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THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological...

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THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT
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Page 1: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT

Page 2: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.
Page 3: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

CONTEXT

• Rise of China

• Autonomy for Latin America

• Breakdown of ideological consensus

• Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations

• Source: Domínguez, “Changes in the International System”

Page 4: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE EVOLVING WORLD ORDER

• Unipolar?

• Multipolar?

• Flat?

• Pyramid?

• Source: Smith, “Prisms of Power,” CR # 4

Page 5: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE PINK TIDE: ORIGINS

• Economic—lack of growth (through 2003), poverty and inequality, frustration with Washington Consensus

• Political—weakness of representative institutions, inattention to poor, persistence of corruption

• International—war in Iraq, opposition to Bush policies and growing distaste for American society

Page 6: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE PINK TIDE: MEMBERSHIP• Hugo Chávez, Venezuela (1998, 2004, 2006)• Lula, Brazil (2002, 2006) and Delma Rousseff (2010)• Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández, Argentina (2003,

2007)• Evo Morales, Bolivia (2005, 2009)• Daniel Ortega, Nicaragua (2006)• Rafael Correa, Ecuador (2006, 2010)• Fernando Lugo, Paraguay (2008)• Mauricio Funes, El Salvador (2009)Near-Misses:• Ollanta Humala, Peru (2006)• Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Mexico (2006)

Page 7: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

CLARIFICATION #1

• Differentiation: right/center/left

• Contending leaders in/for Latin America:

– Felipe Calderón (Mexico)– Lula (Brazil)– Hugo Chávez (Venezuela)

Page 8: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

CLARIFICATION #2

• Disenchanted masses in Latin America ≠• Voters for pink tide candidates ≠• Leftist candidates for office ≠• Leftist winners of presidential elections ≠• Pro-Chávez chief executives ≠• Hugo Chávez• Notes:

– Tidal swell is spontaneous, not organized

– Rivalries and defections

Page 9: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE PINK TIDE: GOALS

• Domestic—winning power, rearranging electoral alignments; overturning status quo, possibly through institutional reform; changing policy direction

• Hemispheric—gaining support throughout Latin America (invoking “Bolivarian dream”), reducing U.S. hegemony

• Global—challenging international order, forging alliances with developing world and non-aligned nations

Page 10: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.
Page 11: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE PROBLEM WITH HUGO

• Uses language of the street (including the Arab street)—e.g., the “devil” speech

• Sits atop petroleum • Puts money where his mouth is• Breaks established rules of the game• Plays off resentment of Bush, U.S. power• Challenges Washington Consensus and FTAA• Goes for high stakes• Seeks rearrangement of prevailing world order

Page 12: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

THE ODD COUPLE: HUGO AND JORGE

• George’s “gifts” to Hugo:– discourse on democracy (e.g., Second Inaugural)– caricature of “ugly American”– unpopularity of foreign policies– inattention to Latin America

• And Hugo’s reciprocation:– exaggerated rhetoric– potential threats to neighboring countries– authoritarian tendencies

• Q1: What would Hugo do without George?• • Q2: What about oil?

Page 13: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

CHALLENGING AMERICAN MYTHS

• The Cherished Assumption—freely elected leaders will support U.S. policy

• The Western Hemisphere idea—the new world is distinct from old, will forge common front in international arena

• Democracy rationale for “regime change”—free elections as protective shield

• The hegemonic presumption—the United States can dictate political life in Latin America

Page 14: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

GWB AND THE PINK TIDE

• Strategy of “inoculation”

• Circumvention through FTAs

• Cultivation (and cooptation?) of Lula

Page 15: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.
Page 16: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

VISIONS FOR LATIN AMERICA:GWB AND USA

• Democratic—with tilt to right or center-right

• Prosperous—with commitment to free-market policies and ties to United States

• Unified—under U.S. leadership

• Peaceful—in view of unanimity

• Deferential—following U.S. lead in global arena

Page 17: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

REALITY CHECK #1

• Democracy = broad ideological spectrum, from “left” to “right”

• Prosperity = mixed economies; rejection of Washington Consensus, FTAs, and FTAA

• Ideology = diversity rather than unity• Outlooks = anti-U.S. attitudes strong and

growing among large share of population• Alliances = rejection of U.S. leadership and

rules of the game

Page 18: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

REALITY CHECK #2

Not everyone wants the same thing…!

Page 19: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

GWB and Latin America: Comparative and Historical Perspective

_________Latin America as Priority___________ ______ Low _______ _______ High _____

Operational Mode for U.S. ____

Unilateral Ad hoc Systematic imposition intervention (Bush 2001-04) (Reagan 1981-89)

_______ _________________ __________________ Intermittent, Consistent, Multilateral low-level high-level

diplomacy engagement (Clinton 1993-2000) (Kennedy 1961-63)

____________________________________________________________

Page 20: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

Rank-Order Preferences for U.S. Policy

___Partners___ __Targets___

U.S. Policy (Mexico, (Cuba, __Rivals___ ___Bystanders__ __Configuration__ _Bush II__ __Colombia)__ __Venezuela)__ __(Brazil?)__ ___(Others)____

Low priority 1 4 2 1 4 + Unilateral

Low priority 2 3 1 2 2 + Multilateral

High priority 3 1 4 4 3 + Unilateral

High priority 4 2 3 3 1 + Multilateral

Note: As presented here, ordinal rankings mean that 1 stands for the first-place (most preferable) choice, 2 for the second-place choice, 3 for the third-place choice, and 4 for the fourth-place (least preferable) choice.

Page 21: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT. CONTEXT Rise of China Autonomy for Latin America Breakdown of ideological consensus Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations.

The End.


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