Amarens LockMSc Thesis Landscape ArchitectureDecember 2019Wageningen University & Research

TWIN VILLAGES

Settlement development that is in harmony with the agricultural reclaimed landscape in the Rhenish Mining Area

Amarens LockMSc Thesis Landscape ArchitectureDecember 2019Wageningen University & Research

TWIN VILLAGES

Settlement development that is in harmony with the agricultural reclaimed landscape in the Rhenish Mining Area

COLOPHON

© Wageningen UniversityDecember 2019Landscape Architecture Chair Group

Contact information:Postbus 476700 AA WageningenThe NetherlandsPhone: +31 317 484 056E-mail: office.lar@wur.nl

Author© Amarens Daphne LockStudent nr.: 960907524070E-mail: amarens.lock@gmail.com

First supervisorProf. ir. Adriaan Geuze

External SupervisorDr.-Ing. Timo Matti Wirth (RWTH Aachen University)

All rights reserved. No part of this thesis may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of either the author or the Wageningen University Landscape Architecture Chair group.

PREFACE

The interest in creating and fantasying about the future has brought me five years ago to the study Landscape Architecture. I was glad to learn to play with the ‘building blocks’ of landscape architecture: water, soil, and vegetation.

This project is the last step toward landscape architecture maturity and the crowning achievement of my studies. The development of new land in the Rhenish Mining Area made my Dutch heart beat faster and I enjoyed to design future living environments. I hope this project will convince the reader of the importance of speculating about how we want to inhabit our landscapes.

I would like to thank my supervisor Adriaan Geuze for sharing his opinion and sharp arguments. He gave me new insights into the design process and helped with exploring new design ideas. Moreover, thanks to Matti Wirth, for sharing his knowledge about the region and discussing potential futures, as an external supervisor. It was indispensable for making the work relevant to the region. Also, I would like to thank Volker Mielchen and Gero Vinzelberg and their colleagues, for their willingness of providing information and sharing their perspective on the region. And, a special thank you for my family and friends - for brainstorming with me, listening, providing the Peugeot 207, and many other things. Thanks to you all, I developed a project I am truly proud of.

A thesis submitted for the requirements for the Master of Science degree in Landscape Architecture at the Wageningen University, Landscape Architecture Chair Group.

Supervisor and Examiner:Prof. ir. A (Adriaan) GeuzeProfessor Landscape ArchitectureWageningen University

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Second Examiner: Dr. ir. R (Rudi) van Etteger MAAssistant Professor Landscape ArchitectureWageningen University

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ABSTRACT

Extensive suburbanisation is taking place around Cologne in the agricultural landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area. An area that, at the same time, deals with unsustainable agricultural practices and large-scale reclamation efforts after a period of open-pit lignite mining. The design research presents a design of agricultural urbanism, which enables alternative settlement development in the Rhenish Mining Area and that contributes to sustainable forms of agriculture and the development of the reclaimed landscape.

Five settlement development strategies are evaluated and the advantages of the best models are merged into one final model: ‘Twin Villages’. With the concept of the Twin Villages, the reclaimed, post-mining landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area is enhanced and further developed. The model aims to keep the presence of the urban-rural dichotomy intact. It includes villages that are dispersed over the landscape, but all have a compact concentric form and contribute to a revival of the rural reclaimed landscape, as a rural answer to the exploding urban areas.

The design implementation of Twin Village ‘Kantweiler’ shows that, when contributing to the landscape qualities, the threat of settlement development to the agricultural sector can be reversed into an opportunity. The design shows an alternative for the unlimited settlement development, which is threatening the agricultural landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area.

COLOPHON

PREFACE

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTIONproblem contextproblem statementknowledge gapthesis statementconceptual frameworkresearch strategy & methodsrelevancestructure of the report

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKurban / ruralagricultural urbanismintermezzo - parc du vexin françaisreclamation of mining landscapeintermezzo - garden cities of to-morrow

RECLAIMED LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENTgeological history of the lower rhine bayagricultural land-uselignite mining landscapereclaimed post-mining landscapetimeline

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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II

I

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3

2

5

MODELSswot-analysisparametersmodelsdevelopment of the preferred model

DESIGN EXPLORATIONSlocationtwin villageslife in jackeraththe new village interaction twin villagesconnectivity surroundingsdesign of kantweileragricultural strategydie kantelife in kantweiler

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

REFERENCES

APPENDIX IAPPENDIX IIAPPENDIX III

III

IV

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introduction

Urbanisation has completely changed the link between urban and rural. Continuous urban expansion at rates much higher than population growth led to an enormous increase of the urban footprint in Europe (European Environment Agency, 2017). Cities spread out over the landscape and have become less compact (Wandl, 2012).

The process of rapid spreading urbanisation has led to the loss of agricultural landscape. Agricultural areas nearby cities are subjected to development pressure and rural landscapes are at risk to be seen solely as expansion areas for cities’ new neighbourhoods (Santangelo, 2019; Vidal & Fleury, 2008). The relationship between rural and urban should be re-thought and cities have to be contextualized within the larger landscape and its dynamics.

PROBLEM CONTEXTThis process can be also recognized in the metropolitan area Region Cologne/Bonn, which is situated within the larger Rhine-Ruhr Region and forms a counterbalance to the Ruhr Region. The enormous demand for residential area in Cologne put pressure on the existing settlement structures and landscape qualities. Land-consuming forms of living and extensive commercial areas already led to a loss of agricultural land, especially west of Cologne, where the land prices are cheaper compared to the east. The suburban areas, also called urbanised landscape or city agglomerations, took up large areas and became a seedbed of privatization, segregation, congestion, monotony and car dependency. The prognosis is that the next decade the population in the region will continue to increase, whereby demographic growth and shrinkage will occur geographically close together in the region (Region Köln/Bonn e.V., 2017). As land is limited, the pressure on the agricultural area increases and conflicts between settlement development, agriculture and open space protection grow (Kötter, 2018). Berthold Rothe, the head of the planning department in Rhein-Erft-Kreis, states that an on-going practice of settlement development of Cologne will lead to continuing urban diffusion (Kötter, 2018).

A second issue in the region concerns the industrializing and intensification of the agricultural sector which led to unsustainable farming practices. The agricultural businesses, which are steered by the global market

INTRODUCTION

and based on an on-going growth model, resulted in large-scale monotonous landscapes. The highly efficient businesses that emerged have a relatively low contribution to the biodiversity and landscape appearance. The agricultural business may be profitable for individual farmers on a short-term level. However, there is an obligation to society to re-think the agricultural sector, since they are setting the scene of the landscape and are defining the quality of the rural landscape as a public good. Agricultural practices and their belonging landscapes can contribute to either a positive or negative effect on regional development. Also, a sustainable agricultural landscape is less vulnerable to the pressures on space when the population continues to grow in the coming years (Roggema, 2016).

Lastly, the agricultural landscape of the Region Cologne/Bonn is influenced by extensive open-pit lignite mining, as part of the Rhenish Mining Area. At the beginning of 2019, Germany decided to end its use of coal power by 2038, which is faster than originally planned (Kommission ‘Wachstum, Strukturwandel und Beschäftigung’, 2019). Therefore, the area is at the start of a comprehensive transformation process and long-term challenges for economical, technical, social and ecological development. Extensive compensation measures are provided by the federal government to cope with structural change (Wirth, 2019). Last decades, discussions around the lignite mining industry have given the Rhenish Mining Area a negative

Figure 1: spreading urbanization into the agricultural landscape (Region Köln/Bonn e.V.)

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introduction

Cologne in the agricultural landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area. An area that, at the same time deals with unsustainable agricultural practices and large-scale reclamation efforts after a period of open-pit lignite mining.

KNOWLEDGE GAPIn this research, a shared understanding of sectoral approaches is developed. The issues as outlined above are set on different agendas and this research will shed a different light on them, by taking a comprehensive approach.

Design research can contribute by exploring today’s meaning of the relationship between the traditional dichotomy between town and country and adopt synergetic solutions, whereby agriculture plays a role in maintaining environmental resources and provides positive externalities for the urban area (Dymitrow & Stenseke, 2016; Gottero, 2019). This research contributes to the body of knowledge on the design of agricultural urbanism. Last decade, some has been written about agricultural urbanism. Yet, little has been published on the design of agricultural urbanism and its potential for the rural landscape. In that way, this project feeds the debate about the perception of landscape and city. It is a reaction to the changing relationship between rurality and urbanity over Europe, whereby the traditional dichotomies of urban and rural are approached critically.

THESIS STATEMENTThis design research state that a form of agricultural urbanism can foster alternative settlement development in the Rhenish Mining Area that contributes to sustainable forms of agriculture and the development of the reclaimed landscape. This results in the following research questions.

Central Question:What is the potential of agricultural urbanism for an alternative settlement development in the Rhenish Mining Area that contributes to sustainable forms of agriculture and the development of the reclaimed landscape?

Research questions:1. In which ways is agricultural urbanism applied in

examples in the European rural context?

2. How did the reclaimed landscape of the eastern part of the Rhenish Mining Area evolve in a physical, political and social way?

reputation. Nevertheless, the lignite industry is rooted in the lives of many generations and the reclaimed land forms a unique cultural post-mining landscape. Now as the lignite era is ending, the post-mining landscape should be preserved as a positive legacy for the future.

Those three issues, set on different agendas, should be approached holistically. Therefore, the eastern part of the Rhenish Mining Area is chosen as research location. This reclaimed landscape is mainly used for agricultural practices and it is proximate to heavily urbanised cities along the Rhine. Here the demand for settlement development, agricultural practices, and the land reclamation process manifest themselves spatially.

Situated within a densely populated area, the reclaimed agricultural land can stand out as a unique rural landscape and pleasant living environment, with economic value and valuable experience for people in the region. Besides, the proximity of the post-mining agricultural land to the cities should be approached as an opportunity and not a threat. Helpful is that urban residents have recently shown more interest in food quality, green spaces, and cultural services. Urban and suburban agriculture is now more appreciated and the availability of reliable farmland can provide food security for residents (Takatori, Kawaguchi & Shimizu, 2019).

PROBLEM STATEMENTExtensive suburbanisation is taking place around

Figure 2: Rhenish Mining Area and research location

CO

DÜSMG

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introduction

Agriculture and urbanisation both influence and shape the landscape. By taking the landscape as a starting point for designing, the relationship between agriculture and urbanisation can be harmonized. The agricultural landscape, in this research, is taken as a base for designing settlement development. The landscape is used as structuring and organizing element instead of a backdrop of architecture. By merging city structures and landscape systems, the focus of design shifts to processes rather than appearance (Waldheim, 2010). Landscape architects are experts on the landscape medium and able to apply a holistic approach when putting the site in context through space and time (Assargard, 2011).

RESEARCH STRATEGY & METHODSIn this project, a design attitude is taken at an early stage of the process. This approach, research through design, is characterized by its cyclic nature. The design is constantly updated with newly acquired knowledge, through testing the effects of the design and reflecting on it. Because of this, the design will steer the research and this could lead to new insights and unexpected results.

The research is built upon theories of agricultural urbanism and urban-rural relationships, gained through literature study. Additionally, a key-case reference study relating to agricultural urbanism in a rural context has

- What different landscape types of the reclaimed landscape can be defined?- What social, physical and political developments influenced the evolvement of the reclaimed landscape?

3. What measures of success (parameters) can be defined for settlement development in the rural landscape of the eastern part of the Rhenish Mining Area?- What are the strengths and weaknesses, and the opportunities and threats that the reclaimed agricultural landscape faces?

Design question:In which way can settlement development take place that is in harmony with the agricultural reclaimed landscape?

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

In Figure 3, the relationship between the different concepts of this research can be seen. Landscape, as defined by the European Landscape Convention, is ‘an area, as perceived by people, whose character is the result of the action and interaction of natural and/or human factors’ (Council of Europe, 2000, p.2). Based upon the matter-, power- and mindscape, described by Jacobs (2004), the landscape can be understood as a combination of physical, political and social components. Conceptually, the definitions of landscape and cultural landscapes are close to each other, since the holistic understanding of the concept of landscape already includes the term cultural (Roe, 2007). In general, the cultural landscape is understood as ‘the meeting place between humankind and the environment, reveals that there are often natural qualities of great value which have co-evolved with human society’ (Phillips, 1998, p.36).

LANDSCAPEagriculture LANDSCAPE

designing

urbanization

Figure 3: relationship between concepts used in the research

Figure 4: overview research structure

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been used to give insight into the wide range and many possibilities of designing agricultural urbanism. This exploration inspired the designing and gave input for reflection on the design (process).

The cultural richness and development of the reclaimed rural landscape are investigated, by a bibliographical review of literature on the cultural history of the region, combined with an analysis of satellite images over time and own observations of the landscape during site visits.

At the same time, a set of twelve performance indicators (parameters) is defined. To be able to define the parameters for future development a swot-analysis is carried out, based on the landscape development research and interviews with experts in the region. An overview of the interviews and site visits is shown in Appendix I and II.

Different models for urban expansion at the rural-urban fringe of the reclaimed agricultural lands are developed through sketching, discussing with experts and speculating about different futures for the relationship between rural and urban in the Rhenish Mining Area. The strategies are evaluated and compared with the help of the parameters, by making a table of plusses (high score) and mins (low score) for each parameter. Thereby, the models and its potential design direction are discussed with an expert in the region, which led to more reliable design knowledge. It also encourages the other actors to become more aware of different ways to apply their knowledge. A preferred model (a hybrid form) has been chosen and is tested on a location in the Rhenish Mining Area. The designing includes sketching, digital drawing, and mkaing sections and artist impressions. As shown in Figure 5, the design findings will be continuously discussed, evaluated and improved, as it is an iterative process.

The research is characterized by a constant reflection on choices, research findings and information gathering on-site. The design process consists of many overlapping and repetitive steps to be able

to move forward. Designing throughout the whole process helps to entangle academic knowledge and applicability (Lenzholzer, Duchhart & Koh, 2013).

More detailed information about the methods applied, will be provided at the beginning of each chapter.

RELEVANCEThe Rhenish Mining Area faces a comprehensive transformation process and long-term challenges for economical, technical, social and ecological development. An approach is needed that turns the history of the lignite mining industry into something positive for the people in the region (Kommission ‘Wachstum, Strukturwandel und Beschäftigung’, 2019). Historically, worked-out mines were left behind abandoned. In the 1970s mine closure practices started to develop, with an emphasis on the restoration of the landscape and a return to the ‘natural’ pre-mining situation (Limpitlaw & Briel, 2014). Today, a legal framework obligates the mining industry to rehabilitate their landscapes. The question remains: How should the landscape be left behind now the lignite era is coming to an end? This research is a contribution to the process of transformation of the Rhenish Mining Area.

Baida (2012) mentions that the mining industry should utilize new areas of expertise, such as the design professions, to deliver successful reclamation outcomes. As ‘generalists’ a landscape architect can come up with creative and innovative scenarios for post-mining legacies. The focus is not solely on economy or engineering but includes aesthetical considerations, social functions and cultural issues (Baida, 2012).

STRUCTURE OF THE REPORTThis report starts with presenting the theoretical framework, including existing knowledge on the concepts of urban/rural, cultural landscapes, reclamation, and agricultural urbanism, supported by an illustration of two examples of agricultural urbanism in a European rural context.

In the second chapter, the development of the reclaimed agricultural landscape in the Rhenish Mining Area is presented. In the third chapter, a SWOT-analysis of the region is presented and a set of twelve performance indicators (parameters) is defined. Also, different urbanisation models are developed and evaluated and a preferred model is chosen. In the fourth chapter, the preferred model is implemented and tested on a specific site. Lastly, the report includes an discussion and conclusion.

introduction

Figure 5: design on site

preferred model

evaluation

design

final design

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needed. Also, Thompson (2012), when questioning Landscape Urbanism, brings up that it is not possible ‘to wave a linguistic wand and make them disappear, because they are enmeshed in our forms of life’ (p.17). He further explains that Landscape Urbanists tend towards embracing urban sprawl into the landscape. He criticized this idea and argues that sometimes good design means stopping things from happening, like fighting unlimited urbanisation into the rural. Breaking down the urban-rural binary and the simultaneous yearning for urban and rural ideals can open the way for planners and designers to ignore existing landscape structures and develop a ‘Nowhere’, where a sense of detachment is lacking (Thompson, 2012; Sieverts, 2003).

Following the position of accepting the rural-urban dichotomy, it is important to better understand the nature of their relatedness today. Often, planning classifications of urban and rural do not reflect social, historical and cultural factors. For example, the dominant recognition of urban and rural is based on solely population density. However, the urban-rural model is primarily rooted in people’s imaginations and experiences (Dymitrow & Stenseke, 2016). Santangelo (2019) points out that both urban and rural are socially and materially produced, thereby referring to Lefebvre’s social production of space (1974). This is relevant because the rural should not be seen as an idyllic pre-human natural environment, and the urban not as the realm of artificiality and technology per se (Santangelo, 2019). Furthermore, Santangelo (2019) explains that urban and rural cannot be conceived if the other is not physically there, so they cannot exist separately.

As rurality and urbanity as geographical spaces became blurred, it is the social dimension that remains a significant distinction (Dymitrow & Stenseke, 2016). This social-cultural aspect is also the factor that transforms space into place. However, the social constructionism and cultural approach are criticized for neglecting the physical aspect of the experience of people in rural space. For example, major changes in the physical environment can transform a place into space, when people lose their meaning they attached to the place. It has been pointed out that the physical aspects are primarily defining experiences and perceptions of town and countryside. So, although urban and rural are socially constructed, they are still

In this chapter existing knowledge around the concepts of urban and rural, agricultural urbanism, and reclamation of (mining) landscapes is presented.

URBAN / RURALThe world is often understood in dichotomies, like good or bad. As such, people also divide urban and rural. Expressions, like ‘city-girl’ or ‘in the countryside’, are often used in daily life. However, often it remains unclear where the urban ends and the rural starts (Dymitrow & Stenseke, 2016).

Starting around 700 B.C. from South-East Europe, urbanisation and its associated infrastructure gradually spread over the whole continent. The distinction between urban and rural has blurred and it became problematic to define something as completely urban or rural. They became strongly related spaces that cannot exist separately from each other. In general, the outdatedness of the rural-urban dichotomy is widely acknowledged under academics (Santangelo, 2019). The discourse of Landscape Urbanism even completely rejects the binary opposition between city and landscape, in the face of global urbanisation. They state that it is a naive approach to reality since the urban footprint is infringing in the traditionally spoken countryside and the countryside is organized to deliver resources to the city (Waldheim, 2006). The early socialists Owen and Fourier, reformers Cerdà and Howard and the visionary architect Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier and Hilberseimer aimed to combine the comforts of the city and the pastoral romanticism while thinking about new settlement developments (Sieverts, 2003).

Despite this, the urban and rural thinking is still used to study places and is a foundation for many planning policies. Concepts as peri-urban, exurban, suburban and rurban appeared, but they all relate to the rural-urban continuum. The question rises if this is problematic since the blurring of both concepts makes categorizing at least subjective (Dymitrow & Stenseke, 2016).

Dymitrow and Stenseke (2016) argue that the urban-rural dichotomy is so deeply rooted in the understanding of the world, that its presence should be accepted, while at the same time a critical approach towards the blurring and subjective nature of ‘rural ’and ‘urban’ is

I THEORY

theoretical framework

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theoretical framework

of food and non-food products, reusing mainly human and material resources, products and services found in and around that urban area, and in turn supplying human and material resources, products and services largely to that urban area’ (Mougeot, 2000, p.11).

Urban agriculture goes beyond its role as food producer and includes functions such as management of natural resources, biodiversity conservation or contribution to socio-economic viability of the area. This multifunctional aspect is applauded, because of its ecological and economic benefits at local and regional scale (Sanz Sanz et al, 2016). Last decade, multifunctional agriculture has started to play a role in the development of the rural landscape. As the pressure on a place is increasing, society is searching for ways to use agricultural land in a multifunctional way. At the same time, there is a bottom-up movement of farmers that focus on the renewing of their farm. Farmers of regular agriculture are focused on optimizing production, while multifunctional businesses are extern focussed (Kierkels et al., 2012).

It might seem difficult to compete with the prices of bulk products on the global market. However, the value locally might be measured in a different way and products are sold on a different market (Keeffe, 2016). Instead of producing for the bulk market, urban agriculture is searching for its own customers and is therefore strongly connected with the local economy, ecology, community, and markets. Contrasting with traditional agriculture, the link between producer and consumer in urban agriculture is direct, which creates new economies. Keeffe (2016) defines this as the interface between consumer and producer. He presents urban agriculture as an urban design strategy, including agricultural know-how (technological), biotic elements and the interface (sociological component). Now urban agriculture is more than agriculture in/around the city, but a ‘holistic urban design problem that is interdisciplinary and based on networks and agents rather than purely the technical issues of agriculture at a small scale’ (Keeffe, 2016, p.18). The main objective of urban agriculture is not efficiency, but effectiveness. It is about bringing people together, educate a healthy lifestyle, economic activity in areas of deprivation, reconfigure the city and so on (Keeffe, 2016). In the intermezzo on Page 17, an example is given of urban agriculture, as a reaction to an urbanisation threat to the agricultural landscape. The project enhances a renewed vision on the rural agricultural landscape and urbanisation, rather than integrating agricultural practices into the city’s downtown.

reflecting the materialized world, which is framing us (Dymitrow & Stenseke, 2016).

In this design research, the urban and rural are seen as a large interlocking system rather than a set of discrete cities surrounded by countryside. This approach leads often to prioritize landscape features above the built environment (Bruegmann, 2005). However, it is not aimed to break down the urban-rural dichotomy completely but explore, through designing, their relatedness from a perspective of human experience.

AGRICULTURAL URBANISMLast decades, discussion regarding urban sprawl and urban expansion versus rural withdrawal and rural were present in the public debate. New concerns are coming up, like landscape preservation, ground-water quality, and food security, which legitimate the protections of agricultural zones (Sanz Sanz, Napoléone & Hubert, 2016; Vidal & Fleury, 2008). In this light, the city infringing into farmland can be framed as a risk (European Environmental Agency, 2006).

As the borders of urban and rural are blurring, Roggema (2016) states that approaching the city as solely urban and agriculture as solely rural is not relevant anymore. An alternative is to approach the city and agricultural system as a strongly connected system, whereby urban and rural can both profit from each other (Roggema, 2016).

Urban agriculture to protect agricultural landIn the time of industrialization, the up-coming railways, steamships, and international food systems, urban farmers lost their advantage in producing close to the urban market. Farmers started to enlarge and produce cash crops for the global market. Urban agriculture though aims to specialize in niches to still benefit from proximity to the city (Lohrberg, 2019). Urban agriculture opposes conventional agriculture, which has marginal interactions with the city’s markets and flows but addresses global markets. A key characteristic of urban farming is that it is more deeply integrated into the urban system compared to other agriculture. In other words, it is responding to the pressure and opportunities that arise from its adjacency to cities and focusses on urban needs (Fleury, Moustier & Tolron, 2003; Sanz Sanz et al., 2016).

Urban agriculture is defined as: ‘an industry located within (intra-urban) or on the fringe (peri-urban) of a town, an urban centre, a city or metropolis, which grows or raises, processes and distributes a diversity

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theoretical framework

design became more and more complex because of socio-economic changes triggered by developments, like the introduction of railroads. The beginning of the 18th century and especially during the 19th century in Europe, social, economic and technological changes created a disconnection between agriculture and the (sub)urban world.

The historical relationship between city and agriculture brings up the question if agriculture can function as a

Agricultural informed urbanizationHistorically, agricultural practice is directly linked to the form of the city (Keeffe, 2016). The relationship between city form and food production has always been present. The foundation of the first cities was linked to issues like storage and distribution of food from the nearby fields. Food markets and ports shaped the city structure (Buchanan, 2016). Since the industrialization of the farm, consumption, and production have been separated. The linkages between urban and rural

INTERMEZZO - PARC DU VEXIN FRANCAISby Farm Development Agent of the Regional Natural Park of Vexin Français (1995)

Context - A few kilometres north of Paris the picturesque landscape, that attracted impressionist painters centuries ago, is still intact. At the same time, the pressure of urbanisation, tourism and large infrastructural projects threaten the landscape qualities. Therefore, local municipalities decided together with the national government to reverse this process and protect the rural area with its scenery and heritage, as well as setting up a sustainable economic development (Darly, 2012).

Concept - In a rural area of 66000 ha, including 79000 inhabitants divided over 94 small municipalities a regional park is developed: The Regional Natural Park of Vexin Français. 70% of the park is covered with arable land. An important purpose of the park is to develop agriculture while considering the environment and by promoting the multifunctional use of land. The identity of the rural landscape should be protected against peri-urbanisation. An urban countryside is created that is based on the qualities of the agricultural area and its historic foundations, with a plurality of mixed-use (Vandermeulen, 2011). For example, a local supply chain for school restaurants in the surroundings is initiated to create marketing opportunities for the farms located in the park and promote diversification of activities.

Reflection - The agricultural landscape of the Vexin Français is protected from unlimited urbanisation for growing food near the city. Thereby, it emphasizes that other landscape functions legitimize the existence of the food production landscape. Preserving the landscape and its functions like ground-water quality and food security are considered important for society. The agricultural businesses are not seen only as food producers, but rather as the managers of the landscape. In the project, the rural is approached as something different than the urban. However, their relatedness is used to improve the quality of both urban and rural. The countryside can be preserved as a public good that improves the quality of life in the city.

Also, the project explores a local way of distributing the food to the citizens by responding to a high-quality sustainable market, whereby the link between producer and consumer is more direct. The branding of the area, as a whole, is an important element of the project, whereby public enjoyment is part of the business model. Together, the farms and municipalities show society the importance of the landscape. Qualified products, like fruit, vegetables, and cheese from the region have the ‘Valeurs Parc’ brand to get the attention of locals and tourists. An important part of the business strategy is to enable people to enjoy the food production landscape. Customers can buy products at the farm and enjoy the landscape for recreational activities. By diversifying the agricultural businesses the rural profits from the proximity to the urban.

At the same time, Parc du Vexin Français does not respond to all facets of the pressure of the city, since it does not reply to housing demand. An urban design that creates a union with the rural landscape is lacking. Based on the vision of this project, it can be interpreted that a very dense urban area contrasting to a non-dense rural area is desired by the Farm Develop Agent. In Europe, other projects have a similar approach to protect the cultural landscapes from peri-urbanisation, like Parco Agricolo Sud Milano, a rural park around Milan.

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method for urbanisation. It can be considered to use agriculture as the basis for designing settlements, which goes beyond the protection of agricultural land for sub-urbanisation. The concept of agricultural urbanism, or also defined as agriurbanism, agrourbanism or agrarian urbanism refers to a new partnership between urban and rural, which leads to ‘a new form of the city, but also a renewed rurality’ (Gottero, 2019, p.3). The approach is built upon ‘a multifunctional economy made up of local products and high environmental quality, on a low growth model compared to the industrial one’ (Gottero, 2019, p.3), aspects that are also mentioned for urban agriculture. On Page 19, an example is presented whereby the growing and distribution of local agricultural products defined the form of new settlements. Together with the example on Page 17, it gives a small insight into the wide range and many possibilities of designing agricultural urbanism.

Donadieu (1998) explores the power of the peri-urban farmer to organize the territory of the city in a sustainable way (Vandermeulen, 2011). He is describing this complex landscape as the ‘urban countryside’ (Campagnes Urbaines) and argues that maintaining and developing peri-urban agriculture can play a crucial role in improving the food product quality and life-quality of the city dwellers. For example by recycling organic waste from the city, educational farms, pick-your-own products or horticultural space (Donadieu,1998).

Based on the theory of John Dixon Hunt of three natures: natura decorum (e.g. ocean), altera natura (e.g. agricultural space) and terza natura (e.g. garden), Donadieu (1998) develops a vision of an urban countryside that crosses between altera natura and terza natura. The countryside can survive, because of its beauty and appealing desire of the Arcadian landscape. In his vision, the peri-urban countryside should supply products to the city and the countryside should be designed and interpreted as a public good in a way that is improving the quality of life for the city dweller. Therefore, a plurality of mixed uses has to be created, whereby the qualities and historical layers of the agricultural landscape have to be recognized, while proposing new spatial compositions and practices. This requires an activist approach of a landscape architect who is representing the interests of the public good (Vandermeulen, 2011).

However, reinterpreting the connection between agriculture and the city seems to lead to denying the dichotomy between urban and rural. As argued before,

this breaking down is not taking as a starting point for this design research. Connecting systems and forms of city and agricultural should not lead to the denial and breaking down of urban and rural. The picturesque image of agriculture is still relevant since a desire to the Arcadian landscape can be the motor of the survival of the rural (Donadieu, 1998). A design effort is made for settlement development that creates a union with agriculture landscape, whereby agriculture ground is not approached primarily as a place to be developed.

RECLAMATION OF MINING LANDSCAPEReclamation is based upon the assumption that a landscape cannot and should not be turned to the state before the mining activities. The opposite of reclamation is restoration, whereby it is seen as desirable to return to the landscape system of an earlier stage (Del Tredici, 2008). However, thereby a question arises: ‘To what point in time should we try to go back?’. As Del Tredici (2008) points out, the concept of restoration is naïve, since it does not take into account the inevitability of ecological change. Underlying the evaluation and prioritization in this design research is the view that nature is essentially dynamic, open-ended irreversible and humans are part of the process (Turner, 2008). By enhancing the progressive concept of place, described by Massey (1995), a place is not static, but a place is a process. The landscape is seen as constructed and shaped by different social interactions that tie together and these interactions change of time (Massey, 1995).

The metaphor of palimpsest is often used for landscape. Palimpsest originally describes the manuscript used in medieval times, in which text was written over previous text that had been scrapped. Within a palimpsest, the previous texts always remained recognizable and therefore reminds of different cultural layers in the landscape (Mitin, 2018). Using this metaphor, the landscape is seen as a valuable cultural archive and the tangible objects are valuable for future generations’ identity. This activates designers to utilize the site layers to reveal aspects of the history of the site (Krinke, 2001). At the same time, the metaphor of a palimpsest allows adding layers to the cultural landscape. Although cultural landscapes are often associated with historic landscapes (Roe, 2007), the reclaimed lignite mining landscape can be considered as a new cultural landscape. Instead of aiming to go back to the landscape system before the lignite mining activities, reclaiming means building further upon historical layers of the landscape, while achieving a new future-oriented post-mining landscape system.

theoretical framework

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INTERMEZZO - GARDEN CITIES OF TO-MORROWby Ebenezer Howard (1902)

Context - The Garden City model has its origins in the late 19th century in England. Ebenezer Howard, born in London, has spent most of his early adulthood in Chicago. At that time, Chicago was experiencing rapid urban growth resulting in a housing shortage. Returned in London, Howard recognized the issues around rapid urbanisation in England and published his ideas on how to solve these issues. He discussed the devastating consequences of urbanisation, whereby the countryside is depleting and cities are overcrowding (Keeffe, Hall & Jenkins, 2016). Additionally, he described that agriculture was being separated from the industrial cities. As a solution, Howard proposed to design cities elsewhere: Garden Cities, that would combine ‘all the advantages of the most energetic and active town life, with all the beauty and delight of the country’ (Howard, 1902, as cited in Keeffe et al., 2016, p.91).

Concept - Howard describes the Garden Cities as 6000 acres (2428 ha), designed in a circular form, with the potential to house 32000 inhabitants (Keeffe et al., 2016). In the circular formed town, a dense central zone of 1000 ha accommodates 30.000 inhabitants and the remaining 5000 ha is occupied by 2000 inhabitants. Various functions, like industry, residential living and retail are arranged in different concentric circles, radiating from the central garden. Around the central part, farms are producing food for all inhabitants. A circular railway, that is also connected to other Garden Cities allows fast and efficient distribution of products on a local scale, saving transportation costs. The Garden City is often described as a ‘self-sufficient entity’ capable of accommodating a stable population, and ‘ringed by an agricultural belt’ (Brittanica Encyclopedia, 2014, as cited in Keeffe et al., 2016, p.93).

Reflection - Howard’s model responds to the issues regarding rapid urbanisation, whereby urban sprawl is inflicting in the agricultural land. As a reaction to urban sprawl, he aims to combine the positive aspects of the urban with the positive aspects of the rural in new cities in the countryside (Keeffe et al., 2016). Thompson (2012) warns that this way of thinking and designing, a hybrid of urbanity and rurality, can lead to areas that become a ‘Nowhere’.

The local food production system has to harmonize the countryside and the new town. Howard proposes local agriculture to feed the people in a concentric city (Keeffe et al., 2016). Also, the agricultural land is being considered as a collective property and common good for the inhabitants of the city, who in return pay rent, which is used to finance facilities for the community (Vernet & Coste, 2017). In that way, the inhabitants profit from the proximity to the agricultural land and as Howards describes: ‘every farmer now has a market close to his doors’ (Howard, 1902, as cited in Keeffe et al., 2016, p.93). The products can be transported efficiently in the city, to the indoor market place, and other Garden Cities. However, the Garden Cities as Howard describes them, are in practice incapable to supply enough for the inhabitants. Keeffe et al. (2016) state that the average land-share per person for consumption, based on 2300 calories per day is 0.17 ha for a vegan diet, 0.18 for a vegetarian diet, 0.61 for a diet including white meat and 2.01 ha for a diet including red meat. Based on this the available land-share for food production in the garden cities is, in terms of food production, not able to be self-sufficient. Still, Howard defended the agricultural productive space and aimed to integrate urbanisation rather than solely remove agriculture for urbanisation (Vernet & Coste, 2017). The growing and distribution of local agricultural products define the form of the city in Howard’s proposal (Keeffe et al., 2016).

Also, food production and recreation are separated in the Garden Cities. Because of the strict zoning, the possibilities for a function mix of relaxing and food production is restrained. For example, the inner garden is for relaxing only and is not utilized as a production area.

Lastly, it has to be mentioned that the Garden City model is very theoretical. It does not consider the countryside as an Arcadia, but approaches the rural landscape as solely productive place.

theoretical framework

21

running fault system that runs through Europe. The fault became active at the end of the Eocene when the continental crust had been stretched and as a result, the graben structures were subsiding and the horst blocks were pushed upwards along the faults. The tectonically-formed ridges and valleys are recognizable in the landscape. Some regions, like the Ville, were pushed up and elevated above the surroundings and other regions conversely sank, like the Erft Block and the Cologne Block, see Figure 7 and 8 (Meschede & Warr, 2019; Zagwijn & Hager, 1987).

Because of the depression process of the Lower Rhine Bay, the area was invaded by the sea in the Oligocene. When the coastlines moved gradually to the west widespread coastal swamplands were formed in the embayment (Zagwijn & Hager, 1987). Climate conditions, that were similar to today’s tropics supported lush vegetation growth. The accumulated plant litter was prevented from rotting by water that blocked contact with the air. As time passed, the dead organic substance was covered by depositions as sand, gravel, and clay. The pressure on the substance in combination with the temperature caused a coalification process and over time lignite seams from up to 100 meters thick were formed. With an average thickness of 40 meters the lignite occurrences in the Lower Rhine Bay are one of the world’s largest (Dumbeck et al., 1996; Jansen, 2017). The lignite seams are located between 100 meters and 400 meters deep. Only on the pushed up Ville ridge, which has a length of 50 kilometres and a width of 7 to 10 kilometres, the lignite comes so near to the surface that some parts became visible.

Characteristically for the Lower Rhine Bay is the blanket of loess. The blanket of loess was formed by the accumulation of wind-blown silt derived from gravel beds of the Rhine River and permafrost affected landscapes and has a texture size between 20 and 50 μm. The chalk-rich fine sand forms a particularly fertile

The landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area has been affected, influenced and shaped by human involvement (Dworschak & Rose, 2014). The landscape is telling the narrative of the culture and expresses the regional identity. As a cultural landscape, the Rhenish Mining Area is a legacy that reflects the relationship between human and the natural environment and reveals aspects of developments in society. Cultural landscapes can provide scenic, economic, ecological, social, recreational, and educational opportunities to help communities to better understand themselves (Cultural Landscape Foundation, 2019).

Because of favourable arable conditions, the Rhenish Mining Area has a long history of agricultural land-use. However, lignite mining did intervene in this landscape. The aim of this chapter is to deeply understand the cultural richness of the different identities of the reclaimed land. The landscape will be understood as including different layers of human intervention, very historical layers, and more recent ones.

First is elaborated on the geological history, to understand the determinants for the agricultural history and lignite mining practices and the available ‘building materials’ for reclamation. Also, an overview is given of the lignite mining process.

Then, a map is presented including the different ages of the different pieces of reclaimed land. For this, satellite images are analysed and information provided by the mining company is used. During a biking tour at the site, the reclaimed pieces of land are visited and differences in landscape identity between the areas are defined and photographed. Detailed information about the routes during site visits can be found in Appendix II.

The different reclaimed landscape types are related to physical and social-political developments in the region, to get a deeper understanding of the human intervention and forming of the post-mining landscape. The outcomes are presented in a timeline, combining key events in time and the changes within the reclamation landscape.

GEOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE LOWER RHINE BAYThe Rhenish Mining Area is situated in a lowland plain, the so-called Lower Rhine Bay. The Lower Rhine Bay is a depression area that relates to a southeast-northwest

II RECLAIMED LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENTs

new land

Figure 7: section A-B through the Lower Rhine Bay (Meschede, 2019)

Pleistocene (sand, gravel) Mesozoic/Paleozoic brown coal seams

Pliocene (sand, clay)Oligocene to Miocene (fine sand)

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Figure 9: loess distribution in the Lower Rhine Embayment (Fischer et al., 2019)

soil. The loess shaped the landscape more even, but nonetheless, the landscape is a little hilly as a result of the fault system (Fischer et al., 2019).

Luvisol soils (soil classification system: World Reference Base for Soil Resources) developed through soil-forming processes, like decalcification and acidification and neo-formation of clay minerals, followed up by clay movement and the stagnation of infiltrating water. The main characteristic of Luvisols is an argic horizon, a subsurface zone with a higher clay content than the material above because it is washed downwards by water and accumulates at greater depth. The total pore space is the lowest in the argic zone and the bulk density is a bit higher in the compacted plough top layer. Typical for loess soils is a rather high amount of available water for plants (up to 260 mm/m), because of the water holding capacity of loess. Therefore, loess soils without the influence of groundwater, have high productivity (Dumbeck et al., 1996).

AGRICULTURAL LAND-USEThe fertile loess soils of the region are among the most

productive in Germany (soil evaluation numbers: 75/100 to 85/100). Thereby, the climate conditions are favourable for highly productive agriculture, since the winters are mild and the summers humid and warm.

Because of the favourable conditions for arable farming, the cultural landscape is dominated by influences of agriculture, whereby agricultural history goes back 3000 years when hunter-gatherers started to become cultivators (Rhein-Erft-Kreis, 2018). This Neolithic Revolution was the beginning of an irreversible change in Europe’s landscapes, from ‘wilderness’ to ‘cultivated landscape’ and provided the base for modern-day agriculture. The shift in lifestyle pattern triggered social, technological and economic changes and led to a renewed relationship between humans and nature (Mosler & Hobson, 2018). For centuries, farmers cultivated the land, starting with labour-intensive methods, as shown in Figure 10, an image from about

Figure 10: example labour-intensive forms of agriculture (source: https://programm.ard.de/TV/Programm/Jetzt-im-TV/?sendung=28486793094216)

Tertiary/Quaternary brown coal Tertiary volcanics

PaleozoicTriassic/JurassicCretaceous

earthquakes of magintude >5 and > 4 over the last 1000 years

Figure 8: tectonic system of the Lower Rhine Bay (Meschede, 2019)

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100 years ago in southwest Germany.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the situation for farms substantially changed. An international food system developed with the upcoming of railways and steamships and urban farmers lost their advantage of producing close to the urban market. The most common reaction was to enlarge the farms and produce cash crops for the global market (Lohrberg, 2019).

With the land consolidation of the 19th century the irregularity of the landscape made place for an organized system of bigger and coherent parcels for the owners (Rhein-Erft-Kreis, 2018).

‘Die bereinigte Flur zeigt in ihrer Entstehung und ihrer Morphographie eine völlig neue Form. Sie ist das Ergebnis eines geplanten Vorganges, der durch die individuelle Wirtschaftsweise hervorgerufen wurde’ (Zschocke, 1959, as cited in Rhein-Erft-Kreis, 2018, p.5).

[The consolidated land shows in its emergence a complete new morphology. It is the result of a planned process, which was caused by the individual-centred economy.]

The industrialisation of agriculture has led to the simultaneously upscaling and decline of agricultural farms and specialisation on efficiently producing crops for the global bulk market. Highly productive agricultural industries have emerged, which are based on modern agriculture technology. The landscape scene is set by fields with mainly sugar beet, winter wheat, and winter barley cultivation, in a rotation system (Dumbeck et al., 1996; Rhein-Erft-Kreis, 2018).

LIGNITE MINING LANDSCAPEThe open-pit mining did invade this cultivated landscape and, at the same time, it is also part of the man-made evolution of the landscape. The Rhenish Mining Area is the most extensive lignite area of central Europe. The Roman historian Tacitus already wrote about abnormities on the edges of foothills, that according to him could point to mysterious fires that destroyed the former civilizations in the surroundings of today’s Cologne. In fact, he described the brown coal seams. For centuries, today’s value of the lignite remained unknown (Dworschalk & Rose, 2014; Otzen & Otzen, 2017). At the end of the 17th century, it was first discovered that the wet layer of brown coal was combustible after drying it. Day laborers under command of a landlord were mining lignite with hoes and shovels

in small open-pits, compressing it into blocks, drying it and selling it in the region. Although it had only low calorific value, it provided a welcome energy source as a replacement for extensive deforestation. Industrial mining began in the 19th century when the construction of the railways in the area allowed more efficient mining and large-scale distribution. With the generation of electricity from the end of the 1890s, the small pits gradually transformed into bigger opencast mines. The last small private pits closed in the 1920s. Mid-1950s, the deposits close to the surface were depleted and the extraction of lignite that is stored more than 200 meters deep started. This required more big-scale extraction fields and due to the bundling of mining operations, some big open-pit mines emerged from the many small open-pits. Nowadays, lignite is excavated in the three open-pits: Garzweiler, Hambach and Inden, by RWE Power AG, which emerged in 1959 as Rheinbraun AG from previous companies. For decades, RWE is the most important company and employer in the Rhenish Mining Area. Within the Rhenish Mining Area, annually, 100 million tonnes of lignite is excavated (Otzen & Otzen, 2017; RWE Power AG, n.d.-a). Because of the loose layers of the soil in the Rhineland, it is only possible to extract the lignite by opencast methods. In Figure 11, an overview of the opencast mining process is given.

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Lignite mining processFirst, settlements, streams, lakes, forests, agricultural fields are removed. Resettlements are planned for the people who have to leave the area and farmers are bought up or get substituting fields in already reclaimed areas.

The groundwater is extracted till 500 meters under surface to keep the open-pits dry, with a system of more than 1000 wells, which affects the whole region (Dumbeck et al., 1996). The pumped water is primarily used to cool the power plants, for water supply for industry and population, or to recharge groundwater again. About a quarter of the water is discharged via surface water bodies (Dworschalk & Rose, 2014).

The open-pit mine is divided into two main areas: the extraction side and the dumping side. On the extraction side, the bucket-wheel excavator is digging and removing overburden (the material above the lignite). The bucket wheel excavators are a trademark for the lignite industry, as they are the largest working machines in the world (RWE Power AG, 2011).

The overburden (loess, gravel, and sand) is primarily used to refill the areas of the mine where operations are complete. Thereby, gravel is used for the construction industry and clay for the sealing of landfills. On the dumping side, a stacker is spreading the overburden and preparing the revegetation of the soil, with the loess as topsoil again. Because of this system, the open-pit mine is moving through the landscape while keeping the same size. The deeper the lignite seams are the more terraces are necessary. At the beginning of mining an open-pit mine, when no worked-out part had to be filled yet, overburden hills were thrown up, which caused a change in the topography of the landscape. At the end of the open-pit mining, when not enough overburden is left, the holes are filled as residual lakes

(Halder, 2018; RWE Power AG, 2011). The residual lake of Garzweiler I & II, which is planned to be filled from 2038 will be the second largest lake of Germany, as shown in Figure 33 (Forkel et al., 2017).

Within the open-pit mine the masses are transported by the conveyer belt system and distributed at the conveyer collection point. The overburden is transported to the dumping side or stored for future backfill. The coal reaches first the coal bunker per conveyer belt. An industrial railway network is used for the transport of coal between the opencast mines and powerplants and coal refinement industries. Most of the lignite is used to produce electricity in the powerplant. The remaining lignite is refined to produce briquettes, pulverised lignite, fluidised-bed fuel and lignite coke (RWE Power, 2011).

Some natural areas that are dependent on the groundwater level, like the German-Dutch Nature Park Maas-Schwalm-Nette, are provided with engineered irrigation, whereby injection wells safeguard the water regime and protect the wetlands (Jansen, 2017; RWE Power AG, n.d.-a). Some water is also been used for water sprinkling systems to prevent dust from swirling up during the excavating of the open-pit mine (RWE Power AG, n.d.-a).

During the lignite mining, the landscape scene is set by the large opencast lignite mines, enormous machines towering over the edge, and associated powerplants and refinement industries. Furthermore, the landscape is characterised by pumping installations, pipelines, sound protection walls, an intensive network of high-voltage lines, a conveyer belt system, and coal railways. A photo-reportage of the landscape during the lignite mining is presented in Appendix III. On the next page, in Figure 12, the different open-pit mines in the eastern part of the Rhenish Mining Area are shown.

Figure 11: lignite mining process (BUND Landesverband Nordrhein-Westfalen)

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Small open-pit mines

196019501800 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2038

17th century-1951)

(1951-1986)

(1955-1993)

(1984-2002)

(1983-2038

(2006-2038)

several small open-pits merge into Garzweiler I

Figure 12: overview open-pit mines in the research area

Frechen

Fortuna-Garsdorf

Bergheim

Garzweiler I

Garzweiler II

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‘Ein Bagger räumt die Mühen wegin denen hundert Jahre Arbeit steckt.Von Generation zu Generationhat man es weitergegeben nun wird alles kahltot wo wir lebten.’ (Martin, 1985, as cited in Pflug, 1998, p.1).

‘Mein Blick vom Grubenrand ist der Blick auf eine offene, nicht mehr verheilende Wunde’ (Grass, 1990, as cited in Pflug, 1998, p.1).

[An excavator clears away the effort of a hundred years of work.From generation to generationit has been passed furthernow it is all getting bleakdead where we lived.]

[My view from the edge of the pit is of an open, no longer healing wound.]

27

‘Der Bergbau vernichtet im Durchschnitt nichts, sondern schafft neue Kulturwerte’ (Heusohn, 1929, as cited in Pflug, 1998, p.1).

‘Landschaft vom Reißbrett’ (Krummsdorf & Grümmer, 1981, as cited in Pflug 1998, p.1).

[In the end, mining does not destroy anything, but creates new cultural values.]

[Landscape from the drawing board.]

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grounds for job creation and tax income (Dumbeck et al., 1996; RWE Power AG, n.d.-b). In the Rhenish Mining Area, about 290 km2 of land has been mined, including two-thirds of agricultural land (Eyll-Vetter & Sihorsch, 2009). 200 km2 has been reclaimed, including 103 km2 of arable land, 77 km2 of forest and 20 km2 of water and other types of surfaces (RWE Power AG, n.d.-b).

In the Rhenish Mining Area, totally new land is created, similar to the creation of the polders in the Netherlands. However, the land is not reclaimed from the sea but created after the disturbance of an old cultural landscape. Table 1 and Figure 13 give a systematic overview of the different reclamation periods in the research area. Over time, different types of reclaimed landscapes were developed. The different reclaimed landscape types are identified and described as a result of physical, social and political factors. These factors include changing trends in society, adaptations of the legislative framework, technical reclamation conditions, and developments in the agricultural sector.

RECLAIMED POST-MINING LANDSCAPEA view on the open-pit mine shows the extent of the mining intrusion in the landscape. However, mining activities are temporary. Out-mined areas are cultivated and new land is made. It is regulated in public-law procedures that the mining company is obligated to redesign the land when the open-cast mining is gone. The moment the first section of lignite from an open-pit mine has been stripped, the re-cultivation starts (RWE Power AG, n.d.-b). Therefore, the mine is moving through the landscape, leaving behind a track of reclaimed land.

Different land-use types of reclamation are possible, generally including afforestation or agriculture (Szelagowska, 2003). Due to the lack of material after the lignite-mining, large bodies of water are planned in the final voids of the opencast-mines (RWE Power AG, n.d.-b). The large scale reclamation also means land-use conflicts, associated with conflict of interest. For example, farmers want new arable land and municipalities wish for new industrial development

Figure 13: reclaimed landscape elements from old to new

newestoldest

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TYPE 1: A SMALL SCALE MOSAIC OF LAKES AND FOREST (till 1955)

TYPE 2: A PRODUCTIVE ARABLE LAND (1955-1970)

TYPE 3: A DIVERSE ARABLE LAND (1970-2000)

TYPE 4: LARGE-SCALE ARABLE LAND & HUMAN-SCALE LANDSCAPE (from 2000 till now)

time typename

before 1950Röttgenhöhe (163 m)

First afforastation & Ville lakes

outside overburden hill

land-use

forest Grefrath and Horrem

mine

before 1950

before 1955 forest and lakes from many small open-pit mines (not specified further in this project)

Abtsbusch (141 m) outside overburden hill forest Fortuna

2006-nowGarweiler II reclaimed open-pit mine agricultural Garzweiler II

Landscape elements reclaimed landscape

1950 - 1970Fischbachhöhe (163 m) inside overburden hil* arable land Fortuna-Garsdorf and Bergheim

1955-1970Glessener höhe (206 m) outside overburden hill arable land Bergheim

1965-1975Berrenrather Börde reclaimed open-pit mine arable land Berrenrath and Louise

1980-2003Rekultivierung Frechen reclaimed open-pit mine arable land, nature, business Frechen

2000- Boisdorfer See ecological zone recreation Frechen

1982- Fürstenbergmaar ecological zone recreation Frechen

1982- Fürstenberggraben ecological zone recreation Frechen

before 1950Wilhemshöhe (155 m) outside overburden hill arable land Berrenrath and Louise

1955-1968Vollrather Höhe / Allrather Höhe (187 m) outside overburden hill arable land, wind park Frimmersdorf

1990-2012Rekultivierung Bergheim reclaimed open-pit mine agricultural Bergheim

1985-2004Rekultivierung Fortuna-Garsdorf reclaimed open-pit mine arable land Fortuna-Garsdorf

1974-1983- Wiedenfelder Höhe (126 m) inside overburden hill arable land Fortuna-Garsdorf

before 1940Gürather Höhe (115 m) outside overburden hill arable land Neurath

1960sNeurather / Frimmersdorfer Höhe (110 m) inside overburden hill* arable land, windmill test field Frimmersdorf

1970sKasterer Höhe (100 m) inside overburden hill* arable land Garzweiler I

*The overburden is dumped on another former open-pit mine

1988-1990Königshovener Höhe (105 m) inside overburden hill agricultural, wind park Garzweiler I

1983-nowGarweiler I reclaimed open-pit mine agricultural Garzweiler I

1907-1962Rekultivierung Neurath reclaimed open-pit mine arable land Neurath

1999- Marienfeld place of memory recreation Fortuna-Garsdorf

1967-1981Gustorfer Höhe (90 m) inside overburden hill* arable land, glider airfield Garzweiler I

Table 1: overview landscape elements reclaimed landcape

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re-cultivated at the beginning of the 1950s. The Lignite Mining Law in Nordrhein-Westfalen of 1950 had to give the reclamation a new impulse. Due to the demand for wood after the Second World War, a large-scale area was planted with the fast-growing poplar. However, the soil led to a bad root penetrability and the poplars were not growing as well as expected (Dworschak & Rose, 2014). This resulted in knowledge-based practices on soil development. From the 1960s, a mixture of gravel, sand, and loess in defined proportions, so-called: Forstkies is used for afforestation. The topsoil had to be loose enough for rooting and loamy enough for holding water. The topsoil is not levelled, to avoid compaction. Also, it became known that to improve soil development one should directly plant vegetation belonging to the end-succession stage of the forest, like beeches, oaks and some pines, instead of the fast-growing poplars (RWE Power AG, n.d.-b).

The first landscape type, a small-scale mosaic of forest and lakes, is the result of the early reclamation practices. The small lakes were created, because not enough overburden was left to fill up everything. Large parts of this reclaimed forest-lake landscape (so-called: Ville-Seen) are protected and used as a recreation landscape (Dumbeck et al., 1996; Goldbach, 2013; Zukunftsagentur Rheinisches Revier, 2017).

TYPE 1: A SMALL SCALE MOSAIC OF LAKES AND FOREST (till 1955)

The first lignite mining extraction was done close to the surface, by small scale open-pit mines. At that time, a centralized reclamation practice was lacking. However, the idea of reclamation already started early. When landlords recognized that after the lignite mining the land was useless, they started to make contracts for afforestation after the lignite extraction. The first lease agreement, which obligated the lessee to revegetate the land after the end of the mining, was made in 1766 for the Roddergrube (Pflug, 1998). The landlords had an interest in transforming their land as soon as possible into profitable land after the mining. Prince-elector Maximilian Friedrich defined the first reclamation regulation in 1784, which secured rehabilitation of the post-mining land. That reclaiming the land was an issue in society very early, is shown by Friedrich von Hardenberg, later known as Novalis. He claimed already in the 17th century that ‘mit dem Abraum der ausgeförderte Raum wieder ausgefüllt und planiert werden müssen‘ [with the overburden the out-mined space must be refilled and levelled] (Hardenberg, as cited in Schlenstedt et al., 2009, p.17). In 1865, the mining regulations were replaced by the General Mining Act for the Prussian States (Allgemeines Berggesetz für die Preussischen Staaten). It prescribed rehabilitation that was controlled by a special government agency (Bergbehörde) (Goldbach, 2013; Otzen & Otzen, 2017; Schölmerich, 1998). The Oberbergamt Bonn determined in 1929 in an interpretation of the ‘Bergpolizeiverordnung’ that the overburden must be brought back in such a way that the largest possible land for agriculture and forestry is created.

The first planned reclamation practices date from the 1920s. The small open-pit mines were filled with gravel, sand and little amount of loess by using simple tools. Since the land-use before the mine was mainly forest, the reclamation was focussed on afforestation. There was no experience with which tree sorts would grow well and therefore they experimented with fast-growing trees, like alder, birch, and poplar, but also with beech, oak, and wild cherry. This experimentation phase functioned later as a model for reclamation and helped to improve reclamation techniques. Today forests with beech and oak can be found there, with species-rich herb layers and also pines were added, in combination with evergreen conifer species.

During the Second World War, the reclamation practices stagnated and therefore much land had to be

Figure 14: small rest lakes (left) and afforestation (right)

TYPE 2: A PRODUCTIVE ARABLE LAND (1955-1970)

As the open-pit mine moved northward, the landscape which was covered with a thick blanket of loess and which had, therefore, for centuries been used for farming, was mined out. Therefore different reclamation outcomes, compared to the more southern land, were desirable.

In the former open-pit mine Berrenrath, a forest-lake landscape was planned. However, this planning changed, because of the demand for agricultural fields as a replacement for the fields in the open-pit mine area. Berrenrath was the first agricultural reclamation

Jan (2019)Geneay (2019)

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TYPE 3: A DIVERSE ARABLE LAND (1970-2000)

Till the mid-20th century, the impact of the lignite mining on the landscape was relatively small. However, because of a tectonic fault, the remaining lignite seams were situated much deeper. Since 1955, the bucket-wheel excavator (see Figure 16) is used for the extraction of lignite seams that are more than 200 meters below. The bucket-wheel excavator was first used in the open-pit mine Frechen. With this advanced technology, the open-pit mining started to create deep craters in the landscape. The impact on the settlement structures increased and complete landscapes disappeared.

Also the size and number of overburden hills increased with the size of the open-pit mines. For example, the Glessener Höhe was formed, from which you can see the Rhine Tower in Düsseldorf. Thereby, nothing remained from the typical building tradition, like the brick as a building material, the farms formed around a courtyard and the irregular conglomerate streets (Kleefeld, 2016).

Besides the development of mining techniques, also methods used in reclamation have been adapted to new insight and innovation. Research programs, together with practical experience, brought forth that the flushing technique, used for the first agricultural reclamations, had many disadvantages. The flushing technique could only apply a layer of 1 meter and because of the flushing, the grain fractions became segregated. To achieve fertile soils, a minimum of two

and functions as an example of a successful and consequent reclamation planning.

The thick layer of loess provided the reclamation practices with different building material. For the reclamation, a flushing technique was used, whereby water is mixed with loess and flushed with pipes into a dammed area. This enabled a spreading of loess without putting pressure on it, which could lead to soil compaction. Later, the dams were removed, because the irregularities were experienced as impractical by the farmers. The topography of the former mine area Berrenrath changed after the finishing of the reclamation. The area lies 5 meters lower than before and on the beside a small hill is created (Willemshöhe) with overburden material.

In 1961, a ‘loess agreement’ was made between the mining company and the provincial government, which obligated the mining company to restore fertile fields, that could be offered to the farmers who had fields in the open-pit mine areas. (Otzen & Otzen, 2017; Sihorsch, 1998).

Besides the land acquisition, the resettlement of agricultural buildings is essential. The resettled farms were organized in groups, like the group of 9 farms in ‘Weiler Brüggen’ and 7 farms in ‘Weiler Berrenrath’. Because of the new emission rules at that time (around noise and smell), it was favourable to separate the farms from the villages. This increased the trend of resettled ‘sleeping’ villages. Also, one would think grouped farmers would collaborate with each other. However, Sihorsch (1998) states that collaborations rarely increased.

So, the second landscape type consists of large plots for agriculture, which are planned by a land consolidation process and based on the demand for arable fields. The landscape includes trees and hedges along the roads and plots that function as windbreakers. The groups of farmhouses are typical for the early agricultural reclamation works.

Figure 15a: windbreakers (left) and extensive productive fields (right)

Figure 15b: farmers resettled in groups outside the village

Figure 16: bucket-wheel excavator, 1956 (left) and predecessor, 1930 (right)

Otzen & Otzen (2017)

Exhibition RWE Schloss Paffendorf (2019)

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new land

meters of pure loess and loess loam is needed as topsoil. Thereby the soil had to be levelled after the flushing, to create a gradient and secure surface water drainage. This levelling practices led to soil compaction (RWE Power AG, n.d.-b).

Since then, the agricultural fields are always reclaimed by using a dry process. Only providing loess topsoil does not fulfil the requirements for fertile arable soil. The reclaimed fields are initially farmed by farmers of RWE Power for seven years, to develop a layer of humus. This storage of nutrients and micro-organisms is needed for plants to grow. During the seven years, the farmers are growing pioneering plants (like alfalfa), that root deep in the soil and enrich it with nitrogen. These plants are used for biological activation of the soil. After seven years the fields are given to the farmers who made their land available for the open-cast mine elsewhere (RWE Power AG, n.d.-b). Since 1973, the development and treatment of the soils are regulated by guidelines of the provincial government (Dworschak & Rose, 2014).

In 1982, the General Mining Act, which was based upon the Prussian General Mining Act from 1865, was replaced by the regulations of ‘Bundesberggesetz’ to better cope with the extensive land transformation process (Dworschalk & Rose, 2014). The aim of reclamation was redirected from just producing a productive landscape to developing a productive and diverse landscape with a positive impact on ecology. Green areas as, the Boisdorfer See and Marienfeld, are part of this tradition. The open-pit mine Fortuna-Garsdorf contained 86% of agricultural land before the mining. Nowadays, the open-pit mine is completely reclaimed, whereby the amount of forest is tripled and 76% of arable land is developed (Eyll-Vetter & Sihorsch, 2009).

The third landscape type has a completely new appearance after the lignite mining: a new relief, a new open/ closed pattern, and new settlement- and building structures. Some remembrance stones remind of settlements that had to be removed for the lignite mining. It is recognizable in the landscape that forest and arable land were developed next to each other and ecological connections towards the wider landscape were formed, as shown in Figure 17.

Figure 17: green areas (left), ecological corridor (right) and overburden hill (under)

TYPE 4: A LARGE-SCALE ARABLE LAND & HUMAN-SCALE LANDSCAPE (from 2000 till now)

Last decades, climate change awareness under a broad public led to criticism on the lignite mining practices in Germany. Knowledge about the implications of lignite mining on the global environment and impact on the regional landscape systems have put pressure on the mining company RWE, which is also responsible for the post-mining landscape. Influenced by society, the mining company has put the development of landscapes, that contribute to biodiversity and the living environment, high on its agenda. Also, the regulations around soil development were broadened to enable the development of more diverse soil types, which should increase local diversity (Dworschak & Rose, 2014). The headline of the Westdeutsche Zeitung (3 May 2018) confirms this trend: ‘RWE plant nach dem Tagebau ein Biotop‘ [RWE plans a biotope after the open-pit mine]. Driven by the public opinion on the open-pit mine, the mining company integrates more green zones in the reclaimed land of Garzweiler I and II. Society asks for less uniformity, more diversity and more nature.

Therefore, a park-like landscape is planned, including open and half-open structures and forest groups on the reclaimed land, close to settlements. The landscape offers more places for animals and diverse vegetation but also functions as a leisure area for residents. The focus is directed more towards creating an interesting landscape experience. The voice of the people appears to be increasingly important. The green zones do not

33

new land

serve as a functional element for the farmers (like the windbreakers) but are serving nature conservation and recreation, which are considered to be public interests. The new topography is characterized by embankments and wide trenches, which are functioning as green corridors (Schumacher et al., 2011; Schulz and Wiegleb, 2000).

Besides the public interests, like recreation and environmental protection, the private interests of the farmers for an optimal layout of the plot system play a role. The scale of the arable plots increased because, as mentioned before, global trends led to the upscaling of agricultural farms and producing bulk products for the global market. This trend is accelerated visibly in the reclaimed landscapes because through land consolidations the fields could be planned effectively after the newest developments. Private forest groups around old farms did not come back since farmers have more interest in agricultural areas in exchange (Sihorsch, 1997 Dumbeck et al., 1996; RWE Power AG, n.d.-b). In 1990 a warranty agreement was made between the Rheinische Landwirtschaftsverband e.V. and Landwirtschaftskammer Rheinland for the protection of farmers on the new land. Farmers got the possibility to test on reclamation areas without economic risks at the testing farms from the mining company. However, till now, this did not lead to many diverse forms of agriculture.

In the fouth landscape type, the land consolidation had a large impact, of an industrial character. Despite the inclusion of some green zones and recreation areas, one can have an infinite view over the arable fields, including some windmills. And although some areas are planned to enhance more diversity, the overall landscape scene is set by large-scale monotone agriculture.

TIMELINE NEW LANDThe timeline on the next page shows how the arable reclaimed landscape was planned differently dependent on the reclamation time. Important social-political and physical developments are summarized on the timeline, to show their relationship with the planning of the new land. It became clear that lignite mining and the following reclamation practices shape the (landscape) identity of the Rhenish Mining Area. The different reclamation landscapes are representations of their time. Now the lignite mining era is ending, a tradition of 200 years of land-making is coming to an end.

While designing, the area is understood as an embodiment of history, whereby historical and cultural values are important. However, as Massey (1995) states, ‘the identity of a place is very much intertwined with the histories by which they are remembered, how those histories are told and which history turns out to be dominant’ (p. 186). It means that different people can have different perspectives on history and cannot identify themselves with protecting the chosen story. While telling stories, through the design of the landscape, one should be aware of that.

Figure 18: routes through forest groups (left) and large-scale arable fields (right)

Figure 18: park-like landscape

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1865 AllgemeinenBerggesetz

1920s first planned reclamation practices

1965 reclamation with flusing technique

1970s dry arable reclamation technique

1766 Pacht-vertragRodergrube

afforestation experiments

1945 end of World War II

1960s: increasing demand arable fields

1970s new emmision rules farms

1936 1955 1975

Villenhofer Maar (source: google maps)

TYPE 1 TYPE 1 TYPE 2

Köttinger See (source: google maps) Berrenrath (source: google maps)

lignite mine moving northward, towards fertile loess grounds used for arable practices

1961 ‘loess agreement’

1955 bucket-wheelexcavator

1973 regulations on soil development

TIMELINEThe developemt of landscape types of reclaimed land influenced by social-political and physical factors.

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1982 Bundes-berggesetz 1990 warrant

agreement

TYPE 3 TYPE 4 TYPE 4

upscaling of agricultural businesses due to global trends

21th century increasing climate change awareness

2019 decision to end lignite miningbefore 2038

2003 2012 2018

Frechen (source: google maps) Bergheim (source: google maps) Garzweiler (source: google maps)

1980s increasing research on soil delopoment

37

III MODELS

models

communication, April 1, 2019). Berthold Rothe, the head of the planning department in Rhein-Erft-Kreis, states that an on-going practice of settlement development will lead to continuing urban diffusion (Kötter, 2018). Compared to the east of Cologne, the land prices in the west are lower, which leads to a greater concentration of commercial architecture. Settlements, like the ones between Grevenbroich and Bergheim, expanded during the last decades due to population growth that was amplified by the re-settlements. A type of urban diffusion developed, what could be defined as ‘Zwischenstadt’, a term introduced by Thomas Sieverts (2003).

While the Rhenish Mining Area is suburbanized, the reclaimed agricultural ground itself has been cleared from settlements to make a place for the open-pit mines. Since the farmers that had to resettle have a claim on new agricultural ground, the mines are mainly reclaimed for agricultural use. Till 10 years after reclamation, a regulation prohibits the area from changing its agricultural use, to protect the resettled agricultural businesses. As a result, the reclaimed agricultural grounds form an exceptionally wide and open landscape, compared to their direct surroundings, where the re-settlements are located and suburbanization was going on for the last decades.

However, people are still attracted to metropolitan areas and the prognosis is that until 2030 the population at the west surroundings of Cologne will increase with around 167.000 inhabitants. As land is limited, the pressure on the reclaimed agricultural area continues to increase and conflicts about the use between settlement development, agriculture and open space protection grow (Kötter, 2018). The reclaimed landscape is at risk to be not recognized as a valuable cultural landscape and just seen as an empty potential development area for functions such as extensive housing and commercial areas. Often, in suburban areas, the legibility of the landscape becomes more difficult and spatial cultural values are less recognizable, while cultural-historical traces can contribute to a perception of a historically grown place with identity (Kleefeld & Schenk, 2012). Thomas Sieverts (2003) characterized the suburban area directly west of Cologne already as ‘anästhetische Wüste’ [unaesthetic desert].

At the same time the positioning of agricultural

In this chapter, different models for urban expansion at the rural-urban fringe of the reclaimed agricultural lands in the east of the Rhenish Mining Area are explored.

A SWOT-analysis (Strength & Weaknesses and Opportunities & Threats) of the reclaimed agricultural landscape is carried out. Based on the SWOT-analysis, a set of performance indicators (parameters) is developed for the models. Subsequently, five different models for settlement development are presented. Lastly, the models are evaluated based on the parameters and a preferred model is presented.

SWOT-ANALYSISFor the SWOT-analysis, interviews are carried out with experts in the region and a presentation and seminar about the reclamation landscapes is attended, from which an overview can be found in Appendix I. Additionally, documents are analysed from strategy & planning agencies in the region: Zukunftsagentur Rheinisches Revier, Zweckverband Tagebaufolge(n)Landschaft Garzweiler and Region Köln Bonn; Regionalmanagement. The findings are interpreted in combination with the reclaimed landscape development research of Chapter 2.

The SWOT-analysis is carried out for the reclaimed agricultural landscape in the east of the Rhenish Mining Area, which is the research area of this project, as shown in Figure 2. The SWOT-analysis is described and summarized in an overview on Page 40.

a metropolitan areaThe reclaimed agricultural grounds are located in a very densely populated area, close to the cities of Cologne, Monchengladbach, Neuss, and Düsseldorf. Many people live, work and drive through the landscape (Zukunftsagentur Rheinisches Revier, 2018). The rural areas near the gates of large cities are experiencing population growth as a result of growing welfare, improved transportation links, increased personal mobility, and global economic forces. It became possible for people to keep the advantages of living near a central location while living further away from it (Nabielek, Kronberger-Nabielek, & Hamers, 2013). However, in the Rhenish Mining Area it becomes more and more difficult to reach the cities from the surroundings because the highways towards the cities along the Rhine are congested (V. Mielchen, personal

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models

greater variety in landscape appearance. The wide and open landscape of the reclaimed land provides the opportunity to enhance the contrast between rural and city, whereby sustainable agricultural practices can contribute to an Arcadian landscape. Then, the rural landscape of the reclaimed fields becomes a place where people live because they deliberately choose the rural lifestyle.

post-mining landscapeRelph (1976) states that landscapes that are disturbed by mining activities are a manifestation of placelessness. It means a situation without a sense of place, and in which people’s mental bond with the landscape is destroyed (Relph, 1976). Also, in the Rhenish Mining Area, the cultural heritage is removed and people are dismantled from their origins. As Knoot & De Waal (2009) point out, it is important to leave legible traces of the mining in the landscape, to enable the re-development of an identity and prevent placelessness of the mined sites. This narrating includes, for example, articulating landscape memoirs, by using accentuations or metaphors (Knoot & De Waal, 2009).

The (landscape) elements that are characteristic for the mining period should not get lost, since they prove of the unique mining history and are an opportunity to make a rich history visible in the landscape (Knoot & De Waal, 2009). The risk of losing the identity of the place increases, when reclamation is solely seen as a technical problem that is based on economic considerations, without considering visual values (Sklenička & Kašparová, 2008). It can be considered to keep some parts of the industrial infrastructure to tell the story of the lignite mining history and at the same time re-use it for new purposes. For example, the 300-kilometre long industrial rail track, now used for lignite and loess transportation. However, the industrial relicts should be looked at critically and should be carefully placed. For example, the huge amount of electricity lines and power stations can create an immense experience with their silhouette working. At the same time, they can also disturb the open landscape qualities.

The impact of the lignite mining industry on the environment, has led to a negative association with the Rhenish Mining Area. Last decade, demonstrations against re-settlements and global warming pollution, have presented a negative image of the area in the media. For example, the demonstrations demanding action to prevent further global warming at the end of June 2019, as shown in Figure 19. It is a risk that negative perceptions of the landscape will persist and

landscape in a densely populated area, with a strong economy can be an advantage. Agricultural businesses can profit from the proximity to local markets and knowledge hubs, which is also part of the concept of agricultural urbanism, as elaborated on in Chapter 1.

agricultural landscapeThe region west of Cologne is characterized by a vast landscape with intensive arable farming, mostly consisting of: wheat, potatoes and sugar beet. A well-known regional product is a golden syrup (Rübenkraut), which is obtained from sugar beet. As stated in Chapter 2, the conditions for arable farming are favourable, mainly because of the availability of loess for reclamation. Over the year, the colours and patterns of the fields are changing dramatically, determined by the growing season and weather conditions. The slightly hilly landscape covered with a blanket of loess, causes unexpected views over the fields, interesting light exposure and sense of depth.

However, the industrializing and intensifying of the agricultural sector leads to unsustainable farming practices. The agricultural businesses, that are steered by the global market and that are based on an on-going growth model, lead to large-scale monotone landscapes. The highly efficient businesses that have emerged have a relatively low contribution to the biodiversity and landscape appearance. Thereby, the intensive cultivation practices lead to soil compaction and decomposition of humus in the ploughed topsoil, which form especially a risk for the young reclaimed fields (Dumbeck et al., 1996; G. Vinzelberg, personal communication, April 1, 2019). The soil compaction can, for example, be caused by the use of heavy machinery. A low content of organic matter in combination with a fast decomposition of crop residues causes the danger of surface sealing during heavy rainfall when the plants are still young (Dumbeck et al., 1996).

The agricultural business may be profitable for individual farmers on a short-term level. However, there is an obligation to society to re-think the agricultural sector, since they are setting the scene of the landscape and are defining the quality of the rural landscape as a public good. The image of the landscape and green infrastructure plays an important role in for example the decision for companies and their employees with families to settle in an area. Therefore, agriculture practices and their belonging landscapes can contribute to either a positive or negative effect on regional development. New business models can be added to the existing ones and can lead to a

39

that the cultural qualities of the newly reclaimed land will be overlooked in the future. The reclaimed mining landscapes are something to be proud of. It required inventive thinking to create the new land and it resulted in different types of new cultural landscapes, as explained in Chapter 2. The legibility of the reclaimed landscape structures can be improved to create a stronger character of the place. For example, the overburden hills that intervene in the slightly hilly landscape and rise above the fields could function as strong landmarks. Also, clear entrances of the reclaimed area and improvement of the recreation facilities can contribute to the branding of the landscape as a former mining area. In that way, the ugliness of the lignite mining history could give a boost to a beautiful future.

Baida (2012) states that local communities should be convinced, that what they perceive negatively as a result of the lignite mining, gives also opportunities for renewal. As explained in the theoretical framework, reclamation does not mean to go back to the original state. The post-mining landscape will be different and can be more valuable than the pre-mining landscape (Burley, 2000). For the community, the post-mining landscape should be at least as useful and at least as beautiful as the pre-mining land-scape (Szelagowska, 2003).

An extensive transformation process and a completely new landscape is a unique chance for developing innovative new structures. Because of the pressure of space and land-use conflicts between agriculture, settlement development, traffic, and commercial areas increases, multifunctional post-mining landforms are essential. A new interlocking system for agricultural and settlement areas can be developed, in which

Figure 19: news article climate demonstration Garzweiler (SpiegelOnline, 2019)

also trends like digitalization, sustainable mobility, and inclusive public space can be taken into account. Also, there is the chance to experiment with new types of sustainable settlements that enhance the requirements of the future and at the same time are exemplary for current questions regarding energy, climate and food (Zukunftsagentur Rheinisches Revier, 2018). Moreover, there is space for transport connections in the post-mining landscape to be developed as a coherent system again, to improve connections between the cities of Cologne & Dusseldorf and Monchengladbach & Aachen. However, if the new large-scale infrastructure is integrated there is a risk that the landscape becomes solely a transit zone through which traffic is cutting. New creative mobility services in combination with innovative technologies can help to overcome distances between rural and urban areas better (Zukunftsagentur Rheinisches Revier, 2018). Anyway, the conventional formula for achieving prosperity that is based on the relentless pursuit of economic growth has to make a place for reflection on more sustainable prosperity in the future.

models

40

STRENGTHS

OPPORTUNITIES

seasonal experience

close to regional market & knowledge hubs

openess of the landscape

storytelling of mining history

different reclaimed landscape identitiesfertile soils

re-use of industrial infrastructure

availability of mining history

enhanced contrast between rural and city

hilly landscape

new forms of living

multifunctional use of spacesustainable mobility

41

WEAKENESSES

THREATS

placelessness

neglect landscape qualities

unsustainable farming practices

urban diffusion

electricity lines

cut-through traffic

monotone agricultural fields

lack of recreation facilities

traffic congestion

negative associations with the area

lack of legibility of the landscape

cultural heritage is removedno clear entrances of the area

42

The agricultural businesses are occupying large amounts of land and influencing the scene of the landscape in a very dense area, which can lead to land-use conflict. To secure social acceptance of the agricultural sector in the future, the agricultural land should be approached as a public domain and host multiple services to society. Therefore, models are preferred that include facilities connected to the agricultural landscape, like flexible working spaces within the agricultural landscape and leisure activities focussed on the agricultural experience.

7 Participation in growing food; It is valued when the settlements include space for private or common gardens for growing own vegetables. In that way, new rural dwellers can get in touch with the origin of their food and benefit from the fertile soil in the area.

Lifestyle and living standards

8 Accessibility to cities;It is valued when the settlements are related to the railway or highway to ensure a connection to the bigger cities for commuting.

9 Distance to basic services;Models, whereby the basic services, like general practitioner or school are within walking or biking distance (maximum 15 minutes) are preferred.

10 Sustainable mobility;Since the capacity of the infrastructure towards the bigger cities has reached its limits, it is important to include forms of innovative and/or sustainable mobility. 11 Access to green space;For the liveability of the new settlements, access to green space on walking distance (maximum 15 minutes) is important.

12 Experimenting with new forms of living;The comprehensive transformation brings forward the chance to experiment with different forms of living that enhance the requirements of the future. Preferred is a model, which is based on explorative forms of living and new lifestyles.

models

PARAMETERSThe parameters are based around the themes ‘landscape identity’, ‘agricultural development’ and ‘lifestyle & living standards’. These themes help to explore which model can facilitate an alternative settlement development for the urban-rural interface of the reclaimed agricultural landscape, by contributing to the rural landscape qualities and agricultural development.

Landscape identity

1 Protection of wideness/openness of the landscape;Future urban development should not destroy the openness of the landscape. Therefore, a low footprint and low-rise buildings are preferred. Also, the distance between the dwellings can contribute to an open landscape view.

2 Legibility post-mining landscape;The post-mining landscape should be legible to contribute to (the forming of) a landscape identity. Settlement structures that emphasize the post-mining overburden hills, former mining edges and different reclaimed landscape types are prioritized.

3 Relation to reclaimed agricultural landscape;For people to relate and connect to the reclaimed agricultural land it should be easily accessible and a visual relationship is preferred.

Agricultural development

4 Protection of fertile soils;The reclaimed soils that are developed with care and are favourable for arable farming should be secured to grow food. Therefore, a low footprint of the buildings is desirable on agricultural grounds. Also, settlement development around existing infrastructure is preferred, to avoid new infrastructure construction on the agricultural land.

5 Regional agricultural production;If agricultural businesses can profit from a close-by settlement development, urbanization is not a threat, but an opportunity. A clustered urbanization, with nearby land for diverse food production, is favourable for a focus on the regional market. Besides, the orientation on a regional market, with diverse farming practices can create possibilities for more biodiversity and an interesting landscape appearance.

6 Multifunctional use of agricultural land;

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models

on reclaimed land

along reclaimed land

disp

erse

d compact

4

3

1

2

MODELSThe different models show different options for settlement development, resulting in different living environments and relations to the agricultural landscape. The models include different characteristics related to the morphology, location of the settlement development, types of mobility and building density. Therefore, design-related questions are addressed like: Should new settlements re-colonize the reclaimed agricultural grounds? What form of development strengthens the story of the post-mining landscape? What amount of dwellings and degree of density fit to the reclaimed agricultural landscape? On an abstract level the settlement strategies can be organized in settlement development inside or outside the former open-pit mines and the degree of density, as shown in Figure 20. The models are described and evaluated and then rated according to the parameters. Lastly, a preferred model is presented.

4 RIBBONS IN THE MINE:

3 JUMP OVER THE EDGE:

2 LIVING ON THE EDGE:

1 LIVING ALONG THE RIVER:

5 NEW CITY ON THE NEW LAND:

5

Figure 20: models categorized in a matrix

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models

play outside. There is a clear division of private and public space and people can lead a nice and quiet conventional family life.

Evaluation (see Table 2, p.49)The model scores low in the category ‘landscape identity’. Although the overburden hills are emphasized in the model, the model ignores the beginning of the reclaimed agricultural landscape. Therefore, the post-mining landscape identity is not emphasized very strongly and the risk of neglecting the identity of the place increases. Because the settlement is developed along the river and railway station, the relationship between the settlement and the reclaimed fields as a whole is weak. Thereby, settlement development along the Erft can increase conflicts between living and leisure facilities and nature protection (V. Mielchen, personal communication, August 13, 2019).

However, this model scores high on the potential for ‘agricultural development’, mainly because of the new role of the overburden hills. There, multifunctional agriculture is not only re-connecting people with agriculture but also facilitating new opportunities for farmers. Thereby, farmers can keep their fertile arable land, because the settlement is developed around the existing settlements and existing infrastructure along the Erft and not on the extensive reclaimed fields.

The central role of the railway contributes to high performance on the category ‘lifestyle & living standards’. Nuisance and emissions from cars are brought to a minimum in the village. Further development of the railway secures a fast and sustainable connection to the nearby cities. The cluster forming of facilities around the railway stations influences the accessibility

of basic needs positively.

Model 1 I living along the river

Organizing principles: Erft (river) and the railway Settlement type: ‘living in low-rise dwellings in a green city’Housing density (net): 35-50 dwellings/haMode of transport: train

DescriptionNew dwellings are developed along the river the Erft, with multiple clusters around the (new) railway stations. Together, they form a green linear city. The overburden hills, which are legacies from the mining period, enclose the settlement as public agricultural parks and function as green ‘lungs’ for the linear city. The arable farming on the hills provides extra services to society, like day-care for children in greenery, local restaurants, educational activities and Bed & Breakfast.

Because of the rising groundwater after the mining period, the low grounds directly next to the river will be unsuitable for settlement development. Therefore, a flooding zone along the Erft is developed as the green backbone of the linear settlement, with extensive agricultural functions and providing fresh air and space for leisure activities. Here, children can play along the water or people can walk with their dogs.

The bigger cities, like Cologne and Düsseldorf, are accessible by the rail transportation system. Facilities, as a general practitioner, primary school and shops are clustered around the main railway stations. The green city contains neighbourhoods with low-rise dwellings with private gardens and safe streets for children to

railway and train stationoverburden hill

Figure 4: overview research structure

new settlementriver

existing settlementLEGEND

Figure 21: model 1 Figure 22: impression model 1

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models

highway and exitsformer open pit mines

existing settlementnew settlement

LEGEND

Model 2 I living on the edge

Organizing principles: former mining edge and the highway exitsSettlement type: ‘living in high-rise buildings with public green’Housing density (net): 50-65 dwellings/haMode of transport: car

DescriptionSettlements are developed along the highway, with concentrations around the exits of the highway and therefore the residents are well-connected to the big cities by car. The settlements include buildings that form a dense block until the former mine edge. As a result, the dwellings create an interesting interface with the reclaimed landscape of the former mine.

The agricultural land will stay open and function as a backyard for the settlements. It can be used for leisure activities, like an evening run or ‘fitness with nature’ between the large-scale agricultural fields as a landscape scene.

The highway exits play a central role in the settlements as they are simultaneously used as a public park. In contrary to a typical exit with a McDrive or a creepy parking lot, they function as a warm welcome when people arrive home after a working day. The highway park includes vegetation that improves the air quality along the highway. In the park, a local restaurant and a fresh food selling point are combined with a Park & Ride. In that way, people can experience that they live in an agricultural area close to their food source when taking the exit on their way home.

Evaluation (see Table 2, p.49)In the category ‘landscape identity’ the model scores moderately. The wideness and openness and the former mine edge in the landscape are very well emphasised by the contrast that is formed by the high-rise buildings. However, from a distance, the high-rise dwellings are influencing the horizon. Because the settlement is developed directly till the former mine edge, the reclaimed land is

well accessible and experienceable for the residents. At the same time, the relation between the reclaimed land and the dense settlement is questionable, since the residents’ lifestyle is focussed on commuting to the cities. High-rise buildings do not occupy much agriculture ground, but they ignore the importance of rural living qualities for people who choose deliberately to live outside the urban space.

The model scores well on ‘agricultural development’ since the footprint of the densely built settlement is relatively low. Much of the open and wide agricultural landscape will be preserved. Also, the high density of the settlements and the local distributions concentrated near the highway exits enables farmers to focus on a local market.

The ‘lifestyle & living standards’ score moderately as well, since the forms of living within the settlement are not very experimental, which is a missed opportunity, for the comprehensive transformation of the area. Thereby, the focus of mobility is on the highways. Using the highway is causing pollution and increases the already existing congestion. This is only partly compensated by the emphasis on car-sharing and the important role of the Park & Ride.

Figure 23: impression model 2 Figure 24: model 2

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models

Figure 25: model 3

Model 3 I jump over the edge

Organizing principles: former mining edge and existing settlementsSettlement type: ‘living in a village, with strong community feeling’ Housing density (net): 25-35 dwellings/haMode of transport: bike

new green centregreen former mine ege

new settlementreclaimed land

existing settlementLEGEND

Figure 26: impression model 3

DescriptionLast era settlements had to make a place for the open-pit mines. The villages were developing in the direction away from the mine. Now that the lignite mining comes to an end, it is time to recolonize the reclaimed land. In this model, the existing settlements around the mine are extended over the old mine edge into the reclaimed fields.

The new settlement consists of ecological neighbourhoods, which are structured in courts and form an own identity. Community gardens play a vital role, so the inhabitants can directly profit from the fertile soils and grow their own food. The gardens provide an active leisure activity for the inhabitants and improve social engagement. The harvest from the gardens can be consumed in the settlement or sold along the bicycle highways towards the city. Compost from settlements is used in the community gardens, creating a circular system. To minimize commuting, places for flex-working are reserved at the edges of the settlement, with an open view on the landscape.

While expanding the settlement into the reclaimed land, the former mine edge becomes the connecting centre of the old part and the new part of the settlement. The

edge is designed as a green ribbon that connects the centres of all other villages along the mine edge.

Evaluation (see Table 2, p.49)The special position of the former mine edge has a positive influence on the ‘landscape identity’. It connects both old and new settlements with the post-mining landscape. Also, the development of dwellings within the mine can contribute to further development of the landscape identity of the reclaimed land. Thereby, it improves the relationship between the inhabitants and the reclaimed agricultural landscape, since they inhabit it themselves. However, because of the settlement development on the reclaimed land, the open landscape gets disturbed.

The model is scoring moderately on ‘agricultural development’ since the settlement is developed on the fertile soil. However, the settlements include community gardens, whereby the inhabitants still profit from the soils. Furthermore, the settlement development on the agricultural land creates favourable conditions for multifunctional agriculture on the sides of the village. Here, multifunctional farms can be close to both the residents and the agricultural grounds.

The model scores well on ‘lifestyle & living standards’. The type of settlement is optimal for experimenting with innovative forms of living. On the new land, there is space for circular communities and new ways of social engagement can be tested. The concentric form of the village results in minimum distance towards basic facilities. At the same time, the accessibility towards the big cities is relatively low in this model. The model is suitable for inhabitants that want to work in flexible

working spaces in the village and experience authentic rural living.

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models

Model 4 I ribbons in the mine

Organizing principles: former mining edge and topography in the mineSettlement type: ‘living in the landscape’Housing density (net): 15 dwellings/haMode of transport: bike and car

former open pit mines

new ribbon villagereclaimed land

existing settlementLEGEND

Figure 28: model 4Figure 27: impression model 4

DescriptionHouses are developed within the reclaimed agricultural land. The settlement is shaped in a ribbon with dwellings on both sides, following the relief of the reclaimed land. The dwellings are tiny houses, surrounded by a big private parcel, suitable for vegetable gardens. The ribbon is not very densely built and therefore does not disturb the openness of the landscape. Between the houses at the ribbon ecological zones are designed which function as biotopes for insects. Instead of separated groups of farmhouses, the farmers have a position at the ribbon, between the other inhabitants of the reclaimed landscape. Here they can profit from seasonal recreation at the attractive peaceful ribbon.

The inhabitants enjoy the peacefulness and like living in the wide and open agricultural landscape. They have an amazing view over the rural landscape, from their garden. Although everyone has a big private space, there is a strong feeling of community, because the ribbon as a whole is shared. In this model, the reclaimed land is inhabited again by people who can build up a relationship with the landscape and care for it. The ribbon is only for residents accessible by car and therefore the mine is no transit zone, but a place to stay and enjoy the agricultural landscape.

Evaluation (see Table 2, p.49)The model is performing well in the category ‘landscape identity’. Because of the low density, the wideness and

openness of the landscape are preserved, despite building on the reclaimed land. Also, the relationship and the access to the reclaimed land is optimal. The ribbons are spread over the different landscape types and emphasize the human-made relief of the former mine and overburden hills.

The model includes chances for the ‘agricultural development’ since it creates an attractive, lively zone within the reclaimed land, which attracts people to the agricultural land and creates chances for multifunctional agriculture. Besides, the spacious private gardens provide the opportunity for people to grow their own food. At the same time, the occupation of the reclaimed soils by the settlement at the ribbon and developing a complete new infrastructure has a negative influence on the availability of parcels for agricultural use.

Regarding the ‘lifestyle & living standards’, the model is facing some problems. The low density of this model has a negative influence on the distance to basic services. When people live too far from each other car-dependency is a problem to face, caused by the lack of walkability. Also, the connectivity by train and fast access to the highways to the big cities is limited, because a connected settlement cluster is lacking.

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Model 5 I new city on the new land

Organizing principles: location of the new landSettlement type: ‘living in a new and modern city’Housing density (net): 35-50 dwellings/haMode of transport: car and train

Figure 29: model 5

highwayformer open pit mines

new settlementreclaimed land

existing settlementLEGEND

Figure 30: impression model 5

DescriptionA completely new city is developed within the reclaimed land. By creating one new concentric city, the growing population can be accommodated, without suburbanization within the older cultural landscapes. It has a dense centre and more dispersed outskirts fading into the landscape. People, who cannot pay the rent in the overpriced centres of for example Cologne or Düsseldorf, but want to enjoy the city vibe, can live in the new city.

The new city is accessible over the highway and by railway, which secures the connectivity to nearby knowledge hubs and makes it an attractive location for businesses. Green axes cross the city, forming public parks and an entrance to the reclaimed landscape. Over the axes, people can escape the city for leisure activities in the agricultural landscape. The axes come together in a central park that functions as a place for events, like food festivals and sports days. Also, products from the surrounding agricultural fields can be sold here.

At the more dispersed flanks of the city, the agriculture and settlements interlock with each other. Here, the agricultural businesses can provide extra services to

society, like leisure activities.

Evaluation (see Table 2, p.49)In the category ‘landscape identity’ the model scores low because the wideness and openness of the landscape are disturbed by the new city. Although residents live on the reclaimed landscape, they cannot read this post-mining story, because the qualities and characteristics of the post-mining landscape are neglected. In this model a part of the rural landscape is transformed into an urban landscape, which is a missed opportunity for the reclaimed rural landscape development.

For the ‘agricultural development’, the model scores not so well. The settlement has a big footprint on the reclaimed soils and therefore occupies a big share of the fertile soils. The conditions for farms to offer additional services for society are improved because inhabitants live now close-by the arable fields. However, in this model the new settlement does not contribute to a revival of the rural since it invades the rural landscape with a new urban centre.

Regarding the ‘lifestyle & living standards’, the new city is performing high. The accessibility of the new city by car is possible over the highway and a new city could give an impulse to the railway network in the region. Also, the concentric form of the city and the green axes lead to well-accessible basic facilities by bike or foot

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PARAMETER INDICATOR MODEL 1

MODEL 2

MODEL 3

MODEL 4

MODEL 5

wideness/openess landscape

low footprint of dwellings +/- + - - -

low-rise buildings + - + + -

space between buildings - + - + -

legibility post-mining landscape

emphazising overburden hills + - - + -

emphazising former mining edge - + + +/- -

emphazising different landscape types - +/- + + -

relation to reclaimed agricultural landscapewithin walking distance (15 min) - +/- + + +

view from the dwellings on the landscape - + + + +/-

LANDSCAPE IDENTITY 7 15 15 19 4

protection fertile soilsuse of excisting infrastructure structures + + +/- - -

low building footprint on agricultural soils + + - +/- +/-

regional agricultural productionnearby land for diverse food production + + + + -

availability of a clustered market +/- + +/- - +

multifunctional use of agriculture

flexible working space at agricultural land - - + + +

facilities at agricultural land (e.g. childcare) + - + - +

leisure activities at agricultural land + + - + +

participation in growing food availability gardens to grow food - - + + -

AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT 16 15 14 13 12

accesibility to the big cities car or train connection + + - - +

distance to basic services (GP, school) within walking or biking distance (15 min) + + + - +

sustainable mobilitytrain connection + - - - -

car sharing - + + - +

access to green space public green on walking distance (15 min) + + + + +

experimenting with new forms of living innovative forms of living - - + + +/-

LIFESTYLE & LIVING STANDARDS 12 12 12 6 12

TOTAL 35 40 43 38 24

Table 2: evaluation of models based on the parameters

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fields (models 3, 4, 5) is not per se positive for the landscape identity. The rising demand for residential and commercial areas and suburbanization can still be a serious threat to the agricultural land. The question is what type of settlement is destructive for the landscape identity and what type of settlement helps to develop the landscape identity. Looking at Table 2, model 4 scores best on landscape identity. The ribbons fit the agricultural atmosphere and built further on it. As stated in Chapter 2, the reclaimed fields are rather rural and the main type of land-use is agricultural. Model 4 enhances a type of settlement in which the agricultural identity and wide open landscape, will not get lost. On the contrary, model 5 has a destructive influence on the reclaimed landscape identity. It occupies too much of the agricultural landscape and does not fit to a rural identity. For model 5 can be said that it does not fit the rural landscape, since it invades in it, aiming to create a new urban. Settlement development in the reclaimed field, should enhance the rural atmosphere and be integrated in the arable fields. That is why model 5 cannot be followed.

It is important that settlement development within the former mine is combined with advantages for the agricultural businesses. High-quality settlements that are integrated into the arable landscape can, together with more sustainable agricultural practices, contribute to a positive appearance of the agricultural land-use.

Model 3 and 4 both create a more lively reclaimed landscape, which strengthens the position of the agricultural sector and brings along opportunities for multifunctional agriculture. However, both models have some disadvantages as well. Model 4, scores low on the lifestyle & living standards, because of the dispersed form of the village, in combination with the low degree of density. It is difficult to create a system of sustainable mobility and easy access to basic services. Model 3 includes settlement development in the reclaimed fields, based on existing villages that expand over the mine edge. However, solely an expansion of the settlements will not mark the reclaimed fields in a very unique way (Wirth, personal communication, 24 July 2019). Therefore, the strong character of model 4 should be merged and combined with the advantages of the more concentric form of model 3. To achieve settlement development within the reclaimed fields, that is in harmony with agriculture, strict boundaries between the new settlement and the arable land should be drawn and taken seriously. In the merged model this should be considered since this condition is lacking in model 3 and 4.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE PREFERRED MODEL- TWIN VILLAGES -

In Table 2, an overview is given of the evaluation of the five models. The different models have different outcomes on the three themes: ‘landscape identity’, ‘agricultural development’ and ‘lifestyle & living standards’. It can be seen that not one model is scoring best on all themes. Therefore, a more detailed comparison between the models is made based on the three themes and by referring back to the main aim of this project; harmonizing agriculture and urbanization. Based on this comparison, the advantages of the best models are merged into one final model.

Regarding the ‘agricultural development’, Table 2 shows an interesting outcome in combination with Figure 20, on Page 43. In Figure 20 is shown that, on an abstract level, the models can be distinguished between the settlement development within or outside the former mines. All models that include settlement development within the reclaimed fields (models 3, 4 and 5), score lower on the agricultural development since the settlement is occupying a part of the reclaimed soils. As claimed before, the agricultural activities are part of the cultural identity and the fertile reclaimed soils should be utilized for food production in the densely populated area.

However, it can be concluded that settlement development outside the reclaimed lands (models 1 and 2) does not contribute to the ‘landscape identity’ of the reclaimed landscape. The reclaimed landscape is so young, that its identity needs to be further developed and emphasized. Settlement development, as part of a landscape, can contribute to the identity development of the reclaimed fields (V. Mielchen, personal communication, August 13, 2019). Aiming for settlement development outside the reclaimed land neglects the chance to build further on the landscape identity, by adding an additional layer of settlement development. In fact, building inside the mine is not just fostering landscape identity but ironically also the agricultural development, because landscape without a strong developed identity will create a vulnerable position for the agricultural landscape. Ongoing suburbanization can then continue without resistance of inhabitants of the metropolitan area. Therefore, despite the occupation of some fertile soils, a model within the reclaimed land should be developed.

At the same time, it is important to notice that, as Table 2 shows, settlement development within the reclaimed

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preferred modelThe merged model is shown in Figure 31. This preferred model includes new villages that are dispersed over the landscape, but all have a compact concentric form. The new villages are designed in the reclaimed land to not solely create space for living, but also contribute to a revival of the rural reclaimed landscape. It is a rural answer to the increasing move towards the exploding urban areas, leading to problematic suburbanizing. As mentioned in the problem statement, growth and shrinkage are spatially close together in this region. The places of potential shrinkage can help to balance this out.

Every single new village forms a ‘Twin Village’ of an existing village on the other side of the former mine edge. The existence of new and old next to each other is emphasized and the two villages can strengthen each other. Like in model 3, the Twin Villages are related to the old land and existing villages. However, the new Twin Villages are no expansion of the existing villages, but they form a system of unique settlements with a strong own identity, like in model 4. Like in both models, the Twin Villages are completely oriented to the surrounding agricultural landscape. By developing the Twin Villages on the edges of the reclaimed land and the old land, the villages can be connected to existing infrastructure, to make efficient use of space and prevent unnecessary loss of arable fields.

Small-scale villages, with mixed-density, are developed. On the one hand, high densities do not fit to the rural identity and will not fulfil the living quality of living in an Arcadian landscape. On the other hand, the low densities in the dormitory settlement that appeared in many metropolitan regions include problematic suburb characteristics, like privatization, monofunctional zoning, and car dependency. To perform better, the new villages have a concentric form, which has advantages for the walkability and accessibility towards facilities. Also, the more concentric form brings advantages to agriculture since it creates a lower footprint. The Twin Villages will be connected to the region by either highway or railway network, depending on their location. The rural villages are connected by a regular and fine-grained regional bus-network.

At the moment a Twin Village reaches its limits, a new Twin Village is developed Figure 31: preferred model: ‘Twin Villages’

relating to another existing village. This strategy protects the agricultural fields from the ongoing expansion of new neighbourhoods which downgrades the identity of the villages. The potential locations for different Twin Villages are shown in Figure 31. Together, the Twin Villages will be characteristic for the reclaimed landscape.

As Mielchen (2019) states, future agriculture in the reclaimed land may be more oriented towards the local and regional food production (personal communication, April 1, 2019). By developing the Twin Villages in combination with sustainable agricultural development, the reclaimed land can form a unique cultural landscape. It can be branded as a landscape that should be preserved to maintain both food production and living quality in the whole metropolitan region, following, the example of Parc du Vexin, in France, as discussed in Chapter 1. The inhabitants of the rural landscape can be proud of the land the farmer is cultivating and the food he grows. In the village the rebounding between consumers and farmers starts.

The preferred model ‘Twin Villages’ will be explored further by physical modelling and site design in the next chapter. The combination of agriculture and settlement development will be central in the further development of the model. The aim is that inhabitants appreciate their arable living environment and experience that they live close to their food source. At the same time, farmers should profit from the new settlements, in particular from the renewed support of the metropolitan inhabitants and improved landscape identity.

former open pit mines

highway

old Twin Villagenew Twin Village

reclaimed land

railway

existing settlementLEGEND

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an old village and a new settlement can be tested.

A location is chosen where the highway is situated between the old and the new land. Through designing it has to be explored how it can be prevented that the highway is experienced as a barrier between the two villages.

The reclamation planning of Garzweiler I & II is not

In this chapter, the preferred model ‘Twin Villages’ is further explored by sketching, and physical and computer modelling on scale, based on the findings in previous chapters. A new ‘Twin’ is designed to an existing village on a scale from 1:5000 to 1:50. Some additional site analysis will be presented for clarification.

Design-related questions are addressed like: What is the relation between the arable fields and the new village? How are the two villages interacting? What density and size should be achieved for the new village? How do people experience their departure from the highway and arrival in the villages?

LOCATIONThe area, as shown in Figure 32, is chosen for further design exploration. This location is suited to test the preferred model as developed in Chapter 3. The area includes both land that is not taken by the open-pit mining (old land) and land that is (to be) reclaimed from the open-pit mine Garzweiler II (new land). Also, the area includes an existing settlement (Jackerath) on the old land. At this location, the relationship between

IV DESIGN EXPLORATIONS

CO

DÜS

REGIERUNGSBEZIRK DÜSSELDORF

REGIERUNGSBEZIRK KÖLN

jüchen erkelenz

titz bedburg

Rhein-Erft-Kreis

Rhein-Kreis NeussKreis Heinsberg

Kreis Düren

erkelenz

MG

Figure 32a: location design implementation

design

Figure 32b: area design implementation 0 100 200 300 400m

administrational bordersLEGEND

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finished yet. However, the first landscape planning already started before the mining period . The mining plan has to reassure soil development and stable slopes. In Figure 33 the latest plan (2019) for the reclaimed agricultural landscape is shown. In the plan, very general types of land-use are defined: arable fields, green corridors, and the residual lake. As described in Chapter 2 the open-pit mine is filled up and the new topography is defined by embankments as green corridors and levelled arable fields (as Garzweiler is part of the newest land reclamation type). The topography of the landscape plan is used in the further design explorations.

The design location crosses different administrative borders and includes Regierungsbezirk (administrative division) Köln with municipality Titz in district Düren and Regierungsbezirk Düsseldorf with municipality Jüchen in district Rhein-Kreis Neuss (Figure 32b). However, for this project freedom is taken to think beyond the administrative borders.

water systemBoth during the mining years and in the post-mining landscape, water plays a critical role in the Rhenish Mining Area. As explained in Chapter 2 the water is pumped away during the mining period to keep the operation free of water and create a functioning working environment (Sitte, 2019). A distinction is made between the aquifer above and the aquifer below the lignite. The aquifers are separated by low hydraulic aquiclude (coal seams, clay, and sewage sludge) and below both aquifers, there is a very low hydraulic unit (conductivity bedrock). Drainage is carried out up till both low hydraulic units, to prevent flow pressure on the open-pit.

However, when the production phase ceases, the pumping ends and issues arise like the impact of the mine water on groundwater bodies and the restoration of residual lakes. Because of the extraction of lignite, the upper low hydraulic aquiclude disappeared and aquifers will balance. This also influences the final groundwater table, which will either slightly decrease or increase. It will take more than 100 years before the groundwater storage has been replenished (Forkel et al., 2017). The reduction of groundwater during mining can lead to soil subsidence. However, the soil subsidence does not lead to water-logging, since the water system is sinking as well and the surface is sinking equally. Besides soil depletion, geologic formations are disturbed and harmful substances like nitrates and pesticides can stream without barrier through the groundwater. Also, sulphide that leached out of low depth can rise to the surface, where it reacts with oxygen and changes to a harmful substance. The treatment of the mine water with for example chalk prevents pollution and contamination (Sitte, 2019).

In the west of the design area a lake will be developed after the mining period. The lake will be separated by overflow weirs to prevent that the water level of the lake will lead to a surrounding groundwater rise (Braunkohlenausschluss Bezirkregierung Köln, 2018). In the design, explorations will not be focussed on the development of the lake, but rather on the development of the new village in relation to the reclaimed agricultural fields.

soil quality design locationAt places, where the groundwater level was between 3 and 5 meters under the surface, the groundwater extraction directly influenced the ecosystem. In the design area, the groundwater before the extraction was about 40 meters under the surface. Because of the use of the fertile loess for the reclaimed soils, as elaborated on in Chapter 2, the arable farming can be carried out in good conditions.

Pihlap et al. (2019) compared a chronological sequence (0, 1, 3, 6, 12 and 24 years) of agricultural reclaimed loess soil in the open-cast mining area of Garzweiler. The different stages of soil development are observed and a process of soil structure formation and soil organic carbon accumulation is assessed under the conventional crop rotation agriculture. It was stated that the loess material positively influenced the soil aggregation. Over time, the porosity and the soil organic content increases.

Figure 33: Garzweiler I&II planning (RWE, 2019)

green corridorsarable fieldsresidual lake

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The alfalfa cultivation in the pioneering phase by the mining company, was essential for the development of microbial biomass in the topsoil, as a result of the litter incorporation. The following arable farming in a crop rotation system distributed to the soil organic matter throughout the plough layer. Besides, by composting the soil organic carbon content increases as well. However, on the long term, only crop residues as input for the organic matter would be not sufficient to build up a stable soil organic matter content in the plough layer (Pihlap et al., 2019).

Based on this recent research and the experiences in the already agricultural reclaimed soils, it is assumed that the reclaimed agricultural soils at the design location will be very suitable for agricultural land use. The agricultural strategy of the reclaimed land will be elaborated further on in this chapter.

O L D L A N D

Figure 34: footprint of the existing settlement (Jackerath, left) and the new town (Kantweiler, right), in relation to the former mine edge

N E W L A N D

TWIN VILLAGESThe footprint of the existing settlement (Jackerath) and the new village (Kantweiler) in relation to the former mining edge is shown in Figure 34. Both villages have an own identity and at the same time strengthen each other’s identity, because old and new are defined by each other. The qualities of the old village, as described on Page 58 and the atmosphere of the new village, as described on Page 90, are complementing each other. Jackerath gets revived through its new partner in the new land and Kantweiler can relate to the historical landscape and traditions of Jackerath. In Figure 35, the masterplan of Kantweiler is shown in its context with Jackerath.

TWIN VILLAGES: JACKERATH & KANTWEILER; OLD & NEW

J A C K E R A T H

F I R E P L A C E

C H A P E LS T. B A R B A R A

12

00

RES IDUAL LAKE

DIK

E

DIK

E

AGRO HUB

+ 89 m

+99 m

+105 m

+8

9 m

Figure 35: masterplan

TWIN VILLAGES: JACKERATH & KANTWEILER; OLD & NEW

K A N T W E I L E R

G R E E N P L AY G R O U N D

F I R E P L A C E

I M B I S S

row

s of

i nc r e

d ibl y

de l i c

a t e p

op l ar s

2 0 2 5

W A L D D E R Z E I T

+109 m

0 100 200 300 400m

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LIFE IN JACKERATHWhen one drives fast through the small village Jackerath, one can only wonder how nicely to live the place is. The over 600 years old village has a rich historical culture, with its beautiful neo-gothic church. Massive farmhouses out of brick are spread everywhere in Jackerath, with huge welcoming gates leading into a courtyard, that wake the envy of every farmer. Next to the church lies a football field – the unofficial centre of the village life. There are three restaurants, a small supermarket, two kiosks, a bank, and even an electricity shop – a lot for this small place.

But if one drives slower and takes time to inspect more closely, one sees the reality. There are seldom people on the street and many windows are always dark. The church is closed throughout the week, the priest office opens only once a month. The once nice brick houses are run down and dirty. The huge farmhouses are often half-deserted because the farmers sold their fields. The football field lies deserted, two corner flags are missing, and the grass has also seen better days. Of the three restaurants, just one is still open. What stays are the shop and restaurant signs – just a glimpse of the once vibrant place.

What shapes people’s minds here is the mine edge. Just a hundred meters away starts the vast lignite open-pit mine Garzweiler. No one knew for sure if the edge is going to move towards the village or not. Maybe that’s why the village is run down – who cares for something that might be demolished in a few years.

And now, the lignite era is ending. The chance for a revival of Jackerath. The fear of the mine edge ends and - where once the seed of fear was - a Twin Village is born. This new Sister Village enables the comeback of her Brother, the historical village of Jackerath. Together the villages form a perfect match: The rustic charm of Jackerath with its rich culture, where half of the village meets again in the evening for a beer in the last local Gaststätte (local restaurant), merges with the modern vibe of Kantweiler. That means modern facilities as shops and sports associations, combined with a village atmosphere, where people live together (Wir-Gefühl). In Figure 36 is the renewed identity of Jackerath is shown. The historical farms are used as shared living spaces and the church bells ring again. A light is shining from behind every window and the people of both villages celebrate a traditional October feast where once was the football field.

Figure 36: impression life in Jackerath

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why physical modelling?Physical modelling helps the design thinking and enables to test the preferred model described in Chapter 3. Therefore, it is used as a bridge between thinking and making. Daniel Ganz, a landscape architect, points out that building a model enriches the design process because so much is happening in the brain during the model making. As an example, he explains that when one sometimes does ‘stupid things like gluing roads’, one has several thoughts at the same time, ‘like thinking about your wife, the project, the topography’, which stimulates the creativity (Ganz, 2016, as cited in De Jong, 2016, p.26). At the same time, physical modelling helps to order thoughts. ‘When you make a model, you will see much faster what you have thought about and what still should be thought of’ (students TU/e, 2016, as cited in De Jong, 2016, p.26). As a tool for testing, physical modelling is used to test the shapes and functions, like the ratio building blocks, agricultural fields and infrastructure and the relation of the design towards the shaped topography. For the physical model different layers of cardboard are used to simulate the topography. For the houses, foamboard is used and the vegetation is simulated with peas and couscous.

THE NEW VILLAGEThe form, size and density of Kantweiler are explored by physical modelling.

density and sizeAs concluded in Chapter 3, it is desirable to achieve a little denser living environment. Errors of the past, like privatization, monotony, monofunctional zoning and car dependency in suburbs should be avoided. However, the advantages of spacious rural living should not be lost, like fresh air supply. This paradoxical relationship between living quality and density is explored by physical modelling, see Page 62, 63 and 64 (Figure 38 to 41).

The new village has a building density of 25 dwellings per hectare and accommodates approximately 2500 inhabitants. This size still relates to the Twin Village Jackerath with 800 inhabitants and a building density of 16 dwellings per hectare. Still, compared to an inner-city centre the new village is less compact and together with the comprehendible size, this contributes to a cosy atmosphere in the new village.

In contrast to the traditional suburbs, the extra space is not used for much private ground. This would lead

to a lifestyle based on individualism and isolation of vulnerable members of society (like single-parent families and elderly). A more mixed-density, while persevering the experience of living in a spacious rural landscape, is achieved by creating more high-quality common places and easy access to surrounding agricultural fields, rather than big private gardens. The buildings are human-scaled and walkable blocks and streets are achieved. Housing and shopping are close to each other and the public spaces are hosting the interaction in public life, which is in line with the tradition of New Urbanism (Congress for the New Urbanism, n.d.). Compared to the villages in the region this village consists of more apartment buildings, for elderly and young couples, among others. The outstanding architectural apartment buildings of each 20 meter high, form the landmarks of the village with a view over the agricultural landscape, likewise the concept of the apartment buildings ‘Red Dare Devils’, in Almere. In the new village, the ‘towers’ are named after the resettled villages from Garzweiler before the mining period, like Immerath as shown in Figure 41. Other housing types that the new village includes are detached houses, terraced houses and, tiny houses.

The design of space is based on a communitarian vision, whereby the focus is on achieving a social mix by creating public and semi-public gathering places. Instead of the privatization of entrance roads of the houses and the hiding of facades behind hedges, the new village includes a balanced mixture of private, semi-private and public green spaces that reconcile with the building forms. The achieved density guarantees that local services and lively public services can be accommodated on walking and biking distance.

agriculture and forestThe bucolic fondness for the countryside is utilized, since the landscape is a part of the new village. The new village is surrounded by agricultural fields and is planned in such a way that the surrounding agricultural fields extend into the village, like fingers keeping the village at its place. The arable fingers form a no-building zone and function as a border for residential development to protect the reclaimed arable fields from nibbling of by dispersion of the village. The arable fields that stretch till inside the village, guarantee a perpetual reminder for the inhabitants that they live in an agricultural area. In this way, each house is related to the surrounding landscape. The arable fields in the village are used as common places, where the inhabitants can relate to the scale of the agricultural fields in the village and use it for example for leisure

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92.5 m

Figure 37: height differences DIE KANTE (physical model)

activities. These no-building zones become part of the life of the inhabitants and secure the interaction with the surrounding landscape (as shown on Page 90).

At the same time, the size of the surrounding reclaimed agricultural fields leaves an endless impression. Therefore, a new forest offers a feeling of protection and secureness from the wide-open landscape. As shown in Figure 39, the new village is situated along the edge of the forest.

Figure 40 shows that the forest is designed at a relatively higher zone and the agriculture is situated lower in relation to the village. The village is located between the wide-open landscape and the wall of trees. It faces towards the agricultural fields and has the protection from the higher situated forest.

DIE KANTEAs shown in Figure 37, a slope is crossing the village. This slope is part of the new topography of the reclaimed land and is integrated into the village as a symbol of the former mine edge. It upgrades the experience of the area as a former mining area. The village is named after

102.5 m

the edge (in German: Die Kante): Kantweiler. DIE KANTE is the metaphor, that enables the re-development of identity and prevents placelessness within the post-mining landscape. Further design developments of DIE KANTE are presented further on in this chapter. A ‘Weiler’ is German for a small settlement existing of grouped houses and farms (in English: hamlet).

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Figure 39: forest adjacent to village (physical model)

Figure 38: agricultural fields extend into the village (physical model)

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98.75 m

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96.25 m

95 m

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92.5 m

91.25 m

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110 m

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Figure 40: heights related to land-use division forest and agriculture (physical model)

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SHARED FOREST VILLAGE ENCLOSED BY AGRICULTURE

IMM

ERAT

H

TINY HOUSES

VILLAS

Figure 41: overview physical model

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INTERACTION TWIN VILLAGESThe soft mobility connection (the biking highway) is separated from the main car connection, as shown in Figure 42. Because of the biking highway and walkable blocks and streets in the villages, inhabitants are not forced to own more than one car to reach daily facilities, which makes them less dependent on fossil fuels.

shared facilitiesThe villages share different facilities, to guarantee the proximity between home and services, despite the small size of the villages. For example, a new tennis and football place are located in Kantweiler and the old church in Jackerath is now shared with inhabitants of Kantweiler. In Figure 43, the different facilities in both villages are shown. In Jackerath the inhabitants can visit the local Gaststätte for a traditional schnitzel in every variation. In Kantweiler cuisines from foreign countries

are served and people can drink a coffee at the village plaza. Every morning a small truck from the bakery in Kantweiler is driving to Jackerath to make sure both inhabitants can enjoy fresh bread when the sun rises. The no longer needed football field in Jackerath is now used as a shared event place, for example for the yearly ‘Oktoberfest’.

Figure 42: connection between the villages

main car connectionbiking highway

highwayLEGEND

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church

cafeteria

crèche

‘Gaststätte’

fire brigade / ATM

sport club

community centre

school/GP

supermarket

coffee house/bakery

Figure 43a: public facilities Jackerath

Figure 43b: public facilities Kantweiler

crèche

church

Gaststätte (Gaststätte Friedrich, 2019)

supermarket

pharmacy/GP

community centre (https://lampenfieberer.de/ )

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shared forestThe Twin Villages seem to be separated by a highway. However, the highway is not dividing the villages anymore, since both are integrated into the shared forest. In the forest, a walking and cycling bridge is connecting both sides of the highway. The car road is situated at an existing tunnel under the highway.

Several places of experience are integrated into the forest, as shown in Figure 44: a natural playground, a chapel, and a shared fire site. The forest is the place where the people of both villages can make their Sunday walk and it offers a feeling of ‘Geborgenheit’ (in English: feeling protected). Small forest paths are offering routes for leisure. On several trees along the paths, small wooden signs are telling stories about living in the region during the lignite mining period and interesting facts about it. For example, that the open-pit mines are one of the best-documented archaeological sites in Germany, which led to many discoveries from the Stone Ages, the Romans and many more. Or that a strike from stone coal miners led to the industrialized lignite mining. The biking way is lighted in the night when one passes by, to secure a safe passage for everyone. The shared fire site is a place of laughter, storytelling and barbeque.

When one cycles the biking highway, crossing the

bridge, one makes a journey through time from the over 600 years old Jackerath to the newly born Kantweiler. Therefore, the name of the bridge is: ‘Zeitüberbrückung’. The style and material of the ‘Zeitüberbrückung’ are inspired by the machines used for the lignite mining. The steel frame of the bridge reminds of the towering arm of the bucket-wheel excavator. A passenger path is situated on both sides of the bridge that is marked with a texture reminding of the tracks, which heavy trucks leave within the open-pit mine.

From the bridge one has a view on the chapel in the forest, as shown in the impression on Page 70 (Figure 47). The chapel is named after Saint Barbara. She is the patron of miners. Every year on her feast day, December 4, two processions from both villages are meeting in the chapel to celebrate a mess, memorizing the mining history of the region.

The forest plays a key role in the ecological connection between the green zones in the agricultural landscape, the residual lake and the connection to the Kasterer see (small lake) and the Erft (main river), as shown in Figure 45. Isolated nature has less worth, compared to a situation in which plants and animals can move from one to the other area. Under the highway several tubes for forest animals are situated and along with the matrix signs robes for squirrels hang.

Figure 44: places of experience in the shared forest

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Figure 45: ecological connections

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Figure 46: references and inspiration

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Figure 47: impression view on chapel from the ‘Zeitüberbrückung’

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CONNECTIVITY SURROUNDINGSTo make a place for the open-pit mine Garzweiler, the highways in the region had to be removed and replaced temporarily. Between 2005 and 2018 the A44 between the intersection Jackerath and Holz disappeared in the open-pit and cars and trucks went over A61 on the west side. Since 2018, the A44 is reconstructed with 6 lanes on the already reclaimed land and the open-pit mine arrived at the A61 (RWE Power AG, 2017). It has been discussed recently to combine the two highways A44 and A61 within the former mine, to create more place around the future lake. However, the curves, broadness and short distance of the merging of the highways do not meet safety requirements. Thereby, the A44 is just newly constructed. The actual highway planning is shown in Figure 48 (Bezirksregierung Köln, 2018). When the highways are reconstructed, Jackerath and Kantweiler are connected by the highway A61 and A44. The A61 leads from Hockenheim in Baden-Württemberg through Rheinland-Pfalz and Nordrhein Westphalia to the Dutch border near Venlo, where it merges in the A74 and A73.

The surrounding villages are accessible by bus. The public transport system is also supplemented by the so-called ‘Bürgerbus’ driving between Jackerath and Kantweiler at times the public bus is not driving. This Bürgerbus is driven voluntarily by inhabitants of the village, to help for example elderly people to reach the other village. In Figure 50 the connections towards the surrounding urban centres are shown, including the highway and bus connection.

highway experienceThe highway plays an important role in German culture. Germans love the Autobahn and the freedom with their car. However, in the SWOT-analysis was also pointed out that the highway is experienced as a barrier in

the landscape. Therefore, the highway is embraced in this project and designed as an integral part of the landscape, whereby cohesions exist between the route and the surrounding landscape.

The design of the area around Kantweiler contributes to the user experience of the passing travellers on the highway. The new forest shields the Twin Villages from the highway. Highway users experience it as driving through a green tunnel, as shown in Figure 51. This tunnel opens abruptly into the vast open landscape of the reclaimed open-pit mine, as shown in Figure 52. On the left side of the highway, a dike is designed that forms a barrier between the highway and the residual lake, as shown in Figure 49. Behind the dike a leisure zone with for example water sports facilities can be developed, for inhabitants of the Twin Villages and people from the wider surroundings.

Figure 48: infrastrucutre planning Garzweiler I & II (RWE, 2019)

Figure 49: dike between highway and residual lake

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exit Jackerath/KantweilerThe interchange between the highway and a secondary road is designed as a diamond interchange, whereby the highway is grade-separated from the secondary road, whereby the highway is crossing the secondary road over a bridge. The highway is connected to the secondary road with off-ramps and on-ramps that only diverge slightly from the highway. The curves of

the diamond interchange make road users aware of their actual speed. An agricultural hub is located at the highway exit, between the transition of the wide open-dike landscape and the forest between the Twin Villages. The large-scale buildings are restricted to the lower part along the exit to not disturb the highway experience.

Figure 50: connection towards surrounding urban centres

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Figure 52: impression highway view, ‘open infinite view’

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DESIGN OF KANTWEILERKantweiler is designed as an open village with physical and visual connections towards the surroundings, to celebrate the beauty of the reclaimed land. Kantweiler enables the exploitation of the reclaimed land and the revival of the rural post-mining area in a way that respects the agricultural land-use. The building blocks are in line with the agricultural plots.

On the south side of Kantweiler, the forest invades into the village. Living on this side means living in a forest-like environment, where on other sides of the village inhabitants live at the agricultural fields.

Together, the public spaces (DIE KANTE & the common fields) form the backbone of the village. As Figure 54 shows, these public spaces enable to simultaneously memorize the old land and celebrate the new land. On the one hand, DIE KANTE is representing the rich history of the lignite mining in the region and the lost old land (before the mining). On the other hand, the arable common field in the village celebrates the newly reclaimed land with its unique landscape identity (after the mining).

Small orchards are designed at the edges of the village that strengthen the pattern of the strip agriculture. The blossoming trees are standing for the new life at the new land. This public gardens can be used by people to celebrate a birthday or wedding.

The tree-lined roads in the surrounding landscape lead through the fields, towards the farms. The slopes within the agricultural landscapes, that are typical for the new topography within the reclaimed land, form rich ecological buffers and contribute to a lively landscape.

Both entrances of Kantweiler, one for cars and one for bikes are marked with the architecturally outstanding apartment buildings, that are named after the removed villages.

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Figure 54: old and new land symbolic in public spaces Kantweiler

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‘Ein Bagger räumt die Mühen weg in denen hundert Jahre Arbeit steckt.Von Generation zu Generationhat man es weitergegeben nun wird alles kahltot wo wir lebten’ (Martin, 1985, as cited in Pflug, 1998, p.1).

‘Der Bergbau vernichtet im Durschnitt nichts,

sondern schafft neue Kulturwerte’

(Heusohn, 1929, as cited in Pflug, 1998, p.1).

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Thirdly, strip cultivation with alternating open and closed crops increases the biodiversity, since it creates a more attractive living environment for farmland birds and other animals. Also, when open and closed crops grow adjacent to each other, the crops have fewer problems with heat stress, because of fresh air flowing through.

There is a trend to integrate borders of flowers around the arable fields in the reclaimed fields, as stated in Chapter 2. Although this contributes to general biodiversity, this does not contribute to soil fertility and the reduction of global deceases. However, their function can be improved by integrating them between the arable strips.

Some challenges for strip cultivation at the moment relate to applying the most optimal width and combinations of crops. This can be an advantage because the reclaimed land can function as a large-scale testing field for strip cultivation and act as an example for other regions (Beekman, 2017).

Another challenge of strip cultivation is that most agricultural machinery is developed for monoculture and therefore it is more labour intensive. At the same time, the development of more energy-friendly, small machinery is increasing rapidly. Systems like gantry, which are including conveyer belt systems, bring the products to a central point (Beekman, 2017). It could be considered to use the conveyer belt system of the lignite mining for this.

agricultural hubGrowing food is only one piece of the food system. The biggest economic share of the food system occurs ‘post-field’. In order to reconnect people to the sources of their food, the complete food system should be visible in the communities. Therefore, an agricultural hub is located between the Twin Villages, at the highway exit, including processing, storage and distribution facilities for the crops from the reclaimed fields. It is chosen to not locate the agricultural hub directly at the village in order to preserve the small-scale experience of the village and its relation to the arable fields. Thereby, this location enables to develop an efficient functioning logistics system for the hub.

The inhabitants of the Twin Villages can be proud of the agricultural hub since the industry is related to the crops produced on their strip-cultivated, reclaimed landscape. Thereby, the hub creates local employment for the village inhabitants. The processing of arable products at the edge of the arable land reduces

AGRICULTURAL STRATEGY

strip agricultureAs the conventional agricultural sector is industrializing and intensifying, the agricultural landscapes transformed into monotone landscapes with a relatively low contribution landscape appearance, as pointed out in the problem statement. Conventional farming practices do not contribute to biodiversity and lead to soil compaction and decomposition of humus, especially in the young reclaimed fields. Therefore, a new type of agriculture is proposed for the reclaimed fields: strip cultivation, as shown on Page 76 (Figure 53). This means that diverse crops grow together on adjacent strips, ranging between 3 and 48 meters wide. Those widths are successfully tested at Erf B.V. in Lelystad, in The Netherlands (AkkerbouwActueel, 2018). The crops that are suitable to the reclaimed soils are for example swede, cabbage, wheat, carrot, onion, potato, and clover. Strip cultivation fits into the movement of organic arable farming and nature inclusive farming, whereby the link is made between organic growing and the quality of products.

The strip cultivation leads to a higher resilience of the crops. Firstly, because diseases are less likely to spread between the strips, when a minimum width of 3 meters is applied. For example, phytophthora, which is destructive for potatoes can only spread into the direction of the infected strip (De Boo, 2018).

Secondly, strip cultivation integrates more natural enemies as pesticides, as testing fields at Wageningen University showed (De Boo, 2018). Alternating crops that are either mowed or dug up ensure that the natural enemies can stay in the stubbles of the mowing crop when the ground of other crops is disturbed after digging up these crops. A test with peas in strip cultivation had fewer problems with aphids because of more existing natural enemies like ladybugs, ground beetles and ichneumon wasps. Therefore, the yields increase and the costs for pesticides are lower. Also, the stubbles can be used as a transport lane to prevent that the structure of the soil is disturbed. For example, carrots can be planted next to a wheat strip. During the harvesting of the carrots, one can drive over the adjacent strip with wheat stubbles. In this case, the well-rooted soil of the wheat prevents soil compaction of the carrot strip (De Boo, 2018). This is especially important because the hilly landscape in combination with the young soil is vulnerable to soil compaction erosion.

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transportation-related energy use. As Cohen (2007) stated, the energy efficiency of food production and transportation depends mostly on proximity. From the agricultural hub, products can be transported to surrounding centres of the metropolitan region.

social and cultural levelStrip cultivation is an improvement in terms of scenery and attractiveness for people. The agricultural landscape is kept open to emphasise the wideness and at the same time, the strip cultivation creates a different colour pattern that changes through all seasons. In the fields, tree lines along the roads are designed to give a sense of depth and distance and emphasise linear structure, which can be seen in the masterplan, in Figure 35 on Page 56.

Where in the older reclaimed lands, as described in Chapter 2, the farms are concentrated in groups, on the strip cultivated fields the new farms are spread over the area. This creates a more vibrant landscape and thereby expected collaboration between farmers that are living in a group rarely occurred (Sihorsch, 1998). Located in the middle of the landscape farmers have the space to set up a business related to agriculture or the agricultural landscape. This can be for example an educational centre, where children can learn about plant cultivations and gain practical experience in agricultural activities. Another example is rural camping or a bed & breakfast. Broadening their agricultural activities can help farmers to actually benefit from being situated in a densely populated area.

Kantweiler has a strong food-agricultural identity. As stated before, the agricultural strips extend till inside the village Kantweiler. Integrating the food system visibly into the village creates vibrant public spaces and a place where inhabitants can meet their farmers. Far into the vast open landscape, an Imbiss is located, as shown in the masterplan on Page 56, for a small break and chat when discovering the landscape and agricultural activities.

From the agricultural hub, the food can be transported by truck towards the nearby urban centres: Cologne, Monchengladbach, and Düsseldorf. Here, products can be sold in the supermarket and branded as ‘reclaimed products’ of the new land, following the example of Parc du Vexin Français, discussed on Page 17.

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DIE KANTEIn the following sections (Figure 58a to Figure 58i) is shown how DIE KANTE is shaped through the village. The location of the sections is shown in Figure 57. As a starting point for the design, the terrace-shaped form of the open-pit mine is taken. In section A-A’ and section I-I’ the green zones can be seen, that are going through the agricultural landscape on the slopes.

In the north-south direction, the edge is steeper and includes three rows of trees. Two broad stairs (section D-D’ and section G-G’), going from the boulevard to the plaza, connect ‘Unten’ and ‘Oben’. Section F-F’ shows the barrier-free ramp for wheelchair users among others. Some terraces are broad enough to walk on, some are suitable for playing and climbing and others are nice to sit on.

Along DIE KANTE a broad boulevard is leading towards the surrounding landscape. The boulevard is used for the traditional Carnival procession. On Page 86, in Figure 59 an impression of DIE KANTE is shown.

At the corner of DIE KANTE, a plaza is situated with both a low part and a high part. At the high part, one sits along DIE KANTE under the trees, while looking down and contemplate or observe the people walking by. Down you can enjoy a coffee and self-made ‘Kantweiler’ Kuchen’.

The plaza serves the inhabitants of Kantweiler with its multiple functions, as shown on Page 88 and 89 (Figure 60 to 62). During the day fountains are popping up, where children can have fun. On Wednesdays, there is a local market to sell products from the region. In the

Figure 55: references

(Barangaroo Delivery Authority)

(Portscapes2, Jan Konings)

(Heron Instruments, 2017)

Figure 57: location sections DIE KANTE

night the square is illuminated by street lamps, which remind of the lamps used in the open-pit mines (see Figure 46 for a reference).

In Figure 55 different references for the material and colours of the design are shown. Colours of the loess (yellow/orange) and lignite (black/brown) are taken as inspiration. Artist Koen Fraijman uses the same colours when he aims to capture the open-pit mine Garzweiler, as shown in Figure 56.

Figure 56: Art Garzweiler by Koen Fraijman (an inspiration for use of colours) (source: https://popinnart.nl/kunstenaar/fraijman/koen-fraijman-garzweiler-ii/)

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Figure 59: impression DIE KANTE

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Figure 61: plaza on a market day

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LIFE IN KANTWEILERWhen one walks through Kantweiler, one is surprised by the modern gleam that is unusual for a village. The different types of houses attract a mixture of people: from young families to the elderly. One can feel an atmosphere of togetherness; thinking about each other and caring for your neighbour. There are modern facilities like the brand new sports centre with football and tennis fields and a fancy coffee place.

Kantweiler is a special village. The long fingers of the strip agriculture hold the village in a firm grasp. This means that the inhabitants have a unique relationship with their food. One can see the potatoes, beets and carrots grow through the seasons, from the kitchen window or while playing tennis. The straight houses are in line with the large scale patterns of the agricultural plots.

As shown in Figure 63, the central common field in the village is marked by the community house, which includes a winter garden for tropical plants. On the common field, everyone has the opportunity to breathe the healthy air, while harvesting or enjoying locally produced food. In the community house, one can enjoy a meal in which the local products are mixed with cuisines from other cultures. Once a year, when the swedes (Steckrüben) harvest starts, the farmers organize a Steckrüben-party, with Steckrüben-soup at 12:00, on the common field. The community house is named ‘Bauerntheater’, after the theatre that is played during the dark winter months after Christmas, by inhabitants of the Twin Villages. Figure 63: impression life in Jackerath

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park benefit from the proximity to the city, by producing for a high-quality local market rather than the global bulk market. The multiple functions of the landscape are embraced, as biodiversity conservation and contribution to socio-economic viability of the area. Secondly, the Garden Cities of To-morrow of Howard were explored. The form of those new cities in the rural landscape is defined by local food production and distribution. The direct agricultural surroundings of the new city supply products to the inhabitants of the city and is therefore interpreted as a public good, whereby farmer and inhabitants both profit.

Together the best practices showed that settlement development is not per definition a threat for agricultural development. Thereby, it turned out that reversing settlement development to an opportunity for agriculture can be done in different ways. To get a complete overview of the design practices around Agricultural Urbanism more projects should be analysed. However, only two examples that related to the (rural) context of this project were taken due to the time constraints of this project. They were regarded as sufficient for the understanding of the concept and as inspiration for the design process.

reclaimed landscape developmentDifferent landscape types within the reclaimed land were defined: ‘a small- scale mosaic of lakes and forest’ (till 1955), ‘a productive arable land’ (1955-1970), ‘a diverse arable land’ (1970-2000), and ‘a large-scale arable land mixed with a human-scale landscape’ (2000-now). It was shown that the reclaimed landscape development reflects the narrative of cultural development, by linking the physical and social-political events to the development of the identified landscape types. The reclaimed landscape can stand out as a unique cultural landscape that should be treasured. The landscape sets the base for agriculture and settlement development. At the same time, it became clear that the landscape development of the reclaimed landscape has not reached a state of maturity, as it is a very young landscape. This inspired the idea of using settlement development to contribute to the further forming of the landscape identity of the reclaimed landscape.

preferred model: Twin VillagesFive settlement development strategies were evaluated using parameters. The Strengths & Weaknesses and

In this chapter, the meaning and relevance of the design research findings are discussed. Then, the conclusion is presented, including the developed main argument which underpins the design research statement.

DISCUSSIONThis design research is a reaction to the extensive suburbanization that is taking place around Cologne in the agricultural landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area. An area that at the same time deals with unsustainable agricultural practices and large-scale reclamation efforts after a period of open-pit lignite mining. The design of the ‘Twin Villages’ in the reclaimed landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area is presented as an alternative way of settlement development, that contributes to sustainable forms of agriculture and the development of the reclaimed landscape.

the comprehensive approachA landscape architect is able, through an integral design, to provide a solution for complex problems (Assargard, 2011). The statement of this design research circles around the combinations of different issues in the region, set on different poltical agendas. Therefore, the process of designing was a suitable strategy for this project. Different issues are brought together in a comprehensive design, by taking a holistic approach towards settlement development in relation to the agricultural and reclaimed landscape. During the process, there was a constant reflection by using the input from research and knowledge of experts and gradually, the design took shape.

agricultural urbanism in European rural contextThe design outcome builds upon the concept of Agricultural Urbanism. Agricultural Urbanism refers to a new partnership between urban and rural, which leads to ‘a new form of the city, but also a renewed rurality’, and is based on ‘a multifunctional economy made up of local products and high environmental quality, on a low growth model compared to the industrial one’ (Gottero, 2019, p.3).

The examples of Parc du Vexin and Garden Cities of To-morrow illustrated the concept of Agricultural Urbanism in practice, in a rural European context. Firstly, Parc du Vexin, a regional arable park showed how to protect the rural landscape against the pressure of the suburbanization around Paris. Instead, the farms in the

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

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Opportunities & Threats of the reclaimed landscape were identified and they set the base for the parameters. The five models were developed in a creative process and by speculating about different futures. Using the set of parameters gives insight into the decision making within the creative process.

It should be mentioned that the design outcome is not fully applicable to other regions, because the set of parameters and SWOT-analysis are specific for the research area. The generalizability of the outcome for metropolitan areas over Europe is limited by the specific conditions of the research area, as it is, for example, a post-mining landscape.

The development of the models brought forward some important considerations for settlement development in the region. Settlement development within the reclaimed land was considered to be important to develop the landscape identity. A landscape without a strong developed identity will create a vulnerable position for the agricultural landscape. At the same time, some types of settlement development within the reclaimed landscape were considered as destructive. The settlements have to mark the reclaimed fields in a very unique way. Thereby, to achieve settlement development within the reclaimed fields, that is in harmony with agriculture, strict boundaries between the new settlement and the arable land should be drawn and taken seriously. Additionally, the settlement should bring along opportunities for multifunctional agriculture.

Based on the model comparison, the advantages of the best models are merged into one final model: ‘Twin Villages’. This preferred model includes villages that are dispersed over the landscape, but all have a compact concentric form and contribute to a revival of the rural reclaimed landscape as a rural answer to the exploding urban areas. Every single new village forms a ‘Twin Village’ of an existing village on the other side of the former mine edge. The existence of new and old landscape next to each other is emphasized and the two villages can strengthen each other.

This design is in line with the objective to keep the presence of the urban-rural dichotomy intact, despite the blurring and subjective nature of what urban and rural exactly are, like also argued by Sieverts (2003), Thompson (2012) and Dymitrow and Stenseke (2016).

In this project five models were developed, that led to the idea of designing ‘Twin Villages’. Developing different models or more models could have led to a

different design outcome or different considerations. The Twin Villages concept is presented as an alternative for the conventional suburbanisation. However, using the landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area is not sufficient to meet the complete housing demand in the metropolitan Region Cologne/Bonn. Including other landscapes in the metropolitan area was beyond the scope of this study. Further design research is needed in other parts of the metropolitan area Cologne/Bonn for an implementation of the remaining housing demand.

a village that is in harmony with the agricultural reclaimed landscapeIt can be stated that the design of the Twin Village ‘Kantweiler’ takes place in harmony with the agricultural reclaimed landscape.

Firstly, because the new village contributes to the landscape identity, rather than destructing it. The integration of DIE KANTE emphasises the new topography of the reclaimed landscape and functions as a metaphor for the open-pit mine. Kantweiler adds a new unique layer of settlement to the reclaimed landscape, while at the same time contributing to the old landscape by upgrading the existing settlement Jackerath. The design helps to distinguish and recognize the reclaimed landscape as a former mining landscape. While designing this asked for a subtle approach, recognizing the landscape features and playing with different forms, sizes, and density of the village.

Secondly, strip agriculture on the reclaimed land delivers a product that can be sold on a high-quality market. The strip agriculture is not solely focussed on food production, but on biodiversity and landscape experience as well. It fosters that agricultural businesses can broaden their farms with other functions for society. The reclaimed landscape can now be protected as a public good of the metropolitan area. The Twin Villages with their inhabitants act as ambassadors of the agricultural reclaimed landscape.

Thirdly, the arable strokes that extend into the village are defining the life quality of the inhabitants, since they enable a connection to the surrounding landscape. Also, the common fields are linked to the traditions and local feasts of the village. The arable fingers keep the village on its place and secures it from further diffusion. They contribute to the living quality and embrace the experience of living in an arable landscape.

Lastly, an agricultural hub is located between Jackerath and Kantweiler, at the highway exit. The industry is joined

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Figure 64: design research as tool for communication (RP-Online, 15 May 2019)

to the strip cultivation and creates local employment for the village inhabitants. From the agricultural hub, the food can be transported by truck towards the nearby urban centres, where products can be sold as ‘reclaimed products’ of the new land.

The design decisions are explained as much as possible throughout the report. However, designing is a process of creativity and therefore subjective. Different designers may have different perceptions.

When choosing the design location administrative restrictions were not taken into account. The idea of this design research was to provide an alternative settlement development based on the agricultural reclaimed landscape, and not steered by existing regulations.

CONCLUSIONThis research aimed to explore the potential of agricultural urbanism for an alternative settlement development in the Rhenish Mining Area, that contributes to sustainable forms of agriculture and the development of the reclaimed landscape.

It can be concluded that the theoretical concept of Agricultural Urbanism can be translated into practical solutions for harmonizing agriculture and settlement development by designing. The reclaimed landscape of the Rhenish Mining Area is enhanced and developed further with the concept of the Twin Villages. The design of Kantweiler shows that, when contributing to the landscape qualities, the threat of settlement development to the agricultural sector can be reversed in an opportunity. Now, an alternative is offered for the unlimited settlement development that is threatening the agricultural landscape.

further research suggestions and recommendationsSince this project does not meet the complete housing demand of the metropolitan region it is recommended to do design studies based on the other landscapes in the metropolitan area when considering settlement development at different locations in the metropolitan region. For this, a comprehensive approach strategy based on the landscape medium can be applied, as is done in this design research.

As mentioned, Agricultural Urbanism covers a very wide range of approaches and scales. This design focuses on a rural context and on the ‘growing’ part of the food system (agricultural fields). However, one could also focus on a strategy for more urban areas or a more central focus on either the distribution or processing of

food.

This design research can function as a tool for communication and discussion about the future of the metropolitan region of the Rhenish Mining Area. The design is illustrative and visual and appeals directly as a tool for communication. To bring the research under the attention of local stakeholders an article was published in the local newspapers of the research area, at the beginning of this research project, as shown in Figure 64. A publication including the research results will follow. Thereby, this research will be presented at Zweckverband LandFolge Garzweiler for representatives from the city of Mönchengladbach, city of Erkelenz, city of Jüchen, the municipality of Titz, and representatives of the mining company.

As mentioned above, the design research is focussed on a specific design area and cannot be applied one to one to other regions. However, in a time where urban and rural are diffusing, the design research can be an inspiration for other metropolitan regions in Europe, since it contributes to the exploration of today’s meaning of urban and rural relationships. In this wider perspective, the project takes an exemplary position for cities and metropolitan areas that attract increasing amounts of inhabitants. Therefore, this design research should be taken into account when considering settlement development in an agricultural landscape. Also, the design research sets an example for other post-mining landscapes since it shows that a positive attitude towards the unique cultural landscapes can help regional development. For example, for the Lusatia coal district and the Central German coal district in Germany, or, on the longer term, for lignite mining areas in Poland, like the Bełchatów lignite basin.

As a whole, this project is an appeal to put hold on the ongoing settlement development at the urban fringe and to speculate about different ways to live in our landscapes. The design gave a glance into the possible future of rural living in a metropolitan area.

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references

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APPENDIX IOVERVIEW INTERVIEWS AND ATTENDED MEETINGS

Date Type Interviewee Position Time

1 April 2019 Interview Volker MielchenZweckverband Tagebaufolge(n)landschaft Garzweiler, Geschäftsführer

1.5 hours

1 April 2019 Interview Gero VinzelbergRWE Power Aktiengesellschaft, Regionalinitiativen und Projekte

1.5 hours

1 April 2019 Interview Ribanna SchaffarczykRWE Power Aktiengesellschaft, Regionalinitiativen und Projekte

1.5 hours

24 July 2019Evaluation models

Matti Wirth & Nathalie Pszola

RWTH Aachen University, Landschape Architecture

1.5 hours

13 August 2019Evaluation models

Volker Mielchen (by e-mail)Zweckverband Tagebaufolge(n)landschaft Garzweiler, Geschäftsführer

-

Date Type Organizer Name Speakers

8 April 2019 Presentation RWE Power AGRWE Power im Rheinischen Braunkohlenrevier

RWE Power AG, mitarbeiter

9 April 2019 SeminarRWTH Aachen University, Institute of Landscape Architecture

Tagebaufolge(n)landschaften: das Reiver und das Modell IBA See

Stephan Muckel (Gemeine Titz) and Volker Mielchen (Zweckverband Tagebaufolge(n)landschaft Garzweiler

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APPENDIX IIREPORT OF SITE VISITS

Date: 8 April 2019Mode of transport: biking and driving (and walking)Observations recorded with sketching and photosDistance: 50 kmRoute:

Date: 19 July 2019Mode of transport: driving (and walking)Observations recorded with written description and photosDistance: 100 kmRoute and stops:

stops

car route

car route

bike route

LEGEND

LEGEND

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appendix

APPENDIX IIREPORT OF SITE VISITS

Date: 18 October 2019Mode of transport: driving and walkingObservations recorded with photos and notesDistance: 10 kmRoute:

car route

LEGEND

104

APPENDIX III

PHOTO REPORTAGE MINING LANDSCAPE

appendix