A room with a view. Karian landscape on display through the andrones at Labraunda

Studies presented to Pontus Hellström

Edited by

Lars Karlsson Susanne Carlsson

and Jesper Blid Kullberg

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS BOREAS. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 35 Series editor: Gunnel Ekroth Editors: Lars Karlsson, Susanne Carlsson and Jesper Blid Kullberg Address: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Box 626, SE-751 26, Uppsala, Sweden The English text was revised by Catherine Parnell Abstract Lars Karlsson, Susanne Carlsson and Jesper Blid Kullberg (eds.), . Studies presented to Pontus Hellström. Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 35, Uppsala 2014. 533 pp., with 231 ills., ISBN 978-91-554-8831-4 This volume contains studies on Classical Antiquity presented to Professor Pontus Hellström on his 75th birthday in January 2014. The 41 papers cover subjects ranging from the Etruscans and Rome in the west, to Greece, the landscape of Karia, and to the Sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda. Many papers deal with new discoveries at Labraunda, but sites in the surrounding area, such as Alabanda, Iasos, and Halikarnassos are well represented, as well as Ephesos and Smyrna. Many architectural studies are included, and these examine both Labraundan buildings and topics such as masonry, Vitruvius, the Erechtheion, stoas, watermills, and Lelegian houses. Other papers deal with ancient coins, ancient music, Greek meatballs, and Karian theories on the origin of ancient Greece. Keywords: Pontus Hellström, Labraunda, Karia, Ancient Turkey, sanctuary, Ancient Greece, Hellenistic, Roman, Hekatomnid, archaeological excavations Jacket illustration: Pontus Hellström Collage by Jesper Blid Kullberg 2013. © Respective authors ISSN 0346-6442 ISBN 978-91-554-8831-4 Printed in Sweden by Edita Bobergs AB, 2014 Distributor: Uppsala University Library, Box 510, SE-751 20 Uppsala, Sweden www.uu.se; [email protected]

Contents

To Pontus ................................................................................................... 7 Pontus Hellström, a dynamic exhibition curator at Medelhavsmuseet by Suzanne Unge Sörling .......................................................................... 9 LABRAUNDA Flowers and garlands of the alsos. Verdant themes in the architectural sculpture of Labraunda by Jesper Blid Kullberg ................ 19 The travels of Zeus Labraundos by Naomi Carless Unwin ..................... 43 Antae in the afternoon: notes on the Hellenistic and Roman architecture of Labraunda by Ragnar Hedlund ....................................... 57 Then whose tomb is that ? by Olivier Henry ........................................... 71 The Labraunda hydrophoroi by Lars Karlsson ....................................... 87 Coins from Labraunda in Ödemi by Harald Nilsson ............................. 93 Greek notes on Labraunda and Milas by Katerina Stathi ..................... 101 Quelques observations sur la forteresse de Labraunda par Baptiste Vergnaud ........................................................................... 107 A room with a view. Karian landscape on display through the andrones at Labraunda by Christina G. Williamson ............................. 123 ETRUSCANS AND ROME Ein kilikischer Sarkophag mit Sänftendarstellung im Museum von Adana von Eva Christof & Ergün Lafl ........................... 141 Tracking solidi—from Thessalonica to Hjärpestad by Svante Fischer .................................................................................. 153 Egyptian gods on Athenian lamps of the Late Roman period by Arja Karivieri ................................................................................... 163 The “Bearded intellectual” in the Villa of the Papyri: How about Cineas? by Allan Klynne ............................................................. 171 Some notes on an ivory diptych and the reputation of an emperor by Hans Lejdegård .................................................................. 179 The book and the building:Vitruvian symmetry by Johan Mårtelius ................................................................................ 187 Images of animals in Etruscan tomb paintings and on cinerary urns and sarcophagi by Charlotte Scheffer ............................................ 195 Early water-mills east of the Rhine by Örjan Wikander ....................... 205

ANCIENT GREECE A note on minced meat in ancient Greece by Gunnel Ekroth ................ 223 Marginally drafted masonry as an aesthetic element by Axel Frejman ..................................................................................... 237 The stone doors of the Erechtheion by Henrik Gerding ........................ 251 Rediscovery of a donator: FW Spiegelthal, Swedish consul at Smyrna by Anne-Marie Leander Touati ................................................ 271 Music, morale, mistresses, and musical women in Greece by Gullög Nordquist .............................................................................. 279 Looking (again) at the grave stelai from Smyrna by Eva Rystedt .......... 289 Karian theories: seeking the origins of ancient Greece by Johannes Siapkas .............................................................................. 301 The Greek oikos: a space for interaction, revisited and reconsidered by Birgitta L. Sjöberg ....................................................... 315 Was anything measured? by Thomas Thieme ........................................ 329 Why it should be obvious that Euhemerus did not write his Sacred History to bolster ruler cult by Marianne Wifstrand Schiebe .... 341 KARIA A marble head from Alabanda by Fatma Ba datl Çam ....................... 353 Culti orientali a Iasos: ipotesi interpretativa di un edificio di età romana di Daniela Baldoni .............................................................. 369 A monumental tomb complex from Thera in Karia by A. Baran .......... 387 A Lelegian house or a honey-tower by Gunilla Bengtsson ................... 405 The triad from Ephesos: The Mother Goddess and her two companions by Susanne Berndt-Ersöz ................................................... 415 Iasos e i Mente e by Fede Berti ............................................................. 427 Gladiators in ancient Halikarnassos by Jesper Carlsen ......................... 441 The desire for things and great tales by Anne Marie Carstens .............. 451 Dining rooms in the sanctuary: old and new epigraphic evidence from Halikarnassos by Signe Isager and Poul Pedersen ....................... 457 Tra natura e cultura: rocce-altari in ambiente ‘lelego’? di Raffaella Pierobon Benoit ................................................................. 467 A pilgrim flask from Halikarnassos by Birte Poulsen ........................... 479 Göktepe in Caria by Paavo Roos ........................................................... 497 Auf der Suche nach der diple stoa – nicht nur in Priene von Frank Rumscheid ............................................................................ 507 APPENDIX The published writings of Pontus Hellström. A bibliography 1965 2013 .................................................................... 527

A room with a view. Karian landscape on display through the andrones at Labraunda

by Christina G. Williamson

Among the most remarkable architectural additions made by the Hekatomnids during their major redesign of the sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda in the fourth century are the andrones. Overshadowing the temple, these two sumptuous feasting halls, built by Maussollos and Idrieus respectively, have been extensively analyzed by Pontus Hellström, who interpreted their political and historical significance next to their general function as feasting halls.1 In his studies Hellström has carefully focused on the style and chronology of the structures, paying close attention to the role of symbolic display as he reconstructed various ways in which they were used. A feature that remains to be considered in this discussion, however, is that of the large windows flanking the halls. Besides letting in light and air, they also provided a sweeping view out and across much of southwest Karia. At the center of this view is the plain of Mylasa, the homeland of the Hekatomnids. As the satraps reshaped much of the hillside into terraces to accommodate their showcase architecture, it seems logical to presuppose that this view would have factored into their overall design. My aim in this study is to complement Hellström’s close observations on the andrones and their architecture by taking a step back and looking at ways that these structures served to frame Karian landscape, and what impact this might have had on the more general perception of space, the countryside and in this case territory on the following generations.

Landscape is a strong factor in the sense of power which certain sacred places evoke. Peak sanctuaries are a case in point, as their commanding positions are intuitively connected to their functions as landmarks and points of surveillance. The heights, the difficulty of access, the weather conditions, and especially the grand panoramas which they can possess strengthen the connotation of such places of cult as being at the intersection of the heavens and the earth, an in-between place filled with divine majesty in which humans are allowed to tread only under special circumstances.2 While located more on a hillside than a peak, the

1 See especially Hellström 1996; Hellström 2009; Hellström 2011. Idrieus’ andron is the target of the recent ‘Conservation Project of the Andron A in Labraunda’, a project by the IFEA and METU; see Henry and Karlsson, et al. 2013, 310 322. 2 Peaks have strong sacred connotations in the ancient world, with too many publications to mention here. Some groundwork was laid with Lehmann 1954 and Scully 1962 who go

Christina G. Williamson

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sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda nonetheless shares several of these features (Fig. 1).3 The natural authority of such places, often dedicated to supreme gods, tends to attract human power and they frequently accumulate political relevance.4 Labraunda may well have been an important drawing card in the Hekatomnids’ rise to power as satraps of Karia in the Achaemenid Empire. Among the elite of Mylasa, they appear to have already been involved with the cult of Zeus Labraundos through the priesthood.5 Also, as Hellström points out, the god bearing his signature double-axe appears on the obverse of Hekatomnos’ coinage.6

Fig. 1. View towards the south from Labraunda (photo by the author).

The connection between the satraps and the sanctuary was clearly personal, but it was at the same time political due to the nature of the place and the supremacy of the deity who resided there, watching over their world. While their entire design for the sanctuary is testimony to this

into elaborate detail on the siting of cult places; also Peatfield 1990 and more recently Kyriakidis 2005 on the peak sanctuaries of the Minoan world, also Roller 2009 on the heights, among other intuitive boundaries that are associated with Matar/Meter. 3 On the origins of Labraunda as a place of cult connected with weather, see Karlsson 2013b. Unlike a peak sanctuary, Labraunda was less remote as it is located on a mountain pass, roughly midway along the road between Mylasa and Alinda. 4 I argue this more fully in Williamson 2014. See Peatfield 1990 on the convergence of Minoan palaces and peak sanctuaries. On the psychological link of natural heights with (political) power, see Tuan 1977, 40; Fehr 1970, 49 51. 5 Indications of Hekatomnid lineage in the priesthood, continuing into the Hellenistic period, have been voiced by Debord 1982, 330 n.5, and are supported by an honorific inscription from Iasos for a priest at Labraunda, Maddoli 2007, 306 316 no. 20B and Maddoli 2010, 128 129. See also Debord 2011 and Hellström 2011, 151 153. 6 Hellström 2011, 152. Konuk 1993[1994]; Ashton and Kinns, et al. 2002b; Ashton and Hardwick, et al. 2002a.


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relationship, it is especially the architecture of the andrones which best embodies this convergence of human power and divine authority.

The Andrones of Labraunda The reorganization of ritual space at Labraunda should be seen in connection with the lengthening of the festival for Zeus and its expansion as a pan-Karian festival.7 Labraunda was thus turned into a major festival site. Of all the impressive monuments which were added to the shrine by the Hekatomnids, the two andrones, dedicated by Maussollos and Idrieus respectively, are surely the most elaborate.8 Their chronology has recently been discussed by Hellström, who argues that both dining halls were built during Maussollos’ lifetime, i.e. between 377/7 and 353/2, rather than the traditional lower date of Idrieus’ andron (Andron A) to the period after 351/0 when he succeeded Maussollos as satrap. Hellström suggests instead that Idrieus took over the building projects after Maussollos had moved to Halikarnassos, while he was still hyparch of Mylasa.9

As monumental banqueting chambers, the andrones may well have served simultaneously as royal reception halls.10 Practically overshadowing the temple itself, these grand structures were both built in a mixture of orders, with Ionic columns standing in antis below a Doric entablature.11 A sculpted male bearded sphinx was found near Mausollos’ andron (Andron B), probably one of a pair that was set as corner akroteria on the roof.12 The intertwinement of stylistic traditions, a mixture of Ionic, Doric, and Achaemenid elements, is a perfect expression of Hekatomnid rule, rooted in Achaemenid authority while engaging the neighboring Greek communities along the coast and on islands. This composite identity is even more reflected in their layout. The raised floor surrounding the room on three sides and roughly one meter in width from the walls corresponds with its use as a Greek-style andron, with space for some 19 or 20 klinai for guests who dined in symposium.13 In a ‘regular’ andron the klinai would run around the room head to toe interrupted only

7 I.Labraunda 53 54 and 67, an incomplete list of names interpreted as theoroi or envoys to the festival. 8 Hellström 1996, 168 who observes that Maussollos’ andron was completed before the expansion of the temple, making it the largest structure at the sanctuary for some time. 9 Hellström 2011, 154; according to Hellström, this is probably the reason behind Idrieus’ use of the ethnic Mylaseus on his dedicatory inscriptions: on the Temple, I.Labraunda 16; the ‘Oikoi’, I.Labraunda 17; the South Propylon, I.Labraunda 18; presumably Andron A, I.Labraunda 15; and perhaps the ‘Doric Building’, I.Labraunda 19, although this may be later. See the discussion in Hellström 2011, 155. 10 Carstens interprets the andrones as reception halls, drawing an analogy with Near Eastern palaces and the importance of banqueting and royal receptions, Carstens 2009, 8589, 94 100. Ceremonial dining at Labraunda, with its setting, was “dining in paradise,” Carstens 2009, 88. Hellström 1996, 136, notes that the temple-like character of Mausollos’ andron, emphasizing its function for “super-prestigious, ritual banqueting.” 11 The stylistic combinations are discussed for example in Gunter 1989; Hellström 2009, 271; Karlsson 2013a; Pedersen 2004 and Pedersen 2013. 12 Gunter 1989, 92-94; more recently Carstens 2010 and Carstens 2011, 126 129. 13 Hellström 2011, 153 with a depiction in Hellström 2007, 99; also Hellström 1989.


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by the doorway, which had to be placed off-center; this serial arrangement may be seen in the six rooms of the East Stoa, each of which was fitted with 11 klinai. The axiality of the andrones, however, imposes a hierarchy of space that culminated in the large central niche at the back, two meters above the floor, which would have held monumental statues, presumably of the dynastic members and/or Zeus; if so, this would add to the arguments for ruler cult at Labraunda.14 Because of this, Hellström observes that guests would have been arranged symmetrically, with their heads directed towards the niche; those on the north side of the room would in that case have had to dine in the less comfortable position of being supported by their right elbow.15 Although dining in Greek style, this kind of spatial hierarchy and the implied social differentiation associated with it contradicts the equality inherent in the layout of the more traditional andron. In fact, Hellström discusses this in context of the general hierarchy of feasting at Labraunda, which coincided with the expansion of the festival of Zeus under Hekatomnid rule.16 Facilities ranged from open air terraces and tent-like pavilions, to the more formal rooms of the East Stoa and perhaps the Oikoi complex, and finally the monumental andrones, no doubt intended for guests of state.17 It has been calculated that at least 150 guests could have simultaneously dined in symposium at a given time.18 But they were not all equal, as Hellström pointed out. There seems in fact to have been an intentional combination of dining practices, mixing Greek style dining in the East Stoa, while the andrones appear to reflect Achaemenid-style feasting habits, underscoring status by excessive displays of consumption.19 In any event, in the different levels of dining arrangements at Labraunda, the andrones were certainly at the top of the ladder. This extends to their interiors, since the places closer to the niche, or ‘head’, would have been more privileged than those farther away.

14 There was apparently an altar for Maussollos at Labraunda, as evidenced in I.Labraunda 49 and 134 (parts of the same inscription) which honors Olympichos, satrap of the area in second half of the third century BC, by setting up a statue for him with an altar before it ‘similar to the one of Maussollos in the sanctuary of Zeus Labraundos’ ([

] | [ ] -|[ ), Isager & Karlsson 2008.

15 Hellström discusses the non-egalitarian layout of the andrones in Hellström 2011, 153 and Hellström 2009, 271, also Hellström 1996; for a depiction in Hellström 2007, 91. 16 I.Labraunda 53 54 and 67, an incomplete list of names, are interpreted as theoroi or envoys to the festival. 17 Hellström 2011, 153 154; Hellström 1996, 136, where Andron B, built by Maussollos, is suggested to have been used by the Karian League, while Andron A, built by Idrieus, was used by the Mylasans. 18 Hellström 2011, 153 154. The two andrones had floor space for 19 or 20 klinai each, and the six rooms of the East Stoa could each hold 11 klinai, see Hellström 2007, 97 99, Hellström 1989 and Hellström 1996a; Hellström 2007, 23 25 further calculates that each kline could hold 2 diners. The area before the East Stoa was excavated in 1988-1991 and a recent ceramic study, in 2006, shows that the pottery is mostly tableware, reinforcing the interpretation of dining rooms. 19 Dusinberre 2013, 114 140.


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A room with a view The andrones were the largest covered structures at the sanctuary at this time. Their interiors were spacious and airy, roughly 10 m high and 11 m across, mostly square. One of the most conspicuous features concerns the large windows. Those of Andron A (Fig. 2) are nearly intact and measure c.1.85 x 1.05-1.10 m.20 For Andron B, Maussollos andron, the only fully preserved window is in the crosswall, measuring 1.62 x 1.05-1.07 m, the windows in the south wall were probably similar in size; there were no corresponding windows in the north wall of Andron B, whereas Andron A carried the symmetry further, with windows in both the south and north walls, as well as in the crosswall. The windows, which were fitted with marble frames and wooden shutters, certainly would have allowed light and air into the interiors, yet they also afforded a magnificent view of both the sky but especially the landscape.21

Fig. 2. View of the south wall of Andron A, from the inside looking out (photo by the author).

The andrones were designed for grandeur and luxury, clearly meant to impress. This is indicated by the unique combination of architectural and sculptural styles mentioned above, but also by the dedicatory inscription on Maussollos’ andron (Andron B): Maussollos son of Hekatomnos gave

20 The dimensions of the windows were kindly provided Pontus Hellström (pers. comm. 06.07.2011); see also Hellström 2007, 131 132 and more recently Henry and Karlsson, et al. 2013, 318, fig. 55. The windowsill and revetments would have reduced the viewable area by 10-15 cm. 21 Laumonier points to the windows of the andrones as being related to Zeus’ role as a sky-god, Laumonier 1958, 99.


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the andron and what is inside to Zeus Labraundos.22 This is the only dedicatory inscription at Labraunda that mentions the interior.23 Besides the sculpture, the fine furniture and the fittings, surely one of the most valuable things inside the andron was the panorama across Hekatomnid territory. In fact this may well be one of the reasons for the locations of both andrones, perched as they are along the southern edge of their respective terraces, providing a wide scope of view with the assurance of no interference, not even by passers-by since the windows were positioned well above ground level on the outside.24 In this regard, it is interesting to note how the andrones were ‘staged’ around the temple, with Maussollos’ andron being placed on the terrace below the temple, while Idrieus’ andron was built higher up on the terrace behind the temple (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3. View towards the andrones of Maussollos, to the left, and Idrieus, above and farther to the back on the right (photo by the author).

On the inside, the windows were roughly a meter above floor level, so that guests within the andron could hardly have missed the view; those reclining on the klinai along the south wall would have had the widest perspective, while those on the opposite north side would have had a more limited view of the landscape (Fig. 2). For these guests, and for those passing through the chamber, the Karian landscape would have appeared to be completely framed, encased by the marble window sills and lining.

22 I.Labraunda 14: [ ] [ ]

(transl. Crampa). 23 The dedicatory inscription on Idrieus’ andron (Andron A) is largely missing but has been restored by Crampa in I.Labraunda 15 to read: [

] [ ] [ ] . Vacat. 24 See the cross-section of Henry and Karlsson, et al. 2013, 318, fig. 55.


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Fig. 4a. Viewshed, or area of visible surfaces (in red), from Andron A and Andron B at Labraunda (created in ESRI ArcGIS; based on ASTER satellite DEM and the Russian General’nyi shtab maps 1:500,000).

The view from the andrones, and from Labraunda in general, is splendid. The sanctuary is set against the southern slope of the Çomakda , perched at a height of roughly 650 m ASL at the end of a kind of cul-de-sac between two ridges.25 In this position, the sanctuary affords a channeled view across the landscape of southwest Karia, mapped in Figs. 4a b. To the west are the hills beyond Euromos and Chalketor, the sea and Gökova bay, near ancient Bargylia, in the distance and beyond this the hills of the Myndos peninsula, near Halikarnassos. To the east are the peaks of the Akda range, which separate Labraunda from the sanctuary of Hekate at Lagina and Stratonikeia. The sanctuary of Sinuri more to the southeast cannot be seen from Labraunda, although the range just north of it is in full view. But the primary view was directly to the south (Fig. 4b), centering on Mylasa, with the valley of the Kenios river (now the Sar çay), the Sodra Da towering above the town, the green plain to the 25 Also discussed in Karlsson 2013b, 180 181.


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east and south, including the area around Gencik Tepe and the fortified settlement of Kuyruklu Kalesi, the ancient plateau of Beçin Kale farther to the south, and eventually beyond to the Yaren range separating the plain of Hydissos from the Gulf of Keramos. On a very clear day, one might even see the peaks of Kos and the Datça peninsula, near Knidos.

Fig. 4b. Viewshed, or area of visible surfaces (in red), from Andron A and Andron B at Labraunda (created in ESRI ArcGIS; based on ASTER satellite DEM and the Russian General’nyi shtab maps 1:100,000).

In short, much of the dominion of the Hekatomnids between Labraunda and Halikarnassos would have been visible from the sanctuary and from the andrones. The question is, of course, how intentional was this? How important was the view in the design of the andrones?26 The height and placement of the windows is an important consideration in this regard. At roughly one meter above floor level, one could easily have looked out the

26 In this regard it should be noted that ancient Greek does not have a separate word for window; instead, the word for a small door was used, , or the word for opening ; Lohr observes “durch den Stamm - ist es als öffnung zum Hindurchsehen näher definiert,” Löhr 1990, 11; Herbig 1929, 15.


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window while either standing or reclining on one of the couches, just below the level of the window sill. But this would also have had the disadvantage of being exposed to the draft. If the main purpose of the windows was to let in light and air, then it would have been better to place them higher up, so that the walls could still have a protective function. This is especially true of Idrieus’ andron, which has a symmetrical design with windows on either flank, opposite from each other. This raises a second question as to why Maussollos’ andron had windows on one side only, whereas the structure is otherwise almost perfectly symmetrical. A plausible answer could be that the windows were principally designed to take full advantage of the view to the south, giving up the otherwise axial symmetry in order to avoid the cooler draft of the north wind. With Idrieus’ andron this may have been less of an issue as it was more protected to the north by the Oikos complex.

It seems then that the view was an important factor in the overall design of the andrones, based on the height and placement of the windows and the location of the banqueting halls along the southern edge of the terraces of Labraunda. Scholars have interpreted the view as being a main drive in the design of three-sided terrace architecture, with enclosing stoa complexes used to define space and channel the gaze outwards and across the landscape; typical at Labraunda, this concept would become more and more characteristic of Hellenistic architecture.27 But why then would it have been so important to bring the view, which would have been available to nearly anyone from the terraces of the sanctuary, further into the interior of the andrones? Would it not have made more sense to close off these large halls in order to ensure that the visual focus was directed towards the center, the niches and what they represented, and the main event, with no distractions from the outer world? The windows, their size and position, imply on the contrary that the outer world was of vital importance to the purpose of these spaces.

Framing the landscape Studies on the psychological impact of space show that the brain organizes places into a hierarchy, e.g. the features taken in within a single

27 Fehr 1970, 38 39: “In Labraunda begegnet uns ausserdem eine Vorstufe zu den pergamenischen Terrassenhallen...die pergamenischen Terrassenhallen übernahmen offenbar den karischen Baugedanken des auf einer Mauer ruhenden Stylobats und kombinierten ihn mit der den Griechen seit langem vertraueten Stoa am Rande eines Platzes,” referring to Martin 1951, 147f. Also Pedersen 2004, 409: “It is suggested that some technical details of the Philetairian fortifications were probably invented in Caria at the time of Maussollos and that perhaps even the great terrace architecture of Pergamon may owe something to the 4th cent. Caria as suggested by R. Martin in 1974,” see Martin 1974. For a parallel with the sanctuary of Meter Theon at Mamurt Kale, near Pergamon, see Williamson 2014. Pedersen had earlier observed that Hekatomnid terrace architecture, which created a setting becoming to gods and rulers, may well have been a conceptual prototype for Hellenistic architectural design, such as the terraced Asklepieion on Kos and the layout of Pergamon itself; Pedersen 1991, 114 115. See also Lehmann 1954, on temples being embedded within a larger “baroque” complex.


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view are mentally grouped together as in a snapshot and therefore also seem closer together. Colin Ellard describes this as “regionalization,” or more simply, “chunking space.”28 This perceived closeness has very little to do with actual distances – like zones, things that are within such a ‘visual region’ simply feel closer, and closer to other objects within the same region, because they are more comprehensible that way.29 In a sense, this compresses or even collapses the memory of space between objects that are in reality far removed from one another. The mind remembers space through collections of such mental snapshots and combines them in a cognitive collage as Barbara Tversky calls them.30 Tversky prefers this term above the more common cognitive map since the word ‘map’ implies a greater metrical accuracy than the brain usually possesses. Burkhard Fehr, in his groundbreaking study on sightlines in antiquity, articulated the situation in antiquity when he stated “der antike Mensch fasste seine Umwelt nicht als ein unbegrenztes Raumkontinuum auf, sondern orientierte sich im Sinne einer 'körperräumlichen' Vorstellung an den Einzelgegenständen und Geländeflächen seiner Umgebung.”31

This is one of the reasons that landmarks are so effective in defining space. Tversky observed that “people judge the distance from an ordinary building to a landmark to be smaller than from a landmark to an ordinary building.”32 A sanctuary such as Labraunda, which with the Split Rock, and later especially through the andrones, was visible from Mylasa and beyond, was certainly a major landmark; its visibility made the hills of the Çomakda seem much closer than they would have otherwise, if there were not a noticeable or known feature on the hillside.33 From the opposite direction, known locations such as Mylasa and the Sodra Da , but also other visible features such as the sacred way and the watchtowers lining it, the sanctuary at Gencik Tepe and the fortified settlement of Kuyruklu Kalesi, the ancient plateau of Beçin Kale, and of course the Yaren range near Halikarnassos, would have been landmarks or familiar places which would have been tied together through their visibility in a single view from Labraunda. Such landmarks are ‘foregrounded’ in the mind’s eye – they are typically remembered as being closer by than they are in actuality.34 When seen in a single view they interact to create a sense of a visual region – a connected landscape of meaning and memory.

28 Ellard 2009, 126 128. 29 Ellard 2009, 126 128; Tversky 1993, 15 16 ; also Lynch 1960, who identifies ‘regions’ as one of the five basic elements of civic space, together with paths, nodes, boundaries, and landmarks. 30 Tversky 1993, 15 and 21. Tversky calls the mental snapshots ‘memory snippets’, which can be real or imagined, e.g. second-hand directions, historical events known to have taken place, local legends, personal stories, etc. 31 Fehr 1970, 54. 32 Tversky 1993, 18, drawing from Sadalla and Burroughs, et al. 1980 on reference points and perceived relationships between them. 33 A good image of the visibility of Labraunda from Mylasa is shown in Karlsson 2013b, 179 180, figs. 6 and 7. 34 Stewart and Keith, et al. 2004, 184 and 206, referring to Hirsch 1995, 22. They discuss caribou crossings as ‘foregrounded’ places in the Inuit view of landscape.


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Fig. 5. Window in the south wall of Andron A, showing Mylasa at the middle (photo by the author).

Framing such visual regions would have significantly accelerated this effect on the viewer (Fig. 5). The framed view designates a ‘right’ way of seeing, which fits both in the sacred and ideological contexts of the andrones.

The guest was connected with the Karian landscape from within the andron through a contextualized view of features such as Mylasa, Beçin Kale and the other places of significance. Besides the sanctuary of Zeus, the context was of course that of the splendor of the Hekatomnids, which they were enjoying while they were looking out the window. Even if their gaze was directed towards the niche, the rulers, or each other, they would


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have been aware of the great domain of the Hekatomnids and their connection to the power of Zeus as backdrop to the event.

Conclusion The prominence of Labraunda in the landscape and the panoramic view which it affords across southwest Karia is surely one of the reasons that this hillside became a place of cult in the first place. This certainly seems to have been an important factor in the Hekatomnids’ promotion of this shrine as the primary sacred center for Karia and platform for their ideology, expressed through architecture and ritual, as well as their personal involvement.

The andrones clearly dominated the sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda, not only in its social hierarchy, with the exclusive dining arrangements, but also in the physical landscape and topography of the place. They are the largest enclosed buildings from the Hekatomnid period and each is set in a prominent place along the southern, most conspicuous part of the temenos, both are aligned with the temple of Zeus albeit at different levels, and both are fitted with a series of grand windows, which let air and light into the rooms, but which especially allow a view out and across the Karian landscape. This panorama, which embraces much of the plain around Mylasa and extends to several peaks down to the southern coast and even the sea along the western Ionian shore, surely would have impressed the guests who were invited to dine in these grand halls; as intended, they would have appreciated the landscape on display, and the scope of rule of the satraps. In this sense, the Hekatomnids tapped the authority of Zeus and the power already inherent in the cult place and channeled it through the lens of their ideology to enhance their own prestige and legitimate their rule, as Hellström has already argued.35 The andrones may be seen as the epitome of this policy, as the place where the identity of Zeus Labraundos as the principle god of Karia coalesced with their political network and their own personal goals, culminating in the worship of the Hekatomnids themselves. Framing the perspective of the world below the sanctuary, and the sky above it, from the walls of the andrones would have made the message that much more clear, just as the Gallery of Maps in the Vatican reminds the visitor of the extent of the authority of the Church, and probably of Pope Gregory XIII who commissioned it, as it is projected onto the worldwide dominion of God.

Obviously the Hekatomnids did not have maps, but much of their world was already visible from Labraunda. It is significant that Mylasa is at the middle of this view, and this may be one of the reasons why the andrones remained so popular in the later periods, long after the Hekatomnids had passed. More than a century later, the polis of Mylasa was embroiled in a conflict with the priests over control of the sanctuary. In the end Mylasa won, and the south anta of Maussollos’ andron at Labraunda is where the polis recorded the conflict and the ultimate 35 Hellström 2011, 151 153.


Boreas 35 135

decision taken in its favor.36 It can hardly be a coincidence that the Mylasans chose this structure, full of associations with the power and authority of the legendary Maussollos, to inscribe for all time their triumph on a wall near a view that looked out over the living landscape of the polis. The continued use of this room with a view shows that the legacy of the Hekatomnids was still alive at Labraunda, it was indeed a memory theater, to borrow yet another concept from Pontus Hellström.37

* * *

36 This concerns the second conflict between the priests at Labraunda and Mylasa in the 220’s BC, resolved by Philip V; the exchange of letters concerning this issue between Olympichos, strategos in the region, and Philip V is recorded in the inscriptions I. Labraunda 4 7 and have been studied by various scholars, most recently Debord 2011, Isager 2011, Aubriet 2012, and Williamson 2012, 95 and 118 125. 37 See Hellström 2009, where he analyzes the later care given to the dedicatory inscriptions on the architraves of the Hekatomnid structures at Labraunda. This has inspired my examination of the layered identities at Hellenistic Labraunda, in Williamson 2013.


136 Boreas 35

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A room with a view. Karian landscape on display through the andrones at Labraunda

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