Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 41/2 (2015), pp. 95-122

Susandra J van Wyk (North-West University)

PROSTITUTE, NUN OR “MAN-WOMAN”: REVISITING THE POSITION OF THE OLD BABYLONIAN NADIĀTU

PRIESTESSES1

ABSTRACT

Present-day scholars debate the status and role of the Old Babylonian nadiātu,

describing them as priestesses who served as sacred prostitutes (Astour 1966), and/or

living as virgin-celibate devotees of god(s), comparable with present-day nuns

(Launderville 2010; Stol 1999; 1995), and/or acting as secluded priestesses outside

the normal boundaries of patriarchal control (Diakonoff 1986). However, scholars

such as Harris and Stone rather focus on their economic and social roles in the family

and in the institutions of the city-states: see Harris (1975, etc.) on the nadiātu from

Sippar, and Stone (1982) on the nadiātu from Nippur. The origins of these two

scholars‟ textual sources differ, although their studies still show that the nadiātu

institutions were not a homogeneous group. In this study, I contend that three nadiātu

groups possess a variety of attributes, depending on the type of group and social-

economic circumstances in Old Babylonian Nippur and Sippar institutions, as well as

on the intentions of the paterfamilias and male family members. In addition, the

nadītu‟s religious role did not include living a virgin-celibate life such as that of a

present-day nun, and these priestesses have erroneously been classified as sacred

prostitutes (Roth 1999). Rather, the nadītu institution‟s raison d‘être was to serve as

an advantage to her family and society. When allowed to do so, the nadītu could by

her wit and labour accumulate property securing to an extent some financial

independence. Still, her financial independence from the patriarchal household was

limited and in some instances prohibited in the interplay among the different OB

institutions.

1 It is my pleasant duty to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Pierre van Wyk

(MD) for his comments and suggestions regarding complications in pregnancy

and birth in the section ―Distinctive classifications: escaping consequences of

childbearing‖ below. The article is a revised version of a paper presented at the

Oxford Postgraduate Conference in Assyriology 2015 at Wolfson College,

Oxford on the 25th of April 2015. In the article the Sumerian terms are in bold

letters. The Akkadian terms and any other foreign language terms are in italics.

Abbreviations used in this article are: OB (Old Babylonia/Babylonian), ANE

(Ancient Near East/Eastern), LH (Laws of/Law Collection of/Lax Code of

Hammurabi) and LL (Laws of/ Law Collection of/Lax Code of Lipit-Ištar). I

follow the transcription of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. In CAD N, Part 1

the plural for nadītu is nadiātu or nadâtu (Reiner 1980:63).

96 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

In this study I first discuss the scholarly debate on the status and role of

the Old Babylonian nadītu, describing the type of priestess as either a

sacred prostitute (Astour 1966), and/or virgin-celibate devotee of god/s,

comparable to a present-day nun (Launderville 2010; Stol 1999, 1995)

and/or a priestess acting outside the normal boundaries of patriarchal

control (Diakonoff 1986). I then give an outline of the specialised studies

undertaken mainly by Roth (1999), Harris (1975) and Stone (1982).

Lastly, I present my conclusions on the contradictory classification of the

nadiātu as prostitute or virgin nun, as well as considering the distinctive

classification of them as being outside the bounds of patriarchal authority

and the families‘ intention of rescuing their daughters from the perils of

pregnancy and childbirth.

1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY OF THE ROLE

AND POSITION OF THE NADIĀTU

1.1 The nadītu as a prostitute (“sacred prostitution”)

Prostitution is a contemporary term and can be defined as ―the practice of

engaging in sexual acts for payment‖ (Cooper 2006:13). In the Oxford

English Dictionary (OED online), its definition is ―the action of

prostituting or condition of being prostituted ... the offering of the body to

indiscriminate lewdness for hire‖. Today prostitution is viewed as

―pornographic, sensational and salacious‖ associated with the cliché that

―prostitution is the world‘s oldest profession‖.2 Prostitutes are ―fallen

women‖ and ―the other‖ outside of the traditional family structures,

constituting ―moral, social, sanitary, and political threats‖ for society,

representing ―disorder, excess, pleasure and improvidence‖ (Gilfoyle

1999:117-122).

Unfortunately, the label of present-day prostitution has been applied to

the priestess groups of the ANE (including OB) – implicating the nadiātu

priestess groups – superimposing upon them, the term ―sacred

prostitution‖.3 This is due to the influence of ancient historians,

Christianity, classical and ANE scholars.4

2 Lerner (1986:236) refers to Iwan Bloch, a physician who considers prostitution

as a ―by-product of the regulation of sexuality‖.

3 See the discussion by Lerner (1986:237-239): the nin-dingir priestess in

ancient Sumer belonged to the class of women who annually participated in the

―sacred marriage‖, impersonating or representing the goddess. The basis for the

ritual of the sacred marriage was the belief that the fertility of the land and of

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 97

For instance, the ancient Greek historian Herodotus – sometimes called

the father of History – in his Histories at §1.199 mentioned an incident of

―the most shameful custom‖5 which he came across during his travels.

Herodotus gave this account before the war between ancient Greece and

Persia (part of the ANE). The ancient Greek historian elaborated on the

presumably illicit sexual behaviour which occurred at a temple of Ishtar in

Babylon where every woman, before she could marry, had to sell her

body for a silver coin for the coffers of her goddess. This was one of

Herodotus‘ five Babylonian ―customs‖ described in his Histories,

reflecting the ancient Greek historian‘s bias towards the presumed

―customs‖ of the Babylonians (Roth 2008:22).6 Later, the ancient Greek

the people depended on the celebration of the sacred marriage being performed

in temples (Lerner 1986:239-240). I discuss the sacred marriage later in this

section.

4 See Assante‘s (1998:5-9) outline of the history of superimposing present-day

prostitution onto ANE priestess classes. The scholarly myth of the orgy of

prostitution as practised by the ANE priestesses is incorporated in gender

studies (Pollock 1992:22-24). Some studies of feminine sexuality and

constructions of gender roles in the priestess classes include Budin (2008),

Bahrani (2006, 2001:1-27, 96-120), Frymer-Kensky (1992, 1981), Lerner

(1986), Gruber (1986, 1972) and Fisher (1976).

5 Here follow selections from Herodotus‘ version (for a full version, see Roth

2008:21-39): ―The most shameful custom the Babylonians have is this: every

native woman must go sit in the temple of Aphrodite, once in her life, and have

sex with an adult male stranger ... some arrive while others depart. Once a

woman sits down there, she does not go home until a stranger drops money in

her lap and has sex with her outside the temple … The money can be of any

value at all – it is not to be refused, for that is forbidden, as this money

becomes sacred. When ... she has performed her religious dues to the goddess

... [she] goes home ... some of them wait for a three- or four-year spell‖ (Roth

2008:21-22).

6 Herodotus‘ four other customs cover the two topics of ―illness and death‖ and

―sex and marriage‖, which include a description of a bride market with two

auctions in §1.196; the custom of treating the sick by laying them in the public

square and having to take the advice of others passing by, at §1.197; the

accusation that Babylonians bury their dead in honey; and ―post-coital ritual

purification‖ of ―incense and washing‖ at §1.198 (Roth 2008:22).

98 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

writer7 Strabo supplemented Herodotus‘ statements in his Geography

(11.14.16, 16.1.20, 17.1.46).

This is followed by the ―fascination‖ of 19th

-century classical authors8

such as Frazer, Tylor and Robertson Smith with the so-called ―ritual

prostitution‖ of ancient Babylonians (Assante 2009a:27-29; Hackett

1989:68, 74; Westenholz 1989:261).

Western Christianity has contributed to the ―bad reputation of

Babylon‖, as the Book of Revelation states that Babylon is the ―mother of

harlots‖ (Westenholz 1989:261).

Adding to accounts of the so-called illicit behaviour of the ancient

Babylonians, ANE scholars, for instance, refer to the rite de passage of

the first night in the OB Gilgamesh epic (Stol 1995:138). Astour9

(1966:187) – quoted and criticised by recent scholars for his bias and

unfounded statements10

– referred to Babylonia as the ―classical land of

7 Westenholz (1989:264-265) thinks that it was the Greeks‘ ―denigration of the

female sex‖ and considerations of the other as ―barbarians‖ which led to the

―negative attributes‖ of Mesopotamia. Roth (2008:21) states that there are no

validations from original sources for these negative assumptions, but they are

accepted by some in today‘s literature. See in this regard discussions by Oden

(1987:131-153).

8 Assante (2009a:27-29) discusses the perceptions of classical scholars such as

Fraser, Smith and Tylor (considered to be the father of anthropology) of illicit

behaviour in the ANE, as well as the influence of the Darwinian theory on

scholars‘ interpretations of representations of gender and sex in the ancient

world.

9 Astour (1966:185-196, esp. 185) examines the story of Tamar in Genesis 38,

considering Tamar as a ―heroine‖ and ―temple harlot‖, and comparing her

position with the ―legal and ritual prescription for temple harlots in Babylonia.‖

10 See Westenholz (1989:248). Westenholz (1989:251) thinks that the qadištu-

women, together with ―other classes‖ such as ―the nadītu, kulmašītu, ugbabtu‖

were regulated by ―codes‖, ―organised into special groups‖ having a ―special

relationship‖ with a god; and their sexuality was either controlled by celibacy

or marriage. However, the ―classes‖ of the ḫarimtu, šamḫatu and kezertu were

not regulated by the ―codes‖, as they had a ―special relationship‖ with a

goddess; and their sexuality was ―unregulated‖ (Westenholz 1989:251).

Westenholz (1989:262) states that there was a priestess group who worked as

commercial prostitutes and this included those working in the taverns. This led

to the unfortunate association by some scholars of the tavern with commercial

prostitution. Westenholz (1989:256) thinks that ―controlled coitus within the

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 99

sacral prostitution‖. Astour (1966:187) goes so far as to state that there

were ―numerous categories‖ or at least ―terms‖ for ―various kinds of

prostitutes‖ and divided them into two groups: the ―common street harlots

and the temple prostitutes‖. Astour (1966:188) even includes the nadiātu

as ―sacral prostitutes‖, giving the literal meaning of the word nadītu as

―abandoned‖, as well as meaning ―fallow, unsown field‖, a symbol of

barrenness. Astour‘s reflections on the priestesses of the ANE (OB

inclusive) were standard for much of the twentieth century. Also, Brooks‘

(1921:54-79) dissertation on the ―moral practices‖ of ANE priestesses

refers to some types of priestesses as temple prostitutes who were

devotees in service of a god.11 Kramer (1963:490) discusses the so-called

sacred marriage ritual and thinks that at the New Year feast a ―ritual

practice‖ of a marriage ceremony took place, performed between ―a

specifically selected hierodule from Inanna‘s temple in Erech‖ and the

king. Scholars interchangeably refer to this as the hieros gamos or sacred

prostitution.12

Diakonoff (1986:230-231) contends that the hieros gamos

literally take place and in a later period were performed with statues or

dolls. Even the Encyclopedia of Religion (1987), with an entry for

―hierodouleia‖, explains that present-day scholars refer to the expression

―sacred prostitution‖ as a sexual rite practised in the ANE in the temples

of Ištar, Astarte, Ma, AnŠita and Aphrodite, where women, often virgins,

offered themselves sexually to strangers. It states further that sometimes

―sacred prostitutes‖ were part of the temple staff (see Westenholz

1989:261). More recently, Cooper (2006:12-21, 13), in the discussion of

sacred sphere‖ cannot be regarded as ―prostitution‖ and ―ritual promiscuity‖.

Lerner (1986) and Fischer (1976) attempt to classify the cultic sexual services

as practices accepted in society, in contrast to those sexual acts involving

commercial prostitution for payment.

11 Brooks‘s contribution is based on her dissertation (1921:54-79). Brooks

(1923:190) makes a distinction between the sal me (nadītu), uncloistered

priestess with the freedom to conduct business dealings, and the nin an, a

―virgin high priestess‖, who was cloistered, as well as ―temple prostitutes‖

such as the zermašitu and qadištu. Brooks (1923:192) considers the ḫarimtu as

a ―common prostitute‖ from Hammurabi‘s time and the temple prostitution acts

as the ―legalised vice‖ of the qadištu.

12 See discussions by Assante (2009:23-29), who thinks that the notion of sacred

prostitution largely derived from 19th-century theories of ―cultural diffusion

and social evolution‖. See also the detailed discussion of sacred prostitution in

Assante (2003).

100 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

prostitution in the ANE, refers to the ḫarimtu (Sumerian KAR-KID), as a

―prostitute‖ whose profession was brought, as a me (norm), by the

goddess Inanna to society. Cooper (2006:13) also considers the locus

classicus for ―representing prostitution in the ANE‖ as the Enkidu‘s

―Curse and Blessing of Šaḫatu‖ in The Epic of Gilgamesh VII, as well as

the warning in the Instructions of Šurruppak not to ―purchase‖ a kar-kid

(ḫarimtu), for it is ―dangerous‖.13

Assante (1998:5-95), in a detailed

discussion, rejects this theory and claims that the word ―prostitute‖ was

unknown in Mesopotamia. Nowhere in the sources is there any mention of

a priestess who was part of sacred prostitution for their cult (Assante

2009a; 2006:118; 1998:95; Roth 2008:22).14

The ANE scholars translated

and assigned the present-day term to the different priestess groups and

with biased interpretations translated the texts to convey today‘s meaning

of prostitution (Assante 2009a, 2003, 1998). The only debatable exception

is the ―sacred marriage‖ from which the term ―sacred prostitution‖ was

derived and overgeneralised to other priestess groups.15

In this debate,

Roth (2008:22) claims that the sacred marriage ritual was presented by the

13 Assante (1998:36) states that a ḫarimtu is a woman who is not under the direct

control of a man, which includes her finances, sexuality and offspring. Assante

(1986:26-36) shows, with reference to case studies and a discussion of some

paragraphs from LL and the LH, that the ḫarimtu‘s or kar-kid‘s status was

lower than the woman who was under the control of her father or husband. The

ḫarimtu was thus a class of woman who fell outside the control of a man. She

was considered not controllable, too independent and disobedient (Assante

1998:55). See also comments by Roth (2008:24-34) and Assante‘s (2007:128-

132) reply.

14 Assante (2006:184) states that the post-Darwinian notion of ―survival of the

fittest‖ and other post-Enlightenment views contributed to the acceptance of

the ancient woman‘s role as a ―child bearer‖ as part of the ―cycle of pregnancy

and nursing until her fertility dried out‖. In the instances where aspects of

women‘s (and goddesses‘) representations in the ancient sources did not fit this

mould, negative connotations were superimposed on the women (and

goddesses) of the ancient world such as cults of sacred prostitution and secular

prostitution. These negative connotations are by-products of ―nineteenth-

century social conditioning‖ (Assante 1989:180).

15 Hackett (1989:75) theorises that scholars emphasise fertility (indirectly ritual

prostitution) and ―mothering‖ traits as part of the so-called fertility goddesses,

because such traits are ―non-threatening‖ in relation to the goddesses‘ volatile

and contradictory personality traits.

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 101

ēntu priestess in the late third millennium BCE as a ―sacred marriage

ritual between the king and goddess Inanna‖. Assante (2007:118, 125-31)

disagrees that the ēntu was engaged in the ritual itself. However, Roth

(2008:22) states that ―at least we have consensus‖ that this does not

classify it as prostitution in our normal sense of the word and that kar-kid

and ḫarimtu were erroneously translated as ―prostitute‖ in its present-day

meaning.

The topic of sex and marriage was further pursued in scholars‘ studies

of the nadiātu (Roth 1999:22). Assigning prostitution to the kar-kid and

ḫarimtu – the single women who lived outside the ―male ancestral home‖

– implicated the nadiātu (Assante 1998:38-39). Also, in their

interpretation of LH §110 scholars ―accused‖ the nadiātu of performing

possibly illicit sexual behaviour.16

A translation of LH §110 by Boecker

(1980:97) reads:

―If a hierodule (nadītu) or a nun (ēntu) who is not living in a

convent has opened (the door of) a wineshop or has entered a

wineshop for a drink, they shall burn that woman‖ [my

emphasis is underlined].

Boecker (1980:97) interprets this section as meaning that both these

priestess classes were expected to ―lead blameless lives and going into a

tavern‖ to drink ale was ―an unheard-of crime‖. Lerner (1986:242)

translates Boecker‘s ―wineshop‖ as an ―alehouse‖, which implies ―a

brothel or an inn which was frequently visited by prostitutes, and thus

warranted the death penalty for an uncloistered nadītu who ‗entered‘ such

a place‖. Lerner (1986:242) added that the nadītu was forbidden to

―associate‖ with such a place, indicating that she must have ―lived

respectably‖ and ―guarded her reputation‖. Also, the ―need for recording

such a law‖ reflected ―looseness of morals among the cultic servants‖ and

showed that the society had ―respectable‖ and ―non-respectable‖ women.

Even Harris (2000:228 n. 30) thinks that LH §110 is a reference to the

―chastity‖ of the nadiātu which was ―called into question‖. Renger

(1967:156) comments that the reason for the paragraph was to ensure the

16 See Roth‘s (1999:445-462) discussion of the scholars‘ viewpoints. Roth

(1999:447) negates the claims of Driver & Miles (1952:202) that LH §110 has

a connection with LH §112, which they consider the ―lodging needs‖ of the

―travelling salesman‖. Rather, LH §112-126 is the regulation of the

relationship between two persons ―engaged in a manner of economic trust‖

(Roth 1999:447).

102 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

financial independence of the nadiātu by preventing them from choosing

prostitution in order to supplement their financial needs, and this is why

the nadiātu were protected by living in the gagûm.

On the other side of the debate, Assante (2007:127) propounds that

scholars misinterpret the bīt sībum for the present-day tavern/brothel/inn.17

Roth (1999:456) gives an insightful commentary on LH §110, stating that

the nadiātu are erroneously implicated with prostitution in scholars‘

interpretations of the terms in italics: the nadītu‘s entry or opening up of

the tavern and the harshness of the type of offence: burning. Roth‘s

translation is as follows – and I added some of Boecker‘s translation in

brackets [ ] – with my emphasis shown in the underlining:

―If a nadītum, [hierodule] (var. adds: and/or) and ugbabtum

[nun], one who does not reside within the cloister [convent],

should open a tavern or enter a tavern (bīt sībum) [wineshop] for

some beer, they shall burn that woman (var.: nadītum).‖18

Roth (1999:457) thinks that LH §110 has nothing to do with prostitution

and the regulation and guarding of the chastity of the nadiātu. LH §110 is

only concerned with the uncloistered nadiātu who are those of the god

Marduk. Roth (1999:445-448, 456) disagrees with the translated term of

17 Assante (2007:129ff), discussing the term bīt sībum, translated it as either a

―tavern,‖ ―alehouse‖ or ―brewery‖, which some scholars associate and translate

with ―brothel‖ or ―bordello.‖ ―Tavern-keeping‖ in the earlier periods was a

―common and respectable female occupation,‖ but was later taken over by

men. In the Old Babylonian sources there are numerous ―restrictions and

regulations on tavern owners,‖ although none could be proved to involve illicit

behaviour. Mesopotamians drank an ―estimated 4 to 5 litres of beer daily‖ and

therefore places considered as ―beer stalls, home breweries and taverns‖ were a

common OB feature. Men, women and children of all ages drank beer. Female

―tavern keepers‖ were ―grand figures‖ – for instance, Kubaba, who became

ruler of Kish, as well as Siduri, the ―paragon of wisdom‖ in the earlier OB

version of the Gilgamesh epic. The terms currently used for brothels or

bordellos, prostitutes and prostitution are unknown in cuneiform and constitute

present-day interpretations (Assante 2007:129ff). See Assante‘s (1998:65-72)

discussion of the misinterpretations of the role of the sābītu and the translated

term ―tavern‖ and my interpretation of her role in Van Wyk (2015:109-145).

18 Roth‘s (1995:456) transcription of the text reads: šumma nadītum (var. adds u)

ugbabtum ša ina gagîm la wašbat bīt sībim iptete u lu (var. ulu) ana šikarim

ana bīt sībim īterub awīltam (var. nadītam) šuāti iqallûši.

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 103

the bīt sībum, which she considered as a biased reflection with present-

day connotations. Roth (1999) advocates that we must read §110 in

context with LH‘s other paragraphs, which indicated that LH §110 was

part of the regulation of the sābītu (a tapster)19

from paragraphs LH §108-

111, as illustrated in Table 1.20

LH §100-126 were about the regulation of

―economic ventures‖ and/or economically-based personal relationships

(Roth 1999:447). Thus, LH §110 regulated the business affairs of the

nadītu and not her ―morality, chastity or sobriety‖ (Roth 1999:458).21

19 Roth (1995:446 n. 6) explains her ―unfortunate‖ translation of a woman-

innkeeper in her 1995 translations in Laws of X §1, Laws of Ešnunna §15, 41

and LH §108-111. Roth (1999:145) affirms that the more suitable translated

term for sābītu is ―tapster‖, so as to remove any anomalies of misunderstanding

which were associated with other translations such as ―barmaid‖ and ―tavern

inn-keeper‖.

20 The table is based on Roth‘s (1999:446-447) conclusions of the relation of LH

§110 with the other paragraphs of the LH.

21 See Van Wyk (2015:109-145). I expand on Roth‘s comments regarding the

severity of the penalty of burning. I propose that LH §110 is a fiscal regulation,

prohibiting the uncloistered nadītu from committing the secret transgression of

tax evasion, which warrants public execution through death by burning.

Unfortunately, the scope of this article does not allow for elaboration of this

discussion.

104 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

§100-§103 §104-§107 §108-§111 §112-§126 §127f.

International

trading

Local

trading

Individual business and trading Marriage,

marital

infidelity, etc. sābītu‘s business

relations (tavern):22

Two

persons in

an economic

trust

relationship

§108: sābītu &

customers – payment in

grain for beer

§109: sābītu conspiring

with criminals (palace

authorities)

§110: unilateral =

uncloistered priestess

§111: sābītu &

borrower

Table 1: LH § 110 in context with adjacent sections

1.2 The nadītu as a nun (religious devotee of a god)

Some ANE scholars extended their preoccupation with the regulation of

the sexual behaviour of the nadiātu to the priestesses‘ presumed celibacy.

Due to limitations in the length of the article, I have only outlined some of

the main arguments of two scholars: Stol (1998; 1995) and Launderville

(2010:261-273).

Stol (1995:137-139) and Launderville (2010:270) disagree with

scholars who claimed the nadiātu was involved in illicit behaviour,

including prostitution.

Stol (1995) applies the term ―nuns‖ to the nadiātu, while Launderville

(2010) maintains the transliterated term nadiātum, although both scholars

associated the nadiātu with present-day nuns as better-known from

medieval Christianity. Throughout their discussions it seems that the

nadiātu share at least two main characteristics of the present-day Christian

(Catholic) nuns: their chastity as virgins in a lifetime of celibacy and their

―calling‖ to become cloistered devotees to their god(s).

Stol (1995:139) and Launderville (2010:264-265) think that the

cloistered nadiātu were sent off to a secluded place by their parents – who

were rich and sometimes royal families – to pray on their behalf and make

22 Only LH §110 refers to a unilateral offence, with an ―actor‖: the priestess and

―no explicit victim‖ (Roth 1999:452). In the other three sections (LH §108, 109

and 111), two or more people are involved regarding the business affairs of the

sābītu: §108 between the sābītu and a customer paying in grain for beer, §109

regarding the sābītu, criminals and palace authorities, and LH §111 between

the sābītu and a borrower (Roth 1999:452).

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 105

sacrifices, as deduced from the nadiātu‘s letters to family and

friends. Launderville (2010:264) proposes that the nadītu‘s religious role

also involved the performance of various rituals when entering the

―cloister‖, her position being similar to that of a kallatu, a betrothed

young girl who was housed in her father-in-law‘s household before the

consummation of her marriage (Launderville 2010:264).23

Both scholars‘ opinions of the predominant goal of the nadiātu leading

a religious life derived from their interpretations of business and legal

cuneiform texts in which the nadiātu were directly and indirectly

involved. Both scholars discuss the business role of the nadiātu in their

family and society. Launderville (2010:266-270) mentions and outlines

the studies of Harris (1975) and Stone (1982) with regard to the different

groups of nadiātu involved in real estate transactions, economic

institutions and family life. Stol (1998, 1995) outlines various business

and legal texts of the nadiātu, especially in his 1998 contribution, adding

value to the interpretations of the nadītu‟s role in her family and society.

However, neither Stol nor Launderville considered the presence of the

nadiātu‟s economic role as the rationale for the existence of the institution

of priestess. Stol (1998; 1995) believes that the nadītu‟s role was religious

and also that the institution did not represent an economic motive to

preserve the family capital. Launderville (2010:264) considers that the

rationale for the institution was based on a calling of the cloistered and

uncloistered priestesses to serve their god(s). It was an ―escape route‖ for

those who could not marry – by intent or through circumstances – by

accommodating them in cases where they could not find a suitable

husband and by exempting them from the ―burdens of childbearing‖. In

addition, the cloistered priestesses had a ―special calling for a lifetime‖ to

make a ―sacrifice of virginity‖ (Launderville 2010:269).24

Overall, the

nadiātu in their rituals and duties show a special relationship with a deity,

23 Launderville (2010:264) refers in this instance to the fact that the nadītu was

the daughter-in-law of Šamaš and his wife Aja or the betrothed of Šamaš.

24 Launderville (2010:262-264) outlined the different scholars‘ opinions about the

so-called chastity and the virginity of the nadiātu. Landsberger (1986:58)

considers the priestesses to have lived a chaste life. Finkelstein (1970:246)

affirms that there is no textual reference to any ―vow of chastity‖ and that the

nadiātu and qadištu cannot be associated with the Sumerian lukur. Harris

(1964:107) claims there is no ―reliable‖ technical equivalent for lukur.

Lambert (1992:154 n.14) thinks that the nadiātu were prostitutes and that their

business dealings were in effect prostitution.

106 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

underscored by acts such as a ―standard use of salutation‖25

and acting as

an ―intercession‖ for their city, family and ―other interested parties‖

(Launderville 210:265).

1.3 The nadītu as a man-woman

Diakonoff (1986) explains that if an OB girl could not be married by her

12th or 14th year, she became either a priestess or a ḫarimtu and was not

―under the patriarchal authority of the family house‖. Diakonoff (1986)

based these assumptions on ―cited and similar documents‖, including LH

§178-182. Diakonoff (1986:234) translates the nadītu literally as ―the cast

off, the laid down or away, perhaps the lying in barrenness‖. For

Diakonoff (1986:234) there were different types of nadiātu and they were

present in only some of the city-states. The nadiātu groups differ in their

dedication to different gods and rules regarding marriage, but Diakonoff

(1986:234) contends that they had the advantage of not falling under the

patriarchal household. In their role as devotees of certain gods, they acted

independently in society (Diakonoff 1986:234).

2. SPECIALISED STUDIES OF THE NADIĀTU

From recent scholarly contributions such as those of Roth (1999), Stone

(1987, 1982, 1977) and Harris (1975, etc.), we can agree that the textual

sources give us information reflecting different categories of priestesses.

This includes information about whether they were allowed by their cult

to marry and have children, where they lived, whether cloistered or

uncloistered, how they received money and property from their families,

and even what their contractual abilities were (Roth 2008:22).

Harris made a qualitative study of thousands of cuneiform tablets,

mainly from the gagûm of Sippar in northern Mesopotamia. Harris‘s

main work is captured in Ancient Sippar (1975), preceded by

contributions in 1961, 1963, 1964, 1968, 1969 and followed by

contributions in 1976, 1977 and 1989.26

Harris‘s studies mainly cover the

25 For instance: ―May Šamaš and Aja, the bride, keep you well.‖

26 Harris (1961) outlines the nadiātu, and their rights in LH. Harris (1962)

presents some bibliographical notes on some of the nadiātu priestesses. Harris

(1962:4) refers to the text VAS 9 144/145. This text records the division of the

paternal estate between three brothers, with a maintenance clause (inheritance)

in favour of their nadītu sister. The parties agreed that the inheritance of their

nadītu sister belonged to them on her death. Harris (1969, 1968, 1964, 1963,

1961) discusses the nadiātu women in general and gives a general overview of

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 107

cloistered nadiātu of Sippar and, to a lesser extent, the uncloistered

nadiātu of Marduk and other types of priestesses. Stone‘s (1982) studies

are focused on the nadiātu of Nippur with genealogies of four to six

generations in the examination of five hundred private contracts

predominantly consisting of recordings of transfers of privately-owned

fields, houses and temple property, mainly concerning sale and

inheritance transactions.27

The social and economic circumstances in northern and southern

Mesopotamia differed and influenced the roles of the nadiātu groups in

their society and family life (Roth 1999:450; Stone 1982). Interdependent

and interacting economic, social and ecological factors and conditions

resulted in different forms of ownership in the management of property

and for the survival of the city-states‘ inhabitants (Renger 1995:269-270;

Ellickson & Thorland 1995:329).

In northern Mesopotamia there was the uncloistered nadiātu group of

Marduk,28

living outside the secluded areas of Sippar and Babylon,29

and

the cloistered nadiātu of Šamaš30

living in the gagûm of Sippar, while in

southern Mesopotamia, the cloistered nadiātu of Ninurta from Nippur

lived in the ―place of the nadiātu‖.

Stone (1982:62-63) considers the differences and similarities between

the nadiātu groups as ―superficial‖ and compares only the two cloistered

the organisation and administration of the cloister. Some general notes on

kinship and inheritance are given by Harris (1976), in addition to notes on

slave names in Harris (1977). Harris (1989) has written an overview article on

the named independent women in ancient Mesopotamia (OB), which elicited

some responses from other scholars.

27 Stone‘s (1982:53) study of OB Nippur society in a broader context conveys in

the social role of the nadiātu in these texts that 10% included a nadītu as a

contractual party (Stone 1982:51-52). In contrast with Harris‘s textual sources,

which derive mainly from OB Sippar gagûm, the Nippur contracts were found

in the houses of the Nippurians (Stone 1982:51 fn. 3).

28 With his wife Ṣarpanītum (Harris 1975:315).

29 Text references to this group in Sippar date from the reign of King Hammurabi

in the OB period, probably as a result of bringing the god Marduk as a religion

figure from Babylon to Sippar. In the text CT 8 49b there is a reference to a

nadītu coming from Babylon, hence the reference that the group could come

from Babylon (Harris 1975:315, 325 n. 36, 317-318).

30 With his bride or fiancée (kallātu), Aya (Harris 1975:315).

108 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

groups with one another. However, I add the uncloistered nadiātu of

Marduk in the following comparison.

The cloistered nadiātu groups were unmarried priestesses, forbidden to

have children. The uncloistered nadiātu of Marduk were allowed to

marry, but not to have children (Roth 1999:449; Harris 1975:315, 317).

The uncloistered nadītu may provide her husband with a second wife

(šugītu) whose children are considered the nadītu‘s children.31

The second

wife can be a younger sister, a free woman, or a slave girl (Harris

1975:317-322).

The nadiātu institution provided the opportunity for the family to

advance their position in society, both socially and economically. The

nadiātu were from the ―upper strata of society‖, coming from the

powerful, rich and even royal families. It was a position of prestige. For a

cloistered nadītu, entry to the institution could be secured if she had an

aunt or great-aunt who was already a nadītu. For the uncloistered nadītu,

an added advantage to secure entry to the institution was having an elder

sister as a cloistered nadītu (Stone 1982:62; Harris 1975:307, 315-316).32

The Marduk nadiātu, notwithstanding their uncloistered marriage

status, had some temple duties – daily or for periods – similar to those

―services‖ a young bride would have to fulfil in her father-in-law‘s

household duties (Harris 1975:308, 322).33

The cloistered nadiātu had

religious duties34

and Harris (1975:316) considers the nadiātu of Šamaš‘

31 See LH §144-147 dealing with the uncloistered nadītu‘s marriage and its

financial implications.

32 Harris (1975:306) thinks that the oldest sister as the cloistered nadītu was of a

higher rank than her younger sister, who was the uncloistered nadītu.

33 It seems that the uncloistered nadītu‘s religious role was lesser, for there was

no regular reference to renaming her to associate her with her temple and only

one letter contained a salutation address (Harris 1975:315-316). Also, in only

one text reference (a marriage contract) were the second wife and adopted

sister obliged to bring the uncloistered nadītu‘s chair to the temple (Harris

1975: 320, 322).

34 Harris (1975:307) outlined the religious rituals of the cloistered nadiātu of

Sippar when the entering the gagûm. In a symbolic act, the ―rope of Šamaš‖

was placed over the nadītu‘s arm as a symbol of her relationship to the god.

Funerary rites were conducted, symbolising her deceased parents. The nadītu

could assume a new name to express her ―devotion‖ to her god(s), which

included prominent names such as Amat-Šamaš ―the servant of Šamaš and

Eristi-Šamaš‖ or Eristi-Aja ―requested by Šamaš or Aja‖. However, the

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 109

religious role to be the same as that of the Sipparians in their temple: both

the cult and temple had to be ―magnificently and lavishly maintained‖ to

declare their ―concern and care‖ in ―guaranteeing‖ the god Šamaš would

retain an ―abiding interest‖ in the citizens‘ ―welfare and well-being‖. The

Nippur nadiātu acted – in a symbiotic relationship with the family and

temple group – as officials of the temple, providing status to their family

lineage group (Stone 1982:55).35

The nadītu received her dowry and ring-money36

during her initiation to

the institution. She is afforded some opportunity to obtain property for her

own means with her wit and labour. At her death, her dowry returns to her

family, securing the continuation of her family‘s patronage estate (Van

Wyk 2014a, 2014b; Stone 1982:59-60; Harris 1975:307, 316-318,

1968:119).

The cloistered groups‘ structures of enclosed places of living differ.

The cloistered nadiātu of Sippar lived in a gagûm. This was a walled

enclosed area, consisting of buildings where administrative staff and

workers lived and carried out administrative tasks and chores, so that the

Sippar nadiātu could focus on their business dealings (Harris 1975:38-

208, 306, 310-312).37

The cloistered Nippur nadiātu lived in a structured

area called the ―place of the nadiātum‖ (ki-lukur-ra), where men, for

instance, were not owners of houses (Stone 1982:56).

Another difference between the groups is the manner in which a nadītu

received and managed property for herself and to the advantage of her

family and institution. The Marduk uncloistered nadītu provides for her

own support, but Roth (1999:457) reasons from LH §110 that she was not

allowed to compete economically with other occupations such as the

sābītu. The uncloistered nadiātu owned property (Roth 1999:458).

However, she was not completely independent, for in an anomalous text –

the only sales text – she appears as a party in the sale of land, represented

uncloistered Sippar nadiātu of Marduk seem to have no ―pious names‖ (Harris

1975:309).

35 In FN 17 P 56 in PBS 8/2, a nadītu receives a considerable amount of gudu4-

ship from the temple of Ninlil (Stone 1982:55). The text illustrates the ―degree

of freedom from economic constraint‖ enjoyed by the nadiātu, and the secular

nature of temple offices (Stone 1982:55).

36 ―Ring money‖ is a phrase found in the sale contracts. This was jewellery that

the nadītu‘s father gave to her at her initiation (Harris 1975:316).

37 Harris (1963:122-124, 125-126) gives a concise description of the layout of the

cloister and of the type of houses within the walled area.

110 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

with her brothers (Harris 1975:317).38

The cloistered nadiātu of Sippar

and Nippur in certain instances did acquire property such as fields, houses

and slaves, and some of these purchases were next to or near their father‘s

holdings – thus, the nadiātu could increase their ownership in an area

(Stone 1982:68; Harris 1975:310-311). In various Sippar gagûm records,

the cloistered nadiātu obtained and leased property without the assistance

of male family members (Harris 1975:310-312). In Sippar the cloistered

nadiātu received property via inheritance from their father or other

nadiātu. In Nippur, the nadiātu received gifts of property (Stone 1982:57).

In contracts between the Nippur family members – during and after the

lifetime of the father – the nadītu received property and benefits in the

form of a dowry, gifts of various properties and maintenance (Stone

1982:57-58).39

In the Sippar division agreements and the Nippur contracts, the brothers

agree with their cloistered nadītu sister, on the death of their father, to

provide for their sister‘s maintenance needs for the rest of her life (Van

Wyk 2014a, 2014b).40

The cloistered nadītu only received some of the

38 The text, Szlechter Tablettes 45 Mah 15935, gives a confused picture of the

property rights of the uncloistered nadiātu. Harris (1975:317) thinks that either

she was limited in selling her property (probably family property) or she could

not, like the cloistered nadītu, sell land without male family representation.

39 In text ARN 29, three types of property were awarded to the Nippur nadītu,

Beltani. This included a list of goods in the form of a dowry, consisting of

household goods, grain and a slave girl, then a ―substantial plot‖ of an

eighteen-iku field coming originally from her nadītu aunt‘s estate (Stone

1982:57) and a three-iku plot provided by her father and her eldest brother. (1

iku is 3600m2.) A third group of property consists of her maintenance support,

which the nadītu by agreement received for a lifetime. In a later agreement,

CBS 7112, PBS 8/2, her maintenance was reduced and Beltani received from

her brothers a monthly ration of grain, oil and an annual ration of wool for life

(Stone 1982:58).

40 In my contributions on the nadiātu, I focus on the maintenance and inheritance

provisions for the nadiātu from Sippar (Van Wyk 2014a) and those of Nippur

(Van Wyk 2014b). Also, LH §178 states that, if the father does not give his

nadītu daughter the freedom to alienate the property, then the brothers must

support her by managing her property and allotting the proceeds to her. This

form of maintenance consists of food, oil and clothing allowances in

accordance with the value of her inheritance share. Furthermore, the onus is on

the brothers to ensure that she is satisfied with the allowances. In the instance

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 111

fruits and income derived from her maintenance property. Thus, during

the lifetime of the nadītu the family – father and then his sons – was the

representative owners of the nadītu‘s maintenance property and upon her

death became the ultimate owners of such property (Van Wyk 2014a,

2014b; Harris 1976:133).41

However, in the Sippar texts the cloistered

nadiātu of Sippar was sometimes involved in conflicting roles with their

family members by adopting and bequeathing their maintenance property

to their beneficiaries (Harris 1975:335-357; 1963:152-154). Still, at the

best of times the cloistered nadiātu of Sippar and Nippur and their family

members played mutually supportive roles (Van Wyk 2014a; 2014b).

Furthermore, in Nippur, three social institutions played a dynamic role

in defining the nadiātu‘s role and contained risk-sharing attributes for the

advantage of the survival of its inhabitants (Stone 1987:133; 1985:55;

1977:283-287).42 These institutions were the patrilineal lineages, the

temple office group and the nadītu institution (Stone 1982:55). The

of non-compliance, the nadītu is given the power to appoint an agricultural

tenant who can then make better use of the land to provide her with

maintenance from the proceeds of the fields and orchard. LH §179 states that if

the nadītu‘s father gives the land-dowry as a free disposition, the nadītu has the

freedom to bequeath it to whomever she pleases, otherwise the land is her

brothers‘ land and they must support her.

41 The following paragraphs of LH and LL give a glimpse of the property rights

of the nadiātu. In LH §180, the cloistered nadītu shall, as a lifetime

maintenance, ―have a share of the property of the paternal estate comparable in

value to that of one heir‖. However, ―her estate belongs only to her brothers‖.

LH §181 states that a nadītu who did not receive her dowry shall, upon her

father‘s death, ―take her one-third share from the property of the paternal estate

as her inheritance‖ for a lifetime maintenance and ―her estate belongs only to

her brothers‖ (translations by Roth 1995:180). Thus, the nadītu keeps a close

connection with her family. The property gained by the nadītu was ―at least

partly‖ controlled by her brothers (Stone 1981:18). Then §22 of LL reads that a

nadītu shall share as equal heir with her brothers in her father‘s estate (Roth

1995:31). Whereas LH §180 and 181 specify that the nadītu sister has only the

use of the property, because the property belongs ultimately to her brothers, LL

makes no such statement. Thus, Jackson (2008:121) states that in LL §22, there

is a ―slightly different attitude‖ towards female inheritance.

42 In Van Wyk (2014b:457-480) I outlined how the OB Nippurians managed

property through institutions which resulted in spreading different risk-sharing

attributes among these institutions.

112 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

Nippur nadītu had a symbiotic relationship with her family lineage and

retained ―close economic ties‖ with her family (Stone 1981:19), which is

extended also to her welfare (Van Wyk 2014b). Her family utilised her

position as part of the temple office group to control and extend family

property, whereby she acted as a party in the transfer of property from one

lineage to another. In this way, the family obtain property from other

lineages rather than through the traditional means from their minor branch

(Stone 1981:24). Thus, the Nippur nadītu institution served the family‘s

interests and acted as a link between the patrilineal lineages and the

temple office group, while being protected by her family (Stone 1981:18).

Still, in Sippar, although the nadītu institution once had a ―spiritual and

social role‖, in time the function of the temple office became of lesser

importance (Stone 1981:69; Harris 1968:117, 119). The emphasis in

Sippar developed towards some independent economic advantages which

a cloistered and uncloistered nadiātu might or could gain, especially in the

later period of OB (Van Wyk 2014a, 2014b; Stone 1982:69).

3. CONTRADICTORY AND DISTINCTIVE ATTRIBUTES OF THE

NADIĀTU

In our evaluation of Mesopotamian data by period and area, religious and

other types of symbols and titles undergo continuous changes and

replacement, giving way to different meanings (Westenholz 1989:251). It

is these different meanings that can elude historians when we superimpose

with a contemporary bias our ideals and present-day meanings onto OB

concepts and institutions. In this section, I give my concluding remarks on

the contradictory attributes of the nadiātu as prostitutes or celibate-virgin

nuns. This is followed by conclusions on the distinctive attributes of the

nadiātu, namely, the considerations of the family to save the nadiātu from

the consequences of pregnancy and childbearing and the presumptions

that the nadītu acted as an independent person, outside the bounds of

patriarchal authority.

3.1 Contradicting classifications: prostitutes versus virgin nuns

In historical studies, there is a tendency to discuss women of ancient times

in terms of their sexual functions. Women are seen as wives and mothers

based on their ―biological function‖ such as fertility, maternity and sex,

and placed in roles such as ―wives, mothers, witches, midwives, nuns or

whores‖ (Hackett 1989:65-66). This limited view is extended to the

priestesses of the ANE and, more specifically, the nadiātu groups. As

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 113

previously discussed, there is no valid reason to impose on the nadiātu the

label of illicit sexual behaviour and prostitution.

I disagree with Launderville (2010) and Stol (1995, etc.), who believe

that the cloistered nadiātu‘s ultimate destiny was to live a virgin-celibate

life – similar to that of a present-day nun – in religious dedication to their

gods and having no sexual intercourse. Although the nadiātu performed

religious duties for themselves and their family, we should recognise that

to reconstruct the sexual life of ancient Mesopotamians is ―fraught with

many uncertainties‖. At least we know from the sources that ancient

Mesopotamians had fewer prohibitions against sex than our own

civilizations (Bullough 1971:191).43

The nadiātu groups‘ celibacy can

only be limited to vaginal sex to prevent pregnancy, for there are no

textual sources stating that the nadiātu were forbidden from conducting

other forms of sexual acts.44

However, the focus of studying the priestess groups should not be

directed towards the priestesses‘ alleged sexual and virgin-celibate lives,

or the topics of prostitution and sex. Attributing to the nadiātu sexual acts

or abstinence from sexual acts does not add to our understanding of their

role and position in society, but rather reveals biased presumptions and

the superimposing of present-day sexual taboos and sexual behaviour onto

classes of women who did not fit the mould of the wife/mother. In

addition, the bias and negative connotations of superimposing present-day

translated terms such as ―prostitutes‖ and ―nuns‖ contribute to the

misreading and misunderstanding of ancient texts – in the quotation and

re-quotation of translated primary sources. We should rather in our

translations retain the terms ―nadītu/nadiātu‖45

and follow the slower and

more complex road – communicating in debate – for at least some

common understanding of cuneiform terms.

43 See discussions of ANE (OB) sexual life, customs, eroticism, conceptions of

the male/female body, etc. by Bahrani (2001), Asher-Greve (1997) Leick

(1994) and Bullough (1971:191).

44 Different forms of sexual conduct, including anal sex, are inferred from texts

and from representations of partners coupling (Bahrani 1993:13-14, fig. 1;

Bullough 1971:191).

45 This suggestion is extended to all terms which need clarification, such as all the

priestess classes, e.g. kulmašītu, ugbabtu, ḫarimtu (kar-kid), šamḫatu, ēntu,

etc. who are mostly classified as prostitutes, while their functions and roles in

family and society differ.

114 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

3.2 Distinctive classifications: escaping consequences of childbearing

and acting outside the bounds of patriarchal authority

Old Babylonian society was socially/group-orientated and the family

formed an integral part of society in maintaining relationships, especially

kinship relationships (Claassens 2012/1:35).46

The nadiātu – cloistered

and uncloistered – had a predestined social role to play. For each person

had a particular ―juridical relationship in their position in the family‖ by

contract (Fleishman 2001:93-97) or birth (Frymer-Kensky 1981:210-214).

The individual moves in his/her life through different stages, which has a

direct influence on his/her status and position in social and family life

(Roth 1998:717). The family structure can be labelled as that of

―patripotestal in authority‖ and ―patrilineal in descent‖ (Frymer-Kensky

1981:210).47

However, there were differences in kinship relationships in

northern and southern Mesopotamia with regard to ownership influencing

the status of the family members and the roles they play within the family

structure and other societal institutions (Forster 1995:442; Stone 1985).48

In the predestined roles of each individual, women were expected to

have children. The OB woman, squatting with her feet on birth bricks and

giving birth with only the attention of a midwife, was a different reality

from that of the present-day woman who gives birth in the comfort of a

hospital bed, with the aid of trained medical personnel and advanced

medical knowledge (Assante 2009b:1-2).49

Still, childbirth in the ANE50

and to a lesser extent in the present day is accompanied by possible

serious and painful complications for both the mother and baby, as the

46 See my discussion of the nature and characteristics of performative legal

traditions of OB Mesopotamians (Claassens 2012/1:29-50).

47 However, two practices concerning the daughter were a ―modification of male

succession rule‖: receiving a donation during her lifetime in the form of a

dowry and/or receiving as a priestess-daughter support from her family

(Postgate 1992:97).

48 Roth (1998:175; 1997) warns of superimposing our present-day understanding

of social categories on those of the ancient world.

49 As Assante (2009b:1) puts it, ―we hardly dare to imagine them‖. However,

notwithstanding the social and cultural differences, there are similarities in the

biological processes of our bodies (Assante 2009b:1).

50 See Stol (2010), who also discusses the diagnosis of complications during and

after childbirth in the ANE.

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 115

stark reality of procreation: starting with the date of conception,51

possibility of miscarriages,52

complications of childbirth53

and secondary

complications thereafter.54

ANE civilizations were painfully aware of this and to such an extent

that the female body was considered a house to be guarded from entry by

demons (Assante 2009b:6). Threats to the mother and baby were

personified by the demon Lamaštu, who caused miscarriages, stillborn

51 For instance, a complication is hyperemesis gravidarum, which is the abnormal

and excessive morning nausea with vomiting. This may cause electrolyte

disturbances and can be fatal if not treated medically (World Health

Organization 2003:S1).

52 Some complications in pregnancy that can be fatal without any present-day

medical assistance include: ectopic pregnancy where the fertilised egg is

implanted outside the uterus. Without any medical and surgical intervention,

the mother will die (World Health Organization 2003:S-9). Also placenta

previa, where the placenta is situated over the cervix (uterus opening) which

can cause vaginal bleeding as the pregnancy progresses and end up in maternal

death (World Health Organization 2003:S-18). Placenta abrapsio: where the

lining separates the placenta from the uterus, which may cause severe bleeding

and is today a major contributor to maternal mortality worldwide (World

Health Organization 2003:S-18). Eclampsia and pre-eclampsia: immediate

assistance is needed when the woman goes into convulsions, otherwise both

mother and baby can die (World Health Organization 2003:S-27, 38).

53 Some complications during childbirth that can be fatal without any present-day

medical assistance include the following. Cephalo-pelvic disproportion is a

condition where either the mother‘s pelvis is too small or the baby is too big

(World Health Organization 2003:97). Fetal presentation: where the foetus is

lying in an abnormal position – for instance, a breech baby, shoulder

presentation, horizontal presentation etc. (World Health Organization 2003:S-

74, S-75, S-83, S-74, S-73, S-73, S-75). Umbilical cord issues, where the cord

is looped around the baby‘s neck or otherwise entangled, which can possibly

cause compression (World Health Organization 2003:S-97). Perineal

lacerations: tears in the perineum which is the area between the vagina and

anus (World Health Organization 2003:S-97S-136).

54 Infections as a result of unsterilised environment and instruments will make the

birth-giving mother and baby susceptible to life-threatening infections. Good

sanitation and hygienic after-care of the baby and mother are prerequisites to

secure the well-being of the mother and baby (World Health Organization

2003:S-108).

116 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

infants and snatched the foetus‘s life from the woman‘s body (Scurlock

1991). This swamp creature was portrayed in horrendous detail,

representing painful and life-threatening conditions. It includes the feet of

an eagle; a bird of prey; hands as signs of decay; overgrown fingernails

and unshaven armpits (Assante 2009b:13).55

The prohibition of the nadiātu from having biological children

preserved her from the perils of pregnancy and childbirth (Harris 2000:53,

90). The concerned rich parents could choose rather to enter their

daughter into the nadītu institution, or at least contemplate the advantages

of their daughter‘s childless life. As an added advantage, the nadītu

institutions had religious undertones, making the nadītu occupation

socially acceptable and one of prestige. The nadītu‘s economic functions

refute the emphasis on the religiously-destined life as the sole purpose for

the institution.

This brings us to the classification of the nadītu as a man-woman, an

independent woman acting outside the bounds of patriarchal control. The

nadītu never could, as a baby, toddler, adolescent or adult woman, possess

personal autonomy to decide her fate.56

Although the nadītu‘s contractual

capabilities exceed the mother-wife woman who was bound to patriarchal

control, the nadītu did at best have a limited contractual capacity. Her

rights were demarcated by her group, societal rules and her family‘s

choices. Also, a person in any society, especially in a group-orientated

society, who gains entitlements (rights), carries with those entitlements

obligations towards others.

With the naditu‘s initiation, she received or should at least receive her

dowry and ring-money. The nadītu must as soon as possible accumulate

her estate by her wit and labour in order to ensure provision for her old

age. A few cloistered Nippur and Sippar nadiātu did own estates

accumulated from their dowries, because of favourable circumstances and

through using their business skills. On the other hand, some Sippar

cloistered nadītu had to resort to adopting someone as a daughter or son in

order to secure her financial wellbeing, causing tension in her family by

violating her brothers‘ inheritance property rights (Harris 1975:309). The

55 See a plaque with figure of the demon, Lamaštu (Harper 1985:4). The

likenesses of the Lamaštu were used in two ways: as amulets that warded off

her approach and as effigies that were killed, destroyed, buried, sent

downstream or dispatched to the desert (Assante 2009b:13).

56 In contrast, Launderville (2010:269) thinks that a nadītu could choose her

occupation.

REVISITING THE NADIĀTU‘S POSITION IN OLD BABYLONIA 117

uncloistered nadiātu of Sippar were limited in their contractual

independence and even in one instance in a contract represented by male

family brothers. The Nippur nadītu was mostly dependent on her role in

Nippur‘s society institutions. She was used as a link between the temple

group and the paternal lineage to obtain property for a family lineage

group. Although the Sippar nadiātu had a greater economic freedom than

her Nippur counterpart, all the groups of nadiātu, especially the cloistered

nadiātu, were in many instances in dire financial need, depending on their

male family members for support.

The occasional representation by her male family members, her need

for maintenance support, and the nadītu of Sippar‘s problems with her

families in choosing her heir to provide her with support show that we

should be careful when considering the nadiātu groups as independent

women not under patriarchal control. There was a thin line between her

dependency and presumed independency. Many aspects shaped the

nadiātu‘s role and status, such as the temple group and city-state‘s

ownership philosophy. Other aspects included the family‘s hidden or even

outspoken motives of seeking prestige in society and/or utilising the

nadītu daughter‘s position for the family‘s economic and social

advantages and/or pleasing the gods and/or rescuing the nadītu daughter

from the consequences of pregnancy and childbirth.

4. CONCLUSION

Until recently, the focus in the study of the nadiātu was on their presumed

contradictory sexual or ascetic roles and/or religious behaviour, describing

them as prostitutes or celibate virgin nuns. Roth, Stone and Harris open up

the opportunity for a new look at the nadiātu‘s status and role. The

different nadiātu groups possess a variety of attributes, depending on the

type of group and social-economic circumstances in space and time,

together with the hidden choices and motives of the paterfamilias and

male family members. The institution was to the advantage of the family

and society and, when allowed, the nadītu by her wit and labour could

accumulate property for herself for her own financial independence.

However, the nadītu was in many instances a maintenance dependant; and

her independence from the patriarchal household was only possible in

certain instances.

118 SUSANDRA J VAN WYK

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