Helena O‟Rourke-Potocki – Contemporary Human Geography of Czechia- Essay- May 2014 1 Contemporary Human Geography of Czechia Essay on the Gated Communities of the two Post-Socialist cities of Warsaw and Prague Urban geography is a truly fascinating field of study as one can study the effects that political, societal, economic and cultural changes can have on the built environment of a citiy and how in turn these changes in the physical landscape of the city can have an impact on the lives of its urbanites. Over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first century, cities of Central and Eastern Europe have undergone some extraordinary changes: from the devastating effects of the two world wars, through the cold war era and the communist rule, to the fall of socialism in the region, through the re-introduction of capitalism and democracy to entering the European Union. History has felt its mark in the physical landscape of the Post-Communist cities of Central and Eastern Europe. One noticeable and peculiar change in the urban landscape that coincides with the shift from Communism to Capitalism is the emergence of gated communities. The rise of this extreme form of residential segregation has been quite noticeable in Warsaw and in Prague during the late 1990‟s and early 2000‟s. This essay aims at discussing and comparing the emergence of gated communities in Warsaw and Prague in the context of the Post-Socialist transition. There are five main parts to this essay. In the first part is a discussion of the Post-Socialist transition in Central and Eastern Europe which seeks to understand the dynamics of this transition. The second explores the concept of gated communities. Then the third and fourth part of this essay describes the emergence and spread of gated communities in Warsaw and Prague. And the final part outlines the similarities and differences between the gated communities of Warsaw and Prague. Warsaw and Prague are two European capitals that are still undergoing a Post-Socialist transition. One must not neglect the profound impact that the communist period had economically, sociologically, politically but also on the urban landscape of these two cities.
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Helena O‟Rourke-Potocki – Contemporary Human Geography of Czechia- Essay- May 2014
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Contemporary Human Geography of Czechia
Essay on the Gated Communities of the two
Post-Socialist cities of Warsaw and Prague
Urban geography is a truly fascinating field of study as one can study the effects that
political, societal, economic and cultural changes can have on the built environment of a
citiy and how in turn these changes in the physical landscape of the city can have an impact
on the lives of its urbanites. Over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first century,
cities of Central and Eastern Europe have undergone some extraordinary changes: from the
devastating effects of the two world wars, through the cold war era and the communist rule,
to the fall of socialism in the region, through the re-introduction of capitalism and
democracy to entering the European Union. History has felt its mark in the physical
landscape of the Post-Communist cities of Central and Eastern Europe. One noticeable and
peculiar change in the urban landscape that coincides with the shift from Communism to
Capitalism is the emergence of gated communities. The rise of this extreme form of
residential segregation has been quite noticeable in Warsaw and in Prague during the late
1990‟s and early 2000‟s. This essay aims at discussing and comparing the emergence of
gated communities in Warsaw and Prague in the context of the Post-Socialist transition.
There are five main parts to this essay. In the first part is a discussion of the Post-Socialist
transition in Central and Eastern Europe which seeks to understand the dynamics of this
transition. The second explores the concept of gated communities. Then the third and
fourth part of this essay describes the emergence and spread of gated communities in
Warsaw and Prague. And the final part outlines the similarities and differences between
the gated communities of Warsaw and Prague.
Warsaw and Prague are two European capitals that are still undergoing a Post-Socialist
transition. One must not neglect the profound impact that the communist period had
economically, sociologically, politically but also on the urban landscape of these two cities.
Helena O‟Rourke-Potocki – Contemporary Human Geography of Czechia- Essay- May 2014
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The solidarity (solidarność) movement in Poland and the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia
led to the fall of the communist regimes in those countries in late 1980‟s, and thus, initiated a
shift towards a democratic polity and capitalist economy (CIA, 2014). It is crucial to note that,
a communist past is a defining feature of Post-Communist cities; however, it is not the only
major aspect of these cities. In order to fully understand Post-Socialist cities, one has to
understand that they are cities still in transition; even two decades after the political transition
took place and understand the driving forces behind this change (Sýkora, Bouzarovski, 2010).
Sýkora and Bouzarovski (2010) have identified the short, medium and long term effects of
this transition. In the short term there is a democratization process where major political and
economic reforms take place. All Post-Communist countries have undergone a democratization
process, but not all necessarily in the exact same way. In the Czech Republic and more
particularly in Prague, the restitution of state-owned property has led to an important supply of
real estate for the inner-city real estate market, which led to significant land use changes in the
most advantageous locations. It also has led to the commercialization and gentrification of
certain districts. In the med-term transformations in social practises and organisation occur.
This phase of transition is characterized by a growth of economic activity, especially in the
service sector, economic restructuring, the emergence of new opportunities for people and the
rise of a society of consumption (Sýkora, Bouzarovski, 2010). From the introduction of
capitalism and democracy, a Neo-liberal agenda arise causing the deregulation of the economy
and privatization where the central sites of this change are capital cities (Grubbauer, 2012).
The effects on society are a growth in wages and income disparities and a tendency towards
individualism, which in turn has an impact on the urban landscape. In the long term, the effects
on the built environment become more and more noticeable. The changes in the economy leads
to changes in land-use, the construction of new apartments in the city centre, growth in
business districts and commercialization of certain districts of the city. The growing disparities
in society and the rise of the middle class tend to lead to the re-emergence of pre-socialist
patterns of residential differentiation and segregated districts of social exclusiveness (in certain
cases the establishment of gated communities), the expansion of new suburban areas, a
significant increase in property development and so on. Sýkora and Bouzarovski point out the
fact that the urban landscape created under communism is being remodelled and adjusted to the
new political, economic, cultural conditions. These cities are no longer socialist cities but they
are not yet fully capitalist cities either - they are cities in transition. The particularity of these
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cities is that certain areas are typical capitalist areas whereas other parts are “Frozen mirrors of
Socialism” (Sýkora, Bouzarovski, 2010).
One point of discussion is to ask the question whether Post-Socialist cities will ever
become fully capitalist cities comparable to those in Western Europe or North America. Do
these cities try to follow the western urban model? Or do they simply copy certain elements of
capitalist cities that they then adapt to their specific circumstances and will therefore remain
distinctive cities in the long term? Schlögel describes the transition in the following three
stages: “Symbolic appropriation”, “Bazaar” and “The search for a new form” and this final
stage is crucial because it allows one to understand which path the Post-cities want to follow
(Schlögel, 2012). Some authors believe that Post-Socialist cities are Westernising while others
do not. Lin (2004) argues that “the interaction of the socialist legacy of industrialization ‘with
the new forces of marketization and globalization has given rise to a peculiar pattern of
simultaneous industrialization and tertiarization, differing from the Western norm of linear
progression” (Mayhew, 2009). There are reasons to believe that the interaction between a
communist past and capitalist forces has produced a unique urban model. Therefore, when
discussing gated communities in Post-Communist cities one has to keep in mind the unique
context in which these residential properties have emerged from and not overestimate the
“Americanization” argument.
Gated Communities are extreme examples of developments in segregation patterns and
residential exclusion (Sýkora, Bouzarovski, 2010). The term has been defined by Pinch and
Knox as “Residential areas of cities with protective measures such as barriers, fences, gates
and private security guards designed to exclude social groups deemed undesirable and
dangerous” (Pinch, Knox, p.325). Alternatively, this concept is defined by Atkinson and
Blandry (2006) as "walled or fenced housing developments, to which public access is
restricted, characterized by legal agreements which tie the residents to a common code of
conduct and (usually) collective responsibility for management." (Gądecki, 2012, p. 109;
Brabec, Sýkora, 2009, p.83). Regardless of countries‟ different socio-economic levels and
local context, the phenomenon of gated communities can be found in all parts of the world, it
is a global phenomenon. This type of housing estate has a different meaning in different
places and adapts to local circumstances (Kolarikova, 2010). Gądecki mentions that it has
been suggested that the global increase in gated communities has been associated with the
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influence of the American experience. The author argues that even if the global growth of
this kind of housing estates can be explained by the forces of globalization, one has to be
keep in mind that globalization does not necessarily mean Americanization nor homogeneity
(Gądecki, 2012). There are two major sociological factors that can explain the global
emergence of this type of residential pattern. The first one is the universal sense of fear and
threat felt by inhabitants of large urban settlements. And the second one is the growing need
to demonstrate prestige and high social status (Brodowski, 2013). Physical separation from
the rest of the outer public space and privatization of public spaces within those housing
estates are the two most striking features of the gated communities (Kolarikova, 2010).
Gądecki points out the fact that the term „Gated community‟ is an oxymora as the word
„community‟ can refer to the model of social life based upon utopian ideals of solidarity,
equality and fairness, and the idea of „gated‟ is contradictory to those utopian ideals. It seems
that in most cases that the need of physical separation, the seclusion overrides the sense of
community in these places. “Islands of luxury”, “Marble Cages”, “Social Disease”, “Cancer”,
“Social Pathology” or “American way of life” are terms that have been used to describe the
gated communities. Furthermore, when talking about Marina Mokotów, a gated community
in Warsaw, Gądecki mentions that this property development is know as “The city within the
city” outlining that it is a separate entity within the capital (Gądecki, 2012). One could argue
that gated communities are in some ways heterotopias, in the sense that they are physical
spaces within the city but in their meaning there are places where dwellers want to separate
themselves from the rest of the city. Spaces within the city trying to be places which are not
part of the city.
There are other important features that gated communities can have such as: extreme
forms of residential boundaries, restricted or controlled access, prevention of entry of non-
residence, the presence of security cameras or guards and the mandatory payment of fees
applied towards various service provision (such as security, street maintenance, shared
swimming pool etc…). These housing estates are either older housing where gates or walled
where added to seclude them or they are newly built residential areas. They can be located in
rich and poor neighbourhoods. The following classification can be used to distinguish
different types of gated communities: Guarded properties (residential areas that have no
gated or fence as such but there is the presence of a security service agency to guard the
area), Fenced properties or Walled communities (areas with fences or walls but with no
security service agency) and Guarded and fenced or walled properties (where there are both
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the presence of a security service and walls or fences) (Kolarikova, 2010; Brabec, Sýkora,
2009). According to Blakely and Synder (1997) gated communities can serve one or several
of the following functions: a) Lifestyle community, which are neighbourhoods that appeal to
people who want to live among people have a similar lifestyle and share common interests,
b) Prestige or Elite communities, areas for people of a certain social class that wish to
distinguish and separate themselves from the wider society, these areas often lack the
recreational amenities of the lifestyle communities and most often differ little from standard
residential sub-division, except for their gates, c) Security zone community, residential areas
created due to the rise of the fear of crime and of outsiders (Johnson, 2013; Brabec, Sýkora,
2009). The term gated communities has slightly varying meanings and a wide range of
features it can include, but it always refers to a residential area where the people wish to
physically separate themselves from the rest of the city.
After the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe in the early 1990‟s, there was a spread of
gated communities throughout the region. This emergence can be explained by the fact that
there was an increase of housing opportunities due to restitutions, the introduction of
capitalism and privatization. The increase of this type of walled communities was significant in
Warsaw (Grubbauer, 2012). One the first gated communities was established in the
neighbourhood of Piaseczno in the late 1990‟s. In 2002, Henrik Werth found more than 200
gated communities in Warsaw, the current figure is estimated to be over 400 (Johnson, 2013;
Gądecki, 2012). To give a comparison: this figure roughly corresponds to the number of gated
communities in Buenos Aires, which is three times bigger that the Polish capital. According to
Obarska, over three-quarters of the new real estate market in Warsaw, at least until 2008, were
gated communities (Gądecki, 2012). It is crucial to note that no other European Capital has
numbers this high; Warsaw holds the record (Johnson, 2013). The map by Henrik Werth
shown below shows the expansion of gated communities in Warsaw between 1999 and 2004.
One can see that this phenomenon has occurred in many districts of the city, showing that it
has been an important change in the urban landscape in the Post-Socialist transition.
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These new residential units tend to be built at the margin of local neighbourhoods or in
the suburbs. Some of these housing developments make up a significant proportion of the
district they are located in. For instance, in Kabaty alone, there is 17 hectares of housing
estate that has been fenced off (Gądecki, 2012). One of the most impressive examples is
Marina Mokotow, which an area of 1,800 housing units spread across an area of 30 hectares
in Warsaw‟s inner city. In the case of Bielany in the North West of Warsaw, two-thirds of
the housing units built in the 2000‟s were gated or guarded and thus making gated
communities the fastest-growing for housing type in the district. Some others examples
include areas in Ursynów or Kabaty. Furthermore, it has been estimated that 75% of all new
homes on the real estate market in Warsaw, are in gated communities. It is important to note
that the boom in the construction of gated communities has been unbelievable (Johnson,
2013). The Street view and map of Marina Mokotów below, shows how impressive these
secluded residential areas can be. On the street view one can see the entrance of Marina
Mokotów where guards, cameras and barriers check the entry of the M lane which is for the
residents, and the G lane for the guests. On the map one can see that the gated community is
spread over an area of several streets that have been completely privatized as these streets do
not have a Google street view does not mark them blue or as visible, proving that the whole
area has been completely privatized.
Map of Gated Communities in Warsaw by Henrik Werth, 2002. source : Warszawa 2014
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Street View and map of Marina Mokotów, Warsaw. Source: Google Maps, 2011.
Gądecki analysed the important elements of the Polish discourse on gated communities.
These residential units are seen as a sign of modernization, progress and socio-economic
development by the Poles, making them very popular. These houses provide comfortable
housing for financially successful people which also allow them to show their social status.
There is an important preoccupation with prestige, as residents feel the need to show signs of
exclusiveness, uniqueness, belonging to a cosmopolitan class and that their homes are not
just a building. The author talks about the fact that there is more of a social divide taking
place than a class formation. The single most important reason for having these gated
residential units is the need of security and the public opinion thinks that the state is not
capable of providing security for its citizens (Gądecki, 2012; Johnson, 2013). Fear of crime is
considered to be natural and rational and the need for safety seems undisputed. Security
service is one of the fastest growing markets in Poland. It has been estimated that by 2015 its
value will have doubled and currently the number of bodyguards in the country is triple the
number of police officers. One must not neglect the role of property developers, as in 2006
large-scale developer companies controlled 30% of the primary housing market in Poland.
These developers shape housing fashion and the intense aesthetics that dominates this kind of
property development. Aesthetics is able to manipulate the image of prestige and the fact that
these houses need to evoke pleasant feelings and a unique atmosphere. The newly built gated
communities tend to attract young and rich urban dwellers that want to get away from the
ugly communist buildings from the 60‟s and 70‟s (Gądecki, 2012).
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Like it was the case with Warsaw, in Prague the Post-Socialist transition has led to the
emergence of gated communities. The establishment of this kind of residential units was
noticeable in the Czech Capital as it is the largest city and it is where the wealthiest
population is located at, an important factor for the rise of gated communities. The apparition
of these communities really started in 2002, before that only a few areas like „Mala Sarka‟
located at the edge of Nebusice Village were somewhat gated communities. It is not the local
government of Nebusice, but a company that provides public services to the area of Mala
Sarka, this illustrates the clear separation between the community and the locality. In 2003,
five luxury development projects were completed. Then between 2004 and 2006, there was a
slow increase as only ten property developments both luxurious projects for the upper-class
and slightly less luxurious housing for the middle class were built. In 2007 there was an
important growth in the development of gated communities, the increase was three folds and
it represented 15% of the dwelling construction, so that by the end of 2008 there were 57
gated communities in the Czech capital and 16 under construction (Brabec, Sýkora, 2009).
Almost half of all gated communities in Prague are walled and guarded, they tend to be
the more luxurious projects and can be realised at both a small or large scale. Then 26% of
all gated communities are guarded by private security are generally large multi-dwelling
building projects which include luxurious and more modest housing units and the rest are
only walled or fenced which are typically small places with just a couple of houses and tend
to be more modest. The majority of Prague‟s gated or walled communities and the largest
ones in term of number of dwellers are located in the inner city. When looking at the whole
metropolitan region only six walled communities are located outside the city‟s administrative
borders. However, the capital‟s suburbs have a higher proportion of inhabitants living in this
kind of property. Also, this type of property development tends to be located at the most
advantageous locations in relation to the city and the urban hinterland. The majority of
Prague‟s gated communities can be found in three main types of residential areas. The first
one being the traditional areas of high-class housing generally located in neighbourhoods like
Dejvice, Bubenec or Vinohrady with old villas and apartment houses. They attract a greater
proportion of educated and wealthy people and the most foreigners than any other type of
residential areas. Hence, these areas have a higher price for housing. The second is in
generally in advantageous locations either close to the city centre in working class or petite
bourgeoisie neighbourhoods either in areas with quite large spaces for property development.
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And the third one being, the suburban areas that tend to provide a good environment for its
dwellers to live in (Brabec, Sykora, 2009).
Riegorovy Sady, Kejřův Mlýn, Rezidence Ralidce, Villa Bianca, Villa Park Strahov and
Central Park Praha are examples of gated communities in Prague. In the Czech capital the
gated communities are generally built as small scale projects, representing a better standard
and quality of housing intended for high or middle class and the prices are usually above
average (Kolarikova, 2010). The two Google street views shown below are an example of a
fenced community in prague, located at Starodvorská in Prague 6. It is a small secluded
residential area composed of 6 housing units. One can clearly see from these pictures that the
residents are seeking privacy and a quite environment to live in.
Small gated community located in Starodvorská, Prague 6, Czech Republic. Source: Google Maps, 2011.
The picture below is an advertisement for a house in the small gated community of
Starodvorská in Prague 6 by the Svodoba & Williams real estate company. From the pictures
and the description of the house one can see that this house is advertised as a desirable,
comfortable, safe and green environment to live in. One can also note the emphasis on the
importance of the image and aesthetics of this housing unit, it is a property for its residents to
show their social status. Furthermore, the price is in Euros instead of Czech Koruna,
indicating that this advertisement is trying to target a family of expatriates.
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Now that the development of the gated communities of Warsaw and Prague have been
described. This section of this essay will attempt to outline the major differences and
similarities between the experiences of these two capital cities. Firstly, the process started
earlier in Warsaw. As one can see from Henrik Werth‟s map that by 1999 there was already a
considerable number of the secluded properties all around the city whereas it was only 3
years later that their development became noticeable in the Czech Republic (Warszawa 2014;
Brabec, Sýkora, 2009). Then, there are more walled and guarded communities in Warsaw
than in Prague. In 2004, there was already 200 of those communities in the Polish capital
when the figure was 57 four years later in the Czech capital (Johnson, 2013; Brabec, Sýkora,
2009). Furthermore, the boom has been bigger in Poland as 75% of the newly built houses
were in these property developments, the figure was (in comparison „just‟) 15% in Prague
(Gądecki, 2012; Brabec, Sýkora, 2009). However, it is important to remind us that Warsaw is
the European capital with the most gated communities and therefore any comparison with
Warsaw in terms of quantitative comparison is quite simple (Johnson, 2013). The qualitative
comparison is probably more interesting. It seems that the property developers played a more
important role in the case of Warsaw than of Prague as many gated communities in Warsaw
were part of a large-scale project and that in Prague which tends to be more small scale
developments (Gądecki, 2012; Kolarikova, 2010).
Real estate advertisement for a house located in the small gated community of Starodvorská
in Prague 6. Source: Svoboba & Williams, 2014
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It seems that the two cities share a number of similarities when talking about the
emergence of gated communities. It is clear that they share a similar history as they both
went through communism and a period of post-socialist transition. The urban landscapes of
both cities were affected by communism which still has its mark today and reshaped again
after the change of regimes. The process of restitutions and the introduction of capitalism
provided the real estate with new opportunities which was a driving force for the emergence
of these gated communities (Grubbauer, 2012; Sýkora, Bouzarovski, 2010). Also, these
newly built housing estates are located in similar areas, whether it is in the cities‟ inner city
or in the suburbs they tend to be located in good locations, rarely in areas where there are
housing estates that were built under communism. As these walled communities have a
strong aesthetic aspect to them, it is logical that there will be built as far away as possible
from the ugly communist buildings (Brabec, Sýkora, 2009; Gądecki, 2012). An obvious
similarity is that the fear of crime in both countries has encouraged the construction of these
new residential areas. When looking at fear of crime statistics between 1992 and 2000, the
public opinion of Poland and Czech Republic do show some similarities. In a study
conducted by the European crime prevention network, respondents were ask to rate on a
scale from 1 to 3, 1 being „very likely‟, 2 being „likely‟ and 3 being „unlikely‟ what were the
changes that over the course of the following year that someone would break into their
homes. In 1992, the average score in Poland was 2.52 and the figure was 2.28 in the
Czechoslovakia, then in 2000 the score was 2.64 in Poland and 2.38 in the Czech Republic.
Not only that the score shows that people in both countries felt „averagely‟ safe but they also
were relatively similar scores. Interestingly, between 1992 and 1996 the fear of crime
increase in Poland and Czech Republic by 7% and 4% respectively and between 1996 and
2000 the figure decreased by 2% in Poland and did not change in the Czech Republic
(European crime prevention network, 2004).
Another obvious similarity is that the aspiration to belong to a certain social class and
the sense of prestige and exclusiveness are important driving forces for the rise of gated
communities in both cities. When looking at the different examples of this type of urban
settlements in both cities, it is clear that they are marketed as housing for the middle and
upper-class and that residents are seeking privacy, want to separate themselves from the rest
of the city deemed dangerous and show wealth. In both cases the aesthetics of the housing
plays a crucial role in the image that these estates give and how they manipulate the image of
prestige they want to give. In both cities these houses are priced slightly higher than other
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types of housing because residents are paying for security and leisurely activities at they have
at their disposition (Gądecki, 2012; Brabec, Sýkora, 2009). And finally, the effects of the
recent global crisis will have slowed down the process of developing these estates (Gądecki,
2012).
In conclusion, gated communities have been a peculiar phenomenon that has emerged
in the week years in the urban landscape of the two Post-Socialist cities of Warsaw and
Prague. The rise of this kind of urban settlement has been more pronounced in the case of
Warsaw in terms of numbers. However, the reasons for this growth have been very similar in
the two capitals. The need for security, the need to show prestige, the new opportunities in
the real estate market caused by the re-introduction of capitalism, the demand of modern and
more comfortable housing and the rise of a new middle class has been observed in both
cases. Also, there have been some similarities in the gated communities in both cities. The
two case-studies have shown that this kind of housing tends to be built among the cities‟
most attractive locations and that the dwellers of both cities are ready to pay more for this
type of housing. One could argue that the similar Post-Socialist transition that the two
countries have experienced has resulted in similar geographical patterns of new housing
developments. Understanding the dynamics and the driving forces of the Post-Communist
transition is very useful in order to explain certain land-use changes in these cities.
Helena O‟Rourke-Potocki – Contemporary Human Geography of Czechia- Essay- May 2014
