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A utumn(September /OctOber )2007
Building Liberty
6 FaithandProgressby Walter Russell Mead
Anglo-American reedoms, the very sources o worldly success, are
rooted in religious aith.
17 GrudgingConsent by Charles Tilly
Democracy turns out to be a verb describing how some rulers acquire
the resources to govern.
24 Democracy,UnionMadeby Phil Fishman
Free trade unions have long been global democracy’s most powerul
accelerator. How did we orget that?
34 LaborPains
by Daniel Patrick Moynihan
The late proessor, Senator and Ambassador speaks again—rom his
1960 doctoral dissertation.
41 TheRightSideoftheLaw
by Peter Ackerman & Michael J. Glennon
Democracy promotion isn’t “intererence” into the sovereign aairs o
autocracies. It’s legal, and laudable.
Design Failure
48 BreakingtheBank:WhyWeaponsAreSoExpensive
by Edward N. Luttwak
The U.S. military needs to stop cramming new technologies into old
platorms.
59 MarkingTime:WhyGovernmentIsTooSlow by Bruce Berkowitz
Bureaucratic sclerosis is the biggest threat to America’s national security.
71 ManagingtoFail:WhyStrategyIsDisjointed by Paul Bracken
The NSC/interagency system can’t cope with a multi-dimensional
strategic environment.
122
6
48
CONTENTStheA mericAnintereSt•V Olumeiii,number 1,A utumn(September /OctOber )2007
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Reporting the “Good War”
81 OverHere,Now
Documentary flmmaker Ken Burns talks about The War
with Thomas Childers.
90 OverThere,Thenby Roger Sandall
In 1936, John Gunther predicted the next nine years’ darkness.
Reviews
96 FastFood
by Jennifer Hewett We’ve been what we’ve eaten, evidently, or some ten millennia.
100 WisingUp
by Gregory F. Treverton
Two new books about what’s wrong with the CIA get it
(mostly) right.
104 ReturnoftheNativesby Clifford Orwin
Kwame Anthony Appiah wrestles with “cosmopolitanism”,
but it escapes him.
108 AirBallby David Wohl
Did the 1984 NBA drat change basketball “orever”?
114 Retroview:FindingtheFairWay
by Edward Allan Brawley
Crusader or the poor, master gol course designer.
Same person.
Letters & Notes
122 LetterfromaBlackBerryAddict
by Andrew Erdmann
Think you can read this without checking your email?
126 LetterstotheEditorPeter Robinson and John Kornblum on Reagan’s “Tear Down
This Wall” speech.
127 AutumnNote:TheKingsandIby Francis Fukuyama
The AI ’s chairman tells Putin and Nazarbayev a thing or two
in St. Petersburg.
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Editorial Board
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Zbigniew Brzezinski, Niall Ferguson,
Bronislaw Geremek, Owen Harries,
Samuel Huntington, G. John Ikenberry,
Stephen D. Krasner, Bernard-Henri
Lévy, Glenn C. Loury, C. Raja Mohan,
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A utumn(September /OctOber )2007 41
Building liBerty
The Right Sideof the Law
Peter Ackerman & Michael J. Glennon
Inearly2006,shortlyafterRussianPresi-dentVladimirPutinsigned a law requir-ing NGOs to re-register and prohibiting
theuseofforeignfundsforpoliticalactivity,hepointedtotheWest’shistoryofcolonialinter-ventioninjustifyinghisgovernment’sresistancetodemocracy.Hesaid:
Ifwegobackahundredyearsandlookthrough
thenewspapers,weseewhatargumentstheco-
lonialpowersofthattimeadvancedtojustify
theirexpansionintoAfricaandAsia.Theycit-
edargumentssuchasplayingacivilizingrole,
theparticularroleofthewhiteman,theneed
to civilize ‘primitive peoples.’ If we replace
the term ‘civilizing role’ with ‘democratiza-
tion’,thenwecantransposepracticallyword
forwordwhatthenewspaperswerewritinga
hundredyearsago.
Putinishardlythefirstheadofstatetoobjecttooutsideinterferenceinhiscountry’sinternalaffairs.Nor,ofcourse,ishethefirsttowieldre-pressivepower.Fourcenturiesago,KingJamesIofEnglandclaimedthatapeoplehadnolegit-imaterecourseagainstatyrantotherthan“pa-tience,earnestprayerstoGodandamendment
oftheirlives.”Hisargumentturnedouttobethehigh-watermarkofthedivinerightofkingsandalsotheturningofthetide:England’selitesrecoiled,andwithinthreegenerationsLocke’sTwo Treatises on Government hadlaidtheim-movablecornerstoneofdemocratictheory.The edifice built upon that theory, how-
ever,remainsunfinished.Eveninourownage, whichhasmovedcloser thananybeforeittofulfillingLocke’svisionworldwide,theprerog-ativesoftyrantsarestillprotectedfromLocke’sphilosophicalprogeny—thestates,groupsandindividualsengagedinpromotingdemocracy,humanrightsandcivilsociety.Butthistime,Putin, other modern-day authoritarians andtheirsympathizersrelyonbromidesdredgedupfrominternationallegalantiquityratherthaninvocationsofthedivine.Contemporary autocrats hide behind the
principlesof sovereigntyandits corollarypro-hibition againstmeddling in a state’s internalaffairs—internationallegalnormsthatemerged whenmoveabletypewascutting-edgetechnol-ogy.TheirargumentnolongerworksasitdidinGutenberg’sday.Statesovereigntyremainsanimportantpillarinthestructureofinternationallaw,butthenotionthatsovereigntyresidesintheheadofstategavewaylongagotorecogni-tionthatitrestsinanation’speople.Thescope
of sovereignty narrowed further in the 20thcentury,asalargebodyoflawcametoprotectinternationallyrecognized human rights.And withthenumberofelectoraldemocraciesnearlydoublinginthepasttwentyyears,anemergingrighttodemocraticgovernancehasbecomethecenterpieceofhumanrightslaw.
Peter Ackerman is chairman of the board of
Freedom House and was executive producer of the Peabody Award-winning PBS documentary Bring-ingDownaDictator. Michael J. Glennon is professor of international law at the Fletcher School
of Law & Diplomacy at Tufts University, and the author of LimitsofLaw,PrerogativesofPower:
InterventionismafterKosovo (2001).
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Though today’s autocrats are thus swim-mingagainstthetideofhistory,theyareswim-minghard.Thecasus belli oftheirnewcounter-offensivehasbeenthetriumphofthe“coloredrevolutions” in Georgia and Ukraine, which
broughtgreaterpolitical freedomtomillions.Claimingthat“foreigninfluence”istoblamefor such events, and concerned that coloredbellsmaysoontollforthem,today’sautocratsaredeterminedtorootoutdemocracyadvocatesthrough police harassment and intimidation,falseaccusationsandarrests,revokedregistra-tionsand shutteredoffices.Securityforces inChina,Venezuela,Egypt,Iran,Zimbabweandthe formerSoviet states ofEurasiahavebeen
amongthemostsingle-mindedinthis effort,forcinganumberofdemocracyassistancepro-gramstoclose.Thereisalsoevidenceofcoor-
dinatedactivityamongauthoritarianregimes.Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez visitedPresidentAlexanderLukashenkoofBelarusin July2006tobringhimgoodnews:“Therearemanypossibilitiesnowforformingastrategicalliancetosavetheworldfrommadness,warsandcolorrevolutions.”ItistemptingtodismissthelikesofHugo
Chávez andAlexander Lukashenko as small-
timeopportunistsdestinedforthedust-binofanincreasinglydemocratichistory.Thiswouldbeamistake.Theautocraticoffensiveagainstdemocracyanditspromotersisaseriouschal-lengeandshouldbeahighpriority,especiallyforanyAmerican administration espousing aFreedomAgendaasitscentraltheme.Thereasonisthatthereisarealriskofthe
democraticadvance stallingand fallingback- wards.Theriskofatippingpointarisesbecause
autocratsarelearningtoevisceratetheirpeoples’civicchoicesincrementally,therebyavoidingthepublicitythatafrontalassaultwouldgenerate.They“nickelanddime”theopposition,abridg-ingonlyseeminglyinsignificantrightsatfirst. Asmalltown’svotesarenotcounted,aunionorlocalcooperativeisbanned,apetitioncannotbe
circulated,abookcannotbepublished,foreigntravelisprohibited,aspeechisoutlawed,pri-vateassetsareexpropriated.Thecumulativeef-fectofindividualchoicescanbecomeamightyforceforfreedom,andthereverseisjustastrue:
Ifactssuchasthesearesuccessfullysuppressed,theultimateresultcanbeadramaticregressioninthedirectionofpoliticsandcivilsociety.Thedangerliesinthetransferenceoftheknow-howofoppressionfromonetyranttoothertyrantsaround theworld,thusputtingmultiple newdemocraciesonthedefensive. Autocratsknowthatthekeytothesuccessof
indigenousoppositionmovementsincountrieslikeSouthAfrica,PolandandChilewastheir
abilitytogeneratefocusedpublicpressure.Op-positionmovementsdidthisbybuildingbroad-based,non-violentcoalitionsthattargetedthe
pillars of an autocrat’ssupport—economicand business allies,collaborators amongthe military and po-lice, and sympatheticreligious, cultural and
ethnicorganizations.Whenthosepillarsweak-enedorcollapsed,democracywon.
Intheirattemptstopreventtheloyaltiesofsuchgroupsfromshiftingundertheirfeet,auto-cratshavetargetednotonlytheindigenousop-positionbutindividualsandgroupsthatprovideawiderangeofexternalassistancefallingunderthe general rubric of “democracy promotion.” Amongthebesiegedwhoreceivesuchassistance
arethosefightingforworkers’rights,racialequal-ityandwomen’srights,aswellaslocaladvocatesofmoretraditionalobjectiveslikegovernmentaltransparency, free elections and participatoryrights.Numerousgovernmentsandinternation-alorganizations,tradeunions,politicalparties,legislaturesandNGOshaveallcomeunderfirefromPutinandhisautocraticassociatesfortheireffortstoadvancefreedomaroundtheglobe.Notalloftheseexternallybasedgroupsfo-
cusonpromotingclassicdemocraticinstitutionsandcivilsociety.Whereauthoritarianregimeshave subverted normal democratic processes,groupshaveofferedtraininginnon-violentre-sistance.Thistraininghastakentheformofgeneraladvice,thedistributionofeducationalmaterialsandtheco-sponsorshipofconferences
Autocrats know that the key to thesuccess of indigenous oppositionmovements was their ability togenerate focused public pressure.
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the right Side of the law
andworkshops.Thoughitismorecontrover-sial(butoftenmoreuseful),democracypromo-tiongroupscanoffertraininginthestrategyand tactics of civic disruption—strikes, peti-tions, walkouts,mass demonstrations, sit-ins,blockades, boycotts, official resignations andthe refusal to pay fees and taxes. U.S.-basedcivilsocietygroupsdoingthiskindofworkarehardlythe“uglyAmericans”thatautocratsseektoportray:The“offending”groupsinvariablysteerclearofcounselingoradvocatingviolence,avoidthosewhouseviolence,andprovideno
trainingintechniquesofviolentresistance.
Law and Legal Sophistry
W ithmightbutnotrightbehindthem,au-tocratsthroughouthistoryhaveseldomfeltanobligationtospelloutalegalrationalefor suppressing dissidents.The “most respect-ableargumentsoftherightsofkings”,Freder-
icktheGreatcounseledhisbrotherHenry,are“yourgreatguns.”Today,however,somehavedeignedtoprofferajustificationrestingonthecorollaryofthesovereigntydoctrinethatpro-hibitsinterventionintheinternalaffairsofotherstates.Inpushinga2004billthatwoulddenyNGOs access to foreign funds, for example,
Zimbabwe’sPresidentRobertMugabedeclaredthathisgovernment“cannotallow[NGOs]tobeconduitsorinstrumentsofforeigninterfer-enceinournationalaffairs.”TheShanghaiCo-operationOrganization, consisting of Russia,China, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, UzbekistanandTajikistan,launchedathinlyveiledattackondemocracypromotionin2005,insistingthat“therightofeverypeopletoitsownpathofde-velopmentmustbefullyguaranteed”pursuanttotheprincipleof“non-interventionininternalaffairsofsovereignstates.”
There are, tobe sure,many internationallegalinstrumentsthatinveighagainstinterven-tion.TheUnitedStates isnotalone inregu-latingforeigninvolvementinitselectoralcam-paignsandlobbying,anditisfullyjustifiedindoingso.Butthreeproblemsinhereinthereli-anceofauthoritarianelitesonthenon-interven-tionnorm:practice,progressandlogic.
First,theirrationalehasbeenevisceratedbycenturies of contrary state practice. From the
outsetthebanoninterventionwashonoredmoreinthebreachthanintheobservance.Evenintheyearsimmediatelyfollowingthe1648PeaceofWestphalia,statebordersprovedpermeable,andstatesremainedsubjecttoforeign interfer-ence.AsEvanLouarddetailedinThe Balance of Power (1992),itwasnormalforgovernmentsto
New Friends: Robert Mugabe, Alexander Lukashenko and Hugo Chávez
Associated Press
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seektoinfluencepoliticalaffairsinotherstates.Manyprominentpoliticiansinrivalstatesweredirectlyinthepayofforeigngovernments,andopposition groups were frequently subsidizedandmanipulatedfromabroad.
Politicalinterpenetrationincreasedinthefol-lowingcenturies.By1945,whentheframersoftheUnitedNationsCharterconvenedtocodifythenormofnon-intervention,externalinvolve-menthadbecomesowidespreadthattheChar-ter’sdraftersprohibitedonlytheuseorthreatofmilitaryforcebyonestateagainstanother.Non-violenteffortstoinfluenceastate’sinternalpoli-ciesarenotprohibitedbytheCharter,howeverintrusive those effortsmight be. Today, with
information,peopleandcapitalgushingacrossinternationalbordersintorrents,influencingev-eryaspectofdomesticpolitics,thenormagainst
non-forcibleinterventionhasallbutvanishedasameaningfullimitonstatebehavior.
Second, the emergence of internationallyprotectedrightstoinformationexchange,civicparticipation anddemocratic governanceun-dermines the autocrats’ protestations againstintervention.Talleyrand’s famousquip aboutnon-intervention being “a metaphysical term whichmeansaboutthesameasintervention”maygoasteptoofar,becauseeventodaythere
stillexistunlawfulformsofintervention,suchasstate-sponsoredassassinationorkidnapping.However, it is closer to juridical truth todaythaneverbefore.Thisisparticularlytruewiththe advent of internationally recognized hu-man rights. Since1945,explicitinternationalrestrictions have increasingly reached withinstateboundariestopreventgovernmentsfromdenyingbasicrightstotheircitizenry.Centraltotheserightsistherighttoinformationex-
change.TheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRightsaffirmstheright“toseek,receiveandimpartinformationandideasthroughanyme-diaand regardlessof frontiers.”Thisright isreinforcedbythelong-recognizedrightoffreeassembly,codifiedalongwithitinvirtuallyallhuman rights legal instruments. Such rights
suggestthe existenceof other, implicit rightsthatarenecessarytogivethemmeaning.Theright to exchange information, for example, wouldbeemptywithoutarighttogatherin-formationandcommunicateiteffectively.
The protection of these rights by inter-nationallawhasgonehandinhandwiththeglobaladvanceofdemocraticself-government.Themostprofoundeventofthe20thcentury,asThomasM.Franckhaswritten,maywellprovetobe the“almost-complete triumphofthe democraticnotionsofHume,Locke, Jef-ferson andMadison—in Latin America, Af-rica, Eastern Europe, and, to a lesser extent, Asia.”1Thattriumphisreflectedinthewords
ofnumerousinternationalagreementsandUNGeneralAssemblyresolutions.Theirneteffectistomakeclearthat,inthewordsoftheUni-
versalDeclaration:“Everyonehastherighttotakepartinthegovernmentofhiscountry,directlyorthroughfreelychosen representatives.” The will ofthepeopleisnowtheacceptedbasisofgovernmental authority, as the2000
WarsawDeclaration declared.Thatauthoritymustbeexpressed“byexerciseoftherightandcivicdutiesofcitizenstochoosetheirrepresen-tativesthroughregular,freeandfairelections withuniversalandequalsuffrage,opentomul-tipleparties,conductedbysecretballot,moni-toredbyindependentelectoralauthorities,andfreeof fraudand intimidation.”More thanahundrednationsnowjoinintheDeclaration.Third, the original rationale behind the
non-intervention norm has become illogicalin current circumstances.That rationale wasintended to ensure that a state remains freetochoose itsownpoliticalsystem.Butinthemodernworld,asLoriDamrosch puts it, “Astate ‘freely’ chooses its political systemonly whenitspeoplearefreetochoose.”2Effortstostrengthen the people’s ability to select theirgovernmentalsystem,eveneffortsaidedfrom
The original rationale behindthe non-intervention normhas become illogical.
1Franck, “The Emerging Right to DemocraticGovernance”, American Journal of Internation-al Law (January1992).
2Damrosch,“PoliticsAcrossBorders: Noninter-
vention andNonforcible Influence overDo-
mesticAffairs”, American Journal of Interna-tional Law (January1989).
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the right Side of the law
abroad,advancethepurposeofthenon-inter-ventionnormbyenhancingopportunities forself-determination. The original rationale forthenormthussupports,ratherthandisallows,actions by states and organizations to foster
democratic governance and accountability inotherstates.Ofcourse,thelinebetweendemocracyand
autocracyisnotalwaysdistinct.Theadvanceoffreedomoftentravelsacircuitouspath,withap-parentadvancesinonecategory(electoralpro-cess,forexample)accompanyingrealsetbacksin another (such as free expression). Thesecountervailingtrendscreateconfusionthatfoesofdemocracycanexploit.Indeed,theNational
Endowment for Democracy’s 2006 report,“TheBacklashagainstDemocracyAssistance”,describes“theemergenceofsemi-authoritarianhybrid regimes characterized by superficiallydemocraticprocessesthatdisguiseandhelple-gitimateauthoritarianrule.”Therearecurrentlyanywherefrom45tosixtysuchregimes.Somepresentnoobstaclestodemocracypromotion;othersseek,inonewayoranother,toquashit.Thusthelawfulnessofspecificstateregula-
tionsthatrestrictdemocracyassistancewillalwaysdependonthefactsofeachcase—whetherthelaw’saimistostifledemocraticadvocacy,wheth-eriteffectuatesalegitimatestatepolicyobjective, whetheritdiscriminatesonitsface,whetheritisenforcedeven-handedly,andwhetheramorenarrowly tailored regulation could achieve thesameend.Partoftheanswertothesequestions willalwayslieinthenatureoftheregimepro-
mulgatingtheregulations.Whateverthelevelofastate’scommitmenttofreedom,however,inter-nationallawasitexiststodaycounselsthatthepresumptionisonthesideofdemocracypromo-tion.Thegoverningprincipleisthesameinallcases:Whereagivenregulationispartofalargerschemeaimedatdeprivinggroupsorindividu-alsofinternationallyprotectedhumanrights,itviolatesinternationallaw.Evendemocracypromotioninitsmostcon-
troversial form—the provision of informationandresourcestopromotenon-violentcivicdis-ruption—isthereforeconsistentwithwidelyac-ceptedinternationalstandards.Itsbeneficiarieshavearighttoreceiveit.Itsprovidershavearighttogiveit.Andneitheranautocrat-in-fullnoranautocrat“lite”hasanyrighttoobstructit.
Letusnotbeconfusedbythosewhowouldconflatedemocracypromotionwithoth-
er,lesssavoryfeaturesofcurrentU.S.foreignpolicy. An irreducible truth remains: Peace-fully providing information and resources in
responsetorequestsfromthosewaginganon-violentstrugglefortheirfreedomisafarcryfrominvadingacountryandofferingitspopu-lationunrequested“assistance”—inpromotingdemocracy or anything else. President Putiniscorrectthat,incenturiespast,internationallawdidlittletostoptheexploitationofcolonialpeoplesandtheplunderingoftheirresourcesunder the cover of a “civilizingmission.”Heis wrong, however, to equate contemporary
democracy promotion to European colonial-ism.Democracytodayisnota“whiteman’s”idea;itisheardfromWestPapuatoWesternSahara,fromBelarustoTibet.Itssuccess,asitsbestadvocatesknow,dependsuponindigenousinitiativeandenergy,notforeigninfluenceorpressure.Democracypromotiondoesnotdenyanypeoples’righttoself-determination;itgiveslifetothatright.It is said, however, that even if they de-
siredemocracy,notallsocietiesarereadyforit.Somepeoples,theargumentgoes,lackthecultural, civic or legal traditions to governthemselveseffectively.Theymustbeallowedto progress more slowly, and authoritarianregimesmustbegrantedameasureofunder-standingandperhaps evena little sympathy.“WhenmypeopleactlikeSwedes”,theShahofIranreportedlysaid,“Iwilltreatthemlike
Swedes”, and many observers in democraticcountriesprofessedtoseehispoint.Yetthear-roganceofanauthoritarian’stimetableisoftenoverrunbyhistory. We do not suggest that democracy can
springlikeatulipthroughautocraticconcrete.Democracyworks,orworksbest,whencivilso-cietynotonlyexists,butisrobustandunitedinavisionofitscountry’sfutureandinitsstrategyfor getting there. Once victorious, new lead-
ersmustbewillingtoacceptprocessasanendaswellasameans,respectingoutcomeswith which they disagree. Those outcomes, afterall,aretheproductofprocessestowhichtheydid agree.Theymustbefirmaboutprocedureandthereforetentativeabouttruth.Theymustbecommittedtoenrichingtheirpeoplerather
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thanthemselves.Theymustbewillingtoleaveoffice when theyhave agreed to leave. Theymusttakeprideintheslowandsteadydevelop-mentofinstitutions.Notalloppressedpeoplecanexpectaquicktransitiontosuchleadership.
However,nearlyallcan,atleasttosomedegree,drivepositivechangeandbuildfromonesuc-cesstothenext.Inmeetingtheclaimthatagivenpeopleare
notreadyfordemocracy,itisthereforeessentialtodisaggregatetheconceptofdemocracy,toaskspecificallywhat thepeoplearenotreadyfor.Notreadyfortelevisionstationsthatlampoonapparatchiks’heavy-handedness?Notreadytoboycottafakeelection?Notreadytowritea
blogcriticizingcorruption?NotreadytoreadThoreau’sCivil Disobedience ?Whentheissueofreadinessisbrokendownintodemocracy’s
componentparts,itbecomeshardertojustifyaspecificinfringementandeasiertomakethecaseforprotectingotherfreedomsthatmightgetlostinthefalloutofpoliticalcompetition.
Regime Change Is the Point
Democracyadvocatesthushavenoreasonto be sheepish or disingenuous about
their intentions. The National Endowment
for Democracy report asserts that equatingdemocracypromotion with regime change is“unhelpful”and“hasplayedintothehandsofauthoritarian regimes.” But where a people’sright to self-determination is suppressed, the wholepointofdemocracypromotionistoalterthecharacteroftheoppressiveregimethroughlong-term engagement. The entire enterprise would beset to naught if tyrannical regimes wereexpectedtoremainsublimelyimpervious
toindigenouscivicpressure.Ofcourse,effortsofdemocracyadvocatesto
changethecharacter ofaregimemayleadulti-matelytoachangeinits identity .Non-violentchangeinitiatedfromwithin,however,isverydifferent from violent replacement instigatedfromabroad.Democracypromotion,evenatits
mostdeliberatelydisruptive,isnotaboutIraq.Norisitaboutthe“uglyAmerican”versionofviolentinsurrectionexecutedbyafriendlymili-tarycadrethatsomemayhopeforinIranorNorthKorea.Itisaboutwidespreadcivicresis-
tance,asrecentlyoccurredinGeorgia,Ukraine,KyrgyzstanandLebanon,andinthe20 th-cen-tury inIndia, the Philippines, Poland,South AfricaandChile.Infacingpressuretoexpandfreedom, thechoicebetween accommodationanddisintegrationbelongstotheautocrat.De-mocracyadvocatesfailiftheydonotmakeau-tocratsownuptothatchoice.Whatmostplaysintothehandsofautocratsisdefensivenessandcircumlocution about democracy promotion’s
objectives.Theintendedobjective is tomakeauthoritarianregimeschange—orgo.Thatisexactlyasitshouldbe,foranauto-
crat’s worst nightmare isnot“regimechange”asitoccurredinIraq.Rightlyorwrongly,mostarecon-fident of their ability to
handlemilitarythreatssuccessfullyand,ifnec-essary,tomeetviolencewithgreaterviolence.Theirgreatestfearisdomesticisolation—facingunified non-violent resistance that wins overtheregime’sfair-weatherfriends,asoccurredinthecoloredrevolutions.ShiZongyuan,China’stop press regulator, spoke formanyautocrats when asked recentlywhy Beijing had haltedplanstoletforeignnewspapersprintinChina:“WhenIthinkofcolorrevolutions”,hesaid,“Ifeelafraid.”
It is good thatShiZongyuan is afraidofoppressedpeopleinChina—muchbetterthanthepeopleofChinabeingafraidofShiandhisCommunistPartyassociates.Nooppressedpeo-pleinthe21stcenturyareobligedtobepatient,praytoGod,oramendtheirlives,ratherthanstandupforinternationallyrecognizedrights,the rule of law, freeelectionsanddemocraticgovernment.Noraretheyobligedtostrugglealone.Theyhaveeveryrighttoreachoutfor
assistancefromabroadinanon-violentstruggletothrowofftheiroppressors.Contrarytotheclaimsofautocrats,internationallawisontheside of thosewho seek democracy and those whohelpthem.Theruleoflawamongnationspromotestheruleoflawwithinnations.That,too,isasitshouldbe.
The rule of law among nations pro-motes the rule of law within nations.