyber-attacks from an economic issue into a fundamental security risk. $50 Million Diamond Heist in Belgium

Thieves stole over $50 million of diamonds from a plane preparing to take off in Belgium this past Tuesday. Eight armed men drove two cars through a fence, held up the plane’s crew, and left the site with the plane’s cargo in what was one of the largest jewelry heists in history. The plane was preparing to leave for Zurich, Switzerland, one of the largest diamond-processing centers in the world. The robbery has prompted airports around Europe to tighten security and may drive business away from traditional diamond-processing areas like Zurich toward Asian centers like Surat, India. South African Olympian Accused of Murdering Girlfriend

Oscar Pistorius, the first double leg amputee to participate in the Olympics and winner of two gold medals in sprinting during the 2012 Summer Olympics, was accused of murdering his girl-friend, Reeva Steenkamp, this past week. The South African sprinter claims to have mistaken Ms. Steenkamp for a burglar and shot her through a bathroom door. The case has become a source of fascination and debate in South Africa, where Mr. Pistorius was regarded as a national hero after his Olympic performance. He was granted bail this past Friday after four days of acrimonious hearings, and the case was adjourned until June 4th. PP

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The Human Genome Project, completed in 2003, successfully identified and mapped nearly the entire human genome. This 13-year collabora-tion between the National Institutes of Health

and U.S. Department of Energy initiated the rise of genome sequencing, which can reveal the mutations of all 3 billion base pairs in your DNA in one test on a small amount of spit or blood. Held within these combinations is a person’s hereditary disposition towards a vast range of conditions. In demystifying an individual’s genetic coding, genome se-quencing holds the potential to become a tool for great em-powerment. Dr. Larry Smarr, who was profiled in The At-lantic for his innovative work analyzing the “big data” of his feces, predicts that we will look back on the current system of care, beginning once symptoms have visibly emerged, as positively mystical. Genome sequencing extends the disease timeline far beyond the emergence of disease symptoms. This map of the genetic predisposition of our bodies can inform and empower, but it can also paralyze. Pages and pages of data can be generated. More importantly, “60% lifetime risk of breast cancer” is not a piece of informa-tion that, as is, prompts positive behavioral change or gen-eral wellbeing. It seems, instead, that it would paralyze. There are a few dimensions to this paralysis. One is the bewilderment that results from trying to understand the meaning of various percentages. Another, confusion as to how much environmental factors and behavior can alter the development of these conditions. Moreover, lacking guidelines or an interface for future health planning, indi-viduals are likely to see themselves as more ill overall, to let that information simmer, and to continue on as usual. At its core, this is a psychology design challenge best faced by an interdisciplinary team of public health experts, doc-tors, designers, and psychologists. At a level more basic than that of privacy is the issue of how medical results should be communicated. Interaction design focuses on developing a psychological understanding of users and the pain and pleasure points of the user experience. The new discipline of ID is a good place for this sort of collabo-ration to grow. Public health professionals and psycholo-gists offer insight about how people respond to sensitive health information and recommend tools and interfaces

DESIGNING THE GENOME PROFILE: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY CHALLENGE

for maximizing this sense of empowerment. Designers bring these recommendations to life with smart, human-centered visual and information design. The second of ten goals in President Daniels’s Ten by Twen-ty plan – ten goals for JHU by 2020 – is “To strengthen our capacity for faculty-led interdisciplinary collaboration.” Here, we see an area, called “the future of healthcare” by many, that interdisciplinary collaboration will profoundly enrich. For genetic sequencing to become the future of healthcare, it must become more human-centered. For hu-man-centered communication of genetic results, designers offer a skill set that will build on the amazing work that has already been done in mapping the human genome to maxi-mize the benefits of this technology. In Baltimore, powerhouses of biomedical research, public health innovation, and visual art and design all branch off North Charles, one of the city’s main streets. Ron Daniels and his team are right in pointing to Baltimore as a place with the potential for amazing interdisciplinary work. The acute power of the social determinants of health is powerfully demonstrated in this city. The message of ge-netic sequencing enthusiasts, simplified, is that genetic mutations determine the development of disease, mini-mizing the impact of environmental conditions. The so-cial determinants of health, on the other hand, are spe-cifically environmental. For instance, in Baltimore we can see the striking impact of graduating from high school on health outcomes. And yet, I see people from a range of backgrounds seeking out their genetic data, for health purposes or in order to figure out where exactly they come from, and this tool is anticipated to become widely affordable. The question re-garding populations predisposed to poor health based on social determinants is what tools can be provided to em-power and motivate the most positive behavioral change. For genetic sequencing to transform the face of disease pre-vention for the better, as enthusiasts hope it will, doctors, public health experts, designers, and psychologists must cultivate a collaborative, empathetic, and human-centered approach towards unfolding the data of our DNA. PP

By Tamar Nachmany ’13, Contributing Writer

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WHY WORDS MATTER IN THE FIGHT FOR MARRIAGE EQUALITY

I used to be against gay marriage. I used to argue that civil unions and domestic partnerships were a work-able equivalent and that calling your loved one “part-ner” should certainly be enough. I did not think that the labels mattered, nor could I fathom that anyone would care. What I didn’t realize is that the words “husband” and “wife” are more than just words; they are symbols of “traditional” relationships. I certainly am not against gay marriage now, and I am a strong advocate for the term “marriage” in both all that it symbolizes and actually provides. On the most basic lev-el, creating separate relationship terminology for same-sex couples alienates committed partners from their op-posite-sex counterparts. There is something inherently unequal about using two sets of terms to describe what is, undeniably so, love of the same caliber. I used to be against gay marriage because I was gay, and too fearful to acknowledge that same-sex relationships had merit. What I know now, a number of years the wiser, is that same-sex relationships are equally as loving and committed as those of the opposite-sex, and that there are no circumstances under which that fact should be denied. In those 14 countries and nine U.S. states where gay men and women are permitted to marry one another by law, that fact should be respected to no end. Organizations such as Marylanders for Marriage Equality and the Hu-man Rights Campaign, both of which I have worked with closely, have won strongly contested battles to secure these rights, and under no circumstances should these winning outcomes be compromised. The Associated Press Style Guide, on the heels of con-troversially delegitimizing the word “homophobia,” re-cently stated, “Generally AP uses couples or partners to describe people in civil unions or same-sex marriages.” While the statement clarified “such terms may be used in AP content if those involved have regularly used those terms,” the LGBT community was less than pleased. It is not the privilege of the Associated Press to assign relationship labels to those individuals that it features,

just as it is not its privilege to take them away. This influ-ential organization, the authority on style and usage in newspapers in the United States, has the unique ability to set the conversational tone on marriage equality, and that is not something to be taken lightly. The language is murky at best, and seems to imply that even those in same-sex “marriages” may not be afforded the basic courtesies that come with the legal rite of marriage itself. Aside from a myriad of federal benefits that are unjustly held from same-sex married couples in the United States, same-sex and opposite-sex marriage should not have to meet different thresholds in order to be viewed equally. In other words, “Having a higher barrier to entry to gay spouses is blatantly discriminatory – it is literally treat-ing people differently based on their sexual orientation.” There would be no question in assigning “husband” and “wife” to opposite-sex married couples, and therein lies the discrimination. While it must be noted that such guid-ance towards “couples” or “partners” is appropriate in the cases of civil union or domestic partnership, there is no excuse for extending that logic to legal civil marriage. Only a couple of days after this story broke into nation-al headlines, the AP revised its guidelines to reflect the respect that all same-sex unions deserve. The text now reads: “Regardless of sexual orientation, husband or wife is acceptable in all references to individuals in any legal-ly recognized marriage.” There is something to be said for the strength of the LGBT equality movement in the United States when its influence can be clearly felt in a matter of hours. Dis-criminatory practices, intentional or not, will not be tol-erated and will not be left to stand without a fight.

It took me some time to understand and accept myself before I came to acknowledge the significance of the words “marriage,” “husband,” and “wife,” and their re-lationship to same-sex couples. I am not convinced that the Associated Press necessarily feels the same way, but I feel satisfied with its decision to amend the policy. No matter the motivation, this situation is certainly one in which words speak louder than actions. PP

By Danielle Stern ’14, Contributing Writer

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Spain. The name conjures up romantic images of passionate flamenco, of a matador’s dramatic dance with a bull, of relaxed and vibrant Span-iards enjoying tapas and sangria. While these

clichés do represent a valid part of Spanish culture, the Spain of today is in a precarious situation unique in its history.

It is true Spain is currently in a crisis: the Spanish econ-omy followed its Greek brothers down the slippery slope of the European sovereign debt crisis from which no one has yet been able to emerge. While it is correct to acknowledge that Spain is in the midst of a gripping re-cession, simply dubbing it an economic crisis masks the complexity of a difficult problem with complicated roots and even more complicated solutions. This past fall I spent four months in Madrid, living with a Spanish family and taking classes at a Spanish univer-sity. Living in Madrid, the recession was a daily real-ity; although it may not have been experienced directly by all, everyone at least came into contact with it. The daily news produced heartbreaking stories of mounting evictions and soaring unemployment, robbing many of the ability to provide for their families. Strikes against the recortes—European Union-prescribed cuts in pub-lic spending—were almost a daily occurrence, whether it be a march in support of public education, or a pro-test against El Banco de España or El Congreso de los Diputados. These protests began to turn violent while I was there, causing one student’s host mother to dramati-cally exclaim, “The Spanish revolution has begun.”

When the government began to cut public healthcare, my host mother, a nurse, called the recortes “proof that the Spanish government cannot take care of its people.” She, along with other nurses and medical professionals, took to the streets in a sit-in outside the Ministry of Health, a demonstration that began in November and continues to-day. Students are particularly upset and rightly so: the rate of joblessness is highest among young people. With cuts in education and incredibly limited access to jobs, the future for many young Spaniards looks bleaker and bleaker. It is not surprising then that from windows in the classrooms of my Spanish university we could hear the protests of students demanding their right to education.

The frequency of these protests highlights their unfor-tunate futility against a government left with no other recourse than to swallow the difficult austerity package it has been handed. Transportation strikes on the metro and buses were so frequent that they really became just an annoyance, an outcome contrary to their intended purpose. To myself and other American students the strikes appeared similar to the Occupy Wall Street move-ment. There is clearly a problem that these protests aim to address, but such a large number of voices without a clear objective undermine their effectiveness.

Before its entrance into the Eurozone, Spain kept its financial house in strict order, often running surpluses rather than deficits. However, adopting the common currency facilitated easy access to credit, and Spain sub-sequently experienced a period of exponential growth primarily exhibited by the incredible boom in construc-tion. An exorbitant number of houses were built to ser-vice mortgages given to undeserving applicants. Now, as goes the story of the debt crisis, this bubble has burst and Spain is left with debilitating consequences. The Euro-pean Union prescribed austerity as a solution, and Spain was charged with the task of cutting public spending to reduce its deficit and prepare for a bailout to its ailing banks. However, the majority of the Spanish budget goes to social programs, so when asked to cut public spending Spain has no choice but to target government-sponsored education, healthcare, and paychecks for civil employ-ees. The government could try to restore confidence in busi-nesses in an effort to reignite economic growth, but Spain depends on the European Central Bank for its supply of currency. While the Federal Reserve could simply pump liquidity to try to restore confidence and jumpstart the American economy, the ECB has to be concerned about inflation and price stability throughout the entire Eurozone and cannot so easily dole out money. The Spanish government is trying to raise its own funds, but an increase in the IVA—a value added tax on almost all goods—in September only led to further backlash. Adding to the vocabulary of the crisis, the syllogism “Spexit” has been coined to complement its Greek coun-terpart known as the “Grexit.” As conditions in Spain

EL FUTURO DE ESPAÑABy Colette Andrei ’14, Assistant Editor

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look more and more grim, talk of a Spexit—a Spanish exit from the Eurozone—has become more frequent. A Spexit would entail taking the country off the euro and restoring its former currency, the peseta. While this may seem unheard of - certainly no one really expects Greece to leave the Eurozone - Spain’s unique situation gives certain weight to this argument. As unemployment rises, currently at 26%, and foreclosures mount, the prescrip-tion from Berlin demands that Spain continue to endure a deep recession, while letting unemployment rise and wages fall until the country crawls its way back to com-petitiveness. However, being Europe’s fifth largest economy, Spain is too big to rescue, and it does not experience the same conditions that tie small, peripheral economies to the European Union. While membership in the Eurozone links countries like Greece to the European community, the position of Spain in Europe is not questioned. While these peripheral countries rely on European markets for trade, Spain can look to its ties in the growing economies of Latin America, presenting a brighter prospect than Europe, whose economic importance continues to re-cede. Re-establishing the peseta would also allow Spain to devalue its currency, a step the ECB prohibits for the euro, which could help Spanish businesses restore com-petitiveness and relieve struggling labor markets. This difficult situation has reignited an issue that has been present in Spanish history for centuries: the issue of regional conflict. Spain is divided into 17 autonomous communities, each with its own regional government and economy. While some regions really seem different only in name, more traditionally independent regions such as Catalonia and the Basque Country hold strongly to their unique cultural history and regional identities. Separatist parties are gaining seats in the regional gov-ernments of these two communities, and it is not unre-alistic to think that a referendum for independence in these regions could be called sometime in the foresee-able future. While some of these regions, namely Cata-lonia, contribute tremendously to the national economy, most have their own exorbitant amount of debt. Regional debt further complicates Madrid’s problems and makes a Spexit seem more enticing.

While a rich and diverse cultural history is certainly an asset for any country, problems arise when in times of crisis a nation cannot readily call on any unifying char-acter. As Americans endure the recession, the president

and other politicians remind the people of the spirit and values characteristic of the United States. While often these are only words, they do provide a measure of reas-surance and comfort to struggling Americans, and con-tribute to the solidarity Americans experience in times of crises. In comparison, it is difficult for the Spanish government to rouse public sentiment and collectively lift the national spirit. This is especially true when many Spaniards believe that the Spanish government has no control over the situation. So what does the future hold for Spain? The current sit-uation doesn’t bode well for Spain’s international repu-tation, as corruption scandals and struggles to address the debt problem continue to paint a picture of a govern-ment inept at solving its own problems. Spain is receiv-ing such negative international press that at the farewell reception for my study abroad program, the president of the Spanish university I attended asked the internation-al students to please assure prospective students that it is safe to study in Spain and to encourage them to come to the country.

The crisis also brings up questions about the practical-ity of the Eurozone. In times of prosperity, it appears to be a confederacy of mutual assistance and growth. But times of crisis highlight the difficulties in uniting such diverse economies under a makeshift umbrella. It is too often believed that what will be best for one country will inherently be best for all. As best I can determine, only time will tell what really is the future of Spain. Although this answer continues to agitate Spaniards and Europe-ans alike, it is the only one that can truly be given. PP

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Ever since the Bush years and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the prospect of nation-build-ing has been strongly criticized by people across the political spectrum; Libertarian,

Republican and Democrat alike. The costly, protracted attempts at state building regarded by many as failures have left a bad taste in the mouths of not only Ameri-cans, but also the Western world at large. One need only remember the debacles in Vietnam and then later on in Somalia to make an effective case against intervention in general. However, recent events in Mali, Nigeria and Uganda demonstrate that nonintervention is unrealistic. Failed states around the world will be breeding grounds for terrorism, therefore posing a threat to Americans and citizens of the free world wherever they are. As a result, the danger posed by these failed states will con-tinuously drag the United States and its Western allies into conflicts abroad.

In the first half of last week alone, there were two kid-nappings in Nigeria; one of a French family of seven, and another involving the abduction of seven foreign work-ers from a construction site. The latter case involved citizens of Greece, Italy and Britain. All of this comes on the heels of the Algerian gas plant crisis, which is little more than spillover from the French war on terrorism in Northern Mali. Thirty seven total hostages were killed in this crisis including seven Japanese, six Filipinos, three Americans and three British citizens. Even North Korea was targeted as three North Korean doctors were brutally murdered in Nigeria on the tenth of February. In the failed states of sub-Saharan Africa, no nationality is safe.

Most alarmingly, the danger emanating from these failed states has made its way to the otherwise secure borders of the West. Osama bin Laden emerged from the failed state of Afghanistan conducting his first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993 long before he orchestrated the tragedies of 9/11. In Afghanistan under Taliban con-trol, terrorists like bin Laden were allowed to run free and unfettered. Not to mention that Pakistan, ranked number 13 on the list of failed states, harbored bin Laden thirty miles from the nation’s capital while, at the same time, working jointly with the American military in its

fight against the Taliban. These failed states serve as both breeding grounds and safe havens for terrorists who, as history has shown, have no problem bringing the fight to American territory.

Understanding the challenges posed by these failed states, many countries have intervened. Once a promis-ing democracy, parts of Mali were forced under Shariah law just last year. Responding to the terrible reports coming out of the Sub-Saharan country, the French sent warplanes and ground troops to attack strongholds of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Additionally, it was the English and the French—not the United States—who led the way in Libya to assist the growing democ-racy movement there. Every major overseas operation from Desert Storm to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan has been executed by a coalition of world powers, not the United States alone. For the past several years it has become increasingly obvious that the problem of failed states affects the whole world, and, therefore, many states around the world have responded.

Unfortunately, there is no perfect manual for state-building. The American experience in Iraq and Af-ghanistan demonstrates that. Decades of research and study have only produced general guidelines on how to rebuild states. Understanding the subtle nuances and intricate relationships that allow societies to function is no easy task. Renowned political scientists such as Samuel Huntington, Francis Fukuyama and W. W. Ros-tow have broken ground on state building policy, but the path forward is by no means a clear and simple one. However, the challenge of the task ahead does not mean the United States should retreat and wait for the danger to hit home.

If the United States truly wants to end the threat of ter-ror both at home and abroad, America and its allies will need to take a more proactive approach. The dangers of terrorism will find American, British and French citi-zens wherever they are in the world. Waiting to react to a terrorist attack at home will only result in disaster. Continued foreign intervention and state-building is the only chance the United States has for creating a safer and more peaceful world. PP

FAILED STATES AND THE FUTILITY OF NONINTERVENTION By Ari Schaffer ’14, Assistant Editor

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On Sunday, February 3rd, the Democratic Peo-ple’s Republic of Korea’s propaganda website, Uriminzokkiri, released a video depicting a North Korean man happily dreaming while

a nuclear weapon destroys Manhattan. The film, com-plete with a romantic comedy-worthy soundtrack, pro-vided a visual for the previous week’s threat that the DPRK would develop a nuclear weapon capable of hit-ting the United States.

Considering the history of US-North Korea relations, this warning is not completely unexpected. Influenced by Soviet communism following World War II, North Korea was never inclined to establish friendly relations with Washington. This hatred permeated throughout the mid-1900s, and finally broke the surface in a 1993 mid-range missile test. The DPRK’s subsequent actions read more like a belligerent teenager’s rap sheet, com-prised of limited IAEA inspections, deteriorated peace talks, broken pacts and a scattered array of compact nu-clear warhead tests (the first of which occurred in 2006, then again in 2009).

Upon the death of Supreme Leader Kim Jong-Il in 2011, many US officials hoped his son, Kim Jong-Un, would reflect a wiser Korea ready for renewed relations. How-ever, Kim appears to be even more adept at vacillation than his father, first suspending nuclear tests in Febru-ary 2012 and then claiming to construct a nuclear weap-on three months later. In direct response to a January United Nations Security Council Resolution tightening sanctions, the DPRK threatened the Obama administra-tion with the development of a nuclear weapon targeted at America.

Nine days after releasing its animated video, North Ko-rea initiated its third nuclear test. North Korea claimed it would continue to pursue its program unless Amer-ica ends its “hostility.” The final experiment’s seismic strength has forced Obama officials to question not whether Pyongyang will develop such a missile, but when.

While, as Obama stated, this test signifies a threat to global peace and security, it is also a threat to the United States.

Unfortunately, the situation is further complicated by a series of no-win responses: Capitol Hill could officially recognizes the DPRK’s right to a nuclear program, as it did Pakistan, opening doors for Iran to meander down the same path. President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry could push for even harsher sanctions, pre-sumably by coercing China into cutting off all food and energy. However, there are no guarantees that the DPRK will not view it as a strengthening of “US threats.” Fi-nally, if the administration were to take military action, it would be a logistical nightmare to remove North Korea’s nuclear capabilities.

Additionally, Kim could potentially launch an offensive against South Korea. In reaction to the recent test, cer-tain policy analysts even recommend the reunification of Korea, although that would surely cause more problems than it would fix. There is, therefore, no clear solution.

What remains clear is that China must play a larger role in applying pressure on Korea; only China has the poten-tial to truly destroy the Korean economy and prompt its cooperation. Ideally, the Obama administration will be able to pass the torch of the North Korean problem to China altogether.

This situation raises a few critical questions, which, it seems, no one in Washington is thinking about: What is “US hostility,” what are “US threats,” and why do they ex-ist in the first place?

It would appear that Pyongyang requires harsher eco-nomic restrictions. Unfortunately, these constraints re-quire the support of all P5 UNSC nations. Why, then, is North Korea’s specific target the United States? The an-swer is one that most Americans appear reluctant to real-ize: This is partially our fault. The US has placed missiles in South Korea, breaking the Korean Armistice Agree-ment. We have given Pyongyang a reason to feel threat-ened. This is a fact necessary to keep in mind before any future action against North Korea, and other potentially nuclear enemies, is undertaken.

Even though it may not have any tangible results, per-haps it is time for a bolder Obama to issue a long over-due apology. PP

OBAMA’S DILEMMA: A THIRD NORTH KOREAN NUCLEAR TESTBy Rosellen Grant ’16, Contributing Writer

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Spend Next Semester in DC

The Aitchison Public Service Fellowship in Government Next semester, you could live and study in Washington, DC. By day, you can intern with a Member of Congress, lobbyist, or civil servant. At night, you can take five Hopkins courses designed to give you the skills to work in politics.

Deadline Fall ʼ13: March 15, 2013

See the Aitchison Fellowship page of the Political Science website for details

about this unique opportunity to study and intern in DC:

http://politicalscience.jhu.edu/undergraduate/aitchison_fellowship

FOR QUESTIONS AND MORE INFORMATION CONTACT PROF. S. TELES

(steles2@jhu.edu) OR K. WAGNER (kwagner@jhu.edu)

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