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ED0013 – Second Language Teaching and Learning Module 1 Essay 1: Second Language Learning "Pattern Detection Theory of Language Acquisition: Exploring Alternatives to Chomsky” By Gareth Williams Student Number: 139022140 Date of submission: January 31 st , 2014 MA Applied Linguistics and TESOL 1
Transcript

ED0013 – Second Language Teaching and Learning

Module 1 Essay 1: Second Language Learning

"Pattern Detection Theory of Language Acquisition: Exploring

Alternatives to Chomsky”

By Gareth Williams

Student Number: 139022140

Date of submission: January 31st, 2014

MA Applied Linguistics and TESOL

1

Leicester University 2013

2

Contents

1. Introduction

page 3

2. Description of Chomsky’s LAD and UG

page 3

2.1 Effectiveness of Chomsky’s Theories

page 4

3. Critique of Chomsky

page 6

3.1 Objections to Chomsky 1: Not Falsifiable

page 6

3.2 Objections to Chomsky 2: Not Locatable

page 6

3.3 Objections to Chomsky 3: The “Module” View of the

Brain page 7

3

3.4 Objections to Chomsky 4: Brain Plasticity

page 8

4. A Pattern Detection Theory of Language Acquisition

(PDTLA) page 9

4.1 Implications for LAD

page 11

4.2 Implications for UG

page 12

4.3 Limitations of PDTLA

page 12

5. Conclusion

page 14

Bibliography

page 15

4

1. Introduction

Chomsky’s theories on the nature of language and how it is

acquired are arguably the most influential of the last 50

years. Any alternative theory of language acquisition must

address his ideas at some point.

This essay is divided into two halves. The first half of the

essay is organized into three sections. The first section

will be dedicated to a description of Chomsky’s theories of

the “Language Acquisition Device” (LAD) and “Universal

Grammar” (UG). The second section will outline the

effectiveness of Chomsky’s theories. In the third section

four objections to his theories will be raised: that the LAD

and UG are neither falsifiable nor locatable, that Chomsky’s

theories adhere to a modular theory of the brain and that

they fail to explain the phenomenon of brain plasticity.

The second half of the essay will attempt to point towards

an alternative theory of language acquisition (the Pattern

Detection Theory of Language Acquisition) that explains the

phenomenon of brain plasticity. This section of the essay

5

will be dedicated to an attempt to indicate the implications

that arise for Chomsky’s theories of LAD and UG. Finally,

the essay will conclude with an outline of the limitations

of the PDTLA.

2. Description of Chomsky’s LAD and UG

Chomsky is concerned with a description of a person’s

knowledge of a first language (their competence) and not

with the use of their first language (their performance)

(Larsen-Freeman, 2011). He believes that the human brain has

a specially designated part that provides the foundation for

language use. Chomsky claims that the potential for learning

language is a unique biological aspect of the human brain

(Chomsky, 2005). He refers to this biological endowment as

the LAD (Chomsky, 2002) and describes the LAD as a

specialized device whose function is distinct from other

kinds of learning (Chomsky, 2002).

Chomsky also describes every child as being the heir of a

physical system of ‘Universal Grammar’ (UG) that is

activated by exposure to the language around them (Chomsky,

6

2002). As an illustration, it is useful to think of UG as

being a computer’s motherboard with circuitry laid across

it. When a child is born, that motherboard is largely

dormant. As the child is exposed to the input of her mother

tongue, parts of the motherboard light up. Chomsky believes

that all human beings have the same motherboard but that

exposure to different languages will start up different

parts of the system.

There are two main points here. First, humans are

biologically endowed with a specialized LAD whose function

is distinct from other kinds of learning. Second that all

languages’ grammars are a subset of UG – a sense of which is

hardwired into every human.

2.1 Effectiveness of Chomsky’s Theor ies

Chomsky’s theory is important because it identified and

dealt with the limitations of Behaviorism. Behaviorism was

the idea that people are conditioned to learn language in a

stimulus and response fashion (Larsen-Freeman, 2011). That

is, a child will attempt some sort of communication and, on

7

the basis of positive or negative reinforcement, learn their

first language. Thus, children learn by being trained to

perform communicative acts.

Chomsky points to the massive number of utterances at the

disposal of a human language user. Humans have the capacity

to create unique and limitless expressions of their

thoughts, appropriate to their circumstances and

consistently understandable by other people (Chomsky, 2002).

Chomsky goes on to state that the breadth of input which

children receive is not sufficient to explain the breadth of

communication that children end up exhibiting. The input

that they are exposed to is limited, often badly formed,

full of false starts and frequently arrives to the listener

in fragments (Larsen-Freeman, 2011).

Chomsky also points to the 100% success rate among children

for learning their first language, no matter what their IQ,

and at a time when they have a minimal capacity to hold

abstract concepts in their minds. This capacity for language

seems uninfluenced by adverse environmental conditions

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(Chomsky, 2002). He maintains that only the existence of a

specialized LAD could explain this phenomenon and the

conclusion that such a specialized device exists is

difficult to avoid (Chomsky, 2002).

Regardless of whether or not Chomsky’s views are adhered to,

it is clear that children are developing some sort of system

of rules, inferences and hypotheses to leverage their

limited input into the ability to produce a vast array of

utterances. Chomsky believes that every child is the

biological heir of such a system and that this system is a

unique biological aspect of the human brain, which operates

as one of many separate components of a child’s brain

(Chomsky, 2002).

3. Critique of Chomsky

3.1 Objections to Chomsky 1: Not Falsifiable

Chomsky’s theories are not universally accepted. The first

objection this essay will address is the issue that the

existence of UG is not falsifiable. A scientific theory

requires that there are certain conditions under which it

9

might hypothetically be falsified (Popper, 2005) The lack of

any such conditions is a sign that a given theory lacks

scientific rigor (Popper, 2005). Just such a criticism can

be leveled at the idea of Universal Grammar. If someone

found empirical evidence of a language somewhere in the

world that was different to all the other languages, this

would not be sufficient grounds to falsify Chomsky’s theory.

An adherent of Chomsky could simply point out that the new

discovery was an aspect of the Universal Grammar that hadn’t

up until then been identified.

3.2 Objections to Chomsky 2: Not Locatable

Secondly, it is strange to posit the existence of a device

that we have no direct knowledge of. No one can point out

exactly where the LAD is. Chomsky says that the existence of

young human language learners is sufficient evidence of the

LAD. According to Chomsky there is no controversy in the

existence of the LAD because humans learn language where

other animals fail to do so (Chomsky, 2002). He is also

implying that the only plausible explanation for language

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acquisition is the existence of a specialized LAD. However,

the idea that humans acquire language with some sort of

device is self-evident. This assertion does not prove that

the LAD is a specialized component of the brain. Stating

that there is a specialized LAD requires that we describe more

of the nature of that organ – including its location.

3.3 Objections to Chomsky 3: The “Module” View of the Brain

During the thirty or so years from the 1950s to the 1980s,

when Chomsky was developing his theory of language, the

common perception of the brain was that it was a static

entity divided into different sections with rigid assigned

roles for each part (Plaza, Gatignol, Leroy, & Duffau,

2009). Language operations were considered to be the

function of specialized parts of the brain (Plaza et al.,

2009). Chomsky appears to still assume the view that there

is a genetically determined component of the brain dedicated

to the structure and use of language (Chomsky, 2002). This

“module” view of the brain has since been shown to

inadequately describe language operations. Those areas that

11

had been thought to be exclusively specialized for language

have been shown to be involved with other thought processes

and speech functions have been found to be not exclusively

derived from the Wernicke-Broca’s language network (Plaza et

al., 2009).

This is not, in itself, a problem for positing a LAD. It

would seem possible for the LAD to exist – but for it to be

more complicated than was once believed and for it to exist

as multiple parts of the left hemisphere of the brain,

coordinated together (Carstairs-McCarthy, 2000).

12

3.4 Objections to Chomsky 4: Brain Plasticity

A more serious objection arises from recent developments in

the understanding of brain plasticity. Chomsky has asserted

that language acquisition is a special type of learning

distinct from other kinds of learning (Chomsky, 2002). Brain

plasticity implies that this is not the case.

Historically, one of the most important parts of the brain

associated with language processing was known as Broca’s

anterior frontal area (Plaza et al., 2009). This area was

held to be solely responsible for language production. A

least one recent study has found, however, that due to brain

plasticity, it is possible for the human brain to learn to

adapt most of its language processing so that Broca’s area

is not needed (Plaza et al., 2009).

These insights show that different parts of the brain can be

re-wired to take on different functions. If language can be

learned and used by a different part of the brain, than

would under normal developmental conditions function as the

language centre, the suggestion is that there is no

13

specialized LAD inside the brain. It suggests instead that the

potential for language acquisition is present throughout the

brain.

The fact that humans learn language with a brain (a ‘device’

in Chomsky’s lexicon) is not in dispute. The question is

whether the acquisition of language is a different kind of

learning than learning other cognitive skills. If there were

such a thing as a specialized LAD, whose function is

distinct from other kinds of learning, then other parts of

the brain should not be able to acquire the LAD’s functions.

However, brain plasticity demonstrates that other parts of

the brain can acquire the LAD’s functions. This indicates

that language acquisition does not have a special status

when compared to other kinds of learning.

Chomsky’s theory could survive if it turned out that the

brain adaptation was also part of the LAD – just a

heretofore-dormant part. However, it could then be argued

that he would not be describing a specialized LAD so much as

he would be describing a general function of the brain.

14

Further examination of the implications of brain plasticity

on language acquisition would be of benefit towards a clear

explanation of this issue.

4. A Pattern Detection Theory of Language Acquisition

An alternative theory of language must have equal or greater

explanatory power than the combination of Chomsky’s LAD and

UG if it is to be considered a more accurate model of

language acquisition. The idea of a LAD, as a specialized

part of the brain, comes into question when we note that the

brain exhibits plasticity. Different parts of the brain have

the potential to take up alternative processing roles as

required. When an individual, for example, takes an injury

to an area of the brain traditionally associated with

language processing, it has been found that it is possible

for other parts of the brain to take over those language

functions (Plaza et al., 2009).

One explanation for why this might be so is that the entire

human brain’s neocortex is essentially a pattern recognition

machine (Kurzweil, 2013). If multiple parts of the brain are

15

performing the same function – pattern detection – this

would explain why different parts of the brain can, under

certain conditions, take on alternative roles, if injury or

other circumstances necessitate.

Detecting patterns and making inferences based on them could

be argued to be an essential element of intelligence:

“Intelligence predicts, that is its essence; the same

intelligence that allows us to plan, hope, imagine, and

hypothesize also allows us to worry and anticipate negative

outcomes” (Doidge, 2007, p. 164). Furthermore, it might be

argued that failing to infer a pattern is a failure of

intelligence – and comes with disastrous evolutionary

consequences.

Imagine early humans who are exposed to a pattern that a

certain colored berry is fatally poisonous. The humans who

perceive this pattern survive. Even if they are wrong about

the berry being poisonous, they will only miss out on a

little fiber as a result of their overly cautious approach.

The humans that fail to identify the pattern, however, are

16

more likely to die and fail to pass on their genes (Shermer,

2008).

This example illustrates the point that failing to detect

existing patterns can be far more dangerous than detecting

patterns that don’t exist. Inferring incorrectly from past

instances will, more often than not, be a harmless mistake

resulting from a generally cautious outlook. The

evolutionary cost of such a mistake is minimal compared to

the evolutionary benefit of successfully detecting real

patterns (Shermer, 2008). This is a plausible evolutionary

explanation for why humans exhibit marked pattern detection

abilities.

Humans have a hyper-tendency to see patterns everywhere. We

have passed this tendency down through millions of years of

evolution. This proffers an explanation of what we do, as

children, with the language we hear. We identify the

patterns, infer from them, and then get on with producing

unique utterances of our own.

17

Raymond Kurzweil (2013) goes further than saying that we

have a tendency to assign patterns to our environment. He

believes that all human thinking and intelligence can be

described in terms of pattern detection. It is his

contention that the entire neocortex can be described as a

system of hierarchical pattern recognition. This theory

would describe all learning, including first language

acquisition, as pattern recognition. If that were the case,

it would have implications for Chomsky’s LAD and UG.

4.1 Implications for LAD

Describing the entire brain in terms of it being a pattern

recognition device explains the phenomenon of brain

plasticity. The brain’s essential nature, pattern

recognition, allows different sections of it to retain the

potential to perform a multiplicity of functions. Where

necessary, it is possible for one part of the brain to

acquire the functions of another. One of those functions is

language learning. If language learning shares its essential

nature, pattern detection, with every other kind of human

18

learning, this would cast doubt upon the existence of a

specialized component of the brain dedicated to language

acquisition. The PDTLA explains brain plasticity. The LAD

does not.

19

4.2 Implications for UG

Linguists often describe language in terms of patterns: “A

learner’s mental grammar is a system in its own right. It

has its own patterns and regularities” (Thornbury, 2006, p.

92). “[Language development] involves processes of

integrating new forms and patterns” (Spada, 2006, p. 189).

“[Learners] are able to see the patterns in the language”

(Hedge, 2000, p. 146). Therefore, one way to describe

language is simply as streams of vocabulary arranged along

certain changeable and imperfect rules. Those rules are the

patterns that language appears in. Similarly, we can

describe those patterns as embodying the grammar of every

language. According to Kurzweil’s theory, human brains can

be described as massive pattern detection agents. Therefore,

the child learning language for the first time is operating

primarily as a pattern identifier and producer.

The universal element of Chomsky’s Universal Grammar could

simply be that language comes in the form of predictable and

consistent input and the human brain is uniquely suited to

20

pick up on that patterned input. However, the capacity for

acquiring grammar should not be seen as a special biological

endowment. It is more likely to be a general capacity

(pattern detection) in common with every other kind of human

cognitive ability.

4.3 Limitations of Pattern Detection Theory of Language

Acquisition

Plaza et al. (2009) note that although their patient no

longer used Broca’s area, a degree of linguistic fragility

persisted. Brain plasticity is not universal – the examples

of successful adaptation of language functions are minimal.

Furthermore, successful examples are not perfect –

suggesting that the brain is not 100% successful at adapting

different functions to different parts of the brain.

Chomsky has never said that the LAD or the UG constitutes

the Wernicke-Broca’s area. In fact, he has never said where

the LAD or the UG are. It might turn out that the LAD and

the UG are a complex system of interactions between

21

different parts of the brain – in particular the left

hemisphere (Carstairs-McCarthy, 2000).

PDTLA does not explain the age of onset. As Chomsky has

pointed out, children have a 100% success rate in learning

their first language. After an indeterminate number of

years, the age of onset, learning a second language becomes

markedly less successful. PDTLA does not explain why a

child’s pattern detection ability is so effective for first

language acquisition and less so for learning other

languages later on in life.

PDTLA does not explain why children can think in a

particularly abstract manner when it comes to language but

not with other aspects of their thinking. A 1973 study of

children between the ages of four and seven years showed

that they could detect the pattern in a matrix sequence –

noting that in previous studies it was believed only

children eight years or older could do so (Gaines, 1973).

The implication is that children younger than four cannot

detect patterns in a matrix sequence. However, children as

22

young as 18 months are clearly developing patterned language

output of at least 2 words (Thornbury, 2005). It appears

that children’s capacity for abstract thinking is more

pronounced with regards to language use than with other

logical skills.

Furthermore, it can be argued that not all thinking is

pattern detection (emotions, compulsivity, moral

selflessness, etc.) (Marcus, 2012). It stands to reason that

it is at least possible for language acquisition to fall

outside the realm of pattern detection as well.

5. Conclusion

Chomsky’s theories of language are widely accepted as being

important for any informed understanding in the area of

human language development. His ideas, however, have been

met with increasing criticism over the years. This essay

acknowledges Chomsky’s contribution to our understanding of

language acquisition, while also pointing to some serious

objections to his theories.

23

This essay also attempts to describe an alternative theory

of language acquisition based upon the human brain’s general

pattern detection capabilities. Although a robust

alternative theory of language acquisition remains elusive,

it is hoped that the questions and ideas generated here may

contribute to the ongoing debate on the subject of language

acquisition.

[Word Count 2966]

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References

Carstairs-McCarthy, A. (2000). Broca's area and language

evolution. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 23(01), 28-29.

Chomsky, N. (2002). On Nature and Language. Cambridge, GBR:

Cambridge University Press.

Chomsky, N. (2005). Three Factors in Language Design.

Linguistic Inquiry, 36(1), 1-22.

Doidge, N. (2007). The brain that changes itself : stories of personal

triumph from the frontiers of brain science. New York: Viking.

Gaines, R. (1973). Matrices and pattern detection by young

children. Developmental Psychology, 9(2), 143-150.

Hedge, T. (2000). Teaching and Learning in the Language Classroom.

Oxford: OUP.

Kurzweil, R. (2013). How to Create a Mind. New York: Penguin.

Larsen-Freeman, D. (2011). Grammar. In R. C. D. Nunan (Ed.),

The Cambridge Guide to Teaching English to Speakers of Other

Languages. Cambridge: CUP.

Marcus, G. (2012). Ray Kurzweil's Dubious New Theory of Mind

http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/books/2012/11/ray

25

-kurzweils-dubious-new-theory-of-mind.html. Retrieved

December, 2013

Plaza, M., Gatignol, P., Leroy, M., & Duffau, H. (2009).

Speaking without Broca's area after tumor resection.

Neurocase, 15(4), 294-310.

Popper, K. (2005). The Logic of Scientific Discovery. London and New

York: Taylor & Francis e-Library.

Shermer, M. (2008). Patternicity: Finding Meaningful

Patterns in Meaningless Noise

http://www.scientificamerican.com/article/patternicity-

finding-meaningful-patterns/. Retrieved December,

2013

Spada, P. L. N. (2006). How Languages are Learned. Oxford: OUP.

Thornbury, S. (2005). Uncovering Grammar. Oxford: Macmillan.

Thornbury, S. (2006). An A-Z of ELT. Oxford: Macmillan.

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By Gareth Williams

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